National Assembly - 20 February 2001
TUESDAY, 20 FEBRUARY 2001 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:05.
The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.
NEW MEMBERS
(Announcement)
The Deputy Speaker announced that the vacancies caused by the death of Mr F Mbongo and the resignation of Ms R Z Capa had been filled, in accordance with item 6(3) of Schedule 6 to the Constitution, 1996, by the nomination of Mr G C Oosthuizen and Ms N Mahlawe, respectively, with effect from 16 February 2001. OATH
Mr G C Oosthuizen and Ms N Mahlawe, accompanied by Ms E Thabethe and Mrs M A A Njobe, made and subscribed the oath and took their seats.
UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE
Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: In true Momberg fashion, the hon Momberg referred today to one of the members of the DA as a ``bobbejaan’’. [Laughter.]
Mr J H MOMBERG: Madam Speaker, it is not true. I called him a bobbejaan
spanner.'' I did not call him abobbejaan’’. [Laughter.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Mr Momberg, I trust that you would withdraw it if you had said that.
Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, Mr Momberg sits there and, on regular occasions, makes these silly kinds of statements. [Interjections.] I can assure you, that he said: ``Sit down, you bobbejaan.’’ He knows it, and he knows that he is not telling the truth now. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Can we sort it out in my office afterwards, please? [Interjections.]
NOTICES OF MOTION
Mr M M CHIKANE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) condemns the senseless destruction of parts of Pretoria station;
(2) calls for a comprehensive inquiry into the circumstances of the destruction to expose and deal with -
(a) the perpetrators of the destruction;
(b) the problems encountered daily by commuters on trains;
(c) the chronic underinvestment in rail infrastructure, going back
20 years and more; and
(d) the need for more staff, including security staff, at stations
and on trains; and
(3) also calls for steps to improve communication between train operators and the public.
[Applause.]
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the DP:
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) that the media in Zimbabwe is under siege;
(b) that BBC journalist, Joseph Winter, and Mail & Guardian
correspondent, Mercedes Sayagues, have been expelled from
Zimbabwe;
(c) the recent attacks on Zimbabwe's judiciary, including threats
against their safety, the forced resignation of the Zimbabwe
Chief Justice and sustained attacks on the parliamentary
opposition; and
(d) the continuation of South Africa's quiet diplomacy and
constructive engagement, despite the extensive damage President
Mugabe has inflicted on the African Renaissance concept, and
believes this policy is no longer appropriate; and
(2) resolves that the current South African policy on Zimbabwe be reviewed and replaced with a more effective and results-orientated policy in place of the failed pursuit of so-called quiet diplomacy.
[Applause.]
Prince N E ZULU: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:
That the House -
(1) compliments the Department of Public Service and Administration for transforming the salary administration system by -
(a) introducing stringent security measures in accessing the Persal
system;
(b) authenticating Persal and identity numbers across government
departments to prevent duplicate transactions and double
payments;
(c) setting up an electronic validation system linked to the
population register of the Department of Home Affairs; and
(d) introducing a requirement compelling all managers to certify the
number of employees on a monthly basis; and
(2) is looking forward to seeing the elimination of fraud and corruption in the implementation of this initiative. Ms N V CINDI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) the recognised need for South Africa to diversify its sources of
foreign direct investment in our economy; and
(b) the great importance our country attaches to South-South co-
operation; and
(2) congratulates President Thabo Mbeki on his state visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and wishes him the greatest success in consolidating South Africa’s ties with that country and other countries in West Asia.
[Applause.]
Mrs S M CAMERER: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the New NP:
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) that, in spite of the moratorium, crime figures are leaking out,
revealing an alarming increase in violent crimes in our country;
and
(b) the figures for the greater Pretoria area alone show -
(i) an increase of 112% in housebreaking and robbery, and 53%
in armed robberies from 1999 to 2000; and
(ii) since the beginning of January, an increase in car
hijackings of 24%, compared with January 2000;
(2) also notes that - (a) the Government is placing the lives of South Africans in danger by not revealing crucial crime information; and
(b) the public can now question the Government's credibility,
because this shocking crime increase has shown that the
Government is trying to hide the true state of affairs; and
(3) accordingly joins the Editors Forum in urging the Government to lift the crime statistics moratorium forthwith, and to deliver on its promises to combat crime if it wants to restore the public’s trust in its ability.
Prof L M MBADI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) with appreciation the establishment of a People's Bank at Mt
Ayliff; and
(b) that this brings a much-needed service to the people of Mt
Ayliff and Tabankulu that is long overdue;
(2) expresses the hope that this service will bring to an end the erosion of pension payouts of the local people who, in the past, had to incur travelling expenses because they had to travel to either Mt Frere or Kokstad; and
(3) encourages the establishment of similar services in Qumbu, Tsolo and other districts.
Mr A MLANGENI: Madam Speaker, because there are some parties here in this House which aspire to call themselves ``liberation movements’’, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes the absurd notion of DP MP Francois Beukman that the DP is becoming a liberation party and that the ANC cannot lay sole claim to being a liberation party;
(2) enquires from the DP where it was when South Africans needed to be liberated from the DA-apartheid regime; and
(3) advises the DP that it can never be a liberation movement as long as it appoints only white males in senior positions in Cape Town, reimplements the Group Areas Act by banning soccer from being played in previously white areas, and has a policy of no free water to flats where blacks live.
[Applause.]
Mrs R M SOUTHGATE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the ACDP:
That the House -
(1) notes the ACDP’s concern regarding the axing of top Unicity officials and that the ACDP does not support the position taken by the DA and the ANC;
(2) acknowledges that officials are supposed to be apolitical and should not be intimidated by political interference;
(3) acknowledges that the officials must ensure that they serve all the communities and not a particular political party’s interest;
(4) notes that it appears as though democracy is in reverse, taking us ten steps back instead of taking the city forward; and
(5) calls on the DA and ANC not to interfere with the appointment of officials, but rather to look at the qualifications and experience of the officer for the job.
Dr A I VAN NIEKERK: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the FA: That the House -
(1) notes that the ANC’s lack of delivery has resulted in droves of ANC supporters protesting by staying away during last year’s local government election;
(2) further notes the fact that growing unemployment, poverty and crime has led to 48% of the urban black voters polled last year believing that things have got worse since 1994, and a further 20% believing that nothing has changed; and
(3) also notes that the DA leadership has recommitted the DA to delivering in those local councils under its control, which will undoubtedly provide the much-desired future of hope, dignity, safety and opportunity ``for all the people’’ and not only for a select few, as is experienced in most ANC-controlled local councils.
[Interjections.]
Mr H P CHAUKE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes reports that the Democratic Alliance has refused to grant permission for soccer to be played on the University of Stellenbosch sports field;
(2) believes that this is part of a plan by the DA to confine soccer to historically disadvantaged areas and preserve well-equipped sports facilities for sporting codes for the white minority; and
(3) calls on the DA to make sports facilities available for all sporting codes.
[Applause.]
Mr R S NTULI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the DP:
That the House -
(1) notes with alarm the level of anger present in commuters in Pretoria which led to large-scale violence and lawlessness as well as the burning down of the Pretoria station;
(2) believes that such conduct cannot be explained away in a democratic country; and
(3) therefore calls upon the Government to appoint a commission of inquiry to establish -
(a) why the levels of anger were so high;
(b) whether there have been many previous interruptions of service
to commuters; and
(c) what steps, in addition to criminal prosecution, are required to
prevent a recurrence.
[Interjections.]
Mr A M MPONTSHANE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:
That the House -
(1) notes with appreciation the overall increase of 9% in the matriculation results for the year 2000;
(2) acknowledges the fact that such positive results are the outcome of the dedication of learners, the hard work of teachers and the vision of the leadership of provincial Ministries and the national Minister; and
(3) notes that the IFP therefore calls on the national Ministry to ensure that the rules governing the conduct of educators are tightened up in order that only quality and dedicated educators, committed to their learners, are retained within the service.
Mr R D PIETERSE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes with alarm the decision of the DA in Cape Town to divide the city into 16 subcouncils;
(2) recognises that this will further marginalise poor communities by depriving them of the ability to share in the revenue generated by wealthier communities;
(3) believes that this is a tactical ploy by the DA to divide and rule Cape Town, and shows its disregard for its responsibilities to bring about harmony and equity between the different communities of the city; and
(4) condemns this cynical strategy of the DA to protect the privileges of the affluent few at the expense of the disadvantaged many, which gives the lie to its claim of standing for all the people.
[Applause.]
Dr P J RABIE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the New NP:
That the House -
(1) notes that -
(a) the International Monetary Fund estimates that 8% of highly
educated South Africans emigrate;
(b) a US credit rating agency believes that 16% of South Africans
with tertiary education live abroad; and
(c) a 1999 Economist survey found that the likelihood of SA
professionals emigrating was among the highest in the world; and
(2) urges the Government to acknowledge the valuable skills of entrepreneurs and highly skilled workers in the South African economy by introducing tax incentives in the Budget that will make it worthwhile for them to apply their knowledge in their own country.
Mr C T FROLICK: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:
That the House -
(1) notes with shock and dismay the news of a fire that has gutted Pretoria station;
(2) acknowledges that this historic building is a vital component in the transport infrastructure of the Gauteng region, and that its destruction has directly led to major problems and inconvenience for hundreds of thousands of commuters;
(3) further notes that infrastructure development is one of the issues raised by the hon the President in his state of the nation address;
(4) condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the reported involvement of irate commuters in starting this fire; and
(5) affirms its commitment to responsible citizenship in the knowledge that, in a democracy, lawlessness by a small group of people must never be allowed to disrupt the lives of a whole community.
Ms E GANDHI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) the valiant efforts by the students, parents, educators and
community of Mangosuthu Technikon in KwaZulu-Natal to bring
about stability and establish normal functioning on this campus;
(b) that Adv Gaum of the Democratic Alliance and Mr Burrows chose to
march to the campus to urge a select minority of disgruntled
staff to step up their illegal strike; and
(c) that these honourable members disregarded community structures
and the legal institutions on campus, and chose to encourage an
illegal strike by a minority group of workers; and
(2) calls on the DA to appropriately chastise such irresponsible behaviour by these members.
[Applause.]
HORROR CRASH NEAR INGENI FOREST
(Draft Resolution)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House, noting the horror crash near Ingeni Forest in Southern KwaZulu-Natal involving a minibus and a truck and which left seventeen people dead, wishes to express condolences to the family members and the relatives of the deceased.
Agreed to.
CONGRATULATIONS TO SOUTH AFRICAN CRICKET PLAYERS SELECTED FOR WEST INDIES TOUR
Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) congratulates the South African cricket players on their inclusion in the national team for the West Indies tour;
(2) notes that this team is a worthy ambassador for South Africa and that it has reached new heights under the capable leadership of captain Shaun Pollock;
(3) wishes the team well in their preparations for their five-test tour of the West Indies.
Agreed to. RECOMMITTAL OF NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR LIBRARY AND INFORMATION SERVICES BILL TO PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE
(Draft Resolution)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the draft resolution printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:
That the House recommits the National Council for Library and Information Services Bill [B 44B - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75) to the Portfolio Committee on Arts, Culture, Science and Technology.
Agreed to.
THE STRUGGLE CONCERNING TRADITIONAL LEADERS IS A POLITICAL AND
CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUE THAT HAS TO BE RESOLVED
(Subject for Discussion)
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Madam Speaker and the honourable House, the struggle concerning traditional leaders is a political and constitutional issue that has to be resolved. Re tlile fano go tla go bua ka maaparankwe, batho ba go bonalang demokerasi e ba ntsha ka loso logolo ka ntlha ya lotso lwa bona.
Motho o gopola Raditladi fa a ne a re:
Kgosi le merero ga a mo rerise. Ditshwanelo tsa gagwe ga a di bone, di bonwa ke bo tshikinya-dirope, ‘khutsana tse dikgolo
Motswasele o ne a bua jaana fa a lemoga fa a sa kaiwe ka sepe mo gagaabo.
Dikgosi tsa rona di iphitlhela di le mo maemong a a ntseng jalo mo malatsing a. Bathati ga ba di kae ka sepe. (Translation of Setswana paragraphs follows.)
[We are here to talk about the royal household, the people who are being singled out by democracy because of their social status.
One remembers Raditladi when he said:
The chief is not even being informed. His rights are not recognised. They are given to the wrong people.
Motswasele said this when he realised that he was being taken for granted in his homestead.
Our chiefs find themselves in those kinds of situations, these days. The authorities do not recognise them.]
In precolonial times the inhabitants of Africa had a system of government that catered for the needs of all communities. Central to it was the institution of traditional leadership in which customs, traditions and cultural practices formed the basis of the legal system that regulated the lives of the people.
Throughout the African continent, traditional leaders have reasserted and maintained their influence in a range of countries that attempted to limit their role. These include Ghana, the Niger Republic, the Ivory Coast, Senegal, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Zambia and Tanzania.
The position of traditional leaders in South Africa, whom we prefer to refer to as the dikgosi, amakhosi, dikhosi and marena, has become vulnerable since the advent of the new order. This order came out with the position that every square centimetre of this country would be governed by elected people. Obviously, this statement means that dikgosi will cease to exist. We urge all who know and accept the power and role of dikgosi to resist the benign obliteration of these traditional institutions.
It has come as no surprise that even the authors of the new Constitution had little or nothing to write about the traditional institutions. It goes without saying that the principle was still to have elected people to govern every nook and cranny of this country. All that has proved to be wishful thinking.
We call on all dikgosi to stand up, speak out and take risks if needs be to protect their turf. They should not be docile and sit back, as their real being is being eroded. They should not sit back and take delight in being appointed directors to some board of some parastatal.
In some provinces, even in this era, amakhosi are told by the powers that be not to take part in political activities. This, despite their constitutional rights of freedom of association and their political rights. We congratulate those leaders who have stood their ground and have graced the portals of corridors of legislative institutions in our country.
In our pursuit of realising the African Renaissance in the African century we can succeed if we do not cast off the African culture and traditions, as dictated to us by sections 30, 31 and 185 of the Constitution of the Republic. These sections deal with participation in and promotion of the culture of communities.
While we hail the thinking behind the establishment of provincial and national councils of traditional leaders, we argue that issues and developments are at the local level. Regional or district councils of traditional leaders, as the old regional authorities, are an imperative. Such councils will allow amakhosi in the regions to remain in touch and abreast of developments in their districts, as well as at provincial level where they will meet the aggregate of all issues in the province.
The Local Government: Municipal Structures Act of 1998 has been found wanting in its attempts to address the fears of dikgosi, hence the endless amendments which even saw Parliament going into recess without the usual fanfare of members bidding one another goodbye last year. The amending Bill was rejected because, firstly, it did not address issues of powers and functions of dikgosi, and secondly, the delegation clause was insufficient as it was not a guarantee in law and left the discretion to politicians to determine the role of the amakhosi. That is exactly what the colonial government did. The third point is that dikgosi feel that only the amendment of the Constitution will help clarify their status and role.
May we advise that the failure to appreciate and accommodate the traditional culture and practices could precipitate a major crisis and impede the ongoing constitutional development process. It is surprising that while it is widely accepted that dikgosi and their councils render an important service, a distinctive characteristic of the constitutional debate is the political and constitutional concepts that disregard crucial elements of the African reality.
The Minister for Provincial and Local Government, the hon Mufamadi, has repeatedly asserted that traditional authorities will not become another sphere of government. According to him the existing local government model will be preserved and protected, as will the institution of traditional leaders. In the same breath, some traditional leaders have to sit on the local councils as ex officio members, with no voting rights on issues that will affect their villages. All they need to do, perhaps, is to lobby, in a subtle manner, lest they be seen to be partisan.
Schedule 4 of the Constitution of the Republic lists indigenous law, customary law and traditional leadership as functional areas of concurrent national and provincial legislative competence. In each case the Constitution states that such competence is subject to Chapter 12. This is one of the shortest chapters in the Constitution, comprising only sections 211 and 212. Notwithstanding what is contained in Schedule 4, in sections 211 and 212 of the Constitution, the magosi find that their role has been reduced to ceremonial duties.
The Constitution does recognise them, but does not define their functions. The institution of traditional leadership has been downgraded and subjugated to elected municipalities. It is incumbent upon this honourable House to come up with legislation that will go down well with the dikgosi and their followers.
Schedule 6 of the 1993 interim Constitution compels the President to assign to the provinces all old-order legislation that pertains to traditional leadership. While we have a new Constitution, there is no legislation that has to go the whole hog with the Constitution.
The remuneration of traditional leaders has remained a bone of contention. As indicated above, some old-order legislation has been assigned in accordance with the interim Constitution, and the remuneration of incumbents is still subject to laws of the various former homelands and erstwhile independent states. It is a situation that needs to be attended to urgently.
To enhance the image and status of amakhosi, elected members should not see them as less important and not deserving of any respect. Those in control should desist from manipulating traditional leaders to achieve constitutional and political goals. Traditional leaders are to be seen to be representing their communities, and not to be Government mouthpieces. The institution of traditional leadership is rooted in the soil of Africa, and in the hearts and minds of all ordinary Africans who take pride in their history, culture, origin and identity. We appeal to all in positions of authority, be it in committees or legislatures, to ensure that whoever chairs a structure that will deal with traditional leaders, should be someone of African decent who fully understands the situation. It should not just be one of the members of the organisation.
The general notion that traditional authorities are stagnant institutions incapable of accommodating social and political change, should be countered. Any endeavour to create a fully democratic society in South Africa must utilise the intrinsic strengths of traditional leaders. Traditional leaders and authorities are essential political, social and economic structures for maintaining the sociopolitical order that is a prerequisite for rural development.
Finally, constitutional avenues have to be explored urgently to enable traditional leaders to continue to exercise administrative, executive and even quasi-judicial powers on a delegated basis. We are aware that much of the relative institutional stability experienced in the deep rural areas can be attributed to the influence of dikgosi. This natural relationship between dikgosi and their followers should not be unduly encroached upon by the politisation of issues.
Mr J M NGUBENI: Madam Speaker, hon members, the colonisation of the African continent changed and distorted the way of living through the violent acquisition of land with the primary aim of using the traditional institutions to control, divide, repress and rule the African communities.
The institution of traditional leaders during precolonial times exercised the legislative, judicial and administrative powers that even extended to the allocation of land. In South Africa, the majority of traditional leaders were co-opted and corrupted by the colonial forces and the apartheid state. This process had an immense, disruptive impact on the social form and organisation of African communities. Many traditional leaders were deposed and substituted by illegitimate leaders, and this poses a major challenge to the institution itself.
An audit to ascertain the authenticity of traditional leaders will enable the deposed leaders to be reinstated and will also accelerate transformation, so as to achieve full legitimacy, democracy, respect and acceptance by all communities. Unfortunately, nothing can be learned from the UCDP because during their reign in the so-called Bophuthatswana they deposed legitimate chiefs, replaced them with stooges and looted the coffers of tribal funds. [Applause.] The UCDP must therefore shut up, as we are cleaning up their mess.
The ANC-led Government has a broad mandate to further implement the programme of a democratic constitutional state and a Bill of Rights founded on the principles of freedom, equality, nonracialism and nonsexism. This poses a complex scenario which dictates patience and sensitivity to the following issues. Firstly, the conflicts between customary law and the Bill of Rights regarding the status of women must be resolved. Secondly, how do traditional leaders fit within a system of elected public representatives in all spheres of government? Thirdly, traditional leaders cannot be deprived of participating in politics. But how do they maintain neutrality within their communities and discharge their duties fairly in customary courts, land allocation and so forth? What about their subjects who support opposing political parties? Fourthly, the communal land tenure system must also be reformed to empower rural communities by legally recognising their rights as land users. Local government must also have access to land for rural development, attraction of investment, job creation and its necessary regulatory and planning role.
These issues clearly demonstrate the sensitivity and complexity of these matters. It is therefore important to approach this matter as a process, not as an event. It is also argued that the approach to the institution of traditional leadership is more or less influenced by the Western democratic tendencies. A holistic approach is necessary to resolve this matter, to enhance the ongoing constitutional and rural development. A selective approach which focuses on powers and duties only will lead to other problems, leaving us with unresolved issues. The White Paper process, which is the broad consultative process, contains all these questions.
Maybe a comparative analysis of other African countries will shed light on the powers and functions of traditional leaders. There are important lessons which can be learnt about the role of traditional leaders in neighbouring countries - Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe. Both in Namibia and Zimbabwe traditional leaders played an important role in implementing the oppressive policies of the previous regimes, and consequently after independence their administrative functions were mostly transferred to elected local governments.
In Namibia they still operate fairly autonomously from the elected state structures. Their role is also to administer and execute the customary law of that community, as well as to assist the police and other law- enforcement agencies. In Botswana traditional leaders do not participate in politics and have been assigned administrative and developmental roles. However, the institution of traditional leadership plays a significant role in customary courts on civil matters and has somewhat limited criminal jurisdiction.
In all these neighbouring states the institution of traditional leaders coexists with elected structures, and there is not a single country in Africa where the institution is a sphere or tier of government. This is an important lesson. We should not expose traditional leaders to the turmoil of political upheavals. Public representatives can be booted out of office, but what about traditional leaders? [Interjections.]
As we develop our evolving infant democracy, we need to strive for an institution which responds and adapts to change, and is in harmony with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. Any endeavour to create a fully democratic society must utilise the intrinsic strength of traditional leaders. I further argue that a holistic and inclusive process will provide a lasting solution with regard to this matter.
This matter has received significant attention from the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local Government. During the Budget Review process many contentious issues were discussed. In May last year public hearings were held on the discussion document on traditional leaders. More public hearings were held on the Local Governments Municipal Structures Second Amendment Bill towards the end of last year, in which 17 organs of civil society participated.
What is striking is that all the participants, excluding the coalition of traditional leaders, rejected outright the amendment on points of procedure, content and constitutionality. This again demonstrates that this matter is too sensitive to be fast-tracked.
Contained in the official report from the House of Traditional Leaders submitted to Parliament, is the statement that the DP said that they were not interested in traditional matters. That is official, but today I am surprised by their participation in this debate. I am wondering whether it is genuine or an instance of political opportunism.
In conclusion, what is critical is co-operative governance at local level, with traditional leaders having representation and playing a role to develop communities, fight poverty and create jobs. [Applause.]
Mrs G M BORMAN: Madam Speaker, hon members, I quote from The Citizen, dated 13 February 2001:
``Negotiations are continuing on proposed legislation to give powers and authority to traditional leaders,’’ said Provincial and Local Government Minister Sydney Mufamadi.
How many times have similar words been spoken, promised action which never takes place! [Interjections.] Allow me to remind members of the many steps along the way which got traditional leaders precisely nowhere. In 1994 Nelson Mandela promised international mediation to address their concerns. That promise has never been honoured. In 1996 the ANC made a commitment to King Goodwill Zwelithini and other traditional leaders that their powers would be formalised through the Constitution. That promise, also, has not yet been fulfilled.
In 1997 the then Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki, met with traditional leaders in Durban and assured them that the ANC and Government would attend to their concerns - another promise still awaiting fulfilment. In 1998 the then Department of Constitutional Development announced that it was preparing a White Paper on the role of traditional leaders in municipal government. They said that the paper would be tabled in 1999; again this did not happen. In 1998 the same department announced that it had begun an audit of traditional leaders in the institutions. Three years down the line this audit has not yet been completed.
Almost a year ago the Department of Provincial and Local Government released what it called the draft discussion document towards a White Paper on traditional leadership. This document is draft by name, and daft by nature. [Interjections.] This means that we have a draft, and then we will have a discussion document, which will eventually be followed by a White Paper, which will probably come in a frantic rush before the elections in
- This draft document only highlights the anomalies and problems associated with integrating the institutions of traditional leaders into a democratic system. It offers no solutions or proposals.
After many meetings before the elections in December, and yet another promise to amend the Local Government Municipal Structures Act, everything once again ground to a halt with more promises to take it up in the new year. The portfolio committee was supposed to meet in January, but obviously the urgency has decreased since the holding of the election and it is only now before Cabinet, yet again.
The ANC stands accused of manipulating traditional communities to exploit their votes, but lets them down as soon as the election is over. [Interjections.] The DA deplores this devious action. This is what we have from the ANC Government after nearly seven years - promises, delays and stalling.
Research indicates that some 13,2 million people fall under the aegis of traditional leaders. That is one out of every three South Africans whose daily lives are affected by all the indecision and procrastination. This lack of progress is an indictment on the ANC’s dithering commitment to democratic governance. It exposes a clear lack of political will to deal with this important issue. [Interjections.]
In today’s Business Day, the chairman of the Congress of Traditional Leaders of South Africa, Patekile Holomisa, was quoted as saying yesterday that traditional leaders felt deeply disappointed that Government is taking them for a ride. That is not good enough. The DA believes that it is time for the Government and the ANC to show the political will to deal with this issue decisively and finally for the good of all South Africans. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Inkosi M W HLENGWA: Madam Speaker and hon members of the National Assembly, I rise to make a contribution to the subject under discussion, which has now become a sore point for traditional authorities and rural communities.
It is a sore point because up to now no solution has been found in spite of traditional leaders themselves having put forward what could be a simple and effective solution to resolve the question of their role, powers and functions in local government matters. Therefore I must commend the tabling of this motion. The IFP hopes that all parties will endorse its significance.
The people of South Africa celebrated our victory when we freed ourselves from the chains of oppression but, ironically, the elected representatives now seem to be dragging their feet when it comes to the question of addressing the very roots of the indigenous system of government. The struggle for the retention of political and administrative powers has been waged by the indigenous inhabitants of our country under the leadership of indigenous rulers. Now this struggle continues.
The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa recognises traditional leadership and yet, unwittingly, falls short when it comes to the aspect of local government. As it now stands the Constitution will necessarily do that which the President has committed himself to preventing, which is that the powers and functions of traditional authorities will be eradicated or diminished. [Interjections.]
Mr D H M GIBSON: [Inaudible.]
Inkosi M W HLENGWA: By you.
Against this background, traditional authorities have proposed an amendment to Chapter 12 of the Constitution to allow traditional authorities to function as a local government structure. This will allow traditional leaders to retain their role, powers and functions in their respective areas of jurisdiction without isolating elected representatives. In fact, this solution will enhance the image of a two-tiered structure.
The IFP has repeatedly called for the resolution of this matter, and therefore I choose to be brief today. It is unfortunate that geographic Africans may not see the seriousness of this issue in the same light as those who are truly cultural Africans. April 27 1994 only completed one phase of the struggle for total emancipation. We need to realise and accept that there are outstanding phases which include the cultural liberation of Africa and her indigenous systems of governance. [Interjections.]
Leliya lungu elihloniphekile likhulumisa okukamama walo. [That hon member speaks like his/her mother.]
This is a struggle about the essence of being African and about the rediscovery of the soul of Africa. Those who tend to forget who they are must please break free of the chains which still colonise their minds and start thinking about the restoration of Africa. We must stick to our Africanness, and never regard ourselves as a satellite of any European power or a little European island in the midst of an African ocean.
Finally, we thank the President for not removing the issue of traditional leaders from the table, but we urge him to expedite the process of seeking a solution. Traditional leadership is one African institution that clearly defines who we are and that defied all foreign-inspired attempts to destroy Africa. We salute all those who will continue to stand with us as we try to find the political and cultural path back to our home, Africa. [Applause.]
Mr F BEUKMAN: Madam Speaker, the debate on the role of traditional leaders cannot take place without a proper analysis of the constitutional provisions with regard to the subject. Chapter 12 of the Constitution, with special reference to section 211(1), is relevant in this regard:
The institution, status and role of traditional leadership, according to customary law, are recognised, subject to the Constitution.
The Bill of Rights, the Founding Provisions of the Constitution, and Chapter 9 on State Institutions Supporting Constitutional Democracy, should be read together with Chapter 12.
The mere fact that this debate is taking place today is a clear indication that the Government’s current handling of the issue of traditional leaders is in serious dispute, to say the least.
It is apparent that traditional leaders are actually saying that the Government did not implement section 212(1) and 212(2) properly, or that it does not have the necessary political will to implement these provisions. Although the national House of Traditional Leaders and the various provincial houses were established, there is a general feeling of discontentment among the traditional leaders and their support base.
A further stumbling block with regard to the process is the long-awaited White Paper on traditional leaders, as referred to earlier in the debate. It is difficult to see how the issue of the role of traditional leaders could be properly debated and analysed without having reference to a well- canvassed White Paper. Inkosi Patekile Holomisa, an ANC member of this House, wrote 2 years ago in the Business Day of 11 June 1999:
In its first term of office, the ANC unsuccessfully skirted the issue of what constitutional role to award African royalty in the governance of the country. This lack of political direction and leadership both annoyed traditional leaders and hampered rural development and service delivery. It is already clear that in the second term of the ANC’s governance, it will not be any different. Promises were made by Government that a revised Local Government Municipal Structures Amendment Bill would be considered by the relevant portfolio committee and Parliament on January 29 this year. This never materialised.
According to a press report in Business Day of 12 December 2000, the Deputy President, Mr Zuma, indicated that the said legislation should be passed by Parliament by February 2001. It is now quite clear that this is not going to happen.
The DA believes that it is not conducive to the development of the constitutional state that the executive does not live up to its promises, especially when it is dealing with a sensitive issue regarding the position of traditional communities. Legal certainty is not promoted if timeframes are not adhered to.
Die rol van die parlementêre portefeuljekomitee word ook verswak, indien die geskeduleerde program van werksaamhede en beoogde wetgewing, weens bepaalde politieke doelwitte van die uitvoerende gesag, in gedrang gebring word. [The role of the parliamentary portfolio committee is also weakened if the scheduled programme of activities and envisaged legislation is jeopardised as a result of specific political objectives of the executive.]
Another constitutional mechanism which, it is envisaged, will impact on the role of traditional leaders is the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural Religious and Linguistic Communities. It is assumed, without reference to specifics, that cultural or other councils, or councils for the community, could also be relevant to the role of traditional leadership.
The problem is, however, that the process to establish the commission in the public mind has vanished from the executive’s agenda. The uncertainty about progress with the implementation of the commission also contributes to a perception that the executive is not committed to promoting the agenda of the said communities. The current impasse also impacts on the ability of traditional communities to establish cultural or other councils. The dragging of feet by the executive on this matter is detrimental to the functioning of civil society in general. [Time expired.] [Applause.] Chief N Z MTIRARA: Deputy Speaker, hon members, since the historical event of 1994, traditional leaders or amakhosi have gone to great lengths, in good faith, to engage the Government in discussions and deliberations regarding what the new era heralds for South Africa and its people. Most of these interactions have not been in the public eye, because of the fragility of the transitional period.
Ubukhosi, or hereditary leadership, and the new South African Government are engaged in serious discussions in an effort to resolve issues concerning the direction and shape of the new South Africa in relation to a review and re-evaluation of its institutions. The issue of traditional leadership, which was nearly obliterated under colonialism, and was subject to corruption under apartheid, is of paramount importance.
The majority of African people under amakhosi jurisdiction, if not all, demand that their voices be heard through their hereditary leaders. Amakhosi do not believe that this cannot be accommodated in a democratic South Africa; hence they continue to engage the Government in deliberations on this crucial issue.
Amakhosi believe in an evolutionary process, as opposed to imposing foreign values on them. One has only to trace the history of colonialism and apartheid to observe that change is always destructive if it is imposed on people. The central issue here is to reconcile our traditional structures that resisted obliteration and the demands of the new world order. We must not seek to obliterate the former, nor attempt to avoid the challenges of the latter.
As responsible and well-intentioned patriots, both inside and outside the Government, we should seriously ask ourselves whether South Africa, at this delicate stage of transformation, can afford divisiveness over this crucial issue of hereditary leadership. Many, if not all, of our country’s amakhosi have taken the view that the introduction of the new municipalities, with elected councillors, will result in the complete obliteration of their functions and powers. They fear that they will be transformed into nothing more than a ceremonial institution.
I want to make so bold as to state that this part of planet earth on which South Africa is situated is an inheritance where God Almighty, in His wisdom and under His guidance, has placed our people under hereditary leadership. Without defying and denying the evolutionary process or the dynamics of human society, I want to draw the attention of those who keep on harping on far-off examples of historic monarchs overthrown by their people or events closer to home and events that are hurtful.
Nkumah, in his zeal to transform Ghanaian society, stepped on the toes of the Ashanti traditional leadership. What happened to him? He died in exile. Obote stepped on the toes of the kingdom of Buganda. What happened to him? He is wandering in exile. Mengistu Haile Miriam, in his zeal to destroy everything to do with traditional leadership, hounded Emperor Haile Selassie to death. What happened to him? He is wandering in exile with few countries wanting to touch him with a ten-foot pole.
Kungoko ndisithi natsha nikhaba imviko nje. [That is why I say, if you do not listen, you will get hurt.] [Applause.]
Adv Z L MADASA: Madam Speaker, traditional governance and institutions are real and active in South Africa. Thousands of people are happily the subjects of this type of governance. These people are happy under these institutions not because of ignorance, but by choice.
When we despise traditional leadership, we are inadvertently saying that Africans would not have been able to govern themselves had colonialism not happened. Europeans, on the other hand, have retained their traditional values in some parts. For example, the Netherlands is still a monarchy. These country have successfully married liberal democracy with traditional governance. What is tragic about the assault on traditional institutions in South Africa, is that it is the African leaders themselves, not their people, who are intolerant of the system.
The ACDP unequivocally lends its support to the preservation of traditional governance in coexistence with liberal democracy. We believe that traditional institutions and customs, in so far as they are not repugnant to Christian principles, are good and will help to retain our values. The benefits of traditional governance far outweigh any concerns about the potential abuse of human rights. Abuse of human rights is not inherent in this type of governance, but, like other types of governance, it is caused by distortion and authoritarianism. Therefore, we cannot throw the baby out with the bath water. We must improve the system and make it work.
Lastly, I would like to pose a challenge to the chiefs themselves to rid themselves of statutory chiefs. Secondly, I would like to hear from them whether they would be willing to abandon party politics when their house is in order. The involvement of chiefs in active chieftainship and active party politics simultaneously is one of the major reasons that has compromised the legitimacy of the institution.
Mr J J KGARIMETSA: Madam Speaker, hon members of Parliament, the Minister has repeatedly said that the issue of traditional leaders is no longer dealt with in terms of whether the institution has to exist or not, but how it should exist side by side with a democratically elected institution.
The task at hand is being dealt with at the right time as the country is engaged in transforming the local sphere of government. Colleagues will outline the progress made by the ANC Government around the issues at hand, with regard to the institution of traditional leadership.
Without going much into the history of the ANC and its handling of the issue of traditional leadership and its institutions, I would like to remind the House that the ANC always had the issue of traditional leaders on its agenda during the liberation struggle and up to now. The issue has not been about doing away with the traditional institutions. Rather, the ANC has constantly argued that these institutions are part of our culture and tradition. [Applause.] We recognise that they need to adjust to the democratisation of governments, not only in South Africa but the world over. [Laughter.]
We need to remember that the policies of successive colonial, apartheid and homeland governments completely distorted the institution of traditional leadership, co-opted it and assigned to it roles which were alien to it. Through a complex web of pieces of legislation, the institution was transformed into a tool with which the cultural differences of the black people were emphasised and used as the basis for Balkanising the country.
Now that we are in a democratic South Africa, which was brought about by the ANC, we have the opportunity to map out a vision which will harmonise the indigenous institutions of traditional leadership with our evolving system of democratic governance. Once we have mapped out our vision we must ensure that it is supported by policies and programmes. The mapping out of this vision, and the articulation of policies and programmes, is not the sole province of the Government. The rest of society must contribute to this process.
The type of transformation the ANC Government is pursuing is in the context of co-operative government, in terms of Chapter 3 of the Constitution. The main programme of the ANC Government is to reconstruct and develop our communities, and these are mainly African communities where traditional leaders and their institutions are located. It follows that the role of traditional leaders as representatives of communities is development.
The ANC continues to salute and recognise the role of traditional leaders in the development of local areas and communities that include community participation in decision-making and contributing to development costs. All citizens of South Africa, black and white, are urged by the ANC-led Government to move away from the past and create an environment at national and global level alike, which is conducive to development and the elimination of poverty.
However, there is a need to detail the actual functions and powers of traditional leaders in relation to their role of development, as they coexist side by side with the democratically elected public representatives. We know and we are convinced that functions and powers could be easily separated or shared. The sharing of powers and functions could be made easier if traditional leaders ceased to be politicians. [Interjections.]
Bagaetsho, a re amogeleng gore go fitlha fa legatong le, ANC e re tseetse matsapa. Legato le ke buang ka lona le, ke puso ya demokerasi. A dikgosi di amogele gore tlotlo e e tsosolosiwang ke Puso ya ANC, ga se tota go ba nyenyefatsa. Tota ke go ba tlotlomatsa, gonne kwa ba tswang teng go tlhoka leitlho la tebo.
Ba kile ba thukuthiwa ke dipuso tsa kgethololo, tsa ba tlhokisa boleng jwa bona ba tlotlo ba tlhago. Ke ne ke utlwa motlotlegi fale, rre Mfundisi wa puso ya Bokone Bophirima, e kete a re demokerasi e phatlhaladitse magosi. Ga ya ba phatlhalatsa, ke fela gore ga ba utlwisise. Sekao ke gona kwa Bokone Bophirima,
Kwa go nang le magosi a a megagaru - ba tshwara ka fa le ka fa. E nna kgosi, e tloge e nne wa morafe, mme o seka wa tlhola o itse gore morafe o kae, kgosi e kae, ga a tsweletse ka dipolotiki.
Re tlhokile lesego, re le ANC, gore e kete dikgosi tsa rona ga di lemoge tlotlo e re e tsosolosang, e e neng e tswile mo go bona, e tlositswe ke dipuso tsa tlhaolele. Bagaetsho, bogosi ga se letsoku, ga bo itshaswe. Ra re a dikgosi di se kolope dinonyane tse pedi ka letlapa le le lengwe. A dikgosi en nne dikgosi, mme e nne kgosi e e kgatlhegelang go direla morafe wa yona le go tshwaragana le mmuso wa selegae go tsweletsa diphetogo mo matshelong a batho. Tota fa a fitlhelwa mo dipolotiking, morafe ona o kae? Fa e le gore o tsaya wa dipolotiki, a tlogele tsa semorafe. (Translation of Setswana paragraphs follows.)
[Let us admit that up to this stage, the ANC has done a lot for us. The stage that I am referring to, is that of a democratic government. Let the chiefs admit that the respect that is being revived by the ANC-led Government, is not really intended to belittle them, but to honour them because where they come from deserves recognition.
They were exploited by the apartheid governments, denying them the value of their natural veneration. I heard the hon member Mfundisi from the North West province, saying that democracy has done away with the chiefs. It did not do away with them, it is just that they do not understand. An example is the North West, where there are very greedy chiefs who do this and that. He becomes a chief, then a community leader, and finds it difficult to differentiate between the chief and the community when he is engaged in political affairs.
It is very unfortunate for us as the ANC, to realise that our chiefs do not acknowledge that their honour that they had lost, that was taken away from them by the apartheid governments, is being restored. Chieftaincy is not something that one can just desire to have. What we are saying, is that our chiefs should not attempt to kill two birds with one stone. Let chiefs be chiefs who delight in serving their communities and working hand in hand with their local governments to change the people’s lives. If he is in politics, where does he leave the community? If he wants to be in politics, he must leave community affairs.]
Gen C L VILJOEN: Madam Speaker, many of us, including myself, claim to be Africans. We are devoted to this continent, and we are prepared to work and plan for the development of our country. But if we preach Africa, we must also practise Africa, as it is. For in Africa, and also here in South Africa, the institution of traditional leaders is alive and well, and is a well-established reality.
It is not something that we can wish away. It is a traditional way of community government, furthering, for example the maintenance of customs and values, the maintenance of community structures, the maintenance of community discipline, the maintenance of a sense of togetherness that can be harnessed for any purpose within the community. The whole of Africa consists, therefore, of many minority communities, sharing one living space in a greater pluralistic society. This is the legacy of decolonisation as it affects all of us, but it is a reality in Africa and we cannot wish it away.
So in Africa we need a tailor-made democracy. We need a unique democracy in line with the principles of democracy, but catering for a consocietal arrangement of ethnic groups, nationalities and communities bound together by a bigger nation and a common patriotism to that nation. The FF supports the motion, and we say that we should therefore resolve this issue and get on with the job and stop doing nothing, because we have a need in Africa for a way of giving due constitutional recognition to the concept of community autonomy within the bigger democratic state. That will bring about a conflict-free South Africa and stability.
Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, the PAC thanks the UCDP for introducing a motion on traditional leaders, bringing about this debate. I want to preface my remarks in the short time at my disposal by saying that as an African nation which was under colonialism for over 300 years, and mentally captured, we cannot go forward until we are singularly aware of who we are, where we have come from and where we are going.
Before we jump on the passing trains of others, we must make sure that we are rooted in afrocentricity and not in eurocentric brainwashing. If we fail to do this, we shall never find our African identity. We hear much today about democracy and good governance from the originators of the transatlantic slave trade in human cargo and colonialism in which African lands were stolen and their institutions overthrown. [Interjections.]
It is a shame for this country that homosexuals and abortionists have their rights well defined, yet here we are in this Parliament today, still debating the struggle concerning traditional leaders. Of course, it is true that the very purported recognition of authentic traditional leaders in the Constitution is woolly. Sections 211 and 212 of this Constitution are couched in very vague legal language.
This House must decide whether it also wants to recognise African royalty or only European monarchs who often come here and are pampered. If there is a problem regarding this recognition, let us go further afield and study this problem in countries such as Uganda, Ghana and Malaysia.
NgesiXhosa kuthiwa: Ungalahl’ imbo yakho ngophoyiyana. [Do not cast the trusted ones away for new untested ones.] Ka Sesotho sa Moshoeshoe Moshoashoaila, Thesele Tlaputle, ho thwe o seke wa kgahlwa ke none e feta e hlotsa. [In the Sesotho spoken by Moshoeshoe Moshoashoaila, Thesele Tlaputle, it is said that one should not be taken up by a passing fancy.]
Mr R S NTULI: Madam Speaker, hon Minister and hon members, after six years in power, the ANC has done little to resolve the problem, the status, the role and the function of traditional leaders, despite the fact that this vexing issue was one of the critical issues during the Codesa negotiations in the early 1990s. [Interjections.]
The Government produced a draft discussion document towards a White Paper on traditional leadership and institutions, largely because of the imminent local government elections scheduled for 5 December 2000. Yet even this draft document failed to confront head-on the issue of what powers traditional leaders should have and an insulting amendment soon appeared which diminished traditional leaders’ authority to the overseeing of unimportant matters such as management of natural resources. It is not surprising that the traditional leaders rejected it outright.
Traditional leaders argue that municipal powers and functions which were recently bestowed on the elected municipal councils will erode their control over land and their role in dispensing justice in their areas. These perceptions certainly do not promote stability and peace in their areas. Equally distressing and alarming is the callous socioeconomic environment and this certainly arises from the Government’s failure to face head-on this political challenge.
It is a fact that the policies of the successive colonial, apartheid and homeland governments completely distorted the institution of traditional leadership by co-opting it and assigning it roles that were foreign to it. After six years in government - these traditional lands being the major segment of the rural underdeveloped areas - the ANC Government has not put in place any integrated development programme, despite the fact that approximately 13 million South Africans live in these areas. The result of this negligence is that our citizens in these areas suffer the plagues that affect this country with greater magnitude than urban dwellers.
Public health services in these areas are very poor, if any. Where they are available, there is a scarcity of medicine and an inadequate supply of nurses and doctors. The scourge of HIV/Aids is paralysing these communities. Lack of clean water makes these people an easy target for cholera, something we all know. The infrastructure in areas like communication and education is deplorable. The school buildings in many cases are not conducive to proper learning and teaching materials are chronically inadequate.
The DP accepts that there is a significant role for traditional leadership. They cannot simply be wished away. What is needed is to devise a settlement which recognises their role and some of their functions, but operating within the constitutional parameters. [Applause.]
Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, the concept of democracy is engineered by the people’s voice to regulate societal coexistence. Therefore, traditional authority structures must be rejuvenated to promote the tribal culture at the social, spiritual and economic level.
The reality is that the South African Constitution is designed to establish a nonracial and nonsexist democracy. However, traditional authority is fundamentally patriarchal and lacks sufficient female representation. It is difficult for traditional leaders to operate in a new political dispensation. South Africa is not a monarchy, but a democratic country. To appreciate traditional leadership, there is a need for traditional leaders to redefine and reconstruct their roles in the contemporary democratic South Africa. Specifically, proper representation for women must feature in all structures of traditional authorities, that is, at national, provincial and local level.
The MF champions the idea that to resolve this issue, significant efforts must be made to ensure that traditional leaders grasp the realistic concept of our political system, civil society, governance, community development, constitutional rights, change and development, local government administration and management, traditional leadership and law. The integration of customary practice, democratic values, indigenous knowledge and leadership management will correctly empower traditional authorities to fulfil their dual role of protecting the traditional way of life and, simultaneously, developing the rural population. [Applause.]
Mnr C AUCAMP: Mevrou die Speaker, in die eerste plek, hartlik geluk aan die UCDP met hierdie debatstema, maar veral ook met die wyse waarop hulle dit geformuleer het. Ek wil konsentreer op die een deel van die tema, naamlik die kwessie van tradisionele leiers, wat nie net polities, maar ook konstitusioneel aangespreek word.
Ek maak die stelling, dat die Grondwet van Suid-Afrika nog ver tekort skiet om hoegenaamd die kompleksiteit van ‘n diep, plurale gemeenskap te verdiskonteer. Hiervan is die regte van tradisionele leiers en gemeenskappe ‘n sprekende voorbeeld. Die krisis wat in hierdie verband voor die plaaslike verkiesing ontstaan het, is ‘n duidelike bewys daarvan.
Hierdie konstitusionele gebrek kan teruggevoer word na ‘n onvoltooide
proses en ‘n onvervulde belofte, naamlik die belofte van internasionale
bemiddeling, juis rondom hierdie aangeleenthede. Voorts is daar ook ‘n
reeks onvervulde beloftes daarna. Hierdie onvoltooide hoofstuk sal
konstitusioneel aangespreek moet word. Artikel 211 erken die status en die
rol van tradisionele leiers, maar,subject to the Constitution''. Voorts
erken dit gewoontereg binne hierdie gemeenskappe; maar ooksubject to the
Constitution’’. Die funksionering van tradisionele leiers word ook erken,
maar, weer eens onderworpe aan die Grondwet.
Die Grondwet waaraan hulle egter onderwerp word, is deur en deur ‘n grondwet wat oorheers word deur die klem op individuele regte. Gevolglik is ook die instellings waarna in artikel 212 verwys word, tandeloos. Die enigste wyse waarop die gesag van gemeenskapsinstellings geakkommodeer kan word, is nie deur middel van stille koöptering nie, met ander woorde, ‘n eresitplek voor langs die drywer, maar sonder ‘n stuurwiel in die hand nie. Dit is eerder om hul funksieterreine duidelik af te baken en om hul bevoegdhede te verskans. Hierdie regte van tradisionele leiers moet grondliggend konstitusioneel aangespreek word, want dan sal dit nie nodig wees om hulle voor elke verkiesing ‘n fopspeen in die mond te sit nie. Feit van die saak is, die dag as hulle daardie fopspeen uitspoeg, het ons almal groot moeilikheid. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr C AUCAMP: Madam Speaker, in the first place, sincere congratulations to the UCDP on the theme of this debate, but particularly also on the manner in which they formulated it. I want to concentrate on one part of the theme, namely the question of traditional leaders, which is being addressed not only politically but also constitutionally.
I want to make the statement that the Constitution of South Africa still fails totally to take the complexity of a deep, plural community into account at all. The rights of traditional leaders and communities are an object lesson of this. The crisis that arose in this regard before the local election is clear proof of this.
This constitutional shortcoming can be traced back to an unfinished process
and an unfulfilled promise, namely the promise of international mediation
precisely in respect of these issues. Furthermore there were also a series
of unfulfilled promises thereafter. This unfinished chapter will have to be
dealt with constitutionally. Section 211 recognises the status and the role
of traditional leaders, but, subject to the Constitution''. Furthermore
it recognises the common law within these communities, but alsosubject
to the Constitution’’. The functioning of traditional leaders is also
recognised, but, once again, ``subject to the Constitution’’.
The Constitution to which they are subject, however, is a constitution that is completely dominated by the emphasis on individual right. As a result the institutions to which reference is made in section 212 are also toothless. The only way in which the authority of community institutions can be accommodated is not by means of covert co-opting, in other words having a seat of honour next to the driver but not being able to touch the steering wheel, but by demarcating their areas of jurisdiction clearly and entrenching their powers. These rights of traditional leaders should basically be dealt with constitutionally, because then it would not be necessary to pacify them before each election. The fact of the matter is, the day they refuse to be pacified we will all be in big trouble.]
Mr Y I CARRIM: Madam Speaker, comrades and friends, in so far as this is a genuine call by the UCDP to address the constitutional and political issues surrounding traditional leadership, who in this House can disagree with that? Who, too, can disagree with the observation that much has been done? In fact, from 1990, when the Codesa negotiations began, right up to the very end of the parliamentary calendar last year, this issue has persistently been addressed. [Interjections.] Well, I will deal with that in a moment.
There are a whole lot of comments made by the opposition parties, and I am responding from the point of view of the portfolio committee chairperson, and I will deal largely with what Parliament has been doing in addressing this issue. Needless to say, the Democratic Alliance, as usual, offered the most inane and trite comments. It is to Gloria Borman in particular that I want to respond and, in so doing, I am responding to at least some of the other opposition leaders.
What is particularly striking is that only this very morning, in the portfolio committee meeting, we drew attention to the fact that this Local Government: Municipal Structures Amendment Bill, which was meant to have been dealt with at the end of January, will, in fact, be brought before Parliament around the third week in March. We had indicated in earlier letters to the opposition members and our own party members why there had been a delay, which is entirely understandable.
Now, Gloria Borman has made a whole series of wild statements. Partly one needs to understand that she came to Parliament in June 1999. Before that, she was obviously in a very deep coma, because she is not aware of what happened before that. Since then she has obviously been in a semi-coma, because we have been dealing with these issues persistently and pervasively. [Interjections.]
What is utterly absurd, too, is that she claims that there is something devious about the fact that we have postponed addressing the Bill. But, in fact, the contrary is the case. It is precisely because we are serious about addressing the issues of traditional leaders that we have had to defer bringing the Bill before Parliament. It is precisely because Government - the Minister will deal with this - has to consult further with a wide range of stakeholders, not least traditional leaders, regarding this postponement.
Lastly, Gloria has dealt with what we have not done over the past 10 years. Let me deal with what has happened. In fact, as I said, through the multiparty negotiating process, through Codesa, before that, in the Constitutional Assembly process, and through the finalisation of the Constitution that we currently have, we, in fact, have consistently and constantly addressed the issue of traditional leadership and a democratic society. [Interjections.]
In fact, when we dealt with the White Paper process with regard to local government, and subsequently with the legislation that flowed from it, we again dealt with the issue of traditional leadership and our modern democracy. Indeed, we postponed the conclusion of the parliamentary year last year precisely to accommodate this issue. All of us know full well that on 20 November we were meant to have a parliamentary sitting and pass a Bill that dealt with the role of traditional leaders in local government. All of us, no doubt even those who did not turn up at Parliament, will know why we had no choice but to postpone that.
In fact, as we are all aware, there is a special Cabinet committee that is addressing this issue. We are all aware, too, that the President repeatedly met with traditional leaders throughout much of last year. The Deputy President has also attended to this matter. I am not sure what more is required of us, but one thing is clear: This matter of traditional leadership and our democracy is a matter that will be constantly addressed. Forty years from now people will still be addressing the issue. It is far too complex an issue, it is far too fluid an issue, it is far too dynamic an issue to believe that we can resolve it now. We shall therefore constantly address it. [Interjections.]
Mr D H M GIBSON: It will last forever!
Mr Y I CARRIM: Good! Now, what has Government done since 1994? This ANC-led Government has rationalised and upgraded the salaries of traditional leaders. [Interjections.] This ANC Government, not anybody else, has established the national House of Traditional Leaders and six provincial houses. [Applause.] It is this Government and this President of our Government who has put the issue of an African Renaissance on the agenda, which in part - this is not all it means - raises the issue of our African heritage and of traditional institutions and their important and relevant role in a modern democracy.
We have, in fact, in Chapter 12, set out the framework for a dispensation for traditional leaders. When we looked at the discussion document last year, it was very striking that the House of Traditional Leaders, in their presentation to Parliament, pointed out that the DA was not interested in the issue of traditional leaders.
Mr M J ELLIS: Absolutely not true!
Mr Y I CARRIM: It cannot not be true, because one simply has to refer to the report which says precisely that. I am quoting to members from the report of the national House of Traditional Leaders. They said very clearly that the DA was not interested in the issue of traditional leadership. It is also very clear why Gloria Borman mouths what she does now. [Interjections.] She has never, ever engaged concertedly with regard to this issue. In fact, the DA is remarkable for its silence on this issue, which they do not actually understand, as is very clear from both their contributions.
Before us, as the Minister will no doubt explain further, is a Green and White Paper process, which we understand will be completed by June this year. When we had the hearings on 16 November last year absolutely every submission, except for the submissions that came from traditional leaders, rejected that Bill as it was then presented, on the grounds of constitutionality, lack of democratic consultation and content. Nobody, but nobody, apart from the traditional leaders, wanted us to process that particular version of the Bill.
Now, there are many who argue - and we would like to put this challenge before all the opposition parties - that it makes no sense, even though we can have this Bill three or four weeks from now, to have a Bill now when in fact we have an elaborate process of consultation that is unfolding. We had a discussion document a year ago. We have the Green Paper process and the White Paper process. Surely it is only after that process of consultation is finished that we might want to ask ourselves whether it is necessary at all for us to effect any constitutional amendments to reconcile traditional leadership and a modern democracy. Only after we have considered that, should we consider any amendments to legislation. Surely that is a reasonable way forward.
Members must understand that people are clamouring for constitutional amendments. That cannot come before this discussion. That Constitution was shaped by at least two and a half million submissions before we finalised it. Whether it is traditional leaders or the working class of this country or whoever, the issue remains the same. That Constitution cannot be tampered with lightly. We need to go through a process, as we have done for the last nine or ten years, of painstaking discussion, consultation and negotiation.
Finally, the issue of traditional leadership cannot be resolved by consulting traditional leaders alone. There is a wide range of stakeholders that have an enormous number of supporters and members of their organisations who also live in traditional authority areas. In Cosatu’s case some 2 million of their members actually live in traditional authority areas. They should be consulted, and so too should the gender commission and so on, just like on any and every other issue. [Interjections.] We need the widest consultation before we effect any constitutional amendments.
This portfolio committee commits itself to addressing these issues expeditiously. [Applause.]
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Madam Speaker, let me thank all those who participated in this debate so animatedly. They have surely given impetus to this question of ubukhosi [chieftainship] and we hope that the Government will, in future, give due attention to this whole exercise.
It has been quite interesting to notice that within the ranks of the majority party, where they have a good number of amakhosi [chiefs] in their stable, none of them was in this line-up. Because this whole thing is close to their hearts and affects them directly, they have had to pick or choose people who would say what they would like to hear, without actually addressing the whole thing by going to its nerve. [Interjections.]
One realises that there are still ill-informed activists who go around saying that the amakhosi are corrupt in one way or the other, whereas it is on record that even in the past it was very clear that when people ran away from the security forces they hid in the rural areas where they were afforded protection, which means that it was the same amakhosi who would help them out there.
The question of retaining the issue of amakhosi on the agenda ad infinitum does not answer the question of when this will be addressed. It will remain there for all eternity. All we want is action and not promises. We want some delivery. It does not come as a surprise, because even hon Minister Lekota, during the run-up to the elections in the Mafikeng area, went on to tell people that from the time of the negotiations at the World Trade Centre right up to 1996, when the final Constitution was drawn up, they did not have time to address the question of the traditional leaders. So we are only saying that the people who have power should give due attention to this issue. [Interjections.]
With regard to the whole issue of having introduced the National House of Traditional Leaders and those in the provinces, one would ask: What is it that comes out of those houses, except for their just meeting, coming in and going away without any clear result. The whole issue has not been properly worked out. The Government is not giving them the necessary support, except telling them to come and then giving them whatever they think they have to. [Applause.]
The MINISTER FOR PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: Madam Speaker and hon members, in his opening address to Parliament President Mbeki observed that, and I quote:
… gradually, step by step, our country proceeds further away from its painful past.
The painful past that the President speaks of is the one which compelled the unfree to fight for freedom, the oppressed to plan for liberation and the invisible to mount the offensive for higher visibility.
In that struggle some of our traditional leaders excelled through selfless service. Indeed, Shaka, Hintsa, Sekhukhune, Makado, Ngungunyane, Moshweshwe and others, because they knew their place and role in that struggle, have eternally entered the legends of the people as warriors of high renown.
It is trite to say that the struggle for a better country, a country renewed, is not yet over. We dare not allow the sword to sleep in our hand when our rural areas are still home to 70% of South Africa’s poor. All our efforts must be directed at putting the nightmare of poverty and underdevelopment to flight. I have no doubt that our people expect their leaders, traditional or elected, to co-operate with each other and to harness their co-operation to the vision of sustainable socioeconomic development. As a country we are in a continuing process of transition. As we continue to develop the essential elements of our democratic state to maturity, we shall have to find a way of defining the role to be played by the institution of traditional leadership in our system of governance. Government published a discussion document as a contribution to this process. Apart from identifying issues which require discussion and decision, the discussion document sought to increase public information flow in order to empower the people. We have received invaluable feedback from many people who participated in the workshops which took place in various parts of the country.
The relevant portfolio and select committees conducted public hearings which generated a lot of useful insights which will be taken forward as we proceed with the process of further defining the role of the institution of traditional leaders in our system of governance. For its part, Government attended a series of meetings with traditional leaders in order to seek consensus on the interim statutory measures we need to put in place as we continue the search for a more permanent arrangement.
Mr D H M GIBSON: [Inaudible.] The MINISTER: Those who do not understand how things are done in a democracy have been trying to bulldoze Government into following a route which violates principles of participation, consultation and transparency, principles which underpin decision-making in our public institutions.
In his letter to the coalition of traditional leaders, President Mbeki reiterated the following points: Government will introduce a Bill to Parliament with a view to increasing the representation of traditional leaders in the municipal councils from 10% to 20%. As hon members know, this has since happened. I was informed by various MECs that many traditional leaders have indicated their readiness and willingness to take their place in the local council structures, because they want to become co- makers of a prosperous country.
The President also made it clear that Government will continue with the process of formulating the White Paper on the Role, Powers and Functions of the Institution of Traditional Leadership. The White Paper will lead to the enactment of national framework legislation in June 2001.
Some in the country, including people in this House, have pretended that it is the sole responsibility of Government to define a role for the institution of traditional leadership in our system of governance. It is puzzling to see them taking perverse delight in the so-called failure of Government to address the concern of traditional leaders. What they call the concern of traditional leaders should to be our common concern. No normal person can hope to sustain the argument that problems which are experienced by traditional leaders were created by this Government. Neither is it correct to impute the blame for the so-called corrosion of the powers of traditional leaders to local government.
On the occasion of the certification of our country’s Constitution, the Constitutional Court, in its judgment, said, and I quote:
The Constitutional Assembly cannot be constitutionally faulted for leaving the complicated, varied and everdeveloping specifics of how traditional leadership should function in the wider democratic society, and how customary law should develop and be interpreted to future social evolution, legislative deliberation and judicial interpretation.
This means that defining the role of traditional leaders is the shared responsibility of all the branches of government, and that government decisions must have due regard for the views of the electorate.
Cabinet has appointed a committee of three Ministers and a Deputy Minister and charged them with the responsibility of processing a Bill which will soon be coming before Parliament. The Bill relates to an arrangement for the interim, whilst the process leading up to the enactment of more permanent framework legislation, as envisaged in the Constitution, remains on course. [Applause.] Debate concluded.
IRREGULAR USE OF TRAVEL FACILITIES BY MR K M MOEKETSE
The SPEAKER: Before proceeding to the next matter for debate, I wish to make a statement.
Hon members, last year, on 31 October, I had to deliver a reprimand to a member of this House for the abuse of travel facilities. Regrettably, there is another case on which I wish to report.
Allegations about the irregular use of travel facilities also appeared in the media with reference to the hon Moeketse. As in the previous case, I met with Mr Moeketse and a Whip of his party and asked him to respond to the allegations. Thereafter, I requested the disciplinary committee, chaired by the Deputy Speaker, and composed of members from all parties, to carry out an investigation and advise me on the appropriate action. In Mr Moeketse’s case, the Disciplinary Committee decided to have a detailed forensic audit done before it arrived at its findings.
Once again, I want to thank the committee for its thorough work. My decision is again based on the findings and recommendations of the committee. However, as in the previous case, I decided that, in the interests of Parliament and the public, I needed to ensure that the penalty provided a deterrent and emphasised the serious nature of such abuses.
Travel benefits, as members know, are made available at public expense to facilitate members carrying out their duties and responsibilities as public representatives. The wilful misuse of such benefits constitutes a breach of public trust on the part of the member. Inevitably, it also brings Parliament into disrepute.
Parliament and the public are entitled to expect that members will set the highest standards of ethical behaviour. Whenever these standards are violated, Parliament needs to act firmly and decisively if it is not to lose the confidence of the electorate.
Mr Moekeste, would you please stand while I deliver the finding of the Disciplinary Committee?
It has been established, and you have admitted, that you allowed a friend and your friend’s child to travel from Johannesburg to Cape Town on 23 December 1999 with tickets that were purchased using your travel vouchers. The Disciplinary Committee has further found that you knowingly misused your travel benefits in this instance, and that there is prima facie evidence that fraud was committed.
I therefore have no option but to issue a reprimand to you in this House for your unbecoming conduct. As there is prima facie evidence of fraud in respect of the trips undertaken on 23 December 1999, I am required to refer the relevant information and documentation in this regard to the Director of Public Prosecutions for further investigation.
You will further repay Parliament the full transport costs of the trips to Cape Town by an adult and a child on 23 December 1999, repayment to be effected within 30 days from today. In addition, you will forfeit two tickets from your allocation.
Hon Mr Moeketse, do you have a statement to make?
Mr K M MOEKETSE: Madam Speaker and members of the House, with all due respect, I accept with humility the decision of the House and will abide by it.
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I have indicated on the previous occasion that the Disciplinary Committee put forward various proposals to regulate travel facilities more effectively and to control related costs. The committee’s findings and proposals have already been referred to the Joint Subcommittee on Support for Members and to management for their urgent attention. The remedies will also require the urgent attention of the entire House.
REBUILDING OUR COMMUNITIES THROUGH URBAN RENEWAL AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT
(Subject for Discussion)
Mr W M SKHOSANA: Madam Speaker, the transition to a democratic state and restructuring of apartheid institutions is proving to be a lot more complex and challenging than we anticipated. The change in a global environment, and South Africa’s engagement with both international institutions and world powers, has multiple impacts on the development process, the levels of persistent poverty and continuing vulnerability of children. South Africa is fast integrating into a global political economy, from a new national and regional position. Being part of the global and political economy in this era of a high technology-driven community system, calls for a new form of politics within and outside of the country. The transformation of traditional institutions, and new forms of social articulation between the Government and nongovernmental networks, are necessary. It is submitted that the most critical pillar of the envisaged sustainable rural development is the following: Land, on which the Department of Agriculture and Land Affairs is working very hard, taking the 13% question; and water, which the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry is giving to millions of South Africans; as well as integration and housing development.
The provinces approve and support attempts to promote integrated housing development, as is the case in Cradock, a community which was thrown into disarray by political upheavals during the 1980s. A project to build 2 000 units with assistance from Nurcha, brought together various sectors within Cradock to create jobs, establish small industries and train artisans, to empower communities to actively participate in their own development.
There is a need to ensure that all municipalities develop a uniform procurement policy framework with clear implementation guidelines. Such an approach must be aimed at community empowerment. Land use should be a key instrument for social and economic empowerment. Municipalities should also be urged to establish LED units with appropriate staff to ensure that the process of urban and rural development is driven from there.
Development brings freedom, provided it is development of the people. Any review of mass democratic struggle in South Africa reveals the role played by women in the struggle more than in any other sector of the population. The role and experience of women in the struggle for democracy highlights how people, in the face of poverty, powerlessness and extreme deprivation, are able to mobilise against oppression.
In the 1990s women of different organisations came together to form the women’s coalition. Their main aim was to mobilise themselves and to develop and promote the women’s charter and women’s rights that resulted in their participation in Codesa, which aimed at building a new nation.
Women are building their own homes with the subsidy amount of R16 000, cheaper than some contractors can offer. Women are planting vegetable gardens in their villages and at schools. I think it is important for us as South Africans to ensure that we embrace what women are doing in this country in order for us to rebuild our rural communities. [Applause.]
The state-of-the-nation address by the President of South Africa on 9 February 2001 made it clear that R1,3 billion, spread over seven years, would be set aside for an integrated development programme in Alexandra. That project will deliver housing, roads, water, sanitation, roads, clinics, magistrates’ offices and police stations.
However, I also think that we need to make the point that the people of Alexandra were notified in advance that they would be moved from the hazardous area around the Jukskei river. There was an agreement between the Government and the people of Alexandra. But a few individuals within the community of Alexandra who have vested interests have taken advantage of the situation. [Interjections.] However, we also need to ensure that there is development in the different provinces. In the Eastern Cape we have seen the Smuts Ngonyama and other projects. In the North West there are development projects in Kekana and Madikwe townships. These and others ensure that there is urban renewal. There is development in rural areas as well, such as in Maubane, Motla and Sterkwater. In these areas there are contractors to develop rural housing.
We also need to make the point that there is no rebuilding of our communities through urban renewal and rural development in the Western Cape. There is nothing whatsoever in the pipeline in so far as housing in the Western Cape is concerned. All provinces are trying to pull up their socks and ensure that they house the nation. [Applause.]
Mr D K MALULEKE: Madam Speaker, hon members, let me remind the hon Skhosana that separate development does not bring freedom.
In the first couple of years of the ANC-ruled Government programmes and policies driven by idealism and ideological attachments were derived, and grand-plan concepts and vocabularies commensurate with grand schemes were developed and regurgitated by politicians and bureaucrats.
The RDP was the flavour of the day. Many of these grand plans ended up mired in bureaucracy. Many noble projects failed because of weak management at local level and poor monitoring by central planners.
Over the past years the Government has sought to reverse its obsession with the big picture. There is now a sense that details matter. The plans that President Mbeki unveiled in his state-of-the-nation address last week were a welcome breath of fresh air, but the questions must be asked: How will moneys be allocated; where does the R6 billion come from; which Ministry will oversee the implementation as, as one can deduce, at least four Ministries are involved; what are the timeframes and at what stages?
South Africa is blessed with a wealth of human and mineral resources. It is incumbent on the ANC Government to utilise every potential skill it can solicit in this country, regardless of colour, gender and political affiliation.
The Government will have to mobilise local councils, chiefs, schools, principals and local businesses and communities to buy into and participate in its projects and initiatives. The strength of these two strategies is that, if they succeed, they will change the way of life in many communities. The ANC will have to come to grips with the value of constructive criticism.
One weakness of the South African political system is that we have a proportional representation system instead of a constituency system. One of the advantages of a constituency system is that MPLs and MPs would be able to co-ordinate the monitoring and implementation of certain Government programmes, so that they could act as an early warning to the various Ministries. I have been deployed as a DP MP for Soweto East, and I would love to see the day when this system would change to a constituency system, so that MPs and MPLs could be effective and accountable to their electorate.
Our experience of the past six years was intolerance of criticism by members of the ruling party. We in the official opposition are poised, ready, willing and able to contribute to the upliftment of all the people of South Africa.
Where there is no vision, people perish, but he that keepeth the law, happy is he.
[Applause.]
Mrs I MARS: Madam Speaker, the President, in responding to the debate on the state-of-the-nation address, cited part of the United Nation’s Millennium Declaration on Poverty. We, on behalf of the IFP, are totally committed to the realisation of all objectives regarding the alleviation of poverty and the human suffering caused by poverty.
The President also quoted from South Africa’s participatory poverty assessment of 1995 that millions of our people suffer ill-health, high levels of anxiety and stress, and a sense of hopelessness, pervasive demoralisation and fatalism. We, as members of this House, therefore, have to ask ourselves whether we are doing enough, and whether we are doing it right?
I believe the first question can be answered honestly and quickly: No, we are not doing enough. We still do not put our country’s most marginalised people at the centre of all our debates and all our actions. The second question is more difficult to answer and, perhaps, with a new strategy on urban and rural renewal, we can open the debate and hopefully ensure that the R6 billion we targeted, in a new and innovative manner, will significantly and permanently improve the lives of our most marginalised citizens and communities.
We wish to comment that all too often large-scale interventions fail, because they have not adequately gauged poor people’s real aspirations and prevailing coping mechanisms. Often these interventions have been driven by outsiders and technocrats, whose accountability is to a department, rather than the affected communities. Whilst welcoming the commitment to a basket of services, we hope that local people will be mobilised and given an opportunity to determine their priorities.
Affordability, sustainability and ownership of projects is critical to their success. Current rates of high unemployment within poor households and communities leave them devoid of financial resources, hence interventions that are to benefit the truly poor require a clear assessment of sustainability.
Renewal is not only about material improvement. There is also a spiritual dimension which lifts people out of a sense of hopelessness and despair. Therefore, should we not review current interventions in view of globalisation, which has little to offer our lowly skilled and poorly educated people? Should we not assure ourselves that in view of widespread unemployment and the socioeconomic impact of HIV/Aids, adequate provisions are budgeted for so as not to increase the daunting levels of impoverishment? All planned interventions should therefore, as a primary goal, have the building of community capacity to manage development on local norms and strengthening of family and community networks.
Our commitment to people-centred development was also emphasised by a resolution at the NAM Conference in 1998, and we feel that a programme of urban and rural renewal provides a golden opportunity to put people-centred development into practice and give practical expression to that resolution. Six billion rand, wisely spent, can make a huge difference.
Mr J DURAND: Madam Speaker, the fact that the standard of living of the average First World worker is much higher than that of the average worker in South Africa; that in the First World working hours are shorter and children are sent to school, not to farms and factories, is not because of the achievement of government and the laws of the country, but is the outcome of capital invested per head of the population. That this capital investment is much higher in the First World than in South Africa is not as a result of socialist policies or a programme like the RDP, but of the market.
The conflict between the haves and the have-nots is a real conflict that can best be addressed by a government that does not interfere in the market processes. Government cannot create wealth - Government only takes. The more Government spends, the less people have to spend. Government has no funds, they take people’s money and spend it. Government at its best can merely create the environment in which the private sector and the people can create wealth and a better life for urban and rural communities. Urban and rural communities live in and around the cities and towns. These must become centres for development and economic growth.
But contemporary cities in South Africa and the rest of the world are facing numerous problems. Urban sprawl, crime and inner city decline are just some of the issues facing urban centres from Johannesburg to Jerusalem, from my own Pretoria to St Petersburg. The answer, however, may lie in comprehensive urban planning and design.
With regard to strategies for creating positive urban and rural development, new and innovative ways of tackling the problems of these changing environments have to be found. But who participates, and how does one define a future role for urban centres? Should there be a move towards re-establishing them as centres for big business, or should they be diverse cosmopolitan centres which are conducive to the needs of the broader community? In the spirit of reconstruction and development, engaging with affected communities is an important starting point in identifying needs and creating strategies to deal with the challenges of urban and rural development.
Small businesses are important for the rate of job creation and income generation in the country. This sector deserves particular attention since it has been greatly neglected in the past. Research shows that inner city areas facilitate the hatching of new establishments.
In the past, much emphasis has been placed on physical upgrading. Social regeneration and access to information, education and recreation facilities is equally important in creating civic pride and sustainability. In keeping with the philosophy of social regeneration, it is significant to acknowledge the importance of ownership of projects. If a community owns a project and takes pride in it, its likelihood of success is greater.
We should have a long-term vision as well. Although addressing certain short and medium term issues is important, we should not lose track of international economic and development trends. Sustainability is crucially linked to tapping into broader markets. Foreign direct investments will only come once Government creates an investor-friendly climate. [Applause.]
Mr M N RAMODIKE: Madam Speaker, there is no doubt that South Africa has one of the best Constitutions in the world, which enshrines, inter alia, the principles and core values upon which we as a country can rebuild and revitalise our communities through both urban and rural development.
According to the UNDP report, South Africa 2000, the entire global picture of South Africa in terms of social imbalances, development and service delivery is as follows. More than 18 million South Africans live below the poverty line, which is pegged at an income of R353 per month, rating South Africa as second in the world after Brazil with the most skewed distribution of income.
The poverty rate in urban areas is 28,5% as compared to 70,9% in rural areas. The poverty rate in black communities in this country is 60,7% while the poverty rate in the white communities is only 1%. It is against this background that I want to concentrate on the rebuilding and revitalisation of rural development.
Go le bjale, mohlomphegi, rena re le karolo ya setshaba, e bile re le baemedi ba ditshaba, re reng e bile re dira eng go kaonafatsa maphelo a batho bao re ba emetsego? Re nepile le go ela sedi dikokwane tsa boiphediso tseo di swanetsego go ba mathomo-mayo le mokokotlo goba motheo wa seo re se hwetsago go Molaotheo wa naga. Gona, mohlomphegi, re tshephisitse setshaba nakong yela re ralala le naga re le masolong a dikgetho. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[Therefore, what are we, as an integral part of a nation and representatives of our communities, saying and doing to better the lives of the people, against the background of an economic infrastructure that should be the cornerstone of our Constitution? We promised all these things to the nation during our election campaigns.]
What the voters out there currently enjoy is the right to vote every five years, but this does not necessarily put food on the table. The UDM’s contributions and suggestions in this regard will be what we say and what we consider to be core values for the revitalisation of, in particular, rural development.
Go a tsebega gore maloba bontsi bja batho e be e le bagami ba dikgomo, feela ge go lewa mafsi ao ba phaelwa kua kgole. Ke mafelong a bjalo moo lehono setshaba se selago ka la go dutla. Bomphenyasilo ba rile go re gamisa dikgomo ba ba ba thopa le tseo e sego tsa bona. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[It is a well-known fact that many of us were also milking cows, but today, because it is time to eat, they are being pushed aside. It is these kinds of places that have turned into hunting grounds. After forcing us to milk the cows, the bullies have impounded those that do not even belong to them.]
The rebuilding of rural development necessitates the review, audit performance and revitalisation of tourism, forestry and of citrus, as well as agricultural and other development projects which are mismanaged and neglected by provincial executive authorities, with special reference to the Northern Province, the Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga, which have the highest incidence of mismanagement, incompetence and corruption.
The revitalisation of rural development … [Time expired.] Ms G L MAHLANGU: Madam Speaker, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, South Africa, together with other countries in the developing and developed world, is confronted with numerous socioeconomic and developmental challenges. Increasing population, hunger, poverty, disease, unemployment and a threatened and degraded environment are but a few of the sustainable developmental challenges.
The past government’s legacy, which sought to separate or marginalise people from accessing resources for a sustainable livelihood, has made the challenge of delivery even harder. Such a deliberate attempt and destructive strategy have led to a situation that does not allow for basic human needs to be fulfilled, for adequate living standards or for the protection of the general environment.
Cities are the hardest hit by the effects of the apartheid legacy, since these areas were portrayed and later perceived to be good for general prosperity. This false sense of prosperity continues to dominate in terms of the reasons people choose to leave rural areas for the city. Our attempts to deal with rural and urban challenges take place with our past as backdrop.
The transformation of most of the developing world from rural villages to a world of cities and towns has seen one important characteristic coming to the fore, namely, that those national economies are increasingly urban. The contribution of cities to national economies have pointed to one other thing, namely, the fact that cities work. We are fast becoming a world of cities, yet cities are increasingly failing to deliver a quality life for its inhabitants, primarily because of resource constraints and congestion. Indeed, cities are engines of economic development and they have a major role to play in addressing issues relating to the impoverishment or prosperity of its inhabitants. It must be borne in mind, though, that townships were never classified as part of cities, even though they are urban areas themselves. Over the years, cities have stagnated in growth, a stage referred to as urban decay.
Our interactions with developmental challenges should aim at integrating these townships and coming up with a city that reflects the spirit and the aspirations of a truly transformed South Africa. While the cities continue and still do benefit from economic activity, townships continue to endure environmental and social ills.
The following are some of the recommendations from the African Regional Conference: African Solutions towards Sustainable Urban Development. In seeking to solve problems that we face in our urban areas, there is a need to consider the structure of cities from the perspective of the poor, and to take the poor people’s needs into account.
We who have a rural background understand that there is a lack of channelling of resources to rural areas. By this I mean financial skills and capacity-building.
The hon member Judy Chalmers, during the President’s debate last week said:
I have spent long hours discussing with my comrades: ``What can make it happen?’’, with my constituency, and I would like to recount something of what I have been hearing.
Firstly, the practice of funding projects in remote rural areas and then leaving people to fend for themselves has been extremely destructive, especially to people’s confidence and hopes. This has often led to migration to big cities in search of a better life. It therefore becomes essential that viable financial programmes are encouraged in rural areas to boost the local people’s confidence and to instil in them the pride of improving their own lives and doing things for themselves, not for them to be at the receiving end.
Serious thought should be given to enabling communities, through appropriate interventions and sustained backup from dedicated advisors, to tender for local projects and development, instead of allowing such job- creating initiatives to go to outside consultants and contractors. This happens too often, and it leaves the people poorer than they were before.
We have a beautiful and resource-rich country. South Africa is beautiful. Its people are beautiful and warm. What the President said a few days ago is a direct challenge to all of us. We need to lead the way in addressing these issues. What differences are we making in our daily lives to improve the lives of other people? We have the means to contribute towards a better life, especially those of us who come and stand at this podium. The last speaker was a prime minister in his past life, and left the people of the Northern Province poorer than they were when he came in. Today he comes and blames the ANC Government. [Interjections.] What a shame! If I were him, I would not even have participated in a debate dealing with poverty knowing that I contributed nothing to the people. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, please take your seat.
Mr M N RAMODIKE: Madam Speaker, is the hon member prepared to take a question? [Interjections.]
Ms G L MAHLANGU: No! [Interjections.]
Ke tla bua ka puo e rre Ramodike a tla e tlhaloganyang. Ga ke na nako ya go tshameka, ke tsaya dipotso tse e leng gore di ka seka tsa nthusa ka gope.
Batho ba gaabo rona, ko magaeng kwa, ba humanegile go feta ka mokgwa o bona ba neng ba dumela go tsaya matlhotlhora a marotho go tswa mo maburung, ba ipolelela gore Afrika Borwa e ka nna naga ya dinaga di le 17, mo teng ga naga e le esi. (Translation of Setswana paragraphs follows.)
[I will talk in a language that the hon member Ramodike will understand. I do not have time to play around. I will not answer questions that will not help me in any case.
Our people in the rural areas are so poor because of the manner in which they had agreed to accept crumbs from the Boers, telling themselves that South Africa could be a country of 17 countries within one country.]
If they had not agreed to those homelands, today South Africa would have been in a better situation. They contributed a lot. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Gona jaanong batho ba rona ba a lela, ba lela ka gore morago ga dilo tse dintsi tse a di dirileng, o santse a ntse ka fa teng ga Ntlo e ya baemedi ba batho. O na le sebete sa gore a eme a mpotse potso. O mpotso potso efe, mme ke senye nako ya me ke reng? Ba sentse lefatshe le, e rile batho ba rona ba batla botoka, bona ba ipatlela botoka go malapa a bona le a ditsala tsa bona. Batho gompieno ga ba na metsi a a phepa kwa Lebowa, ga ba na ditsela. O ikutlwa a le jang fa a itse gore e kile ya nna mongwe wa baeteledipele ba ba jalo? O dirile eng? (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)
[At the moment our people are crying, because after the many things he has done to them, he is still sitting in this House that represents the people. He has the nerve to stand up and ask me a question. What question is he asking me? Why should I waste my time and answer him? They have destroyed this country. When our people wanted a better life, they wanted it for themselves, their families and friends. Today, our people in Lebowa have neither clean water nor proper roads. How does he feel, knowing that he used to be one of the leaders of that kind? What did he do?]
This is the time to make a difference. When we walk the streets of South Africa and we see people who are hungry, who have no education, it is our task to change that. We should feel ashamed, especially people such as that hon member, who have taken the crumbs from those ruling parties of the past to divide our country even further. The hon member should be ashamed of that. [Applause.]
Mrs R M SOUTHGATE: Madam Speaker, ideas have consequences. They produce behaviours and lifestyles that affect people, cultures, nations and history. The degeneration and degradation of our urban and rural areas are a direct result of bad policies and spatial planning during the old dispensation in South Africa.
Decades of neglect and discrimination have created townships throughout the country with appalling services and a tiny economic base. These towns are located on the outer edges of traditional cities. Our social institutions and policies bear the unmistakeable imprint of our world-view, and that inevitably shapes the world we create. Urban renewal must be seen as a complex network of multidimensional factors which, if tackled correctly, will raise the social and economic standards of a city.
Spatial efficiency will ensure sound planning and investment with special focus on rebuilding the townships and creating more jobs; has an integrated developmental plan for housing and urban amenities; reduce commuting distances between workplaces and residential areas, and make well-located land suitable for development with a good environmental management system. Focus must be on local economic development to enhance the capacity to generate greater economic activity to achieve growth and competitiveness, and to alleviate poverty.
It does seem that the Government, with its R6 billion injection into urban renewal projects, hopes to provide infrastructure capacity to boost the investment potential of our cities. The Urban 21 Conference has left the ordinary man in the dark about the future of family wellbeing, especially with regard to job prospects, security of basic services and a safe environment.
Government has a moral obligation to inject funds into the urban rejuvenation projects. The measure of success will not be whether this money is effectively utilised, but whether the capacity exists within the state to guarantee the rule of law and order to uphold the momentum of this renewing process.
Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, the FF is on record more than once in this House to have said that if we do not succeed in South Africa, if South Africa as a ship goes down, we all go down together; black and white, Afrikaner, Zulu, Xhosa, all together. Against this background we welcomed President Mbeki’s announcement of both an integrated rural development strategy and an urban renewal programme. We think they are important and the only way to go to solve these problems of poverty.
A week ago the new mayor of Pretoria, or Tshwane, was inaugurated. He was inaugurated two blocks from the Pretoria railway station. The crowds cheered that Pretoria was now governed by the ANC. An HON MEMBER: Yes!
Dr P W A MULDER: Yes!
This morning on television, I saw how the railway station was burnt down by those crowds. [Interjections.]
An HON MEMBER: By the ANC?
Dr P W A MULDER: I did not say by the ANC. I said the crowds of people who were out there. [Interjections.] Well, I imply that, the majority of Pretoria is now ANC, so surely some of those people must have been ANC supporters as well. [Interjections.] I can assure hon members that there were no FF supporters there. [Interjections.] The question is, what type of urban renewal is this?
In Afrikaans sê ons: om op te bou is moeilik; om af te breek is maklik. Die Afrikaanse skrywer Langenhoven het gesê: ``Om af te breek, is geen kuns nie; die swakste onder ons kry dit reg.’’ Nou vra ek, is hierdie optrede van die skare ook die gevolg van apartheid?
Hoe verklaar ons wat daar gebeur het? Of is dit die gevolge van die ANC se revolusionêre aanslag, want die ANC bly ‘n bevrydingsorganisasie wat ‘n revolusionêre gees by sy kiesers wakker hou. Die ANC beweer voortdurend dat dit die manier is om probleme op te los. Solank dit die benadering is, kan ons almal vergeet om op te bou. Die VF is bereid om stedelike en plattelandse opbou te steun. Ons dink dit is uiters belangrik, maar ons sal nooit hierdie optrede kan verstaan wat gister gebeur het nie. Ons moet eers die gees daar buite verander, voordat ons gaan slaag daarin om op te bou. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[We say that it is difficult to build, but easy to break down. The Afrikaans author Langenhoven said, ``Om af te breek is geen kuns nie; die swakste onder ons kry dit reg.’’ [to break down is no art, the weakest among us succeed in doing so] What I am asking now is whether this conduct of the crowd is also the result of apartheid?
How do we explain what happened there? Or is it the result of the revolutionary onslaught of the ANC, because the ANC remains a liberation organisation that keeps alive a revolutionary spirit amongst its voters. The ANC constantly proclaims that this is the way to solve problems. As long as this is the approach, we can all forget about building. The FF is prepared to support urban and rural development. We think it is extremely important, but we shall never understand the kind of behaviour that took place yesterday. We have to change the spirit out there first, and only then will we succeed in building up.]
Mr G E BALOI: Madam Speaker, during the state of the nation address this year, the President stated clearly that both the integrated rural development and urban development strategies were in the process of being implemented. The Government stated clearly that its intention was to conduct a sustained campaign against rural and urban poverty as well as underdevelopment, focusing the resources of all three spheres of government in a co-ordinated way. The thrust of the co-ordinated strategy will entail investment in the economic and social infrastructure, human resources development, enterprise development, the enhancement of the development capacity of local government, poverty alleviation and the strengthening of the criminal justice system.
The Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy of 1995 sets out the mechanism by which rural people, their elected representatives - excluding traditional leaders, but including those who are elected - and all rural district and local councils can take charge of the development process in their own areas. We as the UCDP say that traditional leaders should be taken on board.
I now come to the urban renewal strategy. The population in urban areas is estimated to be between 19,6 and 26 million. Urban areas generate about 80% of the gross domestic product. Consequently, efficient and productive urban areas are important for alleviating poverty and creating a more equitable society. We as the UCDP concur with the Government that the urban renewal strategy is the best approach in achieving economic growth and enhancing South Africa’s global competitiveness in the world market. Mr P M MATHEBE: Madam Speaker, hon members, I just wanted to give some advice to the hon member Dr Mulder. [Interjections.] That bobbejaan spanner should shut up!
Dr Mulder is old enough to differentiate between right and wrong. So, I really must advise him to take pains and make efforts to try to teach himself to think in a proper way so that people can say that they have their representative in Parliament. He should not come here and say things that are going to make the lives of our people more miserable than ever before. He should try to think in a proper way before he comes to the podium. I do not want to waste my time, because people might perhaps not notice the difference between Dr Mulder and I.
The Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy and the Urban Renewal Programme are, in themselves, a systematic and unrelenting campaign against poverty in the rural and urban areas of our country. This programme should kick-start development in rural and urban areas, focusing, as a first priority, on violence-torn communities and those in crisis. The accrued results would, in the main, be an integrated approach to the provision of infrastructure, housing, community and recreational facilities as well as job opportunities with a view to transforming disadvantaged communities, thereby creating sustainable and habitable environments.
The Community Water Supply and Sanitation Programme of the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry was initiated in 1994 to achieve the constitutional objectives of ensuring that all South Africans have access to sufficient water and a healthy living environment. We therefore view the Integrated Rural Development and Urban Renewal Programme as a step towards further achieving the objective of a better life for all.
The local government will, in keeping with their constitutional mandate and in terms of the provisions of the Water Services Act of 1997, ensure and define the rights of access to a basic water supply and sanitation services. These local governments will also ensure that there are sufficient continuous, affordable and fair water services within their communities.
I have indicated that there is a need for a concerted and systematic offensive on water-borne diseases that are determinants of the ill-health which continues to cripple the health of the majority of our people, especially the rural poor. South Africa is one of the 12 most lethal countries in the world because of our infant mortality rate, largely due to water-borne diseases. It costs the country billions of rands every year to treat and cope with the effects of water-borne diseases.
It is a known fact that more or less 16 million people in South Africa do not have access to basic clean water supply and more than half of the South African population has no sanitation services. All this is largely due to inequalities and disregard for the lives of other people by the apartheid government of the past.
The ANC Government has undertaken to correct all those inhumane practices of the past. It has taken firm decisions to restore the dignity of our suffering masses. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry, Ronnie Kasrils, has just announced that the Cabinet has approved an integrated interdepartmental approach to sanitation which will link water supply, housing, health, local government and education.
The first step in this new integrated approach to sanitation will be the review and alignment of sanitation policies, and more responsibilities are going to be placed on the local government structures. These structures will receive support from the Departments of Water Affairs, Health, Education and Provincial and Local Government with respect to capacity- building. The Minister further announced that the Unxu Regional Council received R15 million and the Uthungulu Regional Council was given R20 million for water and sanitation delivery. In his state of the nation address, the President categorically stated that the central aim of this Government was to conduct a sustained campaign against rural and urban poverty and underdevelopment with, among other things, investment in economic and social infrastructure, human resource development, the enhancement of the development capacity of local government and poverty alleviation.
There is a need for the Department of Water Affairs, firstly, look into the issue of reviewed tariff policy so that there is uniformity. Secondly, it has to speed up the establishment of catchment agencies and water committees, to accelerate water delivery and vastly reduce the rate of water-borne diseases.
In conclusion, the fight against poverty needs the commitment and active participation of all of us, the Government and all sectors of our society. Thus, our people will be in the forefront of shaping their own lives as the establishment of formal structures for integrated management of water resources at catchment and local levels will bring in a new dimension to the management of water resources. We therefore call on all our people to give meaning to the Khoisan proverb that ``a dream is not a dream until it is a dream of the whole community’’.
Dr M S MOGOBA: Madam Speaker, this debate goes to the very heart of the South African problem - a legacy of white supremacy rule that spanned nearly four centuries and left, in its wake communities hanging on a thread of mere survival. At the core of the problem of rural and urban poverty is landlessness. On average a white farmer in South Africa owns 1 500 hectares of land compared with the 1,2 hectares of a black farmer. Putting it differently, 40 000 white farmers own 86% of farmland.
To bring about rural development and urban renewal, the following remedial measures should be noted: Rural women and men should be given skills so that they will be able to use land effectively; water should be made available in order to make the land productive and rural homes should be electrified; co-operative farming should be introduced, with families bringing together their small pieces of land in order to make farming viable; and agro-based industries should be established, using existing facilities and resources, for example, making juice or jam out of mangoes, peaches, guavas, etc. There should be intensive literacy programmes so that the upgrading of industries can be undertaken. Marketing should be centralised and undertaken co-operatively. This will ensure that wastage and rotting of perishable commodities are reduced to a bare minimum and that reasonable prices, locally and internationally, are negotiated.
Tourism offers great potential for both rural and urban communities. A lot of capital is required to develop the infrastructure and ensure that indigenous crafts, and village and township tourism, can stimulate our tourist market, so that international guests can be exposed to the beauty of our country, wildlife, and the rich variety of modern and ancient traditional life.
In our towns we should develop the so-called township. We must bring towns to the townships and reverse the one-sided flow of spending. It is estimated that millions flow out of Soweto to central Johannesburg. Industries should be established and jobs created so that roads and services can be developed. [Time expired.] [Interjections.]
Mr J P I BLANCHÉ: Madam Speaker, first of all I want to thank you and members for the welcome I was given in this Chamber and in the committees.
Voordat ek my toespraak maak, wil ek graag hulde bring aan my voorganger, Dr Luyt, vir sy visie en die ywer waarmee hy die opposisiepartye bymekaar gebring het. Die FA wens hom die beste toe met sy toekomsplanne. Om fisies in sy skoene te staan, sal vir my nie moontlik wees nie, maar ek het dieselfde ywer en ambisie om van Suid-Afrika ‘n plek te maak wat sal werk. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Before making my speech, I would like to pay tribute to my predecessor, Dr Luyt, for his vision and the diligence with which he united the opposition parties. The FA wishes him everything of the best with his plans for the future. It would be impossible for me to step into his shoes physically, but I have the same enthusiasm and ambition to make of South Africa a place that will work.]
I have been a public representative for 27 years. [Interjections.] I was a mayor, a city councillor, a member of parliament and served on Mr Tokyo Sexwale’s cabinet as an MEC. Before entering politics, I was a design engineer in South Africa, the United States of America and Great Britain.
En dit is vir my moeilik om vir ‘n tweede keer in 22 jaar ‘n nooienstoespraak te kom maak. [And it is difficult for me to come and deliver a maiden speech for the second time in 22 years.]
I therefore seek to enter this debate, namely the rebuilding of South African communities through urban renewal and rural development, from the historical background and experience that I have at hand. The point I wish to make is that politicians are accountable for the success or failure of rural development or urban decay in their regions. They create the environment in which industry and business have to function effectively. Whenever we inherit urban decay, we must deal with it, and I believe we can.
What better example can I cite of a South African community who dealt with such decay and development than Oudtshoorn, the homeland of the ostrich. A century ago it was one of South Africa’s wealthiest areas. Then feathers went out of fashion, and it nearly closed down its industry. But it made a comeback after realising that they must market more than feathers. They have put their town and the region back on every tourist, fashion designer and leather goods manufacturer’s business programme. They created additional business for many entrepreneurs in the free-market industry. Artists now paint egg shells, the toes and the feet of the birds are turned into ornaments, and the meat is served in most of our restaurants countrywide. They have created jobs all over the country. Is it not possible that the same success can be achieved by Angora goat farmers in the Eastern Cape? What about other products in other regions and sectors of our economy?
If we want to fight urban decay, and promote rural development, we, as politicians, must work together with business, industry, commerce and agriculture in our regions to market our people’s skills, and not accentuate our political ideologies. There must be closer co-ordination between politicians at the various levels of government when we plan and redevelop urban centres so that the mass transport nodes can be closer to the business centres. This will make it easier for mass transport users, the poorest of the community, to do their shopping on their way to work and back.
We must also not build our civic centres and our public buildings on the shores of the only lake in our town. We do not get revenue from such buildings. We must reserve such properties for hotels and waterfronts in order to be able to get revenue from them. Together with our town planners and other government officials, we must be bold enough, without hesitation, to adjust policies and correct human engineering failures.
Surely, we cannot feel proud that the Carlton Hotel had to close its doors, and that the Johannesburg Stock Exchange and other businesses had to move from the Johannesburg CBD. Did not all us feel rebellious when the statue of the jumping impalas was vandalised in the Oppenheimer Park in Johannesburg? Are members ready to say: Enough is enough, from now on, as in Singapore, we must penalise people who litter and trash our streets?
The fact that we are debating this issue is sending a signal to Government that we will no longer tolerate the decay of our urban areas, and that we want to see development programmes that will elevate us to levels where we would be proud to receive tourists in our towns and cities.
Ek dank die lid wat hierdie voorstel na die debat gebring het. Dit was vir my ‘n voorreg om aan die debat deel te neem. [Applous.] [I thank the member who introduced this motion for debate. It was a privilege for me to participate in the debate. [Applause.]]
Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, good governance functions on the principle that our people come first. The rural people of all the rural areas are our people, and were neglected for hundreds of years.
To achieve economic and social development evenly throughout the country, it requires the appropriate allocation of physical, financial and human resources in the urban and rural areas. The sustainability of capacity- building projects will depend on whether the following infrastructures are available: Transport, telecommunication networks, tourism facilities, electricity and water supply, sanitation, the building and construction of houses, access to health and education facilities. To empower the disadvantaged and alleviate poverty, a balance in urban- rural economic development must be maintained. This can be achieved by promoting economic diversification, manufacturing on a small scale, and local importation. Pilot local economic development projects implemented in Midrand, Durban, Port Elizabeth, Khayelitsha, Nelspruit and Harrismith revealed many strengths and weaknesses.
To rehabilitate the flaws in these economic development projects, the following must be achieved: Firstly, the role and responsibility of national, provincial and local government must be clearly defined. Secondly, the public-private partnership must be administered to achieve effective service delivery and job creation. Thirdly, these projects face many financial constraints, and therefore, the restructuring and reorientation of the Development Bank of Southern Africa, and the local authorities loan fund must be reconsidered.
Fourthly, critical efforts must be made to establish intensive community and labour participation. Fifthly, we must identify a multitude of factors that inhibit farming from developing land, such as the land and tenure system, lack of skills and vocational training and community dynamics. Finally, urban and rural development projects must be constantly monitored and evaluated by the local government in order to see and determine their success. [Applause.]
Mr B M SOLO: Madam Speaker, Ministers, Deputy Ministers and hon members of Parliament, this debate is nothing other than spelling out the meaning of rebuilding our communities, as well as setting out the process of ensuring urban renewal and rural development.
It is a known fact that development in this country has been unequal for many decades. There are areas where there has been massive concentration of resources for development. Regrettably, huge areas were deliberately neglected or ignored. And those are mostly found in black urban and rural areas. That is a big problem that contributes to all kinds of socioeconomic ills, such as gross disparities in the levels of social and human development, inequitable access to basic services, profound imbalances in the economy, high levels of poverty, etc.
One of the problems experienced in the course of rebuilding our communities through urban renewal and rural development, is a structural one. Institutions that would primarily, under normal situations, carry out this task, were not structured in such a way that they would be able to do so. Hence we came with the Local Government: Municipal Structures Act.
Secondly, indeed, there were no systems in place to ensure developmental planning in orientation. This, therefore, resulted in the introduction of the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act that has recently been effected. This Act enables us to carry the mandate, responsibility and the task of ensuring urban renewal and rural development. The need to rebuild our communities cannot be questioned. To do so, strategies and programmes such as sustainable rural and urban development, have to be developed.
Local government is structured in such a way that there is some form of interlink between urban and rural communities so as to ensure integrated development planning. The new Local Government: Municipal Systems Act guarantees such interaction and integration. Therefore, we shall have no doubt about our obligation in using such structures and systems, to ensure effective renewal and development.
In his speech two weeks ago, the President of the Republic of South Africa, Comrade Thabo Mbeki, captured this aspect clearly. I quote:
In both instances, our central aim is to conduct a sustained campaign against rural and urban poverty and underdevelopment, bringing in the resources of all three spheres of Government in a co-ordinated manner.
Therefore, the introduction of the new system of local government is but one of the major elements to ensure just that. The system is aimed at ensuring the elimination of resource disparities between the poor and the rich. As such, urban renewal and rural development is aimed at addressing the continued persistence of socioeconomic infrastructure and spatial imbalances.
Again the President mentioned that the Ministry for Provincial and Local Government will be acting as co-ordinator in this regard. I would like to remind the hon members of the DP about this. Apparently they cannot listen or hear when people are speaking here. Therefore, local government in urban and rural areas would be the focal institution of Government. In essence, local government in its transformed form is aimed at performing those functions that are geared at taking forward this programme.
In the legislation governing local governments, clear sections such the community participation, integrated development planning and key performance indicators are incorporated. As such, these sections guarantee implementation of urban renewal and rural development. Thus, the programme of building our communities through urban renewal and rural development strategy reinforces our objective to fight poverty and create a better life for all. This programme is dictated by existing material conditions that we dare not pretend do not exist. Indeed, something has to be done urgently, and this strategy is geared towards doing just that.
Once more, the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act, through integrated development planning, specifically provides realistic ways of bringing about the development that will ensure socially cohesive, resilient and stable rural communities that are economically empowered and productive. This applies equally to urban communities. Planning would be such that there is constant relationship between urban and rural areas.
Phakathi kwezinye izinto umthetho womasipala ubeka ukuthi ukuletha izingqalasizinda zempilo kubantu bakithi nemisebenzi yomphakathi makunikwe wonke umuntu, ikakhulukazi labo abahluphekile abampofu. Lezo zidingo-ke, ngugesi, amanzi kanye nezinye izinto ezidingekayo emphakathini.
Ukwakha uhlobo lomasipala olumsebenzi walo kungukuthuthukisa abantu bakithi, ukugcizelela ukubaluleka komasipala nokwakha izindlela zokuthi bahambe ngenqubo yentuthuko, kungumsebenzi womasipala. Ukuletha intuthuko yezomnotho ngokushesha emphakathaini, ukwakha izindawo eziphephile kanye nokunakekela impilo ezindaweni zethu kungumsebenzi wabo omasipala. (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)
[The Local Government: Municipal Systems Act states that everybody, particularly poor people, should be involved in the creation of health infrastructure for our people. The needs of our people include electricity, water and other things that are important to them.
It is important to have a municipal council whose task is to improve the lives of our people. It is the duty of a municipal council to emphasise the importance of its existence. It must ensure that it deals with issues of community development. Municipal councils have a duty to bring about economic development in their communities. They also have to build safe places and ensure health care where we live.]
For the success of the strategies, the Act provides for the participation of all our people. So there is no way views and input of all people and sectors can be ignored, because development is for the people. We shall then, all of us, have to mobilise all our people to participate in these programmes as provided for in some sections of the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act.
We shall indeed ensure that no technocrat would sit in some corner and devise plans that are not people-driven. Lest we forget, building our communities through the urban renewal and rural development strategy is our clear objective, and we shall do just that. We shall have to deal decisively with the apartheid spectra that have subjected many of our people to conditions of abject poverty. The call to all of us that we must unite for change is very relevant. [Applause.]
Mr J H NASH: Madam Speaker, in line with the objectives set out in the address to the nation by our President, the Government has decided to tackle the plight of the poverty-stricken in South Africa head-on. The poorest of the poor have been left to fend for themselves without access to basic services such as clean water and electricity for all these years.
The national Government proposes a basic poverty-relief tariff system for poor households. All electrified poor households will be provided with free basic grid and nongrid electricity services, to cover basic electricity costs.
The proposed electricity basic service support tariff system will be implemented in 2001 and 2002 at an annual cost of R1,8 billion, and will start in June this year. All households will be provided with 50 kilowatts of free grid electricity per month. Block or step tariff for grid electricity consumption beyond kilowatts to mitigate the cost implication of free basic electricity will be introduced, in consultation with Eskom and the National Electricity Regulator.
Free nongrid electricity services to all nongrid-electrified households will be provided to a maximum of R40 per household and will be funded from the energy component of the equitable share grant to municipalities. Any difference between the actual maintenance and operation costs will be borne by the consumer.
These pilot schemes in the year 2000 and the 2001-2002 financial year, targeted to benefit the poor, must be considered as options and a challenge to implement. The implementation of nongrid electricity areas in 2001 and 2002 will be funded to a maximum of R40 per month from the equitable share grant. As many rural areas do not benefit from the equitable share grants, a special grant, based on cross-subsidisation, will be used. Those who can pay, must pay.
An HON MEMBER: We want a better scheme. Mr J H NASH: Those who cannot pay must be assisted to have access to electricity.
All these years local authority funding came mostly from the electricity sold at a profit. The problem was that the system was not transparent. The issue of cross subsidisation will still be a reality while we consider sustainable economic development. Education in the use of electricity is vital. The creation of effective management and administrative machinery in every municipality is vital. Equipment should work properly and the reading of meters should be regular, accurate and efficient, to eliminate doubt and confusion.
We have been advocating an integrated use of energy. The use of paraffin and liquid petroleum gas should assist the poor to save on electricity use. Paraffin is the fuel of the poor. We must strive to reduce the price of paraffin. Paraffin has its problems, as it is poisonous and creates a fire hazard.
Education in the use and storage of paraffin is vital for the safety of our communities, especially in informal areas. We must ask ourselves why liquid petroleum gas costs three times as much as in other countries. We must engage the petroleum companies to get them to reduce the price of gas to an affordable level. [Interjections.]
An HON MEMBER: How much will you charge?
Mr J H NASH: The issue of paraffin and gas pricing is an inhibiting factor to the access and use of these products. Our President has stressed that mining in the rural areas should benefit the rural communities in the area. Sustainable mining development in rural areas should involve public participation, and should benefit the communities as a whole.
I think I will cut short this speech, because I need to deal with the New NP. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] Why has the NP not provided basic services to the people who voted for them? [Laughter.] [Interjections.] Why have they, three months after the elections, run away from the idea that they must provide basic services for them. [Interjections.] They must answer that. [Interjections.] The DP, the party of doom, has taken them for a ride. [Laughter.] There they sit. They turn around and abdicate their responsibility towards the people who voted for them. The only thing that they have left is the coloured community of the Western Cape, and now they turn around and say they are not going to provide them with basic services. They should be ashamed of themselves. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] [Applause.]
As for Mr Lee and his party, the DP, these people have taken hon members for a ride. Can they not see that? [Laughter.] Why did they join them? Tell me? [Laughter.] [Interjections.] They have made fools of themselves by joining them, because now Tony Leon is sitting there and crowing at their expense. [Laughter.] [Applause.] But, worst of all, the people of the Western Cape are not getting basic services, because their Marais has decided not to give it to them. We are sick and tired of this. There he comes.
Mr I J PRETORIUS: Mevrou die Speaker, sal die agb lid ‘n vraag neem? [Madam Speaker, will the hon member take a question?]
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, your time has expired.
Mr J H NASH: Madam Speaker, there, he has come back to life! [Interjections.] [Laughter.] [Applause.] The SPEAKER: Order! Did you wish to raise a point of order?
Mr I J PRETORIUS: Madam Speaker, I wanted to ask that hon member a question, but his time has expired.
The SPEAKER: Order! Unfortunately his time had expired before you rose.
The MINISTER OF HOUSING: Madam Speaker, hon members, comrades and colleagues, hon D K Maluleke and hon M N Ramodike should please wake up and smell the roses. [Interjections.] I did not feel them by my side when the ANC waged a fight against the social injustices that have led to the infrastructural backlog, proliferation of informal settlements, the scarcity of basic services and the economic decay of our country - a reality most South Africans are familiar with.
Unfortunately some of the hon members on my left would prefer not to remember or talk about the past. They prefer to continue as if it is business as usual. The reality is that most families are living in subhuman conditions as a result of past policies. Our society remains characterised by wide and increasing gaps between the rich and the poor; inequalities remain between different racial groups - we get the homeless, the inadequately housed and those thrown into absolute abject poverty. The urban and rural landscape continues to be separated by the disparities in basic services, while at the same time united by the common strain of urban and rural poverty.
We have made significant inroads in ensuring that basic services are extended to all our people. However, there is a need to embark upon a focused and coherent strategy that will deliver basic services in an integrated manner, while at the same time dealing holistically with past imbalances.
South Africa is a land consisting of both the developed and the underdeveloped and will be undergoing drastic social and economic change in the next few months. The time has come to swiftly address those parts of the country that have been trapped in a time warp. The urban renewal and rural development strategies are a decisive intervention to consolidate human settlements and support the economy. In addition, it is a way of ensuring integration and countering the spatial distortions of the past. We are redrawing and consolidating the South African landscape that has been cruelly chopped into little jigsaw pieces by past policies.
Over 5 million people who have benefited from the delivery of basic services will shortly be joined by countless others through the implementation of the integrated rural development and urban renewal strategies. These will provide an opportunity to our people to have a choice and an alternative denied by the racial rule. We are giving our people a choice based on the premise that South Africa belongs to all who live in it.
Furthermore, we are reconnecting all parts of our country to the whole. Dysfunctional parts are given a new lease of life and connected with the massive transformation drive currently sweeping through the country. As the President said, we need to unite in action against urban and rural poverty for the implementation of social justice and accelerated change.
Alexandra, the home of many of our South African leaders and luminaries, will benefit from the first leg of the urban renewal and redevelopment plan. The old Alexandra, or Alexandra proper, the East Bank and the Far East Bank, with a population estimated at 1.2 million, occupying about 4 060 houses and 34 000 informal shacks, will benefit from R1.3 billion rolled over the next seven years.
The living conditions of our people will be markedly improved through the installation of infrastructure and services. We will be able to reclaim the open spaces. We will bring health and a better quality of life to our people. I must also say that section L of KwaMashu will also benefit from this exercise. We will be able to create transportation and economic nodal points where there were none. We will open up access to the criminal justice system through the establishment of community courts, thereby ensuring that the safety and security of our people is taken care of.
This will be done as a moral response to tackling all the social ills we are facing. We all have a moral obligation to participate in the reconstruction of this country and the continent in general, because we believe that through these two strategies our communities will cease to work like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle, but unite in an integrated manner for sustainable development. The countless men, women and children who have been subjected to subhuman conditions will, for the first time, be the beneficiaries of access to basic services and improved living conditions, things most of us take for granted.
Regarding the DA, at the last count reports showed that none of our colleagues there had voted for or fought against apartheid. Its horrific effects still cut across our society and are felt most profoundly by those who are fighting against them. However, their vociferously vocal arguments against all progressive initiatives, particularly around the issue of the reconstruction and development of our country, have robbed them of the opportunity to join us and become active participants and champions of nation-building.
We sincerely hope that this time all the members of the DA will do the honourable thing and join us in support of the movement to reconstruct the country’s rural and urban landscapes through the implementation of the rural and urban development programmes. This time we hope to feel their presence because, quite frankly, opposing transformation is not only folly, but it is hopelessly undesirable and treacherous.
We invite the DA to join this movement and wage war, a relentless war against urban and rural poverty. It is time that they appreciate the magnanimity of the ANC, inviting them to change for the better. I want to ask them not to fight progress, but rather to fight poverty, the most vicious enemy stalking our people wherever they are. Do they not want to be champions of a good cause just for once?
I want to tell Mrs Borman that the ANC did not delay implementation of its programme. Today we are talking about 6 million people who now have water, we are talking about 4 500 new telephone lines installed between 1999 and 2000, we are talking about 127 clinics that were built in the year 2000 only, we are talking about more than a million houses built since 1994, something that they could never ever hope to achieve. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
We are talking here about over a million housing opportunities provided for our people. We are talking here about an economy that never grew all the time that we were sitting in this Parliament, and for a change we are beginning to look at an economy which is providing hope for all of our people. For the first time this country, South Africa, is not a pariah among nations. It is one of those countries that is being looked upon by the whole world to give guidance and provide a system that is going to make sure that each and every poor person in South Africa, on the continent and in the world, does benefit from the new policies and strategies.
If members of the DA want to be human beings with dignity, they should join the ANC, join the IFP that has joined the ANC in making the quality of life of our people better. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Debate concluded. The House adjourned at 17:07. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
FRIDAY, 16 FEBRUARY 2001 TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Public Enterprises:
Report and Financial Statements of Transnet Limited for 1999-2000.
- The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:
(1) Directives in terms of section 4(1) of the Criminal Procedure
Amendment Act, 1997 (Act No 76 of 1997) in terms of which legal
aid or legal representation is rendered or made available for
purposes of section 3 of the said Act, tabled in terms of section
4(2)(b) of the Criminal Procedure Amendment Act, 1997.
(2) Directives in terms of section 7 of the Criminal Matters
Amendment Act, 1998 (Act No 68 of 1998) in terms of which legal
aid or legal representation is rendered or made available for
purposes of section 3(a) of the said Act, tabled in terms of
section 7(2)(b) of the Criminal Matters Amendment Act, 1998.
MONDAY, 19 FEBRUARY 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Trade and Industry and to the Select Committee on Economic
Affairs:
(a) Report of the Board for Manufacturing Development for
1999.
(b) Trade Agreement between the Government of the Republic of
South Africa and the Government of the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(c) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
(2) The following report is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration
and to the Select Committee on Local Government and Administration
for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
18 - Improvement of Conditions of Service for 1999-2000 [RP 127-
2000].
(3) The following report is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report and to the Portfolio
Committee on Finance and to the Select Committee on Finance for
information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
32 - Statistics South Africa for 1999-2000 [RP 141-2000].
(4) The following report is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report and to the Joint
Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status
of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
2 - Deputy President and National Youth Commission for the period
1 April to 31 May 1999 [RP 111-2000].
(5) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance and to the Select Committee on Finance:
(a) Government Notice No R.1414 published in the Government
Gazette No 21936 dated 28 December 2000, Conditions for the
conducting of the business of a bank by a foreign institution
by means of a branch in South Africa, made in terms of section
90 of the Banks Act, 1990 (Act No 94 of 1990).
(b) Government Notice No R.1422 published in the Government
Gazette No 21941 dated 28 December 2000, Designation of the
institution of which the activities do not fall within the
meaning of "the business of a bank" ("Financial Service Co-
operative") made in terms of paragraph (dd)(i) of the
definition of "the Business of a bank" in section 1 of the
Banks Act, 1990 (Act No 94 of 1990).
(c) Government Notice No R.1423 published in the Government
Gazette No 21936 dated 28 December 2000, Designation of the
institution of which the activities do not fall within the
meaning of "the business of a bank" ("The National Housing
Finance Corporation Limited", made in terms of paragraph
(dd)(i) of the definition of "the Business of a bank" in
section 1 of the Banks Act, 1990 (Act No 94 of 1990).
(6) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee
on Security and Constitutional Affairs for consideration and
report:
Draft Regulations made in terms of section 40 of the National
Prosecuting Act Authority, 1998 (Act No 32 of 1998) submitted to
Parliament in terms of section 40(3)(c) of the Act.
(7) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Minerals and Energy and to the Select Committee on Economic
Affairs:
Report and Financial Statements of the Atomic Energy Corporation
of South Africa for 2000.
(8) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Education and to the Select
Committee on Education and Recreation for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
High School Vorentoe Disaster Fund for 1997-98 and 1998-99 [RP 193-
2000].
(9) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs and to the Select
Committee on Social Services for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
Refugee Relief Fund for 1998-99 [RP 197-2000].
(10) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Social Development and to the Select
Committee on Social Services for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
Social Relief Fund for 1997-98, 1998-99 and 1999-2000 [RP 202-
2000].
(11) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee
on Security and Constitutional Affairs:
(a) Report of the South African Law Commission on Juvenile
Justice [RP 159-2000].
(b) Proclamation No R.3 published in the Government Gazette No
21976 dated 12 January 2001, Commencement of the National
Prosecuting Authority Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 61 of 2000)
on 12 January 2001, made in terms of section 26 of the
National Prosecuting Authority Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 61
of 2000).
(c) Government Notice No R.41 published in the Government
Gazette No 21983 dated 19 January 2001, Amendment of
Regulations, made in terms of section 81(2) of the Attorneys
Act, 1979 (Act No 53 of 1979).
(12) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Enterprises and to the Select Committee on Labour and
Public Enterprises:
Report and Financial Statements of Transnet Limited for 1999-2000.
(13)The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Provincial and Local Government and to the Select Committee on
Local Government and Administration for consideration and report:
Draft Regulations made in terms of section 120 of the Local
Government Municipal Systems Act, 2000 (Act No 32 of 2000)
submitted to Parliament in terms of section 120(7)(a) of the Local
Government Municipal Systems Act, 2000.
(14) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology and to the Select Committee on Education and Recreation
for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
Foundation for Education, Science and Technology for 1998-99 [RP
198-2000].
(15) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Health and to the Select Committee
on Social Services for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
King George V Silver Jubilee Fund for Tuberculosis for 1999-2000
[RP 199-2000].
(16) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Home Affairs and to the Select Committee on Social Services:
Government Notice No 938 published in the Government Gazette No
21573 dated 15 September 2000, Regulation 19: Transitional
Arrangements, made in terms of section 38 of the Refugees Act (Act
No 130 of 1998).
(17) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee
on Security and Constitutional Affairs:
(a) Directives in terms of section 4(1) of the Criminal
Procedure Amendment Act, 1997 (Act No 76 of 1997) in terms of
which legal aid or legal representation is rendered or made
available for purposes of section 3 of the said Act, to be
tabled in terms of section 4(2)(b) of the Criminal Procedure
Amendment Act, 1997.
(b) Directives in terms of section 7 of the Criminal Matters
Amendment Act, 1998 (Act No 68 of 1998) in terms of which
legal aid or legal represenation is rendered or made available
for purposes of section 3(a) of the said Act, to be tabled in
terms of section 7(2)(b) of the Criminal Matters Amendment
Act, 1998.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces: Papers:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 10 -
Education for 1999-2000 [RP 119-2000].
- The Minister of Defence:
(1) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the People's Democratic Republic of
Algeria concerning Co-operation in the Field of Defence, tabled
in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(2) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of Australia for the Reciprocal Protection
of Classified Information of Defence Interest, tabled in terms
of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(3) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Kingdom of Belgium concerning the
presence of the Belgiun Air Force in the territory of the
Republic of South Africa, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(4) Agreement for the establishment of a Joint Permanent Commission
on Defence and Security between Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Republic of Botswana, tabled in terms of section 231(3)
of the Constitution, 1996.
(5) Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of Defence of
the Republic of South Africa and the Department of National
Defence of Canada concerning Defence Industrial Cooperation,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(6) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of
Cyprus on Military and Technical Cooperation, tabled in terms
of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(7) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
through its Department of Defence and the Government Czech
Republic through its Ministry of Defence on Defence
Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(8) Protocol on Intelligence Cooperation between the Government of
the Arab Republic of Egypt as represented by the Director of
Military Intelligence and the Government of the Republic of
South Africa as represented by the Chief of Defence
Intelligence, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(9) Agreement between the Department of Defence of the Republic of
South Africa and the Federal Ministry of Defence of the Federal
Republic of Germany concerning Cooperation in the Fields of
Defence Economy and Defence Technology, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(10) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Ghana and
the Government of the Republic of South Africa concerning
Defence Training and Technical Cooperation, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(11) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Republic of India on Defence
Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(12) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
concerning Cooperation in the Field of Defence and Defence
Equipment, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(13) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom of
Lesotho concerning Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(14) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Kingdom of Lesotho concerning the Status of Armed
Forces in the Kingdom of Lesotho providing assistance in the
Establishment of a Sustainable Training Capacity within the
Lesotho Defence Force, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(15) Agreement between the parties contributing to the Southern
African Development Community's Combined Task Force and the
Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho, providing Military
Assistance to the Kingdom of Lesotho and regarding the Status
of their Armed Forces, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(16) Cooperation Agreement in the Field of Defence between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Republic of Mozambique, tabled in terms of section
231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(17) Diplomatic Note Exchange on the Employment of the South African
National Defence Force to render Humanitarian Assistance to the
Mozambican Government during the Widespread Flooding, tabled in
terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(18) Diplomatic Note Exchange on the Employment of the South African
National Defence Force to render Logistical Support to the
Mozambican Government during their General Elections, tabled in
terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(19) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Republic of Poland on Industrial,
Technological and Commercial Cooperation within the scope of
the Military Industries, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(20) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
represented by the Department of Defence and the Ministry of
Defence of the Russian federation concerning Defence
Intelligence Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(21) General Security Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of Sweden
concerning the Exchange of Classified Information, tabled in
terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(22) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of Sweden concerning Defence Cooperation,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(23) Defence Cooperation Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United Arab
Emirates, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
TUESDAY, 20 FEBRUARY 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The following Bill was introduced in the National Assembly on 20
February 2001 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:
(i) Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals
Amendment Bill [B 9 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75) -
(Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development
- National Assembly) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
22073 of 16 February 2001.]
(2) Assent by the Acting President of the Republic in respect of the
following Bill:
General Intelligence Law Amendment Bill [B 36B - 2000] - Act No 66
of 2000 (assented to and signed by Acting President on 20 February
2001).
(3) The following members attended and participated in the
Additional Empowerment Strategies Workshop on Women in Politics
and Decision-Making for female Members of Parliament from some
SADC Member States, held on 22-24 September 2000, at White Sands
Hotel, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania:
National Assembly:
Xingwana, L; Motubatse, S D; Thabethe, E; Rajbally, S; Mnumzana, S
K; Mndende, N; Sono, B; Ngubane, H; and
National Council of Provinces:
Witbooi, J and Themba, P.
(4) The Executive Summary of the Report of the Additional
Empowerment Strategies Workshop on Women in Politics and Decision-
Making for female Members of Parliament from some SADC Member
States, 22-24 September 2000, White Sands Hotel, Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania tabled on 5 February 2001 is referred to the Joint
Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status
of Women.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees,
viz:
Ad Hoc Committee on Filling of Vacancies in Commission for Gender
Equality:
Appointed: Dlamini, B O.
Discharged: Govender, P.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson: Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 5 - Arts, Culture, Science and Technology for 1999-2000.
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly:
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs on Sorghum Industry, dated 13 February 2001:
The Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs, having considered the application by the National Agricultural Marketing Council for the continuation of the statutory measures in the sorghum industry, reports, in terms of section 15 of the Marketing of Agricultural Products Act, 1996, that it has approved the recommendations of the Council.
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs on Citrus Fruit Industry, dated 13 February, 2001: The Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs, having considered the application by the National Agricultural Marketing Council for the implementation of the proposed statutory measure in the citrus fruit industry, reports, in terms of section 15 of the Marketing of Agricultural Products Act, 1996, that it has approved the recommendations of the Council.
The Committee further approves the recommendations to the Minister that the CGA submit its annual audited financial statements reflecting actual income and expenditure figures to the NAMC and the Auditor-General on a yearly basis. The Committee further approves the recommendation that the NAMC have observer status on the CGA’s Board of Directors to ensure compliance with the original intent of the application.