Order! The hon member for Brakpan asked me yesterday whether I would allow a motion under Standing Order No 21 (the half-hour adjournment rule) to be moved in the House today.

The subject for discussion, however, relates to a matter which took place during the recess, while the purpose of Standing Order No 21 is to make it possible for members to discuss a topical matter that arises while Parliament is sitting, and especially when there will not be another opportunity in the foreseeable future to discuss it. The House is, however, dealing with the Committee Stage of the Appropriation Bill at the moment, and I am of the opinion that it will be possible to discuss the matter concerned under an appropriate vote.

The application in question does not comply with the said requirements and accordingly I cannot allow the half-hour adjournment rule to be applied in this case.

Mr Speaker, I give notice that I shall move tomorrow:

1. (1) the African National Congress (hereinafter referred to as the ANC) is a communist and terrorist organization;
2. (2) the ANC is an enemy of the State and as such has been declared an unlawful organization under Act 74 of 1982;
3. (3) the security forces of the Republic are engaged in a continual armed conflict with the ANC, and members of the ANC indiscriminately sabotage civilian targets, resulting in enormous loss of life among innocent civilians;
4. (4) it is an act bordering on hostility towards the Republic to liaise or to negotiate with the ANC in any way; and
5. (5) a group of South Africans, including two members of the House of Assembly and a member of the President’s Council, liaised and entered into negotiations with the ANC in Dakar, Senegal, in July 1987 without any State authority,

Mr Speaker, on a point of order: The motion given notice of by the hon member for Brakpan clearly names members on this side of the House as unpatriotic. I therefore ask you to rule that those words be withdrawn.

Order! May I please have a copy of the notice of motion?

†In reply to the hon member for Port Elizabeth Central I want to say that I have now had an opportunity to look briefly at the wording that is used here. I shall give my ruling later.

Mr Speaker, would it not perhaps be convenient for you to answer the allegation made by the hon member before giving your ruling?

No, I said that I would decide at a later stage on the point of order raised by the hon member for Port Elizabeth Central. Should it be necessary at that stage, I shall listen to the hon member then if he wishes to address me on the issue.

laid upon the Table the Second Report of the Standing Committee on Provincial Affairs: Cape Province, dated 28 July 1987, as follows:

as Chairman, presented the Fourth Report of the Standing Select Committee on Manpower and Mineral and Energy Affairs, dated 28 July 1987, as follows:

Bill to be read a second time.

as Chairman, presented the Fifth Report of the Standing Select Committee on Manpower and Mineral and Energy Affairs, dated 28 July 1987, as follows:

Bill to be read a second time.

Order! In the course of Questions and Replies I availed myself of the opportunity to consider the point of order raised by the honourable member for Port Elizabeth Central in connection with the motion of which the hon member for Brakpan gave notice today. I gave particular attention to the words “ill-considered and unpatriotic course of action”, which relate to members of Parliament as well. Since these words are not considered to be unparliamentary expressions, I cannot direct in terms of Standing Order No 46 that the notice of motion be amended in this respect.

The word “immoral”, however, is an unparliamentary expression and I therefore direct in terms of the said Standing Order that the words “immoral and” in paragraph (4) of the notice be omitted.

Mr Chairman, to begin with, in dealing with the first of the two Votes, namely “Education and Training”, after a year in which very heavy demands have been made on the staff of this department, I should like to express my most profound gratitude to the Director-General and in particular his top management for the successes they have achieved in these very demanding times. I should also like to thank them for the extraordinary sacrifices they have made to continue to administer education effectively in very stormy times.

Then, too, I should like to express my gratitude to the members of the Council for Education and Training, which consists of Black educationalists, who have provided very valuable advice and comments on issues which I had the opportunity to discuss with them and which the department has also discussed with them.

Hon members of this House will also appreciate that I wish to express particular gratitude to my colleague, the Deputy Minister of Education, who has borne a heavy burden, particularly in regard to education at schools. Through patient and diplomatic but also, where necessary, firm negotiation, he has made a vital contribution to the stabilisation of situations of unrest which occurred in education from time to time last year.

After the previous year, the general restoration of order and calm in black education this year has in fact in many respects been dramatic. There were times last year when more than half of the schools were disrupted. This year serious disruption in Black education is very much the exception, and it has only occurred sporadically at scattered schools. Even in recent times, according to the reports I have received, a maximum of 50 “affected” schools, if I may call them that, have been mentioned. In most instances these schools have been affected in the sense that on the basis of the survey, attendance at such schools has not exceeded the required minimum of 80%. Real unrest or boycotts and instances of violence have been very much the exception. This restoration of stability in Black education has not occurred without a great deal of trouble and effort and even sacrifices on the part of various persons concerned. I should like to pay tribute to them.

I wish to refer to the fact that particularly towards the end of last year the pupils, parents and community leaders in the Black communities evidently began to appreciate more and more the futility of negative action in education. In reaction to those who incited them to misuse education for non-educational purposes and to sow disorder, they became sick and tired of this counter-productive conduct. Community leaders and parents in particular increasingly used their influence to restore order and stability in the schools.

I wish to refer to the actions of teachers at the local level in the schools, but also of the departmental control staff, both in the circuits and in the regions and at head office. They had to devote hours, and even, in many cases, days and weeks, of their time to the handling of crisis situations, in addition to their normal duties in connection with educational development. They often had to brave considerable danger, act under grave provocation, and build up a considerable degree of nervous energy in the midst of frustration, yet they remained faithfully at their posts. Their contribution was a significant factor in bringing about the return to stability.

I also wish to refer to a matter which does not always, perhaps, receive enough attention, namely the extent of persistent and patient negotiation with and motivation of parental groups, groups of teachers and groups of pupils. If one were to make a survey of this over the past year, probably hundreds of such meetings, discussions and communication programmes could be recorded. It is in this regard, too, that my colleague, the hon the Deputy Minister, has often played such an extremely valuable and important contribution through his personal actions and intervention, often in important circumstances and crucial cases.

Well done, “Samueltjie”!

Church leaders are sometimes very negative as far as the maintenance of order in this country is concerned. However, I think that church leaders of various denominations from the Black community made an exceptionally positive contribution, particularly towards the end of last year, by way of a statement and an appeal they made in November 1986 in which they called upon parents, teachers and pupils to support and accept the responsibility of continued orderly education. This action of the church leaders towards the end of last year had, I think, a considerable influence on the distorted thinking and dangerous motivation of the militant and radical groups in causing them to realise that a shift was taking place in the Black community against the efforts at incitement by these militants and radicals.

Having said all this it is also necessary to reiterate here that as regards the restoration of order and calm in Black education we also owe a profound debt of thanks to our security forces for the role they played under extremely difficult circumstances in safeguarding schools and the Black residential areas in general. They were often in the difficult situation that on the one hand they were called in to help maintain and restore order, and on the other, as soon as they were called in, they were reviled as being the cause of instability, unrest and disorder. The commanders of the various units active here displayed outstanding judgment and tact and in my opinion made a very important contribution for which we owe them a considerable debt of thanks. However, having stated this fact, viz that there has been a great improvement in order and stability in education, it is then necessary in the discussion of a vote such as this to state frankly that we are now faced with major problems in the aftermath of the unrest at schools. In the first place, there is the extensive damage to and even destruction of facilities, schools and classrooms.

In answering questions in Parliament we pointed out that the estimated extent of the damage caused is in the region of R25 million, while the cost of replacement of the relevant facilities will amount to approximately R47 million.

As the hon the Deputy Minister stated earlier today in reply to a question, restoration will be confined to what is possible within the limits of the Budget. Additional funds cannot be made available for this purpose.

At the same time we also wish to state with appreciation that parent communities as well as children and staff have in many instances made a considerable contribution in labour, material and money to this restoration work. However the fact is that as a result of this damage, progress in Black education has suffered a severe blow and has been retarded.

A second problem that has occurred as a result of the events of the past year is the accumulation of pupils who made no progress in their studies in the previous year. In many schools this has given rise to considerable bottlenecks this year owing to the overenrolment of pupils to an extent in excess of the capacity and planned expectations of the schools in question. As a result timeous provision could not be made for services for these additional numbers and in certain instances this led to a deterioration of the quality of education and order in those schools.

There is also the problem that there is over-enrolment on both sides of the spectrum in schools at the moment, both among children who are too young and among children who are in fact past normal school going age. In the case of pupils over the normal age, the department tries to refer them tactfully and with their co-operation to opportunities for adult education in order to make the normal school activities more readily available to children falling within the normal school-going age.

Another problem which is in fact a positive result is that, clearly as a result of the intensive motivation of communities and children to show that they were in earnest as far as education was concerned, a greater percentage of the relevant age group enrolled at school this year than in previous years. Particularly in the substandards these numbers are tremendously high. At present there are more than 720 000 pupils in substandard A in departmental schools and in those of the self-governing territories. In the department’s schools, in addition to the normal extra enrolment and the additional extra enrolment for which we had planned as a result of the mentioned damming-up effect after last year’s unrest, something in the region of 50 000 more pupils enrolled than the number for which we had planned. This, of course, is also problematical in the presentation of effective education.

I also want to refer to the serious deficiency that has arisen, in that there are major gaps in the educational development and state of knowledge of some of the pupils who are now returning to school or are continuing with their education owing to the interruptions that took place last year. The tragic fact is— and those who incite unrest at schools are responsible for this—that this kind of backlog in education, development and knowledge is something that one can never really quite make up for in later life, because all the progress one makes is progress which would otherwise have been additional but which now has to compensate for gaps in one’s educational equipment.

In this regard there are also pupils at some schools who insisted on so-called “automatic promotion”. This means promotion without having complied with the requirements of the previous year by way of appropriate examination. It is understandable that the department has strenuously resisted any form of “automatic promotion” because if there is one thing that will have an unfavourable influence on the prestige and credibility of Black education, it is the issue of possible “automatic promotion” which is not in accordance with merit and achievement and which would undoubtedly cast grave suspicion on standards.

Having said this about the restoration of order in schools, I should like to make a few remarks about the financing of education. It is known in all three Houses of Parliament that the declared objective of the Government as regards education in South Africa is to provide equal opportunities and equal standards in education for everyone in South Africa—for all our population groups, within the limits of the State’s financial resources. Achieving this will, in the first place, involve an equivalent financial dispensation for all departments, and in particular, improved financial dispensations for Black education which as far as this is concerned still has a considerable backlog in many respects compared with other departments.

One point which I wish to emphasize here today is that financing does not provide the total answer, and although funds are being provided, this still does not provide a guarantee of equal opportunities and equal standards, since truly equal opportunities in education also depend on two other factors. In the first place, they depend on the average level of training of teachers in the communities in question. Where there are shortcomings in this regard, this is not a matter that can be rectified with money alone; it is something that takes years to be rectified in order to achieve equal opportunities and equal standards.

A second factor is the cultural and general socio-economic level of development of the community. Here I refer to the state of development of the community that the pupils come from, and, in particular, the degree of sophistication and development of the family background and domestic background that the children come from, since both the community background and the domestic background exert a significant influence, by way of so-called informal education, on the moulding of the child—both in his pre-school years and in conjunction with formal education at school.

The issue of the level of development of communities has to do with matters such as adequate job opportunities and, together with that, the standard of living that the families in question are able to maintain; it has to do with township development and the provision of proper services in the relevant towns; and it has to do with the quality of housing and the quality of health. The point I wish to emphasize is that it also takes time to strive for education development and the achievement of equal opportunities, and therefore far more than money is involved.

I wish to remind this House once again of an example which has been mentioned on several occasions in debates here, namely the major efforts made in South America in the ’fifties under the leadership of Unesco, when there was a large-scale increase in expenditure on education in 20 countries with the idea of bringing about universal and equal compulsory education throughout those countries at the primary school level. Although spending on education rose to more than 20% of the budgets and at an average tempo of 17% per annum, after that period of 10 years more than 50% of the pupils at school were not yet fully literate and showed no signs of the effective use of education, in spite of the major increase in expenditure. This shows that it is not merely a matter of spending money; it is also a matter of the proper management of the expenditure of that money, together with other factors that, together with funds, combine to achieve truly effective educational development.

It is well-known that the Government is striving to provide equal opportunities in education through its 10-year programme, in terms of which it is making provision for an average annual real growth of 4,1%. The Government considers that to the extent that it achieves this target in the years ahead, the greatest possible contribution will be made to narrowing the gap between the quality of education services of the various population groups. I believe that even within this period of 10 years it will be difficult to achieve full equality, but I do believe that significant progress in that direction can indeed be made.

Departments with a backlog to make up will inevitably have to receive the greater part of the annual growth or increase in education funds. In this regard the development of the new formula—the so-called Sanop formula— under the leadership of my colleague, the hon the Minister of National Education, who referred to this matter in this House yesterday, is an important factor in assessing and determining the financial requirements of each department in view of all the relevant variables, for example differences in numbers of pupils, differences in the number of secondary as against primary pupils with the concomitant differences in cost, differences in the average level of teachers’ qualifications that affect salary-earning capacity, and differences in geographic distribution.

Besides the assessment of needs, this formula also provides a so-called growth or transitional factor which represents an effort to achieve an orderly transition, within the 10-year period, from the budget that is possible at present to the desired budget that is being envisaged in view of the set requirements measured in terms of the formula.

We must be realistic and admit that there are innumerable practical problems faced by, in particular, the Department of Education and Training, that are hampering this progress to a considerable extent and in some respects slowing it down as well. In the first instance there is the almost astronomical number of pupils at Black schools. Our present estimate is that this year we have 1,9 million pupils in the schools of the Department of Education and Training as well as 2,5 million pupils in the schools of the national states. In addition there is the relatively high annual growth rate, particularly in the secondary schools, which are at present experiencing an average annual growth rate of almost 10%.

Then, too, there are the historical arrears as regards, for example, the provision of classrooms, the achievement of a satisfactory level of training of teachers and the provision of adequate equipment for the schools. I could also mention the percentage of children of school-going age who are not yet at school. At present they are estimated at almost 20%, and if compulsory education for all were to be introduced at present, provision would probably have to be made for an additional one million children. Then, too, the introduction of compulsory schooling could only be effected in phases, in co-operation with the relevant communities.

The economic resources of the country are also a factor and clearly such activities as boycotts and sanctions have an unfavourable effect in this regard, as do unreasonable and irresponsible strikes in the country. Therefore I wish to emphasize here today that people who arrogate to themselves the freedom to promote sanctions, boycotts and irresponsible strikes in the country are in fact the enemy, not only of progress in this country, but also, and in particular, of the progress of Black education in this country. Having said all this, we may ask precisely what concrete steps have been taken recently which have shown that the Government is in earnest as regards the promotion of this 10-year programme to achieve equal opportunities for Black education.

I briefly wish to draw the attention of this House to the progress that has been made, from three different perspectives. In the first place the total budget of the Department of Education and Training over the past four years has increased fourfold—from R370 million in the 1983-84 financial year to almost R1,5 billion—R1 487 million—in this year’s Budget. Secondly, while the average growth in the most important area of the education budget, namely the funding of schools and colleges, is 14% for all education departments this year, the increase for Education and Training in terms of the Budget is 27,5%, while the figure for the national states is 43,5%. In both cases the arrears are still considerable, but the progress being made certainly indicates that the Government is in earnest as far as this matter is concerned.

I also wish to point out that it was possible to make available to the Department of Education and Training and the education departments of the national states more than 7,7% of the additional finance made available this year. It is owing to this additional money that the considerable percentage increase in services which members will find outlined in the explanatory memorandum, could be achieved in the various programmes.

I just wish to point out in passing that as regards Programme 7, a growth of 181% is indicated in the memorandum, but that is a printing error; it should be 81%.

In addition various specific steps were taken over the past year that are making an important contribution to progress, namely the one relating to salary parity for those with equal qualifications and experience from 1 December 1986, the provision of free stationery as well as books and text books for all schools, the provision of services for the introduction of a pre-primary bridging year which would increase the school-readiness of children, as well as various services with a view to in-service training for teachers. At present more than 50% of the total number of teachers are involved in an in-service training course of one kind or another. There is the important career model which is introducing more occupationally-oriented education, and yesterday we also had the report relating to improved provision being made for rural education.

I think that in view of the above we need have no hesitation in saying that the Government is honouring the undertaking given by the hon the State President when in 1980 he made his first statement as Prime Minister on future education policy. At the time he gave the undertaking that within the limits of the financial resources of the State, and without reducing standards achieved in established education departments, the Government would do everything possible to bring about equal education opportunities for all population groups on the road ahead. That is the path we wish to follow purposefully at the moment.

Mr Chairman, I request the privilege of the half-hour.

In regard to what the hon the Minister has just said, it seems to me he has virtually come to the conclusion that the unrest situation can be regarded as a thing of the past because Black school attendance is virtually back to normal. I think it is a reasonable error of judgement to conclude that everything is now normal again, that the fight has been won and that we can now move forward.

That naïve I am not and that naive I have never been!

I shall be coming back to that again at a later stage.

Education—and the education of Black people—is probably one of the most important matters receiving the attention of the authorities. It is in the sphere of education that the abilities and talents of people can be developed with a view to uplifting people and communities and bringing a better society into existence. The Afrikaner people has, in this century, pre-eminently made use of education to uplift itself and to uproot itself from the conditions in which it found itself at the beginning of this century.

Yesterday, in the discussion of the National Education Vote, my colleague, the hon member for Brits, very clearly pointed out and emphasised that education could only really come into its own under favourable conditions. In his speech this afternoon the hon the Minister also demonstrated that it was no use simply spending money, because that alone was no guarantee that education would come into its own and develop and that people would really develop their abilities and talents.

I am not going to repeat what the hon member for Brits said, but I do want to emphasize that it is essential for education to take place in the proper circumstances. It is essential that it take place in the child’s mother tongue; if not, the child cannot make optimum progress. It is also essential that there should be peace, order and discipline in schools; otherwise education cannot flourish. For the best and highest form of education it is also essential that it should be ethnically orientated and that a people should have its own system of education, with its own culture as a basis and shaped by its own religious convictions. If that is not the case, the child cannot develop to its maximum potential.

I do not know whether the Government still agrees with that—I have my doubts—but in days gone by it was the NP’s conviction. Today it is the CP’s conviction. [Interjections.]

That being so, it is also true that today a heavy onslaught is being made on Black education in South Africa by the communists and their fellow-travellers. It is purposefully and relentlessly being used to promote their communist aims. Organisations which are engaged in this, which collaborate and relentlessly organise this, are the ANC, the UDF, the National Education Crisis Committee and a whole series of other “people’s committees” which have been established and blithely flourish in this field. There is also a whole range or organisations with other names flourishing in the same field of activity.

I have here one example of such an organisation called “The Community Resource and Information Centre (CRIC)”. Last year it organised a seminar entitled “The Crisis in Education” and these are the “workshop papers”. This seminar was held in Mamelodi. The subject was “From Bantu Education to People’s Education”, and papers were delivered and discussions held on this subject. What was actually in evidence at this seminar, however, was the overt promotion of communist objectives, and this took place without any opposition from the authorities.

One of the statements made there was that Black education was inferior and was designed to furnish workers for the mines, factories and farms. Anyone who has any knowledge of what is going on in the Department of Education and Training knows that that is a blatant untruth. The same core-syllabuses used in other departments are also used in that department.

At that seminar it was stated that discipline in schools was merely a mechanism used by the capitalists and rulers to produce obedient workers for them. It was also stated that alternative education should be introduced to free the people and to destroy capitalism, thereby establishing a truly democratic society. There were calls for alternative education being controlled and planned by the parents, teachers and workers en masse, and discussions were held on this issue. In other words, this is “people’s education”. It was also stated that problems in education could only be solved under a new democratic social order. They stated:

In other words, a complete take-over of governmental authority in South Africa. They went on to say:

“People’s education” is supplementary to the struggle in other spheres, for example in the labour sphere and in that of community organisations. They then stated:

That was what was stated, what was advocated, at a seminar in Mamelodi. It was stated in communistic terms, and what was discussed there involved the communist methods and communist objectives mentioned here. Those people are developing a strategy in South Africa, and the tragedy is that they are achieving a measure of success with the development of this strategy.

The hon the Minister now says that he is so delighted at the children having to go back to school. At this seminar they came to the conclusion—that was in March last year— that the children should return to school to receive “people’s education” so as to be trained for the revolutionary struggle. “Liberation now, education later” was replaced by “Education to liberate” and “People’s education for people’s power”. That is why they also said:

The schools are now the battlefields and that is where they discuss strategy, organise themselves and raise Cain.

What is more, they are instituting and establishing alternative structures paralleling existing statutory bodies. Thus the National Education Crisis Committee came into being as an organisation paralleling the activities of the Department of Education and Training. That is the alternative for the department. It was instituted and appointed by the ANC. It was brought into being to co-ordinate education and to organise the educational activities of the subversive elements in South Africa. Alongside the parent committees, the Parent Teacher Associations came into being, and alongside the teachers’ association, Atasa, there was the National Education Union of South Africa and the Western Cape Teachers’ Union. They are alternatives for the acknowledged associations. Meanwhile Atasa has dissociated itself from the department.

In the place of the prefects and the student councils that used to be in evidence at schools, students’ representative councils have now come into being. What is tragic and alarming is that the students’ representative councils are organised on classic communist lines. What is more, in every classroom there is a committee and every committee has a representative on the student council, whilst the student councils, in turn, are organised into regional groups, congresses and other organisations.

Zwelake Sisulu, who delivered a “keynote address” at one of the NECC meetings, said there that as soon as the Government held discussions with the ANC, the ANC would be regarded as the “People’s Government”. So already an alternative government is also being proposed. That is why we say that it is tragic that the Government was so spineless and did not take action against that group of people who went to Dakar to hold discussions with the ANC. It is tragic that representatives of the Government continually attend congresses throughout the world, congresses at which the ANC is also present, and then reluctantly come and say here that they merely happened to meet the ANC at a tea party. The Government should refuse to attend gatherings at which the ANC is also present. [Interjections.]

Order!

Sisulu also said:

According to newspaper reports, which hon members are free to read if they wish, revolutionary organisations claimed at a seminar that they were presenting people’s education in the schools falling under the hon the Minister’s department.

The UDF appointed a committee to draw up syllabuses. The names of the people were published in the newspapers. Sisulu, Mkatswa, Stofile and Gordon are the people drawing up the syllabuses. On some of those NECC conferences it was resolved that free periods should be used for people’s education. Aubry Matshiqi said that in some schools in Soweto people’s education was being presented between 12h00 and 14h00 on Wednesdays and people’s culture on Fridays. Rev Molefe Tsele said:

And Curtis Nkondo had this to say:

That is what he said at one of the seminars or “workshops” which they presented. I quote again:

I am asking the hon the Minister whether that is, in fact, the case. Is it true that at certain schools in Port Elizabeth and Cradock evidence has been found of people’s education being presented? And is it not true that organisations such as the ANC already have a school in Tanzania—the Solomon Mohlanga College—where they offer these educational facilities and where they are preparing to present this in South Africa. The truth of the matter is that at those seminars plans have been made for the ultimate configuration of that education after the take-over. Let me now tell the hon the Minister that it is in fact ridiculous and pathetic when we consider what that education is going to be like after the take-over, and see at the same time how spineless this Government is. It cannot take any action to oppose these subversive activities.

Curtis Nkondo says:

That means, therefore, that those children about whom the hon the Minister spoke on television yesterday evening—children in the rural schools—will be taught to hoe and to dig ditches with pickaxes for their future communist bosses. Then they say Black education is inferior. What I am saying, however, is that this hon Minister has a stronger case than anyone in the world for proving that what is to come, what these people envisage, is indeed inferior, whilst that which is now being made available is equal to anything that can be presented anywhere in the world. All that is necessary is for the existing opportunities to be utilised.

These people, however, go even further. They say:

The small children in those little schools in Soweto, in Langa and in Nyanga, where those strikes are taking place, those little children who are so defiant now, will have to plant and sell pumpkins and potatoes just to pay for their education once the communists are in power. This hon Minister, however, boasts of one great achievement only, and that is the increasing State allocation for Black education, regardless of whether South Africa can afford it or whether it is effectively utilised or not. The communists are now yapping at his heels, but they themselves will have those children planting potatoes and pumpkins to pay for their education. Those children, Sir, are going to be planting potatoes and pumpkins.

Would the hon member just tell me who he has just quoted?

Curtis Nkondo. He was, I think, previously a teacher in that hon Minister’s department. [Interjections.] He is now involved with Neusa, the new educational structure that has been created.

He was another one of your chaps!

Yes, but then I kept him under control. In my time he would have been fired if he had come to light with this kind of nonsense. [Interjections.] Curtis Nkondo also said:

This is in reference to that new dispensation of theirs:

That is communist strategy, Mr Chairman. I must say, of course, that the Government’s handling of these matters is pathetic, to say the least. They themselves have even said, at one of those seminars of theirs:

That is how they perceive things. These days hon members opposite are all speaking about perceptions, are they not. They seem to think only in terms of perceptions and no longer in terms of facts or what is right and wrong. The perception that those people have of this Government is that it is “in trouble”. [Interjections.] They say:

When there was a crackdown on the ANC and when its leaders were being put in jail and it was in the process of being wiped out, the resistance virtually died away. Now they are saying:

They go on to state:

That is precisely what the hon the Minister is doing. He reacts to all these things and tries to make small adjustments. He tries to satisfy them and says: “Just look at how nicely I am fixing up the schools you burnt down, just look at what a good, kind Minister I am, because I do not take any action when you do not meet the deadlines for examinations, for fees that have to be paid and all that sort of thing.”

“I do not have any guts.”

At that seminar those people said that discipline was a characteristic of capitalism and that it was imposed to cultivate obedience in people. Discipline must be broken down and there should no longer be any such thing as discipline. They are breaking it down in the schools, and the hon the Minister is not taking any action. That is why I want to say that the Government must take action against the ANC and forbid all those lackeys and fellow-travellers to visit the ANC. They must not be allowed to hold discussions with those people on behalf of South Africa or on behalf of anyone else, because they are preparing the way for them.

The Government itself is a culprit. I think the Government just stood by waiting to see what would happen at Dakar, to see whether they themselves would not want to talk to the ANC. They hold discussions with the internal wing of the ANC, ie the UDF. They want to hold discussions with that group and bring it into the fold, and they hold discussions with all these organisations established by the ANC. The hon the Minister also approved the students’ representative councils, and that was a mistake. He should never have done so.

We laid down explicit conditions.

The hon the Minister holds discussions with these people. He allows these New Era Schools to function. They are something that is being brought into existence ostensibly to show what wonderful things mixed schools are. There are a few hundred children in a school and each school costs R8 million. The communists are going to use them as a means of deceiving people, and they do not know that the schools they are going to establish are going to look like the one in Tanzania. These schools are going to be held up as models.

What is more, the hon the Minister is allowing the impression to gain ground that other people can also provide education and that they can also follow that example. This Khanye College which the hon the Minister is allowing the American University of Indiana to establish here is iniquitous. No self-respecting Government or country allows universities of other countries to provide its education.

I am saying that the hon the Minister does not impose discipline. Has he told teachers that anyone introducing “people’s education” in any school would be given not 24 hours’ notice, but 24 minutes’ notice? Has he or has he not done that? Do all teachers realise that their careers are in absolute jeopardy if they engage in anything of that nature?

Let me ask the hon the Minister whether children are going to pay school fees this year, and what he is going to do, because these organisations have decided that they should not pay school fees. Let me ask the hon the Minister whether they are going to pay examination fees this year or not, because these Marxist stooges have decided that they should not pay those fees and that they should force the hon the Minister’s hand so that they do not have to pay them. Is the hon the Minister going to take action if they do not meet the deadlines for examinations and so on?

I therefore want to say that the chaos in South Africa is steadily increasing. The hon the Minister is now saying that when power sharing is carried through to its logical consequences, there will be peace. These people say that they want only one thing, and that is a communist regime in South Africa. That is the one thing they are working towards, and schools are being used to achieve that aim.

There is only one answer for solving these problems and that is the CP’s policy. [Interjections.] The CP’s policy offers a unique opportunity, and the education system offers a unique opportunity, for the introduction of ethnic education (yolksonderwys) in South Africa. Because schools in mixed residential areas can be run on an ethnic and language footing, one has this unique opportunity for linking up with the Black states. The teachers of a people settled here in South Africa should, in point of fact, be employed by their own Governments and seconded to South Africa to furnish certain services here.

In regard to the syllabuses the Government can make a tremendous contribution towards the actual establishment of ethnic education. That is the sphere in which governments of independent and self-governing states can really perform a service in South Africa under the auspices of the hon the Minister’s department. They could thus serve their people and cement firm ties with their citizens who are living here, thus establishing sound ethnic education in South Africa.

This hon Minister, however, does not have the courage to do so. He has altogether too little courage to do so, because if one did so, one would be opening the flood gates of international propaganda against one. From Moscow to America all the liberalists and communists in the world would scream and shout, and that courage the hon the Minister lacks. So what is needed is a CP government which represents true nationalism and has the courage and the backbone to fly in the face of the world and do what is right in South Africa. [Interjections.]

Mr Chairman, thus far we have had an opportunity to listen to two contributions to this debate. The contrast was significant. The hon the Minister spoke calmly, quietly and with compassionate responsibility about a matter to which he has literally dedicated his life. The hon member for Lichtenburg approached the matter in an excited and almost unbridled way from his own ideological point of view which, as we have learned, inevitably leads to a contribution which contains a strong element of negativity. [Interjections.] It is a pity that this had to happen in a debate such as this. Today we definitely did not get a positive contribution from the hon member for Lichtenburg. One is astounded by the thought that this hon member participated in such a way in a discussion on a subject for which until recently he himself bore the responsibility.

The hon member referred to the radical onslaught on Black education. There probably is such an onslaught, but it is not only the case in Black education. It is the case in all education in our country. It is, however, not only the case in education in the Republic of South Africa. This is a trend which is found throughout the world. We spoke about this only yesterday.

The fact is, we are living in a time and a world in which the Marxism-Leninism ideology is being used to transform the existing world order. We are living in the last part of the 20th century, and this is an aspect of the times in which we are living. When this history is eventually written one day, this will be the aspect typifying the times.

What is also a fact is that there is no government anywhere in the world which is more aware of this fact and is doing more to prevent it. The improvement of the quality of life and education opportunities, the creation of employment opportunities and so on—I can give many examples—is, in fact, part of that strategy. The fact is, no matter what the hon members of the CP say, no one must have any illusions that the future of South Africa—even Southern Africa—will to a large extent be determined by the success or otherwise of this department of education. [Interjections.]

The general public thinks that the future of South Africa is going to be settled by political negotiations. In the short term this may be so, but in the longer term this is a misconception, because our country’s political dilemma is not our biggest problem. Our really deep-rooted problem is illiteracy, ignorance and the poverty of our masses. If we do not address this successfully, we do not have a future in this country, no matter what wonderful political magic formula we come up with.

Education and training create people who can seize opportunities to escape from the abyss of poverty. This lies at the heart of the economic revival and growth which can make a country part of the world’s trading league. In our competitive world a country which is not at home in that league has little chance. That is why I am glad about the increased Budget under this Vote, but I am sorry that it could not be far higher, because the backlogs are still alarmingly high. Today I am simply grateful that the hon the Minister and his department are people who share that concern with me and that they are actively doing something about it.

I have very great appreciation for the work being done by the hon the Minister, his Deputy, the Director-General and his entire staff, as well as the Council for Education and Training, whose members I saw sitting in the gallery and, I want to add, all the teachers, under difficult circumstances, which make heavy demands on their intellectual capacity. The restoring of order which the hon the Minister referred to as dramatic in his opening speech, was to no small extent thanks to their dedication and perseverance, and we on this side of the House—and I think the vast majority of the population of our country too—owe them a great debt of thanks and appreciation.

The effect of the population growth alone on education in this sector, to which the hon the Minister has referred, makes almost inhuman demands on the department as an organisation which is becoming bigger every year with no end to its growth in sight.

I want to refer specifically to the matter of the writing of examinations. In addition to the examinations of its own candidates, the department also deals with the examinations of all Black states, except Transkei; therefore three independent states and six self-governing territories. This was requested by those states and territories. We are dealing with enormous numbers here.

The examinations for which the department is responsible, are the private examinations for stds 5, 9 and 10, the full-time matriculation examination, the national commercial diploma and the teachers’ courses. Last year there were 266 000 candidates. This year the numbers are expected to rise by 98 000 to 364 000. This increase alone—almost 37%— represents more than the extent of an ordinary education department’s entire responsibility.

This also means that more than 3 million examination papers have to be printed this year. Up to now this has been the function of the Government Printer in Pretoria, but last year they were already unable to cope with the problems they experienced. The magnitude of the task was too great. When they started packing the examination papers 27 different examination papers had still not been printed, and that is why it is essential for alternative printing facilities to be investigated.

This is only the start of the accumulation of the problem. Talking of packing, I want to point out that the examination papers have, of course, to be transported to 1 800 different centres where the examinations are to be written. Last year the examination papers had to be packed in approximately 4 000 large doubled-sealed containers. They had to be transported in furniture removal vans accompanied by members of the staff of a security firm. This required an enormous amount of organisation.

The same arrangement is being contemplated this year, but it must be borne in mind that the magnitude of the work has increased by 37%, and the department simply does not have the manpower or the storage space to cope with the task. The only solution is the immediate decentralisation of the packing function to the regional offices and to the education departments of the Black states.

It gives me pleasure to be able to say that in this regard the co-operation of the Black states is commendable and that they and the regional offices are prepared to accept the challenge. The fact of the matter is that people must now be trained to do that work. Attention is also being given to this matter now and the necessary aids have also been restored.

This problem is going to become bigger year by year and that is why the possibility of privatisation and greater mechanisation is also being investigated now. It gives me pleasure to be able to say that my information is that these matters also look very promising.

After the examinations have been written, approximately 2,8 million examination scripts will have to be marked this year. More than 5 500 markers will be needed for this. Up to now the examination scripts of the full-time std 10 candidates and the private std 8 candidates have been dealt with at three centres in Pretoria and one at the University of the North. This year there will be approximately 1,7 million std 10 examination scripts. They will have to go through approximately 4 500 hands. Hon members can now get an idea of the organisation to get enough qualified markers and then to accommodate all of them and transport them from their accommodation facilities to the centres where they do the work.

It is therefore unavoidable that the marking of examination scripts will have to be decentralised. At the moment an additional marking centre at Seshego, near Pietersburg, is being considered, and next year the regional offices will also have to start playing a role in this connection. The Black states will have to follow later. Obviously there is a time limit attached to the marking of the examination scripts.

Mr Chairman, I see you are sitting on the edge of your seat. In conclusion I want to congratulate the department most sincerely on its excellent achievement thus far in completing its work by the end of December of every year.

Mr Chairman, I would like to start by congratulating the hon member for Stellenbosch on being appointed as the chief spokesman on Black education for his party and also on his appointment as Chairman of the Standing Committee on Education. I am sure he will do a good job. In the few meetings we have had so far he has certainly acquitted himself well. I hope the Government’s unification of their spokesman on National Education and Black education—I see the hon member for Stellenbosch is the spokesman on both—is a forerunner to the one Ministry that we have been asking for for many years. Perhaps he will be giving a lead to the Government as a whole.

I am afraid I cannot congratulate the hon member for Lichtenburg. In fact, I was astounded by many if not most of the things that he said. I also find it astonishing that he did not seem to have much humility, because I believe he and his leader, the hon member for Waterberg, are testimonies to discrimination, racism and disaster in Black education in this country. The legacy that they left—they were both Ministers of this department—was one of shortfalls and mistrust that any Minister or department would have great difficulty in overcoming.

This is the third debate on the Vote of Black education that the hon the Minister and the hon the Deputy Minister have had to handle, and I would like to congratulate them on that because in the past decade or so, that is a record in itself. We seem to have had very rapid changes in the past, which I think was undesirable, and I think it is good to have had the hon the Minister and his deputy giving some continuity to this department. I would like to thank the hon the Deputy Minister, who seems to handle most of the day to day matters in Black education, for the fact that he is readily accessible and that if one has problems to bring to him he is available to at least hear one’s problem if not deal with it in a way one would like it done.

Yesterday a report was tabled on farm schools. I have not seen it but this is an area in which we have been asking for improvements for many years. One of my colleagues will be dealing with this matter. I certainly hope that it will herald a new dawn for farm schools and the education of Black children on the platteland, which has lagged behind rather badly over many decades.

There is no doubt in my mind that the hon the Minister and his deputy as well as his department have made considerable efforts in the years that they have been in charge to improve Black education. I welcome the point made by the hon the Minister this afternoon that there is relative stability in Black schools compared with a year ago or perhaps two years ago as well. However, despite these efforts and this relative stability I think it is true to say that there is still simmering discontent in many areas and one still is dealing with a potentially explosive and volatile situation all the time. Given the efforts that have been made I think it is important that one asks why that situation is persisting. I would like to suggest at least some of the reasons.

The first one that I would like to touch on is that for Black people it is not their schools or their education system; it is one that has been imposed upon them. In practice there is little freedom of choice or real power for the parents, the teachers, the students and the community as a whole. I think it is astonishing that in 1987 White members of Parliament—and on different and separate occasions Coloured and Indian members of Parliament—are debating the Vote on Black education. I would like to ask the hon the Minister and his deputy when they reply to say whether it is not astonishing that in 1987 in South Africa Whites, Coloureds and Indians debate Black education and the Budget but Blacks do not debate it. They are not involved.

I believe it is not only astonishing but also insulting. The hon the Minister has taken pride in the fact that in the past 30 years there have been 15 000 Black university graduates. That, in pure educational terms, is the level of people that one has to deal with. Yet we as Whites sit here and pontificate and talk about Black education and what we think should happen. I believe therefore that the fact that it is not their education is the first reason why problems persist.

The second reason is the question of the poor image which is a reality and the fact that Black education—I am now talking about schools—has a low status in the eyes of the community. We do not operate in a vacuum, no matter what we say. While one can talk, correctly, as the hon the Minister has done, of multiple increases in expenditure and various improvements over the years, the fact of the matter is that those Black people are living in a society in which there are White people, Coloured people and Indian people as well. It is inevitable that they are going to compare their situation and their problems with the situation in White schools and White educational institutions, and in particular the surpluses that exist. When they read of White schools being closed because there are not enough pupils, or White teacher training colleges being half empty or two thirds empty in some cases, they cannot but reflect on their own situation. In that sense, therefore, they do not operate in a vacuum and they do not only operate in respect of their own situation five or 10 years ago, but also in respect of their current situation and the current situation among other population groups.

Sir, it has a poor image because the reality is that Black school education is inferior. I do not think that this hon Minister wants it to be inferior—thank goodness—unlike Dr Verwoerd. The fact is, however, that it is inferior. The physical facilities, the teacher shortages, the textbook shortages, the class sizes, the teacher underqualification, the per capita expenditure and the exam results all indicate that that is so. I know the hon the Minister does not like that. However, there is no point in denying it. The Black people know it is inferior, and it is inferior. The hon the Minister is promising to move away from that and to try to get equal education opportunities. However, there is no point in denying that as it is at present it is inferior.

A cow is a cow because a cow is a cow.

These are the factors that aggravate the situation and result in demoralisation, frustration and anger, and this is what makes the situation so volatile and potentially unstable.

The third reason I would like to mention is the low credibility of the department. Part of that, of course, is the historical consequence of the actions of people like Dr Verwoerd and the hon members for Waterberg and Lichtenburg, but it is not all historical. I would like to give reasons why I believe this is so. First of all, ridiculous statements that are patently invalid are on occasion made by the hon the Minister and by members of his department. Let me quote only two examples. In a statement made in August last year concerning people going overseas to study, the hon the Minister said:

There are opportunities, but there are not ample opportunities. The hon the Minister knows very well that pupils are turned away from schools because they are full. To say, therefore, that there are ample opportunities suggests that things are more or less rosy and that there is no need for anybody to go elsewhere. I am not suggesting that it is a good idea that people go overseas, but to say that there are ample opportunities is clearly not correct.

Then, in a letter to employers, dated 11 July last year, the Director-General made the following statement. He said:

Now really, to suggest that embracing the concept of equality in education caused the unrest since 1984, and not the new Constitution or anything in that regard, is rather naive and I do not believe it fools anybody, least of all the Black people themselves.

There is the problem of administrative inefficiencies which recur repeatedly. I do not believe that the sudden influx which seems to occur every two years or so and takes everybody by surprise, and the resultant problems can just be excused as being acts of God.

Order! I regret having to inform the hon member that his time has expired.

Mr Chairman, I am rising merely to afford the hon member the opportunity to complete his speech.

Mr Chairman, I thank the hon Whip.

The next thing I wish to mention is the question of suspect statistics. I would like to give examples of these where they do not necessarily give false information, but when one examines them in their totality, they give only part of the picture. When one looks at the question of finances, for example—I want to come back to a comment made by the hon the Minister this afternoon which I hope I heard correctly—one finds that whereas expenditure on education went up by R1 billion in 1985-86, expenditure on White education rose by 56%, and on Black education by only 29%. In other words, there was a difference in the share of the increase. I might add that we have battled in the Standing Committee on Finance since 9 June to get the figures. We have not been given them. Nonetheless I hope I understood the hon the Minister correctly to say this afternoon that 77% of the increase in the total expenditure for education in this coming year has been earmarked for Black education, and will be utilised by the Department of Education and Training as well as the relevant departments in the homelands.

That applies to schools and colleges. It excludes universkies, tertiary education and private schools.

I am very pleased to hear that. I must say it presents me with a problem of reconciliation in a certain respect, because we have not been given all the figures.

One of the answers we received from the department via the Standing Committee on Finance concerned the per capita expenditure at secondary school level for Black education and training. From last year to the current financial year, including capital expenditure, expenditure went up by 8,8%, and excluding capital expenditure, a figure of 14,0%. Those figures are actually lower than the rate of inflation, so on that basis the expenditure per capita in real monetary terms is actually dropping for Black education at secondary school level. I would like the hon the Minister to comment on that because, if we are talking of a 10 year plan, as was announced some 15 months ago, to close the gaps and to provide equal education opportunities—I accept that finance is not the only element involved here—if there is a drop in real expenditure per capita at secondary school level, which is probably the critical level at present, I do not know how we are going to achieve our aims. The gap in standards must be getting bigger rather than smaller.

Then there is the question of exam results. We are always given only part of the answer to what is going on. Last year, for example, in the hon the Minister’s own department, 43% of those who wrote the exams actually passed. That was a valid figure. However, that is only part of the story. In actual fact, of the number of full-time Standard 10 pupils in his department only 25,8% passed, because large numbers did not write the exams at all.

That does not have any bearing on failure in exams.

No, it does not—not in itself.

The point that I am concerned about is that it is very difficult to take any of these figures at face value. I appeal to the hon the Minister to ensure that when any statistics are given—his department is spending more money and is achieving certain things—the full picture is being given. In the end one does not fool anybody. Once people find gaps in certain statistics, they do not believe anything in the end until it has been proven.

The fourth point I would like to make in this regard is that I believe that there is a failure to recognize the pressures under which principals and teachers operate. Very often there is a technical insistence that the departmental procedures be followed, and the pressures are applied from that side. However, the principals and staff members in schools are subject to community pressures, to student pressures, to all sorts of other pressures which make it very difficult for them to comply.

I want to say—and my time is running out so I will not be able to cover it this afternoon— that the Langa High School situation is a case study in regard to many of the things that I have been talking about—administrative inefficiency, the lack of forward planning etcetera.

Let me say in conclusion that what we need is more frankness from the department and the Ministers. One does not bluff anyone by being anything other than fully frank. We need greater flexibility by recognizing the context of the pressures on teachers, and we need more imagination in trying to handle financial disparities and so on.

Mr Chairman, the hon member for Cape Town Gardens began in a responsible and appreciative way by thanking the hon the Minister and the hon the Deputy Minister. Then, however, he began propounding his political ideology which we have often discussed in this House. In that regard it is unlikely that we will ever see eye to eye.

Secondly, he had a golden opportunity today of criticising the ANC and its affiliates on the shortcomings and problems in Black education, the misery into which those people have been plunged by interfering in their education in the way they have and thereby creating the circumstances under which Black teachers had to teach.

Instead of criticising those who are behind the attacks and blaming them for the distressing situation in which Black teachers, parents and children found themselves, he sought the reasons for it in the department, regardless of everything the hon the Minister announced today in an attempt to eliminate the shortcomings. We have never denied that there are shortcomings in Black education yet we are doing everything in our power to eliminate these shortcomings. Today I should like to consider one of these points, namely the question of the department not only having discerned with great insight the lack of management in Black education but also having examined the problem and tried to find answers.

Education in the broadest sense, for whomever it is intended, could in the past have made the major miscalculation of promoting a well qualified achiever in the classroom context to a management position. Those people did not necessarily have the necessary management training. What is the task of a headmaster in a school? In the first place he is the organiser of the educational programme of a school. The programming, preparation and evaluation of the contents of each subject that is offered, as well as working out a time-table for lessons and so on, all centre upon the figure of the school headmaster.

He is also the evaluator of his staff. Ultimately, he is the person who has to recommend or not recommend to an inspectorate the promotion of staff members. He is responsible for the entire building and its contents. He is also the financial manager of the school. Officially he deals with the parent body. He deals with conflicts among staff members, among staff and pupils, among staff and parents and vice versa. In all these activities he bears the fundamental responsibility.

He is also the motivator in the school. He is the motivator of every programme in the school be it extra-mural, internal or cultural. It is almost impossible for one person to deal with a managerial task of this magnitude. What simply happens is that the appointments in a department of such persons as one or two vice principals and departmental heads who are able to support the headmaster means that he is able to delegate his task to subordinates who have to carry out the task on his behalf.

Now that I have stated the problems in this regard, hon members will understand that after the department realised that this was one of the major problem areas in our Black education, they did not merely sit down and talk about it but immediately began to do something about it.

The extent of this task meant that they had to train 13 600 such managers in Black education and the department immediately realised that it was impossible to take that task upon themselves.

They subsequently involved the private sector and this afternoon I am happy to announce that African Oxygen in South Africa, which is world renowned for its management training programme, has, together with its subsidiary company, Performance and Educational Services, made itself available for this purpose. They considered this whole problem area in consultation with the department and its officials, as well as the inspectorate, the hon Minister and the hon the Deputy Minister. They considered which programmes they could offer in co-operation with the department, and also prepared a programme which was approved by the department beforehand. They also call it the “top down” programme. They then started to offer this programme. First they did so only at the head office, with its inspectorate and after finding that they were satisfied with it, they carried out a trial run of that programme in one of seven regions, namely the Northern Transvaal region.

The findings of this trial run and the results were so successful that they eventually led to them introducing this programme throughout South Africa, in other words in all seven or nine regions—I am not quite sure how many there are. This programme is continually being monitored and there is continual feedback as to the progress being made, yet so far only the headmasters of the schools have been trained. The responsibility for the further application of this training is then transferred by the headmaster himself to the headmaster’s deputy and departmental heads and the feedback is again monitored by the inspectorate of Black education.

Consequently we hope that by 1989 the entire programme will eventually be operative so that we shall be able to reap the benefits thereof in that the headmaster will have conveyed what he has learnt to his deputy and his departmental heads and it would therefore have been put into practice in the classroom. The entire programme will then have reached its ninth phase, namely the classroom management phase, so that eventually we shall be able to present education in its entirety by means of an effective management level in a refined form.

I want to tell the hon the Minister that his staff on the Rand gladly made that red book available to me. I paged through it and I want to tell him that it made a very deep impression on me: The contents, the particulars, its stimulating effect as well as the way it deals with shortcomings; the way one becomes more acutely aware of what one should do because one realizes one’s shortcomings— in fact this entire programme—indicates to me what one can expect. When this programme is implemented it will not only bring about the elimination of faulty academic training but will also result in a refinement of management in education which will ultimately lead to greater self-assurance, more determined action, greater acceptance of authority and its structures in education and ultimately a more complete, comprehensive and enriched educational system.

I want to thank the department and everyone who participated in this huge programme as well as the private sector in South Africa, which has its own character and which in this way willingly involved itself in the programme. This matter must be allowed to make itself felt and I must add that according to information received, there has been a wonderful reaction on the part of Black education and they gladly want to participate in this programme, and are very keen to learn and become more professional. We want to pay tribute to the attitude which they displayed in this matter, namely of trying to find a solution for the problems which exist in Black education. With that I should like to convey our sincere congratulations to everyone who collaborated in this programme. I believe it to be a magnificent effort.

Mr Chairman, in reaction to the remarks by the hon member for Brentwood, I want to say that I fully support the remarks he made about the management system being introduced and I think it will have a very good and considerable effect on Black education. I wish to take issue, however, with the snide remarks with which he introduced his short address, particularly since he knows that this party has at all times condemned and criticised intimidation and political interference activities in Black education. I would have been far happier, however, he is rolled over his remarks and attacked the hon member for Lichtenburg of the CP for his racist remarks. As one of the CP members remarked to me, however, he is probably too verkramp to do that.

I should like to address a remark to the hon member for Lichtenburg and I want to quote from the department’s recently released report entitled “The Provision of Education for Black Pupils in Rural Areas”, which I note was dated November 1986 and which was released one day before the debate. I find the timing quite extraordinary. Possibly the election was a factor in this. I want to point out the recommendation made on page 93 of this report in connection with farm schools to the hon member for Lichtenburg.

So the kind of thinking being proposed by the hon member for Lichtenburg, which we know is an accepted approach in most of the developing countries such as Botswana, Tanzania and Zimbabwe, will have to take place in our Black school system.

The provision of funds for Black education for this department, as the hon the Minister has already indicated, has been increased by some 31% and by 43% in the national states. This is an increase of some 14% above the inflation rate and it is a figure on which we have to reflect. We are pleased that this money has been allocated, but it conceals quite a lot. We now have to unveil what is being concealed.

Within the broad statistical analysis of the budget provided to us we find, for example, that administration costs have increased by 44% within the Department of Education and Training, whilst the totals for the primary and secondary phases only go up by 34% and 20% respectively. I find this extraordinary. Perhaps the hon the Minister can make clear the basis on which these figures have been calculated, since it would appear that by far the greatest need is actually required at the chalkface, in the classroom itself, and not just at headquarters or the regional offices.

I want to focus particular attention on the spending pattern generated by the common funding formula. I should like to add a remark or two concerning what the hon the Minister said at the start of this debate this afternoon. I think he was far more forthcoming today about the ten-year plan than his colleague, the hon the Minister of National Education, was yesterday. We certainly hope that more information on that formula will be made available.

I have a particular problem and the hon the Minister is well aware of it, for I have addressed a number of questions to him on this topic. It concerns the whole question of the children who are not at school. In his address this afternoon the hon the Minister said that his department estimated that about 20% of the age group who should be at school were not at school.

I find it interesting that in the departmental report that has just been issued, the categorical figure given for 1984 for the age group 6 to 14 years is that 63,6% of those children are pupils attending school. This means that over one third of the pupils are not at school. If one takes that as a figure I would judge that there is a severe underestimation by this department if it says that only 20% of the pupils are not at school.

For what year is that figure? 1984?

Yes, 1984. It is the figure that is given in the report.

This leads to questioning the effect of the common funding formula. The common funding formula is obviously based—as we all know now—on the realities currently in existence. It includes as one of its factors the possible pupil admission. Obviously, in considering this department’s needs, it should have an accurate picture of its client population. Unless it does, it cannot go to the Treasury and say that it expects X number of pupils in five or eight years’ time. That is why I have consistently pressurised the hon the Minister to at least make available to the country what is happening in the calculations of those absent pupils.

We note also the disparity in the per capita spending. This figure is thrown around fairly often, eg that in White education R2 000 is spent per annum per child, compared to the Department of Education and Training where I think the amount was R440 in 1984 and KwaZulu where the amount was R250. This is by and large a product of teachers’ salaries and other matters. It is a product of historical tendencies which this Government has largely disavowed and which it is hoping to eliminate—such as the backlog and the per capita disparity. As I have said—the hon the Minister also emphasised this today—teachers’ qualifications have by and large the greatest effect on this disparity.

However, I do not want to focus on that. Today I want to focus on the areas that are not teacher salary related—the remaining 15%. Can the hon the Minister tell us whether it is his intention and that of the Department of National Education to ensure that equal per capita funding takes place as rapidly as possible in the following areas? I ask this because there is a perception here. These areas are books—textbooks and library books—stationery, pupils’ transport, school maintenance, equipment, support staff, hostel current costs, teaching loads and subsidies for private schools. All of these are areas where the application of money can bring about equality tomorrow.

What I am saying is that the gap that exists between the various education departments in this respect is not a historical one because it can be relieved immediately by the application of funds. What I want to emphasise is that we have here a perception that the hon the Minister cannot actually now stand up and say that his pupils in primary or high schools have the same amount spent on them for textbooks as in the case of White pupils. He cannot do it now, but when he can the perception of and selling effect to the people of South Africa and the world will be very considerable. The hon member for Kempton Park said yesterday that one actually has to sell education. Here the Government has to sell the perception that it is actually in earnest about equality and committed to it.

I believe one of the ways in which it can achieve this is by demonstrating to the people of South Africa that there is no gap anymore in certain areas. I am hoping that with the ten-year plan they are not looking to running every aspect in parallel until one can only achieve this at the end of the ten years. Let us take the area of stationery for example. I believe it is possible that one can say by next year that the expenditure on stationery for White pupils, Black pupils in South Africa and Black pupils in the homelands is equal. That is the kind of situation that I believe we should be earnestly pressing for.

May I dwell on that last point because I believe it is important and I would like to at least make this clear to the hon the Minister.

There is a disparity in education expenditure patterns between the hon the Minister’s department and the national states.

I know the hon the Minister and the Ministers of Education of the national states met last year, and I understand they also met this year, to discuss this matter and that this situation was being relieved. However, particularly in an area like Natal, because of its association with KwaZulu it causes serious problems when one school under the control of the Department of Education and Training receives X amount of money and spends Y amount on its library, while its neighbouring school in KwaZulu—which may be within a kilometer—has far less funds allocated to it. Does this disparity still exist and, if so, why?

Mr Chairman, the hon member for Pinetown made some very relevant remarks about financing in education which I think the hon the Minister will also deal with in his speech. The hon member also referred to per capita funding and said that it would be a good thing if the Government could project the perception of being serious in moving into a situation of equality. I think, in all fairness, that if one listened to what the hon the Minister said earlier in his speech, that perception was clearly illustrated. I think it is clear that major progress is being made insofar as per capita spending is concerned. If one takes for instance the figure for 1985-86 the per capita expenditure was R387. It is interesting to see that in the present budget the situation is that at primary school level the per capita expenditure is now R441. I think it is even more meaningful that at secondary school level the per capita expenditure is now R1 041. I think this is a major improvement.

That is a 10% improvement.

Yes.

I believe that this should create the correct perception among those people who want to take note of the positive developments in this regard.

But that is half the rate of inflation!

I take great pleasure in participating in this discussion on this occasion and should very much like, if I may, to associate myself with what the hon the Minister said regarding the officials of our department and the contribution they make in dealing with educational matters. I greatly wish to join the hon the Minister in paying tribute to the top structure and actually to all the officials of this department who frequently during the past years in which we were privileged to be involved in education had to function under crisis conditions and, as the hon the Minister said, sometimes had to fulfil their functions in mortal danger. It has often happened recently that we have had to struggle with problems for days and nights on end and these people carry out this task without flinching and without ever becoming embittered but also in the midst of frequent provocation. I think the most important factor of all must be that they accomplish this task without loss of balance or perspective. I should like to tell these people who support us and for whom we have the highest regard that we appreciate their contribution enormously. [Interjections.]

†I would also like to associate myself with the remarks of the hon the Minister insofar as the members of our Council for Education and Training are concerned, and some of them are here today.

I should also like to thank them personally for their friendship and their contribution as well as for the way in which they are expressing the views and wishes of the communities that we want to serve. Their advice and recommendations are of the utmost importance for the provision of the best possible education.

*As one does not often have the chance, I should like to take this opportunity of expressing my thanks and appreciation and that of the department toward our hon Minister of Education and Development Aid. His leadership as the political head of the department, his knowledge of and insight into education which is stimulated by his exceptional intellectual capacity, his sensitivity toward and understanding of the needs of the Black man, his sincere conviction that a fair dispensation should be established for Black education and the enthusiasm with which he works at this certainly makes it a wonderful privilege to be able to labour at this particular task under his leadership.

His predilection for a Coloured homeland?

In spite of the hon member for Overvaal’s ill-timed remark, I feel our country can regard itself as blessed in having a man of his calibre to deal with this sensitive portfolio and we wish to thank him for this.

Was the remark true or false? [Interjections.]

Up to this point the debate has reflected in great measure what is taking place in our country today. We had the privilege of listening to the hon member for Lichtenburg and the hon member for Cape Town Gardens. It was clear from these two speeches to those with ears to hear what the problems were that we had to face in this country. Some people see only the microcosm in which they live whereas others see only the world in which the rest live. It remains the task of the Government to attempt to work out a future for South Africa and all its people between these two worlds.

The hon member for Lichtenburg referred fairly comprehensively to the revolutionary strategy of the ANC and communists in the takeover of Black schools. This made very interesting listening. We receive reviews of this daily from our security forces so what he had to tell us was not exactly new. Nevertheless the hon member made a valuable speech and obviously such an onslaught does exist; there is no doubt of that. It is a very real onslaught but surely there is nobody on this side of the House denying this. The question remains how one is to deal with such an onslaught; that is the question occupying this Government. The question remains whether the communists do not precisely want the Government to abandon its ideal of providing equal educational opportunities in this country—which to our minds the Black people are entitled—so that they will then have to be satisfied with inferior education.

If the dissatisfaction and hatred created among Black people by this—which would obviously be totally justified—were to cause conflict, is that not exactly what the communists want? No, Sir, we have to be realistic too regarding these matters. I wish to reemphasise that I believe the hon member for Lichtenburg made certain valuable contributions but I also want to add that after all it was this Government which announced the state of emergency, which clamped down on conditions and ensured that normality returned to our schools.

A whole year too late!

Of course, with this we in no way claim that the threat no longer exists. Every day our people say the climate is revolutionary but it is this Government which took steps to contain the situation. Why is that hon member now creating the impression that we do not understand it or are doing nothing about it?

I have to admit that we made certain mistakes in the past; one of them was that we were frequently not prepared to listen to the cries of distress of people who were sincere. I should like to state it clearly here today that we shall listen; we shall listen to people when they want to express certain problems. If those problems deal with education and have merit, we shall try to give them our attention and to create better conditions. We are not ashamed of admitting this. We shall continue along this way and do these things.

Sam, do you remember the days of S E D Brown at Stellenbosch? [Interjections.]

Mr Chairman, it is interesting that the matter that was occupying the hon the Minister in the House of Representatives yesterday afternoon dealt with schools in rural areas. For years the policy was not to erect secondary schools in country districts; now it is the policy to which that hon member and his party wish to revert. I want to know of him whether it would still be unnecessary to create that infrastructure if we were to revert to that system. Would that not cost money too?

I want to go further and say we have created homelands in South Africa where many of the things he says we should do have been done. I want to ask him today whether the ANC is not also planning this strategy there. No, Sir, to imagine dream worlds for oneself and then to think the problem will disappear is just not realistic. We cannot devise a future for ourselves and our children in this country by living in dream worlds.

Then stop living in them.

Those hon members will have to take note of that.

I wish to go further and say that by trying to hawk that type of philosophy and not taking note of the realities with which we are trying to cope in Black education, those hon members have become totally irrelevant. It is therefore perhaps unjustified to devote so much attention to that type of argument.

But you have always been so ultraconservative.

Mr Chairman, the hon member for Gardens mentioned the fact that we as Whites are debating Black education in the House of Assembly today, and that the Coloureds and Indians are debating it in their respective Houses as well. He asked how we saw this situation. I think the hon the Minister answered this question quite clearly yesterday in the House of Representatives when he said that this was not the ideal situation. The hon the Minister said that he foresaw a future situation in which the Black people of this country would decide their own education, and that this was the ideal situation which we hoped to move towards in the near future. I think that in saying that he made our point of view on this matter quite clear.

The hon member also made mention of certain administrative inefficiencies which do occur in our department. He also referred to the Langa situation. I want to say that that is of course correct. When one is dealing with a department with nearly 2 million pupils, as the hon the Minister said—with 1,9 million pupils—and nearly 48 000 teachers, it is quite possible that this may happen.

The hon the Minister also referred to the explosion in our school population which we are dealing with in the Cape and all over the country at the moment. These things may happen, of course, but the point is that we are trying to do something about this situation and that we shall try to improve it.

*It is true that these things happen, Mr Chairman, and after having investigated the situation here in the Peninsula and after a thorough examination of the attendant problems we have decided to open an additional circuit office here in Cape Town as soon as possible and also to make additional personnel available in this way in an attempt to deal with situations of this type which crop up.

A regional office or a circuit office?

A circuit office. We shall also open regional inspectors’ offices at Mossel Bay and Worcester inter alia to deal with the situation there as well. I think this is a clear indication of our awareness of the situation and also an attempt to clear up such situations which arise as far as possible.

†I think it is true to say that we have never before in the history of South Africa experienced such a national awareness of the need for change and adaptation, and such a concerted willingness and commitment to meet the challenges and solve the problems that face us on almost every level, be it economic, social, political or constitutional. Coupled with this is the strong conviction that we should get together, communicate and negotiate to find solutions which will be for the common good of every citizen and for the future of the country.

It is common cause that the Government, at the personal initiative of the State President, is doing everything possible to foster communication and negotiation at various levels. I think it is also interesting to note that various groups with divergent political policies are in agreement that communication and negotiation are vitally necessary, even though they may—and do—hold different views as to how and when this should take place, with whom it should be done and what the expected outcome should be.

Be that as it may, the common end-objectives remain a sound economy, sympathetic understanding of one another’s ideals, beliefs, traditions and cultures, a mutually acceptable political and constitutional dispensation, and resultant peaceful and prosperous coexistence.

I believe the Department of Education and Training is in the very fortunate position that it is in direct contact with literally hundreds of Black communities throughout the country and, as such, enjoys ample opportunities for very real communication, negotiation and joint decision-taking on matters directly affecting the lives of millions of adults and school going children. The department’s task is not only to provide education, but also includes a wider social responsibility which is often negated and abused in attempts to derail efforts to bring people closer together.

Over the years education for Black people has become a highly emotive topic. The Department of Education and Training is frequently attacked, criticised and vilified— very often without justification and frequently without any attempts at ascertaining and verifying the facts. The department is often seen and abused as a handy stick with which to attack the Government or to foment unrest. Sloganeering has become a common tactic to nullify anything that is positive and to cloud people’s vision, simply because an objective appraisal of the progress in education and the goodwill that stems from such an appraisal obviously does not suit certain groups. This approach, coupled with the crudest forms of intimidation, has been used to prevent or jeopardise greater understanding between groups of people who understand and appreciate the true value of education and concomitant communication.

We accept that the political area is not completely separate from education and that progress in the field of political reform is directly related to stable progress in education reform. It would, however, be wrong to allow education to fall prey to political expediency from whatever direction—left or right—of the political spectrum such attempts might originate.

What we do acknowledge is the role that education can and must play in the process of change and reform. We appreciate the fact that the reasonable political aspirations of Black people in South Africa must be met through negotiation and by implementing the principle that every community is entitled to participate in political decision-making which affects its interests and its future.

It is, however, also of the utmost importance that education and all it has to offer in the process of developing and moulding children physically, mentally and spiritually into responsible adults, should always be regarded as the neutral vehicle for achieving our loftiest ideals for our country’s future and never as a political lever or an end in itself. It is a sad fact that the road behind us is strewn with the victims of those individuals and organisations which have elected to use education as a political battleground.

*It is remarkable how radical elements have lost ground—especially in education. Here I am in agreement with the hon the Minister. We do not wish to imply by this that the onslaught has abated but since the second half of 1986 a definite change has been discernible regarding the senseless disruption of schools and the conscienceless way in which numerous pupils’ and students’ opportunities and dreams for the future have been destroyed. Black communities and particularly parents gave a clear indication that they set a high premium on education and would not permit it and their children to be politicised. When the hon member for Lichtenburg speaks of the communist onslaught, he is not including all the Black people of this country. Perhaps he has started losing contact with the situation somewhat. Maybe he should come with us and speak to the people a little again so that he himself may hear what they have to say and not merely read what appears in communist documents.

You are naïve.

Not all Black people in this country endorse what communists say—as the hon member for Lichtenburg claimed.

He did not say that.

In fact, I want to say I think less than 10% of the entire Black community endorse it. [Interjections.]

Why don’t you clamp down on them?

I make so bold as to say that the welcome turnabout took place in consequence of sound communication established between parents and children and also between the department and parents, children and community leaders.

It was your concessions!

That hon member is speaking about something of which he knows nothing again. He had better tell me what concessions were made which are making him so unhappy. In his opinion what concessions are jeopardising his future and on the basis of what concessions does he feel his children no longer have a decent future in South Africa? [Interjections.] Our stance has been throughout that, if people have objections or problems regarding valid grievances about education, we are prepared to listen to them. In no case have we ever deviated from sound educational principles in the decisions we have reached. [Interjections.] That hon member should therefore cease raising the allegation of concessions.

What about postponed examinations?

These processes of communication and negotiation and the enormous fund of goodwill which is present in Black communities is further enhanced and expanded because I believe this department is giving clear proof that it is sincere in creating equal educational opportunities.

It is perhaps also one of our greatest problems that, when anyone in this country discusses Black people, problems are the sole subject. If I have to tell you today of all the goodwill we encounter among our parents and the people with whom we discuss Black affairs, I want to say that, if our future in this country is to be determined by attitudes, those we are dealing with are so good that we need not fear the future. [Interjections.]

I need not remind you that this department has a unique task and faces unique challenges, demands and needs daily. Consequently it is all the more telling that the various communities, as I believe, take note in gratitude of the considerable progress which is being made. It is not only communists who are planning to undermine us; there are also people who note with appreciation what our department is doing in an effort to create good attitudes as well. [Interjections.]

The hon the Minister referred to numerous such examples. We can point to the building programme under which we erected nearly 17 900 classrooms over the past few years. This year we intend building 51 new primary and secondary schools.

The hon member for Brentwood referred to our management programmes and what we have achieved through them in equipping our teachers better. Fifty percent of them receive some form of training or other annually. We can also refer to our upgrading programmes.

The hon member for Pinetown referred to stationery. There has certainly been phenomenal progress over the past year in the provision of free stationery, prescribed books and textbooks. Honest and effective two-way communication and good attitudes are of the utmost importance to the Department of Education and Training as we regard this as one of the ways—we believe it is the one way—of destroying that communist onslaught launched against us. That is why we believe one should take note of the wishes and needs of every community so that we may plan and work with them in the provision of effective education.

Sir, the Whips are calling me to order and I do not seem to have arrived at the most important things I should have liked to say.

Hear, hear!

Sir, I know that every “hear, hear!” I receive from that side is a compliment and shows …

Hear, hear!

… that we are on the right road.

That is how you misunderstand most things.

I wish to say in conclusion that the ministry and our department will observe sound educational principles throughout in our discussions and negotiations with people—in spite of what hon members of the CP say—because discussions are not conducted blindly. It is not discussion merely for its own sake but meaningful communication is always conducted on the basis of the question of what is in the interests of the child; how he can be provided with the best available education. I believe this point of departure will be accepted in future and, because we are sincere in our efforts, because we are sincere in our commitment to the institution of proper education, it will be accepted and this standpoint will triumph because it is also in the best interests of all the people of South Africa. That is why I wish to repeat—if the future of South Africa is to be determined by the attitude of the majority of people, by what we experience in discussions and what we hear and see, by the way Black education is being dealt with, we need not fear the future.

Mr Chairman, may I say what a pleasure it is for me to follow on the hon the Deputy Minister. I wish to place on record my appreciation for the very conscientious manner in which he deals with matters that are brought before him and the trouble he takes to reply in great detail to these problems. I would like to say that other Cabinet Ministers could take a leaf out of his book. [Interjections.]

I wish to touch briefly on the question of rural education. I am aware of the fact that the hon the Minister himself made a speech on this subject in the House of Representatives yesterday. At this stage I wish to compliment him on the tone of that speech.

I was also interested to read the information document which I received only this morning, concerning the working party’s investigation into Black education in the rural areas. I would like to compliment those people who were involved in drawing up that report. They tackled sensitive issues in a responsible manner and did not attempt in any way to hide the problem areas. What they did was to pinpoint many deficiencies.

The thrust of my speech here today is going to deal briefly in the very short time that I have at my disposal with the contribution that the agricultural sector is making to rural education. I do not intend to be deterred, therefore, from saying a few words in regard to farm schools. One often reads the indigestible trash that appears in some publications relative to farm schools, and the accusations that they level against farmers. I want to read briefly from one of these publications. In assessing the role of the farm schools, it says the following:

The one aspect of this report that I condemn, is the first three words used, namely “in the main”. I can assure hon members, having been closely associated with the agricultural sector, that this is absolute balderdash and despicable. In fact, I think when one looks at the contribution that the farmers have made to rural education that the Government and the department owe a debt of considerable gratitude to the farming community. I want to touch briefly on aspects of some of the contributions that the farming community have made.

Let us look at existing subsidies. The overall subsidy in respect of the erection of classrooms is 50%, to a maximum of R6 000 per classroom. How on earth can anybody these days build a classroom for R6 000? The subsidy is 50% in respect of the erection of two toilets, the maximum being R600. The subsidy is 50% of the erection costs of a storeroom, the maximum being R600.I could go on, but I want to point out that the farmers themselves have carried a very heavy burden indeed in regard to rural education.

Let us take note of the day-to-day maintenance costs of these farm schools which are carried by the farmer. Let us look at the insurance costs carried by the farmer, the costs of water consumed carried by the farmer and the costs of supplying electricity, also carried by the farmer. When one reads of the vicious condemnation of the farming community, I see this as an issue which should be treated with the contempt and disgust it deserves.

I also want to touch briefly on certain aspects of the report itself. I wish to point out that it is absolutely essential that certain findings in that report, some of the recommendations, be given effect to as a matter of extreme urgency, because unless this is done the farm school system as a whole cannot continue in its present form. People have committed themselves to it; there is a community involvement, and unless action is taken to support the recommendations of the working group there is a danger of placing the whole future of farm schools in jeopardy.

Mr Chairman, the hon member for Mooi River is of course very well acquainted with the rural education position. I can fully agree with him that the agricultural sector has done a sterling job in the past, and that it is important for the recommendations of the report to be implemented as soon as possible.

*The hon the Minister laid emphasis on the community and the parents who, in many cases, made their influence felt to restore order, and the hon the Deputy Minister also referred to the positive attitude of many of the parents.

The parents, the community and the school complement one another, with each in its own sphere making a real contribution to the education of the child. The importance of parent and community involvement and participation is given recognition in five of the 11 accepted principles set out in the interim memorandum on the De Lange Report. I shall refer to them very briefly. Mention is made of the recognition of—

Recognition is also afforded to—

Furthermore, education should be directed at —

I agree with that.

Parental involvement implies that the parent, as a partner in the child’s education, is making a real contribution, independently and in his own sphere, to the education of the child. Parents must realise that the school is in reality a community centre and therefore belongs to the community. We must get away from the idea of a school belonging to the system. Instead, we should perceive the school as serving the family and the community.

The legislation also affords recognition of the active involvement of parents and communities in the education system by means of bodies such as control boards, school committees and parent-teacher associations, as well as local or domestic committees or bodies, or committees specialising in such matters as sport, improvements to the grounds, fund-raising and other projects. The functions of school committees and control boards are widely defined in terms of the existing regulations. If a board functions effectively, it is a full partner in the non-formal training of the child. One need only look at the authority the board has to make recommendations with regard to the appointment of permanent staff, the care of buildings and grounds, supervision over the behaviour of the teaching staff, and dealing with representations by parents. The board also has a say in inspectors’ reports and recommendations, and has an advisory function with regard to extramural activities.

The parent-teachers association, in contrast, renders service. The importance of this distinction lies in the fact that not all the parents are sufficiently qualified to serve a school via the control board, but they can make a contribution in some other informal way by means of that association. One of the major problems is that school principals and teachers are often afraid to involve the parents in the schools. They regard this as being unnecessary or as a motion of no-confidence in their own conduct.

Problems are also experienced when it comes to separating the duties of the parent-teacher associations and those of the control boards and the school committees. When ignorance prevails in this regard, problems must arise. For this reason it is very important that a clear draft constitution is drawn up for the associations and submitted to them, and also that they receive some guidance in this respect. The school committees are elected bodies, and their authority must be accepted by the teachers, the parents and the pupils. The greatest problem, however, is that the parents feel they are poorly qualified academically. They feel unable to carry out these functions and so they prefer to remain uninvolved. This does tend to undermine the parental authority, but quite unnecessarily, because, as I have said, there are other spheres in which they can serve without requiring any knowledge of the formal matters.

The principal and the staff can play an important part in this regard. In this respect I want to recommend that community and parent involvement also be one of the components of teacher-training curricula. In this way prospective teachers can obtain information and can work actively towards getting the parent-community involved, becoming even more knowledgeable on that aspect. By means of in-service training, the working teachers can be motivated and advised on how to go about this.

Another important aspect is that the parents should be kept informed on a regular basis. An informed parent is a very satisfied parent. Full use should be made of the various sections of the department. Communication within the community, regional co-ordination, social services, educational auxiliary services, staff development and special education play a very important part in this regard, but schools should make greater use of their services. It is even more important to investigate how parents regard the system that has been instituted precisely to give them a say and to get them involved. How do they experience these structures and to what extent do they accept them? Only once they have experienced them correctly will they make use of them. The involvement of the community and the parents should serve as a bulwark against the radical onslaught. The school does not function within a vacuum, but within the community in which it is located, and its activities affect the entire community. That is why the community must be involved, and the best ways of ensuring this must constantly be sought.

Mr Chairman, …

The hon member for Dakar! [Interjections.]

That is a reflection on the Chair. We could have debated the matter, but the debate was refused. Let us talk about education matters, therefore.

I want to talk to the hon the Minister about the change that he said had taken place in Black education. He said the whole situation had calmed down and that there was a good spirit among Blacks now, and also in his own department. With reference to the events at the Indumiso College, however, I should like to request that we take another look to see whether the change is being experienced in that way, also by the students at that specific college.

I want to mention the facts of the matter briefly to hon members. On approximately 20 July last year, there was a raid on the Indumiso College. The Police were looking for clues in connection with a plot for a revolution which never transpired on 16 June. At the time of the raid, the students had left the lecture rooms for one period and had met elsewhere. They were told to return to their lecture rooms, which they did. So only one lecture was missed in the college during the course of a whole year.

The students were then taken to their rooms which were also searched. Pamphlets about 16 June, with the message that 16 June— which had been six weeks earlier—should be commemorated, were found in a number of these students’ rooms.

The upshot of the whole matter was that four students were arrested and placed in custody in terms of the security legislation. Four students were expelled because of so-called incitement to boycott lectures.

We succeeded in getting the permission of the hon the Minister for these students to write their examinations in detention. Some of the students who had been expelled appealed, but we also managed to get them the concession of being allowed to write their examinations.

I want to refer to the situations of two of the students to illustrate what I have said. A certain Audrey Gumede was charged and expelled because of two accusations—incitement and boycotting lectures. In her appeal, the finding that she had supposedly incited others was set aside. She failed to attend only one period during her whole student career. The facts are that action was taken against her in her appeal only because she had missed one period. Later, when she was already teaching, she received a letter to say that unfortunately the department had to inform her that her examination results had been cancelled and that she would never be allowed to write examinations in that department again. In other words, because she had failed to attend one period, she was given a kind of life sentence.

I have now received a reply from the hon the Minister himself as far as the other student, a male student, is concerned. The hon the Minister wrote that on 16 July:

†The interesting thing is that this subversive literature was considered by a judge of the Supreme Court to be of such a nature that this student was reprimanded and dismissed. He was also given the “lifetime sentence”— his examination results were cancelled and he may never again write those examinations. The hon the Minister says:

… and therefore he cannot intervene. I suggest that it was an indiscretion by an incompetent authority, because when a judge of the Supreme Court merely reprimands and dismisses a person, I certainly do not think that the hon the Minister and his officials should give such a person a “life sentence”.

Hear! Hear!

Mr Chairman, it seems to me the hon member for Greytown wasted too much time going to Dakar during the recess. Perhaps he could have made more profitable use of the time preparing a decent speech and doing his homework. Instead of that, however, he comes along here with a superficial piece of nonsense which he could preferably have settled with the hon the Minister personally. [Interjections.]

I think the hon member for Greytown should know that an educational institution is a place where one is moulded and schooled academically. It is not a place for demonstrations, minor insurrections and things of that nature.

There was no demonstration!

That is perhaps the mentality of the hon member for Greytown’s friends. An educational institution, however, is a place designed for academic achievement.

[Inaudible.]

The hon member for Greytown can shout as much as he likes. He must know that South African society as a whole is going to settle accounts with him because of all his antics. [Interjections.]

One of the widely accepted goals of education is that of educating every child to become a useful citizen and that of preparing every child for an independent and meaningful life in the world at large by giving that child the necessary grounding for occupational competence and economic independence. In order to achieve this goal, as far as each and every child is concerned, it is necessary for teachers to be trained. They must be competent to equip these children academically for their future lives. Principle 10 in the 1983 White Paper on the provision of education in the RS A reads as follows:

That assigns to a certain value, the teaching profession but it also makes exceptional demands on, and presents great challenges in, the training of teachers. The Department of Education and Training has accepted this challenge in educational training. In the limited time I now have at my disposal, I just want to focus on a few aspects of the training of teachers by this department. At the moment there are 37 training colleges for Black teachers in the Republic of South Africa, 13 of which are controlled by the Department of Education and Training.

That is all in the book; why did you not do any research?

From 1961 to 1986 approximately 118 000 Black teachers were trained. The aim is to train sufficient qualified and well-equipped teachers, by way of the pre-service training programmes, so that the quality of education for the Black population groups—for the benefit of the hon member for Greytown—can be brought to the same level as that of other population groups. At the moment there are 6 386 students and 570 lecturers at the 13 training colleges controlled by the Department of Education and Training.

There is a new trend, and that is that the selection of students is done by the relevant college or university, bearing in mind the prescribed departmental requirements for admission. The quality of the training of Black teachers has already improved to such an extent, over the years, that a new co-ordinated and integrated recruiting and selection procedure will be coming into operation this year with the intake for the 1988 academic year. With effect from 1982 there has been a change-over to 3-year diploma courses, with a senior certificate as a minimum requirement for admission. The existing training courses are continually being revised and adapted. An interesting point is that Std 10 is now the requirement for admission to training as a teacher, and all the training courses for teachers have now been extended to a minimum of three years of post-matriculation training. I regard this as outstanding progress in the right direction.

That is not, however, all that the department is doing about the training of teachers. On the basis of developments in the Adult Education Division, from 1983 to 1986 the percentage of teachers without a Std 10 certificate decreased from 73,6% to 56,1%. We are now informed that the aim is that all teachers should have a matriculation certificate by 1991.

With uninterrupted training the department is also making provision for both further training and the in-service training of teachers. The distinction lies in the fact that in-service training courses do not lead to further or improved qualifications, whilst further training does, in fact, lead to the improvement of the qualifications of Black teachers. In-service training courses are being presented with a view to brushing up the teacher’s knowledge of his subject and also to making him conversant with new syllabuses and new syllabus contents, and also to improving the teacher’s efficacy and expertise in the classroom.

Furthermore, I cannot omit, in the debate this year, to mention once again Vista University’s contribution to the continued training of secondary school teachers. In 1982 there were 300 such people at this university, people who were given further training, and in 1986 this figure had increased to the astronomic figure of 11 572.

There is also a unique course in management development designed by a private consultant. I do not want to go into that in any greater detail, because this afternoon the hon member for Brentwood gave a really outstanding analysis of its operation.

I also just want to mention that it is a gratifying development that increasing use is being made of technology in the training of teachers. I am referring, in particular, to the IBM video project, which is in full swing, and the service furnished by the language laboratories in the media centres. It is very good to know that this technology has also found its way into Black education and the training of Black teachers.

Computer technology is also being utilised to an increasing extent. Tuition is being reinforced with computers. This means that the most modern resources are already being utilised in the training of Black teachers. College staff are being trained in the use of micro-computers and in drawing up a course in computer awareness and computer literacy for students. Immediately upon receipt of the computers, teachers’ training colleges also began to computerise the college administration.

A further positive development is that involving Operation Alpha. In order to bring about a marked improvement in, amongst other things, the Std 10 results of Black pupils, a project called “Alpha” was launched. The purpose was to improve the level of expertise and effectiveness of Std 8 to Std 10 teachers. Certain selected subjects are involved in this project and use is being made of the IVIS system or, as it is called, the interactive video system. This project, Operation Alpha, is one of the first and the largest of its kind thus far tackled anywhere in the world.

And then hon members of the PFP say there has been no appreciable improvement in Black education. [Time expired.]

Mr Chairman, allow me, on behalf of this side of the House, to congratulate the hon member for Stellenbosch on his nomination as that party’s main speaker on this Vote.

The need for Black education in rural areas indicates that in years to come these areas will need even greater and more in-depth attention. The accelerating pace of urbanisation, necessitating more attention to the provision of education, should not overshadow the needs of the rural areas.

Good show, oom Daan!

We know that rural primary schools for the Blacks, with their staff, are part of the Black community and are, in the hierarchy, a very important point of contact between the children and parents of the Black markets and the farming communities. Matters such as security, personal expenditure, job motivation, alcoholism and family planning can be addressed through these channels. We know that the owners of farms can make a valuable contribution by the provision of classrooms on farms. The erection of 378 classrooms, accommodating 15 120 pupils, has been subsidised. What is more, 50 schools have been renovated with the aid of subsidies, and drinking water has also been laid on to schools with the aid of a subsidy.

The parents of Black children attending farm schools very successfully discipline their children in those Black schools. This confutes the frequent recriminations about parents supposedly not exercising control over their children. The quality of a parent-child relationship is surely determined primarily by those qualities of the parents which the child comes to know. The parent’s relationship with his employer, the employer-employee relationship, is echoed in the parent-child relationship, and the relationship between the farmer and his employee is a very good one. That is why pupils in Black farm schools have thus far—I am talking about the real Black farm schools—behaved the way they are expected to behave.

In the sphere of primary education South African farmers have irrefutably made very extensive contributions to farm schools for Blacks. As the annual report states, the per capita expenditure figures for education for Blacks do not include the initial contributions for the erection of actual facilities by the agricultural sector. The farmers, and to a lesser extent other bodies too, have been responsible for the erection of more than 5 000 farm schools, which were only partially subsidised by the department. Many of these schools are very old and have already been in existence for many years. Initially the farmers received nothing, in terms of hard cash, during those years. That “nothing” has now increased to R30 per year, which in reality is still “nothing”. The land on which the schools stand was made available free of charge by the farmers who also made provision for essential facilities. They did so as a gesture of appreciation to their labourers, some of whom have been in their employ for generations.

What contribution has the private sector made towards Black schools for the children of their Black employees, except in the form of taxation? We on this side of the House believe that there should be no restrictions preventing a community developing the education and training of its own people to the very highest level possible. Is it not time for us to ask to what extent a specific community utilises those opportunities and, with the maintenance of those standards, succeeds in building up a full-fledged system of education for its own people? Surely competent people in those communities must come forward to work as teachers. Those people must be sufficiently dedicated, and the seriousness and motivation of the pupils participating in that education are surely of importance too.

The Black farm schools did not join in demonstrations, stone-throwing and stay-away campaigns. Perhaps this is because we are dealing there with homogeneous communities which do not shelter political activists. Here I associate myself with my colleague who focused on the damage that political activists can cause. Or is it because of the prevailing peaceful relations between farmers and their employees, because farmers make a socio-economic contribution to their employees in the form of living quarters, transport, medical assistance and even school training? We all know, do we not, that the farm is normally also an old age home, a rehabilitation centre, a welfare body, a maternity institution and cemetery. It is with a sense of piety that I say this, because there have been allegations about rural areas having the highest Black birthrate, in the younger age groups too. Where do these young people work and where do they go when problems crop up? Perhaps we should investigate the statement from another angle, and perhaps then the statistics would present another picture.

For how long now has the farm, with its tractors and its heavy vehicles, not been the training ground for the thousands of Blacks who have heavy-duty driving licences? As far as education and training are concerned, the farmer makes his contribution. This aspect is constantly improving, too, because the farmers are part and parcel of the training campaigns which are launched. The basis on which subsidies are paid to farmers at present for construction costs—I do not want to repeat what has already been said in this regard—is an inadequate one.

Because we on this side of the House believe in separate education and educational facilities, I should like to put a question to the hon the Minister on the basis of a report which appeared in Die Burger and which reads:

I want to ask the hon the Minister to what extent and in what way he adequately wants to extend political reform.

Mr Chairman, after what has happened this afternoon it is very clear to me that the hon members on the other side of the House often look at education through a political lens and indulge in wishful thinking, whereas education is a matter that should not be politicised at all. As a result they often seek highly simplistic solutions to a situation that is actually complex in a country with our circumstances.

Maybe we should just keep politics out of Parliament!

I think few people think about this and understand that education is the transfer of culture, and that one’s education should develop along with one’s culture and not precede it. In this respect I am referring specifically to the hon members of the PFP who expect us to eliminate all the inequalities in education simply by the provision of funds. That has never happened anywhere in the world, and neither can it happen in our country. Even if all the necessary funds were made available tomorrow, as one of those hon members asserted, we do not have the infrastructure to plough that money into the provision of facilities that quickly in any case.

Of course, we are also aware that the biggest expense, and the one that determines the quality of education, is not on the classroom in which we place the children, but on the teacher and his training. Again, that is something that will develop along with the community for which the teacher is intended. That is why it is the serious intention of this department and of the Government to expedite the appropriation of the necessary funds to that stage at which we can try to offer equal opportunities to all. There has long been a need for a basis of financing that can ensure real measurable progress in the provision of equal education for all population groups in the Republic.

The Government said early on, however, that such a basis of financing would hardly make sense or gain acceptance unless it was based on sound policy principles. The Government’s White Paper on the National Education Policy in the RSA was published in 1983, and in 1984 the National Policy for General Education Affairs Act was placed on the Statute Book.

†In considering a national education policy the Government expressed the opinion that the encouragement of private initiative, and the devolution of functions from the central Government to various authorities or to the private sector will serve largely to prevent education taking on an impersonal cast, and avoid indifference and inefficiency in the administration of education.

In accordance with the chief aim mentioned above, and the way the Government considers that it could be achieved in practice, the Government considers it its task to perform two important functions in respect of the provision of education.

Firstly the Government should set up systems for the provision of education by creating educational bodies and institutions …

Order! When the presiding officer asks hon members not to converse so loudly, he means all hon members.

They are woman-haters! [Interjections.]

Order! The hon member for Kempton Park may proceed.

… by determining their objectives, by demarcating their fields of activity and by creating organisational structures within which educational bodies and institutions, which may also be grouped together in different subsystems, can be accommodated.

Secondly the Government should make resources available in a co-ordinated manner to these systems for the provision of education. This function is necessarily linked to the introduction of control measures capable of ensuring that the application of those resources, which come from public funds, is accounted for. The Government does not, however, consider it its duty to administer these systems for the provision of education in all their ramifications from a central perspective. In South Africa this task is delegated at present to executive education departments and to autonomous institutions that function under the control of statutory councils.

There is nevertheless a need for a Government policy on the objectives, structure and functioning of a system for the provision of education. The Government should see to it that decisions taken on certain aspects of general importance within these systems are in accordance with a clearly co-ordinated policy which is in line with its aims.

The policy should, however, take due cognisance of generally accepted educational principles and educational and community values that comply with the requirements of administrative efficiency and efficacious educational functioning.

The policy should also allow full scope for self-determination for each population group in regard to its education as an own affair in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.

*As a result of the abovementioned principles the Minister of National Education was given the responsibility of implementing a broad policy and converting it into a functional and practicable system that should ultimately lead to equal education for all.

It was realised at a very early stage, however, that, because of considerations of logistics as well as affordability, it would simply not be practically possible to provide equal educational opportunities in the short term or even in the medium term.

The immediate object, therefore, was to work out a formula that would lead to the achievement of the stated objectives within a reasonable period of time and without unnecessary disruption in the short term, and also without a lowering of standards in the cases of those educational authorities where high standards had already been achieved. With this as a point of departure, the South African National Education Policy, the so-called SANEP, was formulated. The SANEP formula was developed for the financing of all education in colleges and schools. The SANEP financing formula is objective and empirical and is aimed at the actual needs of effective teaching. Accordingly, it ensures equal treatment in making funds available. If the application of this formula to the division of the so-called educational cake left some educational institutions feeling that their allocations had been reduced, it is probably much rather a case of inefficiency being eliminated than a case of standards being dropped, as the Opposition so often alleges.

The allocation of funds for education takes place according to the macro-subsidy formula which is objective and based on a truly scientific approach. In its first year of implementation, the SANEP formula showed that it generated the most funds in those cases where the greatest backlogs existed. The hon the Minister of Finance indicated earlier this year that the allocation for Black education for 1987-88 had increased by 40% over the allocation for the previous financial year. Whereas the allocation for the Department of Education and Training increased by almost 30%, the allocation for education in the self-governing areas of South Africa increased by more than 50%. That is where the greatest backlogs still exist. Despite the fact that most of the new money was channeled to these areas according to the SANEP formula, there are at least two areas where the allocation still represents less than 50% of the revenue these areas would have received if the full formula allocation were to be made immediately. It is also the goal of the SANEP formula to try as far as possible to achieve parity within a reasonable period of time.

†When the budget for the Department of Education and Training is scrutinized it appears that the bulk of the money has been allocated to those services and items that will enhance the effectiveness of education. Excluding transfer payments and capital expenditure which are largely spent by other bodies or contractors to the department, more than 80% of the budget is spent on personnel expenditure. This expenditure alone shows an increase of 37% over the previous year.

No one can argue the fact that the teacher is the single most important factor in educating a child. The department therefore does not only employ more teachers but has also made a concerted effort to improve the quality of its teachers through in-service training courses and special courses and special courses at centralised and decentralised in-service training centres where teachers can improve their qualifications through further studies. This also enables them to improve their salaries and thus their standard of living.

The importance of the teacher and his training is further borne out by the doubling of the capital expenditure for teacher training. This entails the construction of more and better colleges for the training of new teachers. The allocation for equipment also shows a marked increase which is attributed to the acquisition of modern teaching aids and equipment. [Time expired.]

Mr Chairman, in an earlier debate this year, namely the debate regarding population development programmes for rural areas, I spoke on the issue of farm schools. The hon the Minister of Education and Development Aid told me at the time that a report with regard to rural education for Blacks was to appear shortly. I have seen this report—the hon member for Mooi River also touched upon it—but I have not had time to study it in full. However, it is quite clear that this report covers most of the salient points and is most positive and encouraging.

We all accept—the hon the Minister referred to this himself today—that Black education generally is a most volatile issue. This is obviously the result of the fact that we are living in the aftermath of the Verwoerdian policy with regard to Black education. Rural Black education has been sadly neglected over the years and consequently I must say again that the report that has been released is most positive and certainly very encouraging indeed.I want to say that it seems to home in on most of the vital points, viz that Black school buildings in the rural areas are often inadequate; teachers at these schools are often inexperienced and under-qualified; parents of pupils at these schools generally receive low salaries and are therefore unable to contribute financially to the education of their children; and that parents are also not able to provide a particularly stimulating environment for their children because of their own educationally deprived background and environment. The report also makes it clear that schools are often sparse in these areas making access to schools difficult for many children and that the curriculum usually designed for urban areas is often irrelevant to the children in rural areas. That point was touched on today.

The report has been very honest indeed. Many of the recommendations offered in this report to help overcome the problems are positive and significant. The most important one is that the State should assume full responsibility for the establishment, maintenance and management of farm schools. I have visited many farm schools over the years and I must agree with the hon member for Mooi River that the farming community deserves much praise for the very fine job it has done with regard to education at farm schools. However, I ask the hon the Minister and the hon member for Mooi River to take note of the fact that there are many children in these areas who in fact receive no education at all. There are farmers who do not offer education to the children on their farms. One needs to listen to the people in these areas. One needs to listen to the parents and to inspectors of education who deal with these schools. One hears the most deplorable stories about what is happening or what is not happening in some of these farm schools.

I want to say again that the recommendation that the State should assume full responsibility for farm schools is most positive. The sooner this occurs and the recommendations put out by the Department of Education and Training are implemented, the better, because we can then ensure a good and positive education for the children in these areas at all times.

In conclusion, I want to say that I sincerely hope that the same thing does not happen to this report as that happened to the De Lange Report and that we will in fact see the recommendations implemented in the near future. [Interjections.]

Business interrupted in accordance with Standing Order No 19.