TUESDAY, 8 MAY 2001 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 14:01.

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

               ANNIVERSARY OF ADOPTION OF CONSTITUTION

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I would like to welcome you back from your recess. I would also like to remind you and South Africa that today is the fifth anniversary of the adoption of our Constitution. [Applause.]

I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate South Africa on the new Constitution and on the way that we have tackled the challenges of building our new democracy guided by the Constitution, which itself, of course, was a challenge to us as we were putting it together. May we continue to bravely face the challenges of nurturing this very delicate and young democracy. May we succeed.

                             NEW MEMBER

                           (Announcement)

The Deputy Speaker announced that the vacancy caused by the resignation of Gen C L Viljoen had been filled, in accordance with item 6(3) of Schedule 6 to the Constitution, 1996, by the nomination of Mr P J Groenewald with effect from 1 May 2001.

                             AFFIRMATION

Mr P J Groenewald, accompanied by Dr C P Mulder and Dr P W A Mulder, made the affirmation and took his seat.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Ms P N MNANDI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that a group composed of black professionals placed an advertisement in the weekend newspapers, condemning the vicious attacks on the President by right-wing forces under the guise of liberal politics;

(2) believes that the sentiments expressed in this advertisement represent the views of the majority of our people who support the ANC and the President in uniting our people for change; and

(3) reiterates the views expressed in this advertisement and commends President Thabo Mbeki for his steadfast resolve and commitment to the creation of a caring society, the eradication of poverty and a better life for all.

[Interjections.] [Applause.] Mr R S NTULI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) recognises that disparities exist regarding facilities between historically disadvantaged schools and former Model C schools as well as independent schools;

(2) notes that the solution to these disparities does not lie in destabilising and disrupting learning and teaching in former Model C schools and independent schools;

(3) therefore strongly condemns the announcement by Cosas that they intend disrupting such institutions;

(4) reaffirms the constitutional right of such schools to exist; and

(5) encourages the Minister of Education to continue with his stand to affirm the right of such schools to operate.

[Applause.]

Mr A M MPONTSHANE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) reseverdly accepts the Minister of Education’s view that dysfunctional governing bodies should be replaced;

(2) acknowledges that the effectiveness of governing bodies will realise the need and desire for co-operative governance and democracy;

(3) cautions that a daring step to replace governing bodies with curators appointed by the superintendent-general of education would defeat the very core of co-operative and participatory democracy; and (4) pleads with the Minister of Education to assist the provincial departments of Education in making more funds available for the training of the ailing governing bodies, thereby providing these bodies with the necessary technical skills.

Mrs M S MAINE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes with satisfaction the editorial comment in Business Day which supports unequivocally the hon the President, Mr Thabo Mbeki;

(2) believes that this statement confirms our long-held view that the President runs the country meticulously; and

(3) calls on the progressive NGOs, the media and civil society to emulate this example and mobilise our people in partnership with Government to unite in action to eradicate the twin scourges of poverty and racism.

[Applause.]

Dr S J GOUS: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes that the latest estimates show that there are at least 4,7 million HIV-infected South Africans, with another 1 700 being infected daily;

(2) further notes that the private sector is -

   (a)  drafting a treatment plan that will supply cheap antiretroviral
       drugs to workers; and


   (b)  taking the lead in the fight against HIV/Aids, due to the
       Government's inactivity and lack of any programmes to deal with
       the HIV/Aids epidemic; and

(3) welcomes the initiative taken by the private sector and urges the Government to support this Aids drugs campaign and not to stand in the way of making HIV/Aids treatment widely and cheaply available to the people of South Africa.

[Applause.]

Dr G W KOORNHOF: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House -

(1) notes with trepidation that the bodies investigating the arms deal are continuing with their investigation, launched by Scopa, despite the fact that Scopa has not issued the terms of reference for the investigation;

(2) further notes that the investigative team has unilaterally announced their intent, without consulting Scopa or Parliament, to conduct hearings in public; (3) expresses its concern regarding the subpoenas being issued by the investigators, which have served to shift public attention onto the whistle-blowers as opposed to the suspects; and

(4) calls on the investigators to clarify whether they are operating on the terms of reference of Scopa, the Executive, the ruling party or their own.

[Applause.]

Ms N E HANGANA: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that two thirds of the people of South Africa voted for the ANC in the last election;

(2) recognises that the ANC’s support is based on its policies and principles built on 90 years of commitment to dignity, equality, democracy and freedom; (3) cautions those opposed to transformation that attempts to weaken the ANC through attacks on its President and its leaders will prove futile, for its strength lies in its policies and history, its vision and its ability to bring about change; and

(4) reaffirms its support for the President, the leadership, and the policies of the ANC .

[Interjections.] [Applause.]

The hon members there should shut up!

Rev K R J MESHOE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ACDP:

That the House -

(1) notes with great concern threats by the Congress of South African Students to disrupt private school classes and interfere with the transport of pupils;

(2) further notes that if state subsidies were withdrawn, private school fees would be much higher than public school fees;

(3) cautions Cosas not to resort to lawlessness that would deny some students their constitutional right to education;

(4) advises Cosas to use their energy and time wisely in studying and ensuring that students who aimlessly roam our townships and towns during school hours return to the classroom where they should be;

(5) commends the Minister of Education for his decision that, should Cosas go ahead with its plan, the police would be called in to protect property, and the innocent lives of students and teachers, and to arrest all those breaking the law; and

(6) commends the Minister of Education for the strong stand he has taken on this issue, thus ensuring that valuable hours of teaching and learning are not lost due to unlawful activities by misguided students.

Dr C P MULDER: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die VF sal voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

(1) kennis neem van die uiters onbevredigende toestand waarin die totale openbare vervoersisteem in en om Kaapstad tans verkeer;

(2) die besluit van die sakegemeenskap van die stad, om hierdie week die provinsiale kabinet te ontmoet om by hulle aan te dring op dringende oplossings vir hierdie probleem, ten volle ondersteun;

(3) van mening is dat hierdie swak en onvoldoende vervoersisteem beslis besig is om besighede en toerisme in die stad negatief te raak; en

(4) ‘n dringende beroep doen op die DA provinsiale regering om hierdie probleem wat hulle oor die afgelope paar jaar reeds moes geïdentifiseer en reggestel het, nou onmiddellik aan te pak en op te los. (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Dr C P MULDER: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the FF:

That the House -

(1) notes the extremely unsatisfactory condition in which the entire public transport system in and around Cape Town currently finds itself;

(2) fully supports the decision by the business community of the city to meet with the provincial cabinet this week in order to insist on urgent solutions to this problem;

(3) is of the opinion that this poor and inadequate transport system is definitely having a negative impact on businesses and tourism in the city; and

(4) makes an urgent appeal to the DA provincial government immediately to address and solve this problem, which they should already have identified and corrected in the course of the past few years.] Ms N M TWALA: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes the recent historic victory by the ANC-led Department of Health over pharmaceutical companies;

(2) believes that this victory confirms the ANC’s commitment to the provision of affordable medicines for all the people;

(3) further believes that through this victory the ANC has guaranteed access to medicines by the poor;

(4) applauds the court’s ruling to uphold the Medicines Control Act, which enables the expansion of access to cheap and effective medicines; and

(5) congratulates the ANC for winning this battle and for boldly representing the interests of the underprivileged in society.

[Applause.]

Mrs G M BORMAN: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That this House -

(1) notes that from 1 May the City of Cape Town became the first unicity to fulfil its election promise of delivering 6 000 litres of water free to every household in the municipality;

(2) congratulates the DA-run municipality for delivering on its election promise and for making an impact on the quality of life of all the people in the municipality;

(3) encourages the preparations by the City of Cape Town to supply 20kw of free electricity to council-served households in the municipality from 1 July; and

(4) calls on the other ANC-run megacities - Nelson Mandela, Ekurhuleni, Tshwane and Johannesburg - to follow the example of the DA in the City of Cape Town.

[Applause.]

Dr R RABINOWITZ: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) in response to the warning from environmentalists with concerns about the regulation of genetically modified organisms, notes that -

   (a)  the science of genetic modification is still in its infancy;


   (b)  the effect of genetically modified crops on surrounding
       vegetation is difficult to monitor and the effect on the public
       of eating such crops is far-reaching;


   (c)  accountability for the damaging effects to health or natural
       crops caused by cross-pollination by GMOs is not clearly
       specified in our legislation;


   (d)  the onus for harmful side-effects resulting from the use of GMOs
       does not fall squarely on producers;


   (e)  labelling of foodstuffs as free of GMOs is difficult to monitor;
       and


   (f)  while the Departments of Agriculture, of Environmental Affairs
       and Tourism and of Health each fulfil their prescribed role,
       there is inadequate co-ordination between them; and

(2) calls on the Ministers of these departments to work more closely on GMO legislation, to work more closely and transparently with civil society, and to seriously consider calling for a five-year moratorium on GMO production.

Mr R D PIETERSE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes the recent reluctant implementation of the ANC’s free basic water-to-all policy by the DA-controlled Cape Town Unicity Council;

(2) also notes that the Durban City Council had successfully implemented this policy long before the elections;

(3) commends the ANC and its followers in Tafelsig, Khayelitsha, Macassar, Guguletu, Mannenberg and Langa for forcing the DA to implement the ANC’s humane policies; and

(4) calls on the DA to further prioritise other ANC policies for immediate and long-term implementation so that the people of Cape Town and the Western Cape can also benefit from the ANC’s policies for the many, not just the few. [Applause.]

Mr H A SMIT: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes the tragedy caused by the cholera outbreak in the Durban- Westville prison;

(2) acknowledges that the situation is worsened by the fact that the prison is 131% overcrowded;

(3) expresses its condolences to the family of the deceased and wishes the infected prisoners a speedy recovery;

(4) calls on the Department of Health to lend their support and to help get the situation under control;

(5) urges the Department of Correctional Services to implement the necessary precautions to make sure released prisoners will not spread the disease; and

(6) believes that the outbreak of cholera in the Durban-Westville prison is a crisis and must be dealt with accordingly.

Mr D G MKONO: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House -

(1) welcomes with cautious optimism the announcement by President Chiluba of Zambia that he will not be standing for a third term;

(2) congratulates the Zambians on their vigilance in preventing a member of the ruling elite from changing the country’ constitution;

(3) calls on the ANC to acknowledge that the will of the people will never be subverted by the will of the elite; and

(4) calls on the ANC to refrain from changing the Constitution in order for President Mbeki to serve a third term as President.

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Madam Speaker, on a point of order …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! What is the point of order?

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Given the fact that an hon member of the FF was sworn in after a long absence from the House, should not the hon member Winnie Mandela also be sworn in after her long absence from the House? [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! That is a very naughty point of order.

    FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OF CONSTITUTION OF REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes that today, 8 May 2001, is the fifth anniversary of the adoption of the democratic Constitution of the Republic of South Africa;

(2) also notes that our Constitution is hailed by the rest of the world as being one of the most progressive constitutions, with appropriate checks and balances and a strong Bill of Rights; and

(3) calls on all South Africans, both here and abroad, to -

   (a)  join hands in the commemoration of this day as a celebration of
       democracy; and


   (b)  exercise their rights, privileges and responsibilities and to
       respect those of all South Africans, irrespective of race,
       colour, gender, creed, religion, sexual orientation or mental or
       physical handicap.

Agreed to. CONGRATULATIONS TO GRANDMOTHER DORA JACOBS

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mnr D H M GIBSON: Mevrou die Speaker, ek stel sonder kennisgewing voor:

Dat die Huis -

(1) Ouma Dora Jacobs van Chatty in Port Elizabeth gelukwens met die merkwaardige mylpaal van 121-jarige ouderdom wat sy op Sondag 6 Mei 2001 bereik het;

(2) dit maak haar die oudste persoon in Suid-Afrika; en

(3) dit is gepas dat haar naam in ons Parlement genoem word. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) congratulates Grandmother Dora Jacobs of Chatty in Port Elizabeth on the remarkable milestone of 121 years of age, which she reached on Sunday, 6 May 2001;

(2) notes that this makes her the oldest person in South Africa; and

(3) believes it to be fitting that her name is mentioned in our Parliament.]

Agreed to.

              CONGRATULATIONS TO NATIONAL SPORTS TEAMS

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes the recent splendid sporting achievements by our national teams, namely - (a) Bafana Bafana’s 2-1 victory over Zimbabwe;

   (b)  the tennis team's victory over Yugoslavia; and


   (c)  the victory of the Proteas in the test series against the West
       Indies; and

(2) congratulates our sports people on these achievements.

Agreed to.

                        QUESTIONS: PRECEDENCE

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I name the draft resolution printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:

That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 29(8), Questions shall not have precedence on Wednesday, 9 May 2001.

Agreed to.

                         ELLIS PARK TRAGEDY

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the draft resolution printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the House -

(a) notes with deep regret the tragic death and injury of spectators at Ellis Park Stadium on 11 April 2001;

(b) expresses its heartfelt condolences to the families of those who lost loved ones in this incident; and

(c) calls upon the relevant role-players to ensure that such a tragedy is never experienced again.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I would like to ask you to rise as a sign of respect to those who lost their lives. Motion agreed to, all members standing.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 29 - Minerals and Energy:

The MINISTER OF MINERALS AND ENERGY: Madam Speaker, hon Deputy President and hon members, it gives me great pleasure to stand here today and appraise you of the developments in the Department of Minerals and Energy.

Slowly but surely, we are making our way. The beacon of hope shines through ever so brightly. Our people have demonstrated their readiness to make tough choices and to take the difficult road to the land of milk and honey. As representatives of the people, we should always remember, as Alfred, Lord Tennyson once said, and I quote:

… and tho’ We are not now that strength which in old days Moved earth and heaven; that which we are, we are; One equal temper of heroic hearts, Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. I would like to start by recapping what we said during our Vote debate last year. During that Vote debate we presented this House with a set of plans designed to assist us in the task of carrying out the mandate of our portfolio. Today, my Deputy Minister and I will share with you the progress that we have made in implementing those plans. We will recap on both the highs and the lows of the past year and on some of the key deliverables that we promised.

The year 2000 was a productive year for our department. Each directorate can boast of the successful implementation of many programmes. It is, however, noteworthy that the current Department of Minerals and Energy budget still indicates a more that 60% transfer to our associated bodies. Out of the 40% balance, only 19% is for the department and 31% for electrification. This therefore should indicate to hon members how tight the budget of the Department of Minerals and Energy is and how essential it is to us that we use every cent in the best possible way.

Although this is indicative of the department’s commitment to put resources into social development programmes and effective implementation of policy, it is also clear that this is a very underresourced department. For the current year, the department’s responsibility, budget wise, has increased by 50%, with the inclusion of the national electrification programme. The department has subsequently requested additional funds that will ensure the implementation of the new approved structure.

The following are areas that we concentrated on last year. Therefore some of the work will be ongoing, and some of the major challenges facing us will be the new additional tasks, such as the national electrification programme previously undertaken by Eskom.

In the area of management service, last year we focused on the department’s strategic plans and on ensuring that we align the departmental plans with the broader strategic objectives of Government. We focused on skills development and empowerment, in particular gender equity. We focused on developing a performance management system. We also focused on re- engineering our organisation in order to align our size and shape with our responsibilities.

In the area of rural development, we continued with the efficient and effective regulation of the mining industry, we abolished the Lebowa Mineral Trust as part of the realignment of our institutions with the current constitutional dispensation. We also released the long-awaited draft Bill on minerals. We restructured some of the entities that fall under our ambit. We also made sure that we started implementing the outcomes of the mining summit. In relation to the implementation of the mining summit, we also incorporated some of the resolutions of the mining summit into our Bill on minerals development in order to ensure that some of those long-term objectives are institutionalised.

We have also made vigorous efforts to ensure that we focus on mine rehabilitation and, in that respect, ensure that we protect our communities from undue environmental hazards. We also made a commitment in regard to mine health and safety, which the Deputy Minister will address. In relation to energy, we committed ourselves to energisation, specifically the integration of different energy sources, we committed ourselves to the development of an integrated energy plan, and we committed ourselves to the diversification of energy sources, inter alia, the introduction of natural gas and renewables.

We also committed ourselves to the restructuring of the energy sector, especially electricity, in order to keep energy as a low input cost for commercial and domestic users. Specifically in relation to energy, amongst our undertakings for 2000, we wanted to make sure that we sustained the excellent progress made by Eskom in the implementation of the RDP electrification plan in order to come closer to attaining our universal target, and I am glad to say that the vigour with which the electrification programme has been carried out has not been interrupted.

We also focused on developing a national integrated electrification plan which is computerised. We developed a plan to mitigate against the negative environmental impacts of coal and fossil fuels. We also made progress on the long-awaited electricity distribution industry restructuring strategy, and presented to Cabinet an electricity supply industry restructuring policy. We moved with speed and success to solve the problems of governance within the National Electricity Regulator, and successfully positioned it as one of the best regulators that the country has ever seen.

In relation to hydrocarbons we announced the task team to drive the process for black economic empowerment in the liquid fuel sector. I am glad to report that it has culminated in a charter adopted by the industry and relevant Government bodies, and is now being implemented. We drafted the gas Bill, which is now on its way to Parliament. We have no doubt that it will be passed before the end of this year - in fact, in the first half of this year.

We also committed ourselves to signing cross-border agreements with Mozambique and Namibia, in order to facilitate the importation of gas. We have already signed the agreement with Mozambique and we are waiting to sign the same agreement with Namibia. We have established a state gas pipeline development company, as we promised, in order to facilitate the construction of gas infrastructure by the state, as we anticipate the introduction of gas into our economy.

We also promised that we would merge Soekor and Mossgas into a state oil company. We have now completed the legalities of that process and we are well underway also in finalising the details, to ensure that an appropriate business plan and a business case for this merger is in place.

We promised the House a strategic stock policy, and that policy was developed and adopted by Cabinet. These are some of the promises that we made last year and some of the progress, in brief, that we have made. We made a commitment to the House as well in relation to nuclear energy and renewables. The Deputy Minister will address those aspects in detail. The Deputy Minister and I will also report to this House on some of the developments that we regard as vital to the effective implementation of our mandate.

With regard to performance management, in order to ensure cost- effectiveness and quality of expenditure, the performance management and development system which was anticipated in the year 2000 budget speech on the Vote has now been developed and was implemented in April 2001. High- level workplans have been compiled and these provide a foundation for key performance areas of all programme managers in the department.

We have also proceeded to develop a new structure and presented it to the Minister for the Public Service and Administration, who has also approved it. We are now, starting from this financial year, restructuring ourselves quite fundamentally, particularly the energy branch, which has the least number of posts needed to cope with the major responsibilities that we have. So next year we will be able to report how those changes have impacted on our delivery in that branch.

In relation to human resource development and capacity-building, we have undertaken extensive training of both our own staff and members of the public, as well as young students. We have an exciting programme which we are implementing jointly with Petronas in Malaysia. As we are talking, more than 20 South African students are undergoing extensive training in the area of gas, oil and other related fields.

We have established an internship policy, which has been finalised. Therefore we have been able to bring young people into the department, who are acquiring skills. For the first time they have jobs, and they have been able to assist us to address our capacity problem.

I would now like to address what has happened in relation to mineral development. For more than a century South Africa’s mineral industry was largely supported by gold, diamond, coal and platinum production. These minerals made a contribution to the national economy and continue to do so.

The mineral sector, comprising both the primary and secondary sectors, continues to play a critical role in our exports and in relation to job creation. We have therefore undertaken, as agreed also in the mining summit, to ensure that we promote this sector extensively. This saw us participating in many exhibitions at home and abroad, bringing on board junior and small miners, promoting South Africa’s minerals at international stands in Canada, Zambia, Burkina Faso and Cape Town.

Mintec and the Geoscience Council will continue to play a critical role as respected institutions, not just in South Africa, but also around the world. They have also played a decisive role in ensuring that these endeavours are successful.

Through the mineral promotion division of the department, more than 5 000 information booklets were also published and distributed. We have also improved the turnaround time required to issue licences and to provide the various services that the public requires.

In 1998 the Government adopted the White Paper on Minerals and Mining Policy in South Africa. This document was the result of consultations with various stakeholders over a period of four years. The draft Bill on minerals development crafts into law the principles contained in Government’s policy on minerals and mining. These policy principles are therefore not up for renegotiation.

The consultations on the Bill that we are undertaking are about the implementation of these policy principles. We have gained a lot from the public comments, and we are now ready to incorporate these comments into the Bill in order to improve it and to ensure that there are no unintended consequences in its implementation.

In giving impact to these policy principles, we are cognisant of the need to protect established business and new entrants. We will ensure that both parties realise their return on their investments and that their shareholder interests are not compromised.

We are committed to ensuring that applicants for prospecting in mining rights, who have complied with the requirements of the proposed legislation, are granted the rights they applied for. We are also committed to ensuring that where people have legitimate expectations - as set out in the use-it-or-lose-it principle - to continue their work, they are not interrupted.

The implementation of the Bill will ensure that the ownership pattern and character of this industry is changed forever. Significant black economic empowerment must be the result of this Bill. The Bill must also usher in a better dispensation for the downtrodden workers in the mining industry and the communities that are affected by mining.

We acknowledge that historically we have had a raw deal in this sector, and we feel that this must now be corrected, as instructed by the Constitution. This must, however, not be done at the expense of - and in the process destruct - the established and existing institutions and projects. Within the context of the African Renaissance, this industry will go a long way towards assisting us to achieve the goals set in the Millennium African Recovery Programme.

The use-it-or-lose-it principle is, therefore, there to protect existing operators and ensure that new entrants, both foreign and local, are given an opportunity to enter the industry. It protects the existing operators in the sense that if one is using it, one is not losing it. But it also encourages new entrants in that if existing operations lose it, then we have something that we can offer them.

We are obviously concerned about some of the discussions and debates around the Bill which have compromised the image of the country to some extent. At a recent meeting, at Nedlac, one of the representative of Nafcoc stated, and I quote:

The negative perception on the Bill created by established mining companies has created more harm to South Africa than any single clause in the draft Bill.

We hope that before people bad-mouth the country, they will also ensure that they think about the long-term consequences of this approach. With regard to energy, which is a critical sector in our economy, we have also made great strides. I have already mentioned that the Department of Minerals and Energy will now become involved in actually facilitating the electrification programme. We have also made progress in relation to the electricity distribution industry. The six regional distributors of electricity that are envisaged will be established. We anticipate that this will happen around 2003. However, in the middle of this year we will establish the holding company which will take the responsibility for unfolding this process. The stronger municipalities will, in that process, support the weaker municipalities, and the strengths of Eskom in distribution will be incorporated in the new system.

Government has also adopted a programme to alleviate poverty in communities by offering free energy and free water. I am glad to say that it is not actually accurate that the Western Cape is the first municipality to embark on this undertaking. Pietersburg did so long ago, Tshwane announced that they have started and Durban began long ago. Cape Town has just come on board and we congratulate them because that is noble. [Applause.]

What is being offered in this programme is 50 kwh per household, which will save our people about R40 a month. It will allow them cooking time of three hours per day free, four hours of lighting per day free, three hours of ironing per day free, and access to television, radio and computers for about six hours a day per month. However, this cannot be accumulated. If a family does not utilise the service in a particular month, it does not mean that they will be able to use it in the next month. They must use it or lose it.

The National Electricity Regulator now has a new board, and I am sure this board will continue with the same high level of governance as the previous board. Mr Colin Matjila will now be the new chairman of this board. We will be bringing to Parliament the Bill on energy before the end of this year, and in that way we will be able to craft, in legislation, some of the principles that are embodied in our energy policy.

We have also made progress in the area of liquid fuels, as I have indicated, and we are also making progress within the state institutions. The restructuring of a group of companies is under way. Mossgas and Soekor will now be merged into one company. Before the end of this year we will be in a position to announce, and to establish, the state oil company.

Together with the state’s institution and the private sector we will be embarking on a managed liberalisation of the sector. This will see, in some cases, regulation, and in other cases, self-regulation. We anticipate that over a period of 10 years we will have changed this industry, and ensured that as we change it, we have been able to create a safe location for our people within the industry through the deals that are currently being negotiated between the established merger and the black economic empowerment companies.

I have said that the Deputy Minister will speak about renewable energy. I would just like to highlight that we are attaching a lot of importance to that sector, because we realise that our dependence on coal does challenge us in relation to the environment, and renewable energy offers some of our small businesses the opportunity to enter the energy sector.

I would like to end by announcing sad news. Today, at Beatrix Gold Fields mine in the Free State, there was an explosion, possibly associated with methane gas at the no 1 shaft, sixth level. Eight workers are unaccounted for, four bodies have been recovered and five workers have been injured. It is this kind of challenge we face that makes it imperative that, as we enter the regulation of this sector, we as a government take the responsibility of making sure that the Minister and the Government have adequate powers to intervene in order to make sure that the industry adheres to the highest possible standards of safety, as required by the laws of the land.

We would like to express our condolences to the families and we will, as usual, be supporting the company concerned. Obviously we will also be taking a very hard line to establish if this could have been averted, because one death in this industry and in this country is one death too many. [Applause.]

Mr I O DAVIDSON: Madam Speaker, first of all I would like to associate the DA with the condolences that the Minister expressed in respect to the mine accident. Last year the DP supported the budget of the Minister and her department in that we recognised that, notwithstanding certain glaring problems faced by the industries covered by her department, the Minister, new to her portfolio, was making determined efforts to address these problems.

With this mind we were patient, perhaps too patient, because one year down the line we must register our disappointment for, notwithstanding at times much publicity hype, we detect little real substantive progress. Let me add that our own sense of disappointment is enhanced by a similar sense that we pick up in our interaction with business and other institutions which deal with the Ministry.

Let me be more specific. In respect of the energy sector, we began to see the beginnings of major interventions by Government in order to start the process of deregulation and privatisation. This was to be welcomed. However, it is becoming increasingly evident that many of the initiatives are being bogged down by ideological constraints, administrative incapacity and possible lack of adequate research, all of this leading to indecision and inaction.

Four years after the release of the White Paper on energy policy, we have yet to see the much talked about, highly necessary but little seen, integrated energy policy. Despite this, Government proceeds with initiatives to restructure the electricity industry, broadens the role that nuclear energy will play in the total energy mix of South Africa, tables legislation enabling gas to become a more competitive player in the industry, and crafts a laudable but somewhat hollow Black Economic Empowerment Charter for the liquid fuels industry which does nothing to advance the essential restructuring of that industry.

Many of these initiatives may well be good in themselves, but outside of an integrated policy framework, these initiatives could well end up by working against one another. Let me give you a classic example. In the Western Cape and in the Northern Cape nuclear energy is a major power producer. Gas fields are about to come on stream, but they need anchored customers, such as the City of Cape Town and Mossgas, in order to make their exploitation viable.

Yet the energy field is becoming overcrowded. Not only do we have an independent power producer in Cape Town, but Government has now given Eskom the go-ahead to conduct a detailed feasibility study of the proposed nuclear pebble-bed reactor. While this is a study, critics argue that Eskom, in the development of this project, has proceeded with little regard to the Government’s White Paper, and is so far down the line in the development of the reactors that Government will have little option but to agree to their development.

In all this, of course, the much-vaunted renewable energy policy seems to have been lost, and I look to what the Deputy Minister has to say as far as that is concerned. Clearly the department needs to get its act together. Now we in the DA agree that Government’s job is not to make commercial decisions for companies in the energy sector, but what Government has to do is provide a clear policy framework within which commercial companies can assess the opportunities and take risks.

The restructuring of the electricity industry is another example in which, conceptually, an excellent Government initiative seems to be coming unstuck because of a policy that has not been adequately thought through. Restructuring the industry with a view to unbundling it into three different areas of activity, namely generation, transmission and distribution, has been debated since the early 1990s. Government appointed a task team, Price Waterhouse Coopers, to come up with recommendations in respect of the distribution industry. This they did, after years of research and interaction with stakeholders. Cabinet, however, has now rejected the blueprint and has appointed yet another committee of so-called experts to review the work of Price Waterhouse Coopers. With several fundamental issues unresolved, it seems as if it could well be back to the drawing board completely.

Turning to the liquid fuels industry, we find yet another example of an initiative grinding to a halt. Having set itself the objective in the White Paper of a deregulated industry, a step which the industry as a whole welcomed because of the real potential of consequent lower fuel prices at the pump, the Government then made such deregulation dependent on the achievement of a number of milestones, one of which was the laudable objective of black empowerment companies achieving a 25% stake in the industry.

With rising fuel prices one would have thought that deregulation or, at least, reregulation, would have been an absolute priority. Instead, after four years of Government treading water, a wishy-washy, self-enforcing charter is produced, so vague that a proverbial bus or, more appropriately, petrol tanker can be driven through it. The real effect is to put the deregulation timetable back by 10 years.

The mineral sector has likewise been plagued by inaction and missed opportunities. Faced with problems regarding the operating effectiveness of the SA Diamond Board, and more particularly, the diamond valuator, a task team known as the Taljaard task team was set up to investigate complaints regarding co-operate governance in the board. An investigation was held, which confirmed most of the allegations and appropriate recommendations were made, which the Minister accepted. Yet, one year down the line most of the recommendations remain substantially unimplemented. Meanwhile the board, once one of our most financially healthy organisations, now hovers on the brink of insolvency.

More inaction is seen with regard to the Mining Summit held last year. Held amid much publicity, the summit focused on various initiatives designed to turn around an ailing industry characterised by massive retrenchements. Four areas were focused on, namely, a strategy to promote the industry; promoting the concept of mining and tourism; promoting mining potential in SADC countries and smallscale mining. One year down the line, I only hear of smallscale mining, and little has been heard of the rest.

Finally with regard to the mining industry, the initiative referred to by the Minister and by Government to facilitate easy access by the disadvantaged to mineral rights seems to be coming unstuck. This time we say thank goodness because, in the face of major opposition by both domestic and international investors, Government seems to be having a rethink over its clumsy attempt to circumvent the Constitution, and now seems to be opening the way for major changes to the draft Bill, by the announcement of the preparation of a new draft and the appointment of an international advisory panel to advise Government on the Bill.

The question has to be asked: Why did Government not take heed of earlier warnings by institutions such as the Chamber of Mines, of the likely consequences of the Bill as far as investment is concerned? And more particularly, why did the Minister renege on an undertaking given to the chamber to enter into intense constructive negotiations of the draft Bill prior to its publication? In closing, I would be remiss if I did not mention the Strategic Fuel Fund scandal. Here the country’s strategic fuel reserve was effectively privatised and sold off by persons appointed by the Minister, a deed done notwithstanding the Minister having a representative on the board. Despite the Minister claiming that she knew nothing of the transaction, which I accept, such a scandal would have resulted, in any mature democracy, in the Minister submitting her resignation to the President.

What we have witnessed is that she has good intentions, but little action, prevarication and indecision have become the hallmarks of this department, resulting in lost opportunities. Our patience has come to an end. We await the Minister’s response before we decide on whether to support the department’s budget this time around. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF MINERALS AND ENERGY: Madam Speaker, members of Parliament, members of the department, distinguished guests, Douglas must stop provoking me. [Laughter.]

In the past years several milestones have been achieved along the route to transforming the minerals and energy industry and its promotion of the growth of the national economy. Therefore it is my privilege today to present the second part of the budget speech of our department. Perhaps, to recap a bit, the hon member Davidson needs to tell this House and the world the truth about the development and progress which we have made as a department. Some of the issues he is raising have been resolved. I think he needs to be informed, and I hope he does attend the portfolio committee meetings from time to time, so as to ensure that his information is updated. Some of the things he has said have reached a stalemate.

As a result of a concerted effort by the department, we can proudly report today in this House that ERPM Gold Mine, which is on the East Rand, has reopened under new ownership. Therefore the question of black empowerment is real, and it is part of this Government’s duty to ensure that we continuously empower our people, contrary to what the past regime did. With ERPM we have managed to save 2 500 jobs, and at the same time were able to maximise the state’s financial and environmental interest.

As stated by the Minister, in pursuance of Goverment’s job creation initiatives, a highly successful mining summit was organised, which had as its most important outputs a shared vision of a sunrise mining industry and agreed strategies in all the key areas of mining and mineral development. In managing the downscaling in the mining industry and developing a mining industry social plan and assistance, mechanisms were developed to reduce job losses. We are all aware that two marginal mines in Gauteng have been saved.

When it comes to the area of mine health and safety and rehabilitation, the department is currently actively involved in continued planning and project management pertaining to the rehabilitation of derelict and ownerless asbestos mines and mine residue deposits. Most of these asbestos mines closed down more than 40 years ago and are a serious hazard to us.

This is not part of our problem, but we, as the department and the Government, are nevertheless committed to ensuring that there is rehabilitation in order to improve the health of our people. We are currently rehabilitating the Whitebank asbestos mine in Kuruman, and we have spent many millions of rands to ensure that we are able to deal with this matter as part of our commitment. Whilst we acknowledge that the task ahead of us is enormous, to date we have succeeded in rehabilitating a total of 53 mines in the Mpumalanga province, the Northern Cape province and the Northern Province.

In the area of mine health and safety, I also have to refer to the award systems for excellence in mining and environmental management. Considerable progress has been made with the implementation of this system on a regional basis. Within the nine provinces, 86 nominations have been received. These nominations were screened in the regions according to predetermined, acceptable criteria. Nominations were received in all four categories, which are small opencast, large opencast, underground and offshore operations.

The evaluation of the regional nominations was finalised during October and November 2000, and regional prize-giving ceremonies have taken place to award winners in each category with floating trophies and replacing and rating certificates. This system will follow a two-year cycle; the first will be regional awards and the second will be national awards. Improved safety performance, as the Minister has indicated, is one of our priorities. Since the introduction of the Mine Health and Safety Act in 1996, the fatality rate, which was 1,2 employees killed in mine accidents per 1 000 employees in 1995, has steadily declined to the current level of 0,72 per 1 000 mine employees. As the Minister has pointed out, this is not enough and we are currently committed to ensuring that we move towards a situation of no fatalities in the mining industry, and we will continue to strive for improvement in this particular area.

Although mine health and safety statistics show that the safety performance in the mining industry has improved, as has the causal rate associated with rock bursts, we want to say that the situation has not improved. The number of accidents associated with transport and machinery remains, again, significant, and the control of flammable gas remains a cause for concern for all of us in the industry.

I want to point out the steps which we have taken in this regard. We have set up a rock burst commission which has identified flaws in the rock mechanics approach and practices, and problem mines have been identified. The inspectorate has called on the industry to address the concerns identified. Audits and inspections have also been stepped up.

The results of investigations into recent mine fires have been widely distributed, and directives have been issued to the affected mines. Similarly, lessons arising from investigations of transport and machinery accidents are publicised and followed up during routine inspections. [Interjections.] Madam Speaker they are making a noise.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Madam Speaker, in order to speed up the investigation of mine accidents, the inspectorate has committed itself to completing major investigations within two months. In future, the extension of these deadlines will have to be properly motivated. The operations and demands of tripartite systems of governance and regulations development are under review, in consultation with the stakeholders, that is labour and business. These systems will be altered to free up more time for underground inspections and address capacity problems by both labour and the inspectors.

To ensure that the standards applied in the South African mining industry are in line with international standards, research and communications with other inspection agencies are the first step in the process of developing regulations. Currently inspectors offer advice and guidance to small-scale miners from the regional offices. Specific capacity to serve small-scale miners may, however, be necessary.

The occupational, health and safety needs of small-scale mines will be formally investigated, documented and evaluated in the course of the current financial year. I wish to inform the hon Mr Davidson that this is an area of concern for us and he needs to keep himself abreast of developments in this area.

The Director of Occupational Health and Hygiene is developing legislation and guidelines to reduce the personal exposure of workers to occupational hygienic stresses such as thermal noise-induced hearing loss and exposure to air-borne pollutants. This should ultimately lead to an improvement in quality of life and the reduction of compensation claims due to the chronic effect of past exposures. Moving further to the area of mine health and safety, following the Cabinet decision to nationally integrate occupational health and safety, the mine health and safety inspectors, in conjunction with the Departments of Labour and Health, are developing a concept document as the first phase of the implementation process. On completion of the concept document a policy formulation will be prepared and presented for consideration by Cabinet.

As the Minister stated, nuclear energy in South Africa, as we all know, is not a big industry, but it plays an important role in our country and energy sector. Currently it employs approximately 2 700 people and accounted for forensic earnings of R330 million in the year 2000.

Under the new Act, the Nuclear Energy Act, and the National Nuclear Regulator Act of 1999 which commenced in February 2000, we are continuing and endeavouring to transform the nuclear energy industry and to improve our governance of this technology. Yet we all know that it is sometimes a controversial industry.

One of the major tasks we are engaged in is the drafting of new regulations, ie notices of declarations required under the new nuclear regulations. Although one new regulation has been published in the Gazette in the year 2000, much work still lies ahead to draft legislation on matters such as the management and the discarding of radioactive waste and the radiated nuclear fuels co-operative governance, as well as fees in respect of nuclear authorisation and the level of financial security required for nuclear installation and safety standards.

We are currently restructuring the current company Nexur. We are proud to inform hon members that at this stage we have appointed Ms Louisa Zondi as the new Chief Executive Officer. We think she has all the competencies and qualities required for this particular post.

Renewable energy is a technological area which will contribute towards an energy mix, and it has been recognised that renewables are going to be a significant energy source for the future. Growing awareness has shown that the conventional electricity grid will not reach people living in remote areas. To this end renewable energy technologies are well-suited to decentralise small-scale electricity generation. Mini high grid systems will be addressed as an element of the renewable energy strategy. We are looking at regulation that will provide incentives for renewable energy.

Currently the department is facilitating the development of bulk electricity generation through wind energy at the Darling wind farm. The project has been declared a national demonstration project, and the lessons learned will be used for policy development. As we are aware, South Africa will be hosting, through the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, the World Summit on Sustainable Development - which is Rio+10 - next year. The Department of Minerals and Energy is part of this process. We are planning to have a major renewable energy exhibition and conference for energy Ministers.

International pressure, as hon members are aware, is becoming an increasing reality of global warming. These are some of the major issues that need to concern us as an energy intensive economy, particularly because of our dependence on fossil fuel. As the department, we will continue to strengthen our participation at national, regional and international forums on the environment. This will ensure the sustainable development of the South African energy sector, increased investments in clean energy technologies and compliance with the environment.

An issue of importance to us is HIV/Aids. The mining industry, like any other industry, is currently affected by this epidemic. A tripartite committee is soon to be launched to consider ways of addressing the impact of HIV. The terms of reference of this committee were recently finalised. Several initiatives have, however, been underway at mines and at regional level.

Knowledge, awareness and life skills are being addressed in most of these initiatives, which also include members of the wider community. An example is the Mpumalanga power belt project, which was initiated by Anglo Gold, Sasol, Ingwe, Duiker Mines, CSIR, Mintech, Eskom and the department. Obviously, we need to pool our resources in order to make an impact. No single agency acting on its own can really make a meaningful and lasting impact on the issue of Aids.

In conclusion, we would like to emphasise that our key challenge now as a country is to ensure that the channels provided by the democratic process, such as Government departments, institutions and other state bodies, will actually deliver on their commitments. As hon members are aware, all Government departments are working together to ensure that we are able to work in an integrated way to address the needs of our people. [Applause.]

Prof I J MOHAMED: Madam Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon Minister, hon Deputy Minister and hon members, it is a pleasure for me to support the Vote of the Department of Minerals and Energy.

I wish to pay my respects to the memory of the late Nadia Davids, former chief director of electricity in the Department of Minerals and Energy, who passed away in January of this year after a short illness. Nadia was a student of mine in mathematics while she studied electrical engineering at the University of the Witwatersrand. She graduated from Wits in 1985 and later graduated from Warwick University in England with a masters degree in information technology. We also worked together politically. It is with sadness that I convey my condolences and that of the portfolio committee to her family. We welcome the victory of the Department of Minerals and Energy, in that State Expenditure has at last zero-rated VAT on paraffin. This is a major victory for the poor. But - and this is a big but - while the paraffin price is not regulated, traders will be free to charge whatever they like and thus wipe out the VAT gain. The department must speedily address this situation.

On another front, the general public is alarmed at the escalating petrol price. As long as crude oil is imported at IBLC - that is, In Bond Landed Cost at dollar prices - we will continue to see this escalation as the rand value of the dollar increases and fluctuates. The Department of Minerals and Energy and Government must resolve this problem.

In addition to the above, the department must ensure that the mining sector develops appropriate technology, to mine at levels going down to 4km underground. Serious problems of health and safety are posed at these levels and more dependence will have to be placed on more sophisticated mechanical and technological methods and health protection measures. The development of the gas and oil industry requires further human resource development, and I took note that the Minister has sent people abroad for training in that direction.

My colleagues will speak on the issues of mining, liquid fuels, alternative energy resources and gas development and I will, therefore, not touch further on these. I shall now address the need for a bigger budget for the Department of Minerals and Energy, the nuclear waste problem and meeting energy needs in the long term.

The budget of the Department of Minerals and Energy decreased in 1998 by 18,6%, in 1999 by 9% and in 2000 by 1,3%. This year there was a small increase of 0,34% which, after inflation is taken into account, is a decrease of the order of 7,5%. Of course, this decrease is mainly due to the changing role of Necsa, the Nuclear Energy Corporation or the old Atomic Energy Board. If these are compounded over the period 1998 to 2001, the Vote shows a decrease of 26,6% which, after taking inflation into account, is a massive 45,1%.

I understand the fiscal problem that the country faces, but the real decline of over 45% in four years must have a serious, detrimental effect on the department. At this rate, how can the capacity be developed to carry out urgent tasks? I believe this is a problem of many departments.

I would just like to cite, as an example that when I write to some departments, not the Department of Minerals and Energy, I have to write letter after letter before I get a reply. I recall, recently, that I stood in a hospital queue with a ninety-seven year old lady from six o’clock in the morning until ten o’clock at night. To me, that says: there is a problem of capacity in various departments.

I am not speaking of the Department of Minerals and Energy in this connection, but I am trying to highlight, in fact, that when one has capacity problems, then there are constraints on the budget. This year, 2001-02, there is, in fact, an increase of R621,083 million, of which R600 million is due to the National Electrification Programme reverting back to the Department of Minerals and Energy, as the Minister has already indicated. The Department clearly and understandably does not have the technical capacity for such a massive programme, and so it will commission Eskom, I understand, to carry out this project and will then exercise oversight.

I now turn to the problem of nuclear waste, where it is clear that Koeberg has a storage problem, and the fact that we do not have a high level nuclear waste facility. A major leakage or meltdown at Koeberg will mean a monumental disaster for the Western Cape and South Africa. This extremely dangerous high-level nuclear waste cannot simply be transported across the length and breadth of the country. Indeed, there is no facility to which it can be taken and, for that reason, it is stored in ponds at Koeberg.

This is not just a problem for us, but a problem worldwide. It is clear that technical capacity must be developed to address this difficult problem. The Department of Minerals and Energy may have to commission Geoscience to survey the country for a suitable deep-level geological clay site that must be able to withstand, over a long geological timespan, the storage of nuclear waste without rupture. Of course, the Department of Minerals and Energy may, in addition, also get Necsa and the National Nuclear Regulator to help in that research.

Finally, I want to address, briefly, the problem of future energy sources. Imported fuel is costly and, as we have noted, with the declining rand, it will have serious implications for fuel-induced costs to industry and the economy. It seems fairly clear that the rand will decline at its present rate and, thus, continue to compound the problem.

It is clear that hydrocarbons must continue to be the main source of energy for our country. However, there are serious problems of pollution and global warming, as has already been said by the Minister. Gas and oil that we can access have a lifespan of some 20 years. This is an important development, but 20 years is a short period in the economic life of any country. The quantities are small in comparison with North Sea Gas, but the problems of hydrocarbons are serious and we have to look at nuclear energy, provided one can solve the environmental problems of hydrocarbons and the high level waste problems of nuclear waste.

The department and Cabinet are to be congratulated on having given Eskom the go-ahead for the environmental assessment study of the PBMR, the Pebble Bed Modular Reactor, as well as for its technological soundness. When I say that we must give more money to the Department of Minerals and Energy, where would this funding come from? Hon members know that the department has been saddled with loans to the Atomic Energy Corporation, which stems from the time of the bomb project. Those loans need to be taken over by the fiscus and the Department of Minerals and Energy must be given its budget in full. [Applause.]

Mr E J LUCAS: Madam Speaker, the Minister of Minerals and Energy and her department have been facing challenging times. It unfortunately appears that things could get worse before they get better. I would like to commend the Minister, however, on the way she handled the CEF issue. The professionalism and the speed with which she dealt with the issue give us hope that she and her department will be able to face the challenges ahead.

Allow me to make the following observations: The amount of R1,205 billion is R621 billion more than the revised budget for the 2000-01 financial year, which amounted to R603,7 million. The reason for this massive increase is determined in the White Paper on Energy Policy. The Department of Minerals and Energy took over the funding of the National Electrification Programme from Eskom on 1 April 2001. An amount of R600 million is, therefore, included in the Department of Minerals and Energy’s budget, which explains the increase. This addition skews the budget to a great extent. Without the addition, the budget would have grown nominally.

A matter that needs urgent and honest clarification is whether the department has the necessary expertise to manage the National Electrification Programme, which, up to now, has been managed by Eskom. It is vital that the necessary capacity exists within the department, to ensure the continued success of the National Electrification Programme. I am pleased to say that, during the Minister’s address, she did touch on this issue.

The IFP further notes that the Minerals and Energy 2001-02 budget is comprised of five programmes. It notes that there was an increase of 13,8% in administration, an increase of 8,4% in promotion of mine safety and health, and an increase of 24% in mineral development. Energy management shows an increase of 120%. This perceived dramatic increase is due to the allocation of the National Electrification Programme, which I have already made reference to. Without this allocation, however, the energy management programme would have decreased by 30%. While the SA Nuclear Energy Corporation has a decrease of 9,9%, the National Nuclear Regulator receives an increase of 3,5%. Mintec has had a decrease of 1,45% and the Council for Geoscience receives an increase of 8,3%. If the R600 million budget allocation to the National Electrification Programme were to be ignored, however, it is worth noting that the Minerals and Energy budget would have increased by R1,8 million from the previous financial year. This would translate into an effective increase of 0,3%.

It is the view of the IFP that the Minister and her department must be applauded for their stance regarding the small-scale mining sector. For example, in a place like Osizweni in KwaZulu-Natal, people were extracting coal and clay in extremely dangerous conditions. Now, the miners have been relocated to a safe area, not far from their homes. This is a good practical example of how Government can effectively help relieve people of their heavy burdens.

The plight of the small-scale miner is enormous. Government must take up the challenge to find more hands-on methods of relief. For the small-scale miner, it is extremely difficult to enter the industry because it needs large financial investments. Financial institutions, however, are not willing to extend financial assistance to them because of the risk factor.

I know that the department is aware of the catch-22 situation that miners often find themselves trapped in. I hope that a solution can be found in order to help them. I am sure that the regional minerals and energy officers can play an important role in finding the solution for that and other problems that are facing small-scale miners.

The IFP recognises that there has been a decrease in fatal accidents from 12 deaths per 1 000 employees in 1995 to 0,69 deaths per 1 000 employees in the year 2000. It would appear that the safety and health programme is producing effective results. We encourage further research aimed at eliminating all potential danger in the working environment.

We cannot ignore that a serious problem still remains with long-standing mines that are still in very poor condition. The IFP notes that, while there is always room for improvement in the area of rehabilitation of land and vegetation, mining companies - generally speaking - are doing a sterling job. The disposal of nuclear waste is and will remain an important issue. The people of South Africa will have to be assured and convinced that the issue of waste disposal has been professionally attended to. It is our right.

The price of petrol, diesel and paraffin is on the minds of and is felt in the pockets of all South Africans, including all stakeholders. The statement by a group of petrol dealers that Government must hand over any decrease in the fuel price to them was unfortunate in the extreme. The problem, as we all know, is mainly due to the value of the rand against the US dollar. The price of crude oil dropped from US$ 30 to an average of US$ 27 a barrel. Understandably, the price of fuel increased because of our weak rand.

The IFP believes that the time has come for the Minister and her department to consider an alternative pricing formula. Maybe, by so doing, the actual fuel price would be more realistic. The time has come to investigate and workshop the fuel price issue in order to produce workable recommendations. That workshop will need a very inclusive approach which must include the Department of Finance.

The reality is that our petrol price reflects more than the cost of petrol itself. It has hidden costs and provisions for other areas such as third party insurance. We need to realistically address all cost centres and determine the value of that as opposed to affordable petrol costs. The workshop will be essential and will give a broad input based on concerned groups who can give Government insight into the reality and needs of a sector of society.

The reality of us, as South Africans, is that even with the taxation relief our basic expenditure on essentials - of which energy is one the most important - has spiralled out of control. Our daily financial expenditure will increase and not decrease, even with our taxation relief. As representatives of the people we, as legislatures, must protect those sectors of our society that are most vulnerable. This continued spiral is severely detrimental to the marginalised and impoverished members of our society.

The IFP believes that the budget of the Department of Minerals and Energy should be supported as it shows the commitment to fiscal discipline while continuing the trend of greater emphasis on service delivery. The IFP supports Vote 29 and will be closely monitoring expenditure trends. [Applause.]

Ms M M RAMAKABA-LESIEA: Madam Speaker, hon members of Parliament and colleagues, one of the greatest successes of the Reconstruction and Development Programme has been the Government’s electrification programme. The RDP set a target of electrifying 2,5 million households by the year 2000 in an attempt to address the enormous backlog that resulted from the legacy of apartheid. In fact 2,74 million homes were electrified during that period - 240 000 more than the original target.

According to the National Electricity Regulator, 66% of all households in South Africa now have electricity. A total of 80% of households in urban areas have electricity and 46% of households in rural areas also have electricity. One cannot underestimate the impact of electrification. It is difficult to appreciate this fully unless one has grown up without it. The poorest of the poor now have access to electricity. Children and their parents can now study by electric light which will influence a whole generation.

Fires caused by paraffin and candles, asthma and pneumonia caused by indoor smoke, can become a thing of the past thus saving the economy millions of rands and saving poor communities much suffering. Yet, there is still a problem. Even though the poorest of the poor have access to electricity, many cannot afford it. For this reason, I commend the Government’s commitment to provide free electricity to the poor up to 50kw per month. This will be justified on avoided costs alone. It is estimated that health care and hospital costs which will be avoided by communities by switching from paraffin and candles to electricity will go a long way towards paying for the subsidy.

We must now consider the future. The RDP target has been met. What now? Everything has changed since the electrification programme began. We finally have new postapartheid local authorities. The distribution of electricity, which has long been dominated by local authorities, is being placed in the hands of six new regional electricity distributors. The electricity supply industry is being restructured to facilitate competition. Tariffs, which in 1994 were a tangle of inconsistent and widely ranging charges and not reflective of the cost of supply, are being rationalised and pegged to the real price of electricity. All of that is the outcome of the ANC Government’s efforts to achieve a properly regulated industry which will in turn achieve the goals outlined for the energy sector by our President in his state of the nation address.

The National Electricity Regulator, which was established in the early days of the current Government, has become a highly successful institution at the centre of this process. A competitive market for the supply of electricity, combined with good regulation practices, will protect the long- term interests of consumers and the economy. It will also allow easier access to the industry through new and more efficient technology and new sources of energy such as gas.

What next in electrification? It is vital that the expertise built up over the last seven years in electrification should not be lost in the restructuring process. At the moment, most of that expertise lies with Eskom. As Eskom is corporatised and restructured we must ask ourselves where the most appropriate home for this capacity will be. Not only is there much work to be done here, but these skills will be of benefit to our neighbours in SADC and the rest of Africa.

The Department of Minerals and Energy is currently undertaking a wide- ranging study to assess the impact of electrification, particularly on rural development, before starting the next phase. This is essential. Electricity is not an end in itself. We need to know what the impact of electricity is on households and small businesses, and what mechanisms need to be put in place to make sure that the process is sustainable. Are people able to make full use of electricity? Are there other mechanisms that need to be put in place? This is even more true for off-grid electrification.

Since Eskom has become a normal taxpayer, funding for electrification is now channelled through the fiscus and the programme will be under the control of the department. That will allow the programme to be more closely integrated with national energy policy goals and programmes.

Because each connection was cheaper, electrification in the 1990s concentrated on urban households. As far as household energy is concerned, the current decade should be the ``decade of rural energisation’’. Technology such as solar panels, minigrids and other small-scale energy options are ready to be deployed in rural areas where the grid cannot be extended economically.

Off-grid electricity systems such as solar panels cannot provide for all the energy needs of such rural households because of lack of power. Other sources of energy, such as LPG, Liquified Petroleum Gas, need to be considered for cooking and heating. An innovative scheme based on consensus is the key to current delivery in remote rural areas. Some of these areas are being supplied with the solar electricity system and LPG as a package. It is hoped that infrastructure will be established to maintain these energy systems, which will also boost rural development through the creation of small energy business.

Other options, such as biogas and fuel cells need to be explored and properly researched. The massive potential of energy-efficient housing, which is a cheap and effective energy option, has not been realised at all in South Africa. A pilot project in Kimberley has been very successful in using the housing subsidy to build low-cost energy-efficient houses that will save the inhabitants millions of rands in heating costs over the next fifty years as well as the environmental costs of generating extra electricity or burning extra coal or paraffin. More co-operation across Government departments is necessary to implement this kind of policy. [Time expired.]

Mnr A H NEL: Mnr die Voorsitter, soos ons almal die afgelope twee weke kon sien, loop daar ‘n verskuiwingslyn, of ``fault line’’ op Engels, deur die hart van die ANC en verskyn daar al meer krake in sy mondering.

Die spanning tussen die faksies word al groter en hoe meer lede dit ontken, hoe opvallender word die verskille. Binne die ANC is hierdie verskille eers toegesmeer met die ``struggle’’ teen apartheid en daarna is kritiek oor sulke verskille as rassisme afgemaak.

Noudat die kritiek oor die grondliggende spanning wat dié verskillende sienings veroorsaak van binne die ANC self kom, word dit besweer deur sogenaamde komplotte teen die leier van die organisasie te ontdek. Hierdie foutlyn van verskillende filosofiese benaderings loop ook deur die ministerie van minerale en energie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr A H NEL: Mr Chairperson, as we could all see during the past two weeks, there is a fault line running through the heart of the ANC and more and more cracks are appearing in its facade.

The tension between the factions is increasing and the more members deny this the more obvious the differences become. Within the ANC these differences were initially papered over with the struggle against apartheid and thereafter criticism about such differences was dismissed as racism.

Now that criticism about the underlying tension caused by these different views is coming from within the ANC itself, it is being averted by discovering so-called conspiracies against the leader of the organisation. This fault line of different philosophical approaches also runs through the Ministry of Minerals and Energy.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, could you take your seat? Hon member, is that a point of order?

Mnr S K LOUW: Mnr die Voorsitter, met alle respek, die agb lid dwaal heeltemal van die punt af en pak nie die onderwerp van die portefeulje of begrotingspos minerale aan nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Mr Chairperson, with all due respect, the hon member is deviating entirely from the point and is not addressing the topic of the Minerals portfolio or Vote. [Interjections]]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon member, take your seat. [Interjections.] Hon member, continue with the debate, but stick to the topic before us.

Mnr A H NEL: Ek kan verstaan dat mnr Louw taamlik fyngevoelig daaroor is.

Hierdie foutlyn van verskillende filosofiese benaderings loop ook deur die ministerie van minerale en energie. Aan die een kant ‘n sosialistiese benadering teenoor die meer markgerigte benadering aan die ander kant. Hierdie wydsbeenstaan oor, myns insiens, twee onversoenbare stelsels, bring natuurlik mee dat daar uit twee monde gepraat word en teenstrydighede ontstaan. Die onsekerheid wat hieruit voortspruit, beïnvloed nie net die bestuur van die departement nie, maar dit is ook die beeld wat na die beleggers daar buite uitgedra word, en dit in ‘n nywerheid soos die mynwese wat juis sekerheid in eiendomsreg en regulering vereis.

Laat ek ‘n paar voorbeelde noem van wat ek sê. Op 28 Maart het ek aan die Minister gevra of sy die nuwe wetsontwerp op die ontwikkeling van minerale na die Konstitusionele Hof gaan verwys. Die antwoord van die Adjunkminister was dat die ministerie dit nie gaan doen nie, die President kan as hy wil. Slegs ‘n maand vantevore, op 14 Februarie, het die Minister egter gesê dat sy en haar departement die wetgewing na die Konstitusionele Hof sal verwys. Hierdie stelling van haar is in minstens vier koerante gepubliseer, duidelik twee verskillende standpunte.

‘n Tweede voorbeeld: In ‘n pamflet wat deur die departement uitgegee word om buitelandse beleggers te lok om hier te belê, staan daar, en ek haal aan mineral rights in South Africa are recognised as rights in land and thus enjoy constitutional protection''. Op 28 Maart antwoord die Adjunkminister op 'n opvolgvraag en ek haal aanas the hon member knows, in terms of the Bill of Rights, mineral rights … are not a fundamental right’’.

Die Minister onthou mos nog dat haar departement verlede jaar op dieselfde vraag oor die Emanuel Shaw-geval twee regstreeks teenstellende antwoorde verskaf het en dat altwee daardie antwoorde in Hansard onder haar naam verskyn. Dus is haar amptenare in effek verantwoordelik dat sy die Parlement mislei het. Sy het verlede jaar aangedui dat sy aandag hieraan sal gee, maar nog niks het gebeur nie. ‘n Departement mag mos nie só funksioneer nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr A H NEL: I can understand that Mr Louw is fairly sensitive about that.

This fault line of different philosophical approaches also runs through the Ministry of Minerals and Energy. One has a more socialistic approach on the one hand as opposed to a more market-oriented approach on the other. This straddling of, in my opinion, two irreconcilable systems naturally means that two voices are used and contradictions arise. The uncertainty which arises from this situation not only influences the management of the department, but is also the image which is conveyed to the investors outside, and that in an industry such as mining which in fact requires security of property rights and regulation. Allow me to mention a few examples of what I am talking about. On 28 March I asked the Minister whether she was going to refer the new Bill on the development of minerals to the Constitutional Court. The reply from the Deputy Minister was that the Ministry was not going to do so, the President could if he wished. However, only a month before, on 14 February, the Minister said that she and her department were going to refer the legislation to the Constitutional Court. This statement of hers was published in at least four newspapers, clearly two different positions.

A second example: In a pamphlet distributed by the department to attract foreign investors to invest here, it is stated, and I quote mineral rights in South Africa are recognised as rights in land and thus enjoy constitutional protection''. On 28 March the Deputy Minister replied as follows to a follow-up question, and I quote:as the hon member knows, in terms of the Bill of Rights, minerals rights … are not a fundamental right’’.

The Minister surely still remembers that last year in reply to the same question on the Emanuel Shaw incident her department supplied two directly contradictory replies and that both those replies appear under her name in Hansard. Her officials are therefore in effect responsible for her misleading Parliament. Last year she indicated that she would give attention to this matter, but nothing has yet happened. Surely a department cannot function this way.]

Let me come to something more positive: It is common knowledge that very large parts of our country will never be serviced by grid electricity, and this is also where we find the most vulnerable and poor people of our nation. Therefore, we welcome and commend the work done by the department on renewable energy.

I have read through the plans and strategies of the department and I want to agree with the objective to introduce renewable energy as an activator of rural development. We want to urge the Minister to see to it that renewable energy sources and the development of rural areas, through sufficient energy, take a high priority in the integrated energy plan.

The Minister likes talking about the cost-effectiveness of measures. I can think of nothing more cost effective than money spent on supplying energy to the rural areas. I truly believe that when people are given the tools, they will, to a large extent, uplift themselves.

When we talk about renewable energy, we only mention solar, wind and biomass energy. But there are exciting prospects and projects of new sources of clean energy out there. Let me name a few: Tidal-wave turbines in sizes that range from 7,5 megawatts to 15 megawatts; a machine to tap into electrostatic energy; a hydromagnetic dynamo which can be built to the size of a thousand megawatts and many others. My request is that the department should investigate these new methods and sources, and try to facilitate investment and production in South Africa.

As die Adjunkminister nie weet waar dit is nie, kan ek vir haar die goed gee dat sy dit kan kry. [Tyd verstreke.] [If the Deputy Minister does not know where this is, I can provide her with the necessary information, so that she can find it.]] [Time expired.]]

Mnr S K LOUW: Mnr die Voorsitter, laat my toe om ter aanvang van hierdie debat onmiddellik te reageer op die snert wat die vorige spreker hier kwytgeraak het.

‘n ABG LID: Kap hom, Sellie, kap hom.

Mnr S K LOUW: Dit is ongegronde inligting, maar dit is hoe die NP nog altyd funksioneer.

Laat my ook toe om, namens ons portefeuljekomitee ons adjunkdirekteur, dr Bredell, wat op 30 Junie 2001 met vervroegde pensioen aftree en ons departement na meer as 30 jaar diens gaan verlaat, voorspoed toe te wens. Sy bydrae in terme van hervorming en herstrukturering het nie ongesiens verbygegaan nie. Ons in die portefeuljekomitee en in die departement sal hom mis, maar wil hom ‘n gelukkige en voorspoedige rus toewens. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr S K LOUW: Mr Chairperson, allow me at the start of this debate to respond immediately to the nonsense the previous speaker uttered here.

An HON MEMBER: Nail him, Sellie, nail him.

Mr S K LOUW: This information is without foundation, but that is how the NP has always operated.

Allow me, on behalf of our portfolio committee, to wish our deputy director, Dr Bredell, who is going on early retirement on 30 June 2001 and will be leaving our department after more than 30 years of service, everything of the best. His contributions with regard to transformation and restructuring did not go unnoticed. We in the portfolio committee and in the department will miss him, but want to wish him a happy and prosperous retirement.]

During the President’s state of the nation address, clear directives and indications were set up. What was more clearly displayed was the pivotal role the Department of Minerals and Energy has to play in steering this major achievement of our Government, in order to ensure free electricity for all, promote a competitive market and facilitate a gas trade between our countries and other countries.

Our Ministry rises above the challenges and demands when they are faced with issues that were reflected in the President’s speech. I want to commend the Minister, the Deputy Minister, the director-general and his team for the very good team spirit in terms of their oversight role, as well as our chairperson, Mr Duma Nkosi, who keeps on pushing to ensure that the committee remains focused on their mandate.

It is correct to highlight the need and responsibility of the mining industry to determine the ethical climate in which their business should operate and for the department to set an appropriate example through moral leadership and measurement, taking the necessary steps to determine what the existing climate is within the mining industry and inform the audience, voters and other role-players about their progress. We will be able to modernise the mining industry and come up with major transformational challenges, bearing in mind that mining is a significant contributor to job creation and rural economic and regional development.

Another important issue is the mine health and safety aspect of the industry. The tripartite partners approach is having an impact. The summit which was held recently to review the state of mine health and safety showed progressive improvements. The fatality and accident rates have declined significantly. This decline has been faster since 1994. Previously, it was profits before people; now it is people before profits. We must also consider that the gold mines remain the main source of fatalities, and the decline in fatalities in this sector has been less compared with others in the mining sector.

I want to extend our condolences to the bereaved families of the three miners at Savuka Gold Mine in Carletonville who died in a rock blast recently and those who died in a mine blast this morning at Beatrix Mine, and wish a speedy recovery to those who were injured. The incidents of accidents and fatalities in the mining industry remain our deep concern, but we cannot doubt the fact that radical progress has been made towards addressing these. The statistics for the years 1997, 1998 and 1999 showed a significant decline in the rates of fatalities and injuries. There has been a reduction in these figures, and I want to commend the department for taking the lead in this major success.

I would be irresponsible if I did not touch on the silent war that we are facing in our work and social life, which is the war against HIV/Aids in the mining industry. Education and awareness campaigns have to be a continuous programme in our workplaces. The efforts by the unions, Government and the mining companies have thus far not made significant progress. They have not succeeded in making a discernible impact on high risk behaviour. It is believed that the infection rate amongst mineworkers probably exceeds the average for adults, and may in some workplaces be as high as one in three.

The recommendation made at the recent tripartite mine health and safety summit to establish a special committee to address this crisis in the industry, with funding from the state, is most welcome. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr M N RAMODIKE: Chairperson, the priorities of the 2001 Main Budget presented by the Minister of Finance in this honourable House are economic development, job creation, poverty alleviation, skills development and ensuring of safety and justice. This Vote augurs well for the goals of the Main Budget, and the UDM will support this Vote.

The proposed organisational structure of the department, comprising associated institutions such as the Atomic Energy Corporation, Council for Nuclear Safety, Mintek, South African Diamond Board, National Electricity Regulator and the branch and directorate components of the department, is a step in the right direction and we believe that Government will provide sufficient funds for the implementation of this organogram.

The UDM recognises and appreciates the initiative taken by the department in the establishment of the Gold Crisis Committee to address the decline in the gold mining industry, which was followed by a holistic and integrated approach to the decline in the mining industry in general and to deal with the causes of the decline, the limitation of the impact in terms of job losses, and the reduction of the severity of the consequences of retrenchments.

We also noted with appreciation a variety of initiatives which involved Government, the labour movement and the Chamber of Mines, which were undertaken to counter the decline in the mining industry. The UDM believes, however, that these positive initiatives should also seek ways and means to address the continuous escalation in fuel prices which has become a thorn in the flesh of the nation.

It is common knowledge that the mining industry in South Africa has a myriad ways which contribute to the wellbeing of the economy. Corporate and Government bodies that had evolved over many decades in the mining industry were unacceptable both at home and internationally. Management and workplace practice in the mining industry were archaic and a relic of the colonial and apartheid eras. The Department of Minerals and Energy has succeeded somewhat in modernising and democratising the industry.

The department’s estimates that as many as 250 000 new jobs could be created by the year 2010 through the promotion of a jewellery manufacturing industry, are encouraging. Much must however be done to avoid job losses. The mining industry has been shedding jobs for over a decade. Between 1989 and 1998, 325 000 jobs were lost in this sector. It is common knowledge that most of the job losses in the mining industry were as a result of restructuring to reduce operating costs.

Go a tsebega gore batho baso ba lefase le ba dikile ba gamiswa dikgomo eupsa maswi a tsona ba sa je. Ba dikile ba episwa mahumo a ka tlase ga naga, gomme ba solelwa maamuso a ditsweletswa ao ka ntlhana ya lehwana. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)

[It is a well-known fact that our people had to milk cows and that they were not allowed to drink that milk. They had to dig out wealth underground, yet they were paid very meagre salaries.]

South Africa is a major exporter of processed minerals, mainly to Europe, North and Central America, and the Pacific Rim countries. It is hoped that the mineral development and beneficiation branch will facilitate the beneficiation of raw minerals or materials within the country, thereby creating more job opportunities for the people. However, the UDM wishes to propose, in view of the new Bill on mineral development, that the Government’s policies should continue to attract mining investment. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Ms E NGALEKA: Chairperson, Minister Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka and hon members, allow me to focus my debate on women in mining. I quote:

No female shall work underground in a mine and no person shall cause or permit any such female so to work, except a female in a management position not performing manual work, a female employed in a health and welfare position, a female who, in the course of study has to spend a period of time underground for training or research purposes, a female who has to occasionally go underground for the purposes of a nonmanual occupation …

The above was one of many of the NP’s discriminatory apartheid laws that kept certain women out of the economy of this country, ensuring that these women suffered a triple oppression. Section 22 of the Bill of Rights states that every citizen has the right to choose their trade, occupation or profession freely. Therefore our central goal is to address economic imbalances and structural programmes in industry, mining and labour markets.

Culture often gives men the role of head of the family, and women the role of mother and wife. This distinction leads to a division of labour that is based on gender.

Women play an important but largely unrecognised or unrewarded role in mining. A few women are permit holders and entrepreneurs in a few countries. There are more who are members of co-operatives or less formal groups, but the vast majority do unskilled, menial work, particularly in mineral processing or providing goods and services to mines and mining communities.

While some women receive equal payment when they do the same job as men, the fact that certain jobs are prescribed or seem to be restricted to women means that women commonly earn less than men. In some cases, however, women have demonstrated a certain advantage that they can exploit, for example, when it comes to more delicate tasks such as panning.

Cecilia Nkambule said:

Women must not be content to remain in the shadows of their husbands. They must venture into jobs that have up to now been reserved for men. We are just as capable as men.

Also, mainly in Africa, women have been able to breach the barriers of tradition to become the owners of mining titles. Areas in which women can be disadvantaged is in how and how much they are paid for their mining activities. When the work is carried out in a family context, women have little or no access to, or control over, financial matters.

The Unifem study found that only 6% of women miners have been able to obtain a loan to invest in their mining operations, largely due to a lack of collateral and the negative attitude of bankers towards women in business. As a result, women miners rely heavily on personal savings and family contributions for funds.

Women miners do not have a professional mining background, even though several of them have extensive experience in running businesses of other types. Their lack of mining skills often makes it difficult for them to run an efficient mining operation. Training courses and the provision of technical advice and assistance geared specifically to women’s needs and circumstances are needed. [Interjections.]

A beginning has been made, and the private sector needs to meet Government half way to ensure that growth in the mining sector is sustainable. The ANC supports this Vote. [Applause.]

Mr J P I BLANCHÉ: Mr Chairperson, we were informed at a portfolio committee meeting briefing that 19% of this budget would be expended on the department. The rest will apparently be transferred to associated institutions. That, we believe, is totally inadequate to implement the policies and the functions which this Ministry must perform.

Having only five mining environmental inspectors in Gauteng’s Witwatersrand region may be the reason why the Minister is fed with replies to questions in Parliament that can be construed as ambiguous, evasive and not transparent. I want to explain why I am saying this. During the past six years, we have experienced mining companies neglecting their responsibilities to rehabilitate the environment in which they operate, and freely allowing squatters onto their properties, whom the local authorities cannot afford to provide with infrastructure, services or energy.

Because of this, minerals and energy is placing a financial and service burden on local authorities in Gauteng which they are not geared for, and which residents cannot afford. Where local authorities could have developed, they now cannot do so because, stretching right from Germiston up to Springs, along the mining belt, no development can take place because the mines have vacated that land.

Despite the fact that various Witwatersrand communities have petitioned the local authorities, MEC Metcalfe, the department and our Minister to attend to the dust emission from unrehabilitated mine dumps, the problem has not been solved. Instead, the taxpayer will now have to pay for the legal action the Legal Resource Centre is taking against the department and 15 mines for not applying the mineral and energy laws.

I want to provide the facts regarding the other accusations that I am making. On 16 March, I asked the Minister whether there are any open mine shafts on the East Rand, to which the Minister replied: ``No.’’ I asked a follow-up question whether deaths or injuries have been caused by such open mine shafts, and the Minister’s reply was:

No. However, an old steeply inclined shaft situated in the informal settlement on the ERPM mining area slumped, leaving a hole 25m deep. A resident fell into this hole towards the end of 2000, and subsequently died. The hole has since been filled. In this reply, the Minister contradicts herself more than once. She first says, ``No, there are no abandoned shafts’’ and then she says that there is one. Then she says that there were no deaths, and, in the same breath, admits that somebody fell down a hole and died. By referring to it as a hole, the department wants us to believe that it was dug with pick and shovel. The Minister says that the hole was 25m deep. The firemen who did the rescue work said it was 45m deep. Twenty-five metres is as deep as this building. That is not a hole. A hole is the kind of thing one finds on the roads since the ANC has been governing South Africa.

I have more bad news for the Minister. Not one but three people have fallen down shafts in the Boksburg and Germiston area, and two of them have died. [Laughter.] There they are, sitting and laughing about it. [Interjections.] I could take her to at least eight open shafts in the area of Primrose, Geldenhuys, Germiston and Boksburg - eight open shafts which have not been covered as the law requires them to be. [Interjections.]

In her reply, the Minister also referred to the informal settlement on the ERPM mining land, which shows that she admits that her department does not take steps to prevent the settlement of poverty-stricken communities on dangerous mining ground. They allow this to happen and when people get killed, they blame apartheid for the tragedy. [Interjections.]

I have further questions for the Minister. Firstly, why did she allow the Enderbrooke Mining Company to take over the ERPM mine under the existing mining permit which allows the new owner to continue mining under the outdated regulations? Had she insisted that Enderbrooke Mining apply for the new mining licence, they would not have been able to get it and then they would not have been able to continue with it because they would be doing illegal mining.

Secondly, why did she not insist that South Africans be employed at that mine, situated as it is in a region where 25 000 black South Africans are unemployed? Why did she allow migrant labour from Mozambique to be employed at the Enderbrooke Mine? [Interjections.] Why continue bringing migrants to Johannesburg? Why continue doing that? [Interjections.] I would very much like to help the Mozambicans but let us teach them to farm, not to work on outdated mines. [Interjections.] Lastly, why did she allow a R3 million rehabilitation fund to rehabilitate the ERPM mine dumps to be depleted with a process that failed to stop the dust emission from the dumps, whilst several companies had offered other products that could do so?

I cannot come to any other conclusion than that this department has not been transformed. [Interjections.] [Time expired.]

Mr G G OLIPHANT: Mr Chairperson, despite what the prophets of doom have to say about the department, this debate today takes place at a time when the Department of Minerals and Energy is stronger than ever before, and ready to tackle the challenges of the 21st century, the African century.

I therefore wish to take this opportunity to commend the hon Minister, Comrade Phumzile, the Deputy Minister, and the staff of the department for the sterling work done. The Mineral Economics Directorate has published a very useful profile of the minerals industry which should enrich our planning in mineral exploitation.

The minerals industry has been active in South Africa for more than a century and still remains a well-established and resourceful sector of our economy. Our country is well-positioned to compete globally with a strong geological endowment, a high degree of technical expertise, a strong knowledge base, mining services, and a committed and organised workforce under the visionary leadership of the National Union of Mineworkers.

According to a study conducted by the Graduate School of Business at the University of Cape Town, South African reserves of key minerals are some of the most extensive in the world. South Africa is also a leading producer of many of these minerals, including manganese, chrome, vanadium, platinum group metals, gold, and titanium minerals.

However, we regret the fact that the socioeconomic conditions of the majority of mineworkers have not changed for the better. They remain at the receiving end of the downscaling in the mining industry, owing to retrenchments and mine closures. They are the most affected by the dangerous conditions associated with this industry, and become victims of mine accidents.

The sad news of the mine accident at Beatrix mine in the Free State confirms this state of affairs and what we should expect any time, any day, in these mines. The ANC wishes to take this opportunity to extend their condolences to the family and friends of the deceased.

The hon Mr Blanché came here to talk about the dangers associated with what has happened in the mines that have closed and things like that. He went on to attack the Minister on these issues, but did not say anything about the diggers of those holes, those who mined before and left behind danger in those areas. The low wages received by mineworkers, who constitute an important part of the industry, also leaves much to be desired, despite the fact that this is a R500 billion industry.

The scourge of the HIV/Aids pandemic prevalent in the mines, owing to the problems of the migrant labour system and associated problems, needs to be addressed urgently. The mineworkers are the ones who are left to die in the rural areas and neighbouring countries after they have served the South African mines with dedication and commitment. This sad state of affairs calls for the Government, the mining cluster and organised labour to work together more closely to correct the unfortunate image the mining industry in South Africa has created for itself.

We are very encouraged by the outcome of the mining summit held in February

1. The stakeholders in this industry produced a consensus report, which attempts to address most of the problems raised above. We need committed implementation teams to support the work of the five-a-side committee and to take forward the work of the summit.

The Bill on mineral development released by the department for public comment is most timely, and seeks to address the challenges of this century. In this regard, the Freedom Charter is very instructive, in that it states, and I quote:

The national wealth of our country, the heritage of South Africans, shall be restored to the people. The mineral wealth beneath the soil shall be transferred to the people as a whole.

We cannot fail to realise the implementation of this historic mandate.

In their strategic plan for 2001 to 2004, the Department of Minerals and Energy recognised that sustainable economic development and enviromental management would only be fully attained if the general population participated meaningfully in the economy. The department has therefore identified access to ownership and management of the mining industry, by historically marginalised individuals and communities, as a key strategy in improving the quality of life of all South Africans.

We must aim to have an industry which is no longer exclusive. We must aim to significantly increase black ownership of mines and significant participation in management in order to facilitate the participation of women at all levels in the industry and to ensure that local communities benefit.

Small-scale miners need to be supported and should not remain small forever. The big mining companies, therefore, and the Government have a responsibility to support black economic empowerment initiatives financially, legislatively and in the human resource development programmes.

The latest Breakwater Monitor report on demographic trends in the workplace reveals that over 90% of the management in the mining industry consists of white males, which indicates a dire need for affirmative action in this sector. One might ask why this state of affairs persists seven years after the demise of apartheid. Let us today celebrate our democratic Constitution with the resolve to realise the economic ideals of our noble Constitution.

I see that my time has expired, so, in conclusion, I wish to say the same applies to the petrochemical industry. I wish to thank my colleagues in the portfolio committee and the committee section for the support they gave to the committee. The ANC supports this Vote. We also have an obligation to take along the DA, screaming and kicking, to support this Vote too. [Applause.]

Mme N V CINDI: Modulasetilo, Ditona tsa rona, baeteledipele le baeng ba rona, maloba re ne ra etela diporofense go ya go bona meepopotlana e batho ba rona ba e tshwereng. Re ne ra kopana le mathata bagaetsho, mo batho ba rona ba lekang ka bojotlhe gore ba itlhomele ditiro, gonne ditiro, di seo.

Re ne ra fitlhela e le gore batho ba rona ba dirisa dikeriibane, e bile ba dirisa metswako e e sa siamelang maphelo a bona. Re fitlhetse e le gore batho ba rona ba ikepetse mesima, ka gonne ba na le maitemogelo a go dira kwa meepong. Kwa KwaZulu-Natala ba itlhomela ditiro gore fa Puso e tla go ba thusa, e fitlhele go na le se ba se dirang, ga baa nna fela.

Bangwe ba bona, ke akaretsa le baagi ba Bokone Bophiring le fa re sa ya kwa teng - kwa nna ke tswang teng e leng kgaolo ya Schweitzer-Reneke, Wolmaranstad le Boskuil - ba sokola ka meepopotlana, mo e leng gore bangwe ba bona ba sa ntse ba amogela bokana ka R50 ka beke. Ba sa ntse ba gateletswe tota, mme komiti, e e eteletsweng pele ke bomme ba babedi ba ba maatla, e tla tlisa diphetogo.

Kwa Baberton kwa KwaZulu-Natala, bomme ba epa malatlha ka matsogo. Ba epa le mmopa wa go fisa ditena tsa go aga matlo. Dilo tse ke buang ka tsona tse, di a diragala bagaetsho. (Translation of Setswana paragraphs follows.)

[Ms N V CINDI: Chairperson, Ministers, leaders and our visitors, we visited our provinces to see the small mines that our people are mining. We found that our people were encountering problems in their efforts to create jobs.

We discovered that our people use wheelbarrows and chemicals which are not good for their health. Our people were doing their own excavation as they have mining experience. In KwaZulu-Natal they are engaged in job creation, so that Government projects should supplement what they are doing.

Some of them, including the people of the North West, even though we did not go to them - in the areas of Schweitzer-Reneke, Wolmaranstad and Boskuil, where I come from - are still earning R50 per week. They are still oppressed, but the committee, which is led by two powerful women, will bring about changes.

At Barberton, in KwaZulu-Natal, women mine coal using their bare hands. They also dig out the clay that is used to make bricks. These things do happen.]

If properly regulated and supported, small-scale mining has many advantages. Unlike large-scale mining, employment and profits usually accrue to local communities. An emphasis on beneficiation could lead to a proliferation of secondary enterprises.

Many small-scale miners are engaged in activities that could more accurately be described as processing of materials than mining, such as the collection of scrap metal from old mining sites. If the scope of small- scale mining was extended to this kind of activity, the same kind of enterprise could thrive in urban areas. Small-scale mining ranges in size from micro enterprises employing up to five people, to medium-sized businesses employing up to 300 people.

What can Government do and what is Government doing to support and promote this activity? Our President, in his state of the nation address, spoke of giving priority to integrated rural development. Developing small-scale mining should be a key part of this vision.

Historically, small-scale mining has not been encouraged in South Africa, both by a hostile legal framework and by a market structure that favoured only big players. One of the biggest problems faced by small-scale miners is finance. There are two aspects to this. The first is capital needed for prospecting and the process of licensing, and the second is financing of mining equipment. Another significant problem is mineral rights. The current system of mineral rights in South Africa allows large mining houses to control extensive mineral rights to resources that they do not plan to exploit.

The other four chief problems that face the sector are health and safety, environmental concerns, wage levels and marketing. Innovative ways need to be found to promote the same standard of health and safety at small-scale mines and mines which exist in other parts of the mining industry. The same applies to environmental concerns and working conditions. If it is to contribute positively to development, small-scale mining needs to be brought inside the law.

Marketing is another problem, especially with bulk material, such as kaolin, which poses unique transport problems. The obvious solution is local beneficiation, which would need to be part of the broader development strategy in the region. To this end, a number of initiatives are being put in place by Government.

The Department of Minerals and Energy is developing a national small-scale mining development framework to provide support to small-scale miners through the national steering committee of service providers of the small- scale mining sector and a number of regional small-scale mining committees, on which a number of institutions are represented, including Government departments and associated institutions. The aim of the regional committee is to explore the problems faced or created by small-scale mining in each province and identify ways in which these can be solved, including provision of technical advice, the investigation of various financing options and the provision of training.

The new Bill on material development promises to create unprecedented access to mineral resources for small-scale miners, and the department aims to provide … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr B G BELL: Chairperson, Deputy Minister, fellow members of Parliament and guests, it is my privilege to speak on behalf of the DP and the DA in this budget debate. There are three aspects I will speak to, that is budget allocation, electricity restructuring and the mines inspectorate.

Regarding budget allocation, when analysing the budget for this portfolio we found that the amount has decreased each year and is now inadequate to fulfil the tasks given. The generation of electricity is the most important factor that drives our economy. Without this energy we will be living in the dark ages. The mining industry has been the backbone of the development of our country. Coal mining, from which 80% of our electrical energy is generated and from which the major portion of our local liquid fuel production is gained, gold mining, precious metals, platinum, palladium, etc, diamond mining and base metal mining, are all important in their own right and need a strong department to set the scene and make sound policy decisions.

In the liquid fuel industry, oil, gas, petrol, diesel, paraffin and oil from coal and gas are all vitally important to all persons and all industries. It is extremely important that policies and regulations that set a healthy climate in which these sectors can operate are in place.

Finally, the budget allocation to associated services - the research and development section - has been reduced every year since the 1997-98 budget year, and as a result we as a nation are legging behind in research and development. When we say that only R600 million is needed to regulate, monitor and develop these highly important sections of our economy, we are stunned, and would find it extremely difficult to support a budget that we know is inadequate to do the job.

When we talk of electricity restructuring, the White Paper on Energy Policy outlining future plans was produced four years ago, and was a good idea. But, unfortunately, it has as yet not been properly implemented. When enquiries are made as to the integrated energy plan, which is an integral part of that White Paper, we are told that due to a lack of manpower, this document is still not complete. This illustrates to all the inadequacy of the budget. Yet we find that some movement is being made towards implementation of what would be a major plan. We appeal to the Minister to please complete the integrated energy plan now, so that we can have a plan on the table to work towards.

When we talk of the mines inspectorate, last year I made an appeal not to allow the mines inspectorate to be attached to the Department of Labour. I am encouraged that this has not yet materialised. The Minister has intimated that besides safety and health, the inspectorate will take on some energy matters.

In conclusion, the DP/DA appeals to the Minister to ensure that we have some major progress by completing the integrated energy plan, sorting out the SA Diamond Board, seeing some progress in re-regulating the liquid fuel industry, making some decisions on the future of nuclear energy and doubling the money allocated to research and development. [Applause.]

Mr J H NASH: Chairperson, I am really tempted to answer Mr Blanché. His government created those mine dumps. His government placed nonwhites next to those mine dumps, not a single white person lives next to a mine dump. [Interjections]

Change is on the horizon as the budget of the Ministry and the Department of Minerals and Energy indicates. This budget increasingly reflects the Government’s prioritising of transformation, minus the liability inherited from the apartheid era. The budget has shifted resources towards the previously marginalised. However, further change needs to occur to ensure delivery to the ordinary South Africans who were excluded and marginalised by apartheid.

The least amount of change has come from the hydrocarbon branch. The oil industry has seen virtually no changes towards transformation since the ushering in of the democratic transition. [Interjections]. In fact, premiums in the form of a pricing formula, namely the notorious IBLC and the import parity formula, are still being paid on the basis of the apartheid formula. [Interjections.] Though this formula has no bearing on the current international standards and local economic development goals of ensuring that liquid fuel products reach the consumer at the cheapest possible price, international benchmarking of these formulas has still not occurred. There is a need to change dramatically in order to bring relief to our people who cry out daily for relief.

The country’s pricing formula, commonly known as the IBLC, is a sanctions- busting apartheid formula, which was designed to overreward the oil companies for their support of the apartheid regime. The formula is designed to increase the price of refined products in the domestic market and does not make the economy internationally competitive. International factors such as the rand-dollar exchange rate, and the price of crude oil and refined products, certainly play a role in increasing the local price of refined products. However, locally refined products are put to bed in the local market not at the cheapest import alternative but at the apartheid regime based formula, the IBLC.

An HON MEMBER: Why do you not change this?

Mr J H NASH: The ratio between the spot and posted prices is not in line with international best practice and must change. I am reliably told that there is currently more than $100 million worth of fat on the formula which could be ploughed back into the economy if the pricing formula were changed.

Mr T D LEE: Why do you not do it?

Mr J H NASH: This is $100 million of fat. This is what they have been benefiting from all this time. The formula must now change to the cheapest import alternative. Relief for the urban poor and rural communities can and must happen. Apartheid premiums that were brought in by the past regime must be stopped.

In this country paraffin for the poor is priced not at the IBLC but at the same price as jet fuel. Fuel for the poor cannot be priced in the same way as fuel for the privileged. Two years ago the 50 litre drum of paraffin was deregulated by the Department of Minerals and Energy to the advantage of oil companies and to the detriment of the poorest of the poor. I am still waiting for an answer as to why this was done.

We are normally told by the oil industry that deregulation would result in cheaper prices. Even though paraffin is a noncontrolled product, it is still priced at the IBLC price of jet fuel and has increased considerably in price since its deregulation. The hon member Davidson should listen. His pleas for deregulation are not going to help him at all. There is a need for the Department of Minerals and Energy to regulate paraffin in order to bring relief to the poor. It should be delinked from the price of jet fuel.

Over the next ten years natural gas will become an important energy carrier bringing much-needed energy for economic development especially in rural areas. Proper regulation of this industry is necessary if we are not to repeat the trajectory of the liquid fuels industry. Natural gas can certainly not be priced on the current IBLC formula which was brought into being by members on my left, otherwise the country will develop the same high price and super profit syndrome as that which prevailed with other liquid fuel products. It is unclear how the industry makes provision for black economic empowerment in the sector. The department needs to pursue this issue vigorously.

I want to inform the hon the Minister that gas can certainly not be priced into the market at IBLC. There is a situation where there is a potential for oversupply when the gas fields come on stream. However, it is important for this House to note that there are two important problems with IBLC in relation to the pricing of liquid petroleum gas.

Firstly, the IBLC pricing formula for liquid petroleum gas is only R10 per ton less than the petrol price. This is tantamount to supplying petrol for domestic use. Yet liquid petroleum gas is a byproduct of the refining process. No refiner would refine merely to produce a higher volume of liquid petroleum gas. Secondly, import parity pricing of liquid petroleum gas is in relation to Kentucky in the USA and this artificially inflates the transport element in the price for liquid petroleum gas. [Interjections.]

This hon Minister is not acceptable in the context of attempting to create a better life for all. It is imperative that people are educated on the benefits of using liquid petroleum gas, as this would considerably relieve consumers of the use of paraffin.

South Africa has for far too long developed a culture of passing price increases purely to the consumer, without creating industry efficiency. [Applause.]

Mnu D M NKOSI: Sihlalo neNdlu ehloniphekile, siyabonga kuNgqongqoshe nePhini lakhe. Mangibonge kuMnu uNogxina, onguMqondisi-Jikelele, nakubo bonke abasebenzi bomkhandlu wezimbiwa nezamandla. Ngicela ukuthi siqhubekele phambili ngokubambisana nekomidi.

Uhlelo lwekomidi luzosiza ngokuthi, okokuqala, sibonisane ngenqubekela- phambili ezakhiweni zokusetshenziswa kwezimbiwa nazo zonke izinhlangano ezisebenzelana noNgqongqoshe kanye noMnyango ezibizwa ngokuthi, phecelezi, ama-associated institutions. Okwesibili, kudingeka sivumelane ngomthetho wokwakha isimo sokusebenzisa amandla ezimbiwa eziphathelene nalokho okuthiwa, phecelezi, yi-liquid petroleum gas njengoba kukhona uMthethosivivinywa weGesi ophambi kwekomidi njengamanje.

Amazwe afana noNamibia kanye neMozambique kufanele sibambisane nawo ekwakheni umnotho. Izwekazi le-Afrika kufanele ukuthi silakhe kabusha. Abahlali basemazweni afana noMozambique kubalulekile ukuthi babonakale bengabantu abayizakhamuzi nomakhelwane, hhayi kuthiwe bangamakwerekwere noma amakirimane. Sizovakashela eMozambique nabakwa-Sasol siyikomidi ukuze siyobona umsebenzi wokuletha izimbiwa zamandla noma igesi lapha eNingizimu Afrika.

UMthethosivivinywa wokuThuthukiswa kwezeziMbiwa obuye ubizwe nge-Minerals Development Bill, abanye abakwazi ukuwufunda kahle. Ngicela ukuthi kengiwachazale kancane amalungu. Siyakwesekela ukuthi lawo malungelo angasetshenziswa yizinkampani ezinkulu mawadluliselwe kuHulumeni khona lezi zinkampani ezincane zabamnyama zizokwazi ukuba namalungelo.

Abesifazane kufanele banikwe ithuba lokuthuthukisa umnotho ngezimbiwa. Abasebenzi bezimayini mabanikwe amakhono okwenza ngcono izinga lomkhiqizo wabo. Izindawo zasemaphandleni maziphuculwe khona izimpilo zabantu zizoba ngcono. Sizocela uNgqongqoshe noMnyango ukuthi basiphe inqubekela-phambili ngohlelo lokusiza abamnyama abasafufusa abasebenza ngezimbiwa, ikakhulukazi ngezingxenye ezimbili okuyiBakopong Initiative kanye ne-National Small- Scale Mining Development Framework.

Ngifuna ukwengezelela kulokho okushiwo ngoProfesa Mohamed, njengoba kade ekhuluma lapha, mayelana nokuzwelana nomndeni nezihlobo zomsebenzi wegatsha lezimbiwa namandla uNksz Nadia Davids osishiyile. Okunye, ngifaka elami igama ukuzwelana nabasebenzi abadilikelwe umgodi njengoba esebikile uNgqongqoshe. Ngicela ukuthi uNgqongqoshe aqhubeke nokuphenya nokuzama ukunqanda izingozi emigodini yezimayini.

Empini yomzabalazo wenkululeko yezwe lakithi abantu abasishiya bangaphansi ngenani kunalabo abasishiya ekusebenzeni emigodini. Izimayini zikhule zathuthuka kakhulu ngezithukuthuku negazi labantu balapha eNingizimu Afrika. Ziyaqhubeka izinkampani ezifana nawo-De Beers futhi siyaziqhenya ngazo. Kodwa-ke kunemibuzo esinayo. Ngizobuza kuNgqongqoshe yena-ke uzozama ukuthi edlulise. Ngoba baningi abantu abangafundanga lapha abangasazi isiZulu, ngizozama ukuthi ngibasize - ngoba lokhu engizokusho kubalulekile kakhulu - ngibachazele ngesiNgisi. [Uhleko.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[Mr D M NKOSI: Chairperson and honourable House, I would like to thank the hon the Minister and her deputy for what they have done. My words of thanks also go to Mr Nogxina, the Director-General of the Department of Minerals and Energy, and to all employees of this department. I would like us to continue working together with the Portfolio Committee on Minerals and Energy.

Firstly, the committee’s plan will assist us in discussing the way forward as regards the structures used in mining and by other organisations that are working together with the hon the Minister. She is working with institutions known as associated institutions. Secondly, we should agree on the law that will help in creating a situation in which we can use minerals and other things like liquid petroleum gas, as we have a Bill on gas in front of us.

We should co-operate with countries like Namibia and Mozambique in building our economy. We should rebuild Africa. It is important that we should regard people from other countries, like Mozambique, as neighbours. We should not call them kwerekweres'' orkirimanes’’. Sasol and we as a committee will visit Mozambique to explore the possibility of bringing minerals or electricity to South Africa.

Some people cannot understand the name of the Bill concerning developing minerals, the Minerals Development Bill. Let me explain this to hon members. We support the idea that the rights that are not used by big companies should be transferred to the Government so that the small black companies will be able to have rights.

Women should be given opportunities to develop the mineral economy. Mine workers should be skilled so that they will improve the level of their economy. Rural areas should be developed so that people’s lives will improve. We would like the hon the Minister and the department to give us a way forward regarding the plan to help new black miners, especially in the two areas of the Bakopong Initiative and the National Small-Scale Mining Development Framework.

I would like to associate myself with what Prof Mohamed said when he was expressing words of sympathy to the family and relatives of Ms Nadia Davids, who was an employee of a certain mining company, and who recently died. I would also like to convey my sympathy to those workers who were involved in the mining accident, as the hon the Minister explained. I would like to encourage the hon the Minister to continue investigating the causes of these accidents that are taking place in the mining industry.

During the struggle for freedom in our country, the people who died were half those who died in the mines. The mining industry flourished on the blood of the people of South Africa. Companies like De Beers continue to grow and we are proud of them. However, we have some questions that are reserved. I will ask the hon the Minister and she will pass on the message. Since there are people in this house who cannot understand Zulu, I will try and help them. I am doing it, because what I am going to say is very important. I should explain to them in English. [Laughter.]]

Regarding the De Beers transaction to delist from the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, I understand that the country will benefit in terms of capital injection. But what will be the capital outflow in the long run?

Umbuzo lowo engifuna ukuthi angisize ngawo uNgqongqoshe. [This is the question that I would like the hon the Minister to answer.]

Secondly, we will request that the Minister give us the detailed analysis informing us of the Government’s decision to support the transaction. I am sure that the Ministry will, in collaboration with other Ministries and departments, support the request.

In the same vein, the committee will need more information on interdepartmental cluster programmes and international binational agreements or programmes, because it affects the capacity of departments, particularly our department, Minerals and Energy.

There are just too many issues and the challenges are huge. Balancing policy and budget will be one issue, prioritisation of programmes will be another. Overloading and underperforming officials of the department will be the other critical issues, when we look at the budget.

Ukuvala, angibonise lokhu. Umsebenzi mningi. Njengoba umningi umsebenzi, ugesi uyafuneka emalokishini. Okunye, amafutha noma uphethroli, kanye namafutha esibani noma uphalafani, kuyaluma esikhwameni.

Ngizocela-ke ukuthi iNdlu ingivumele ukuthi ngisisekele isabiwomali soMnyango weziMbiwa namaNdla. Ngicela ukuthi udadewethu noma umama uMaMlambo, asibophele phezulu isiketi ngoba umsebenzi sengathi mningi. [Uhleko.] [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[Let me conclude by mentioning that we still have a lot of work to do. Similarly, electricity is needed in townships. Things like oil, petrol and paraffin are too expensive.

I would like the House to allow me to support the budget of the Department of Minerals and Energy. I would like my sister Mlambo to pull up her socks because we still have a lot of work to do. [Laughter.] [Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF MINERALS AND ENERGY: Mphathisihlalo, angiyazi-ke le ndaba yesiketi - yesigqebhezana. [Uhleko.] [Chairperson, I do not know much about the issue of a skirt or a short skirt. [Laughter.]]

Just before I comment on some of the questions raised by hon members, I just want to make sure that I also thank the team that I work with in the department, which is here in full force, scattered among the Foreign Affairs people, as well as the CEOs of the institutions that we work with, ie CEF, NER and NECSA, who are extremely supportive; also, the stakeholders from the industry, the Black Empowerment community and the NGOs, who are all here with us today. They continue to be a source of strength, challenge and sometimes very difficult engagement, but I think all of them are a necessary combination that makes our work very exciting and meaningful. They should please keep it up.

Kodwa-ke, balume baphephethe. [But, they should stop their deception, they are hurting us.]

They should not hit us too much. I would just like to highlight and express appreciation for the kind of work that they do in the committee and for their frankness, including the members of the opposition actually, who, under the leadership of Duma, are always able to play a relatively constructive role. They should please keep it up. They may just be on their way to get to the right place, across. [Laughter.]

Hon member Davidson, who used a lot of anecdotes and tried to spin them around and turn them into facts, I just, as Duma said, want to educate him, because he does not know Zulu, so it means he is not educated. [Laughter.] He needs capacity building for Zulu and for a general understanding of what is happening in South Africa.

He raised the issue of the lack of progress in relation to electricity reform. Cabinet has adopted a policy on the electricity supply industry. Cabinet has also adopted a policy on the electricity distribution industry and we are about to establish a holding company for the purpose of the restructuring process in the distribution sector, so I am not so sure what this indecision is that he is talking about. We are dealing with an extremely important and big industry. The generation capacity in electricity is between R80 billion and R150 billion, transmission is between R10 billion and R15 billion and distribution is between R20 billion and R30 billion. Asingomandongomane la. [This is not peanuts.]

Mr I O DAVIDSON: What has happened to the report now?

The MINISTER: We are implementing it. That is what I am telling you.

Mr I O DAVIDSON: Has Cabinet rejected it?

The MINISTER: Cabinet did not reject it. The hon member’s spy - whoever he or she is, and however the hon member got that information from - gave him wrong information. Cabinet never rejected it. It advised us on the areas that need strengthening, and we are continuing with the work as we strengthen the report.

In the process the review panel brought in other international expertise, which has enhanced the report. They continue to fraternise with us as the implementation unfolds. So, we will meet the deadline. There is no crisis.

Mr I O DAVIDSON: [Inaudible.]

The MINISTER: Now, something is happening. You are one of those people who say if they were not there, the event did not happen. It is happening without you, because you are not governing. That is why you do not know. [Applause.]

The hon member also raised anecdotal points based on some gossip that he might have picked up, about what I said and what letter I received from the chamber. I will not even deign to reply to that gossip that he is trying to turn into a fact here, about how I should have consulted the chamber, just one stakeholder, single them out and concur to write the policy with them to the exclusion of everybody else. I do not know what that is all about. So I am not interested in answering that, I can just tell him.

So, by and large, I just find the hon member’s comments unhelpful, but I will grant him one thing: I think that on the integrated plan, we are in the wrong. We should have done much more by now as far as that is concerned. The kind of restructuring, however, that we have been doing in the electricity sector or, for that matter, in any other area of the energy sector, has not been through thumb sucking.

At the time when the White Paper was developed, a lot of information was generated, which continues to provide us with the reservoir of information which we draw from to make some of the decisions that we are making. However, I agree that that does not replace the importance of the IEP. I promise the different members who have raised that issue that that is also a priority. I am just as concerned as they are about that aspect.

On the issue of progress in other areas that was raised and the fact that there is indecision, I actually think that in my department there are too many decisions that we are taking. We do not have a problem of teetering and not taking any decisions.

In terms of gas, we are far ahead of schedule on the things that we have committed ourselves to do. In the areas where we have not moved, it is because we just cannot jump to stage three when we have not moved to stage two. So, I am really not worried about that.

In relation to nuclear energy, we have a policy. It is on our website. In case the hon member does not know it, it is www.dme.gov.za. The hon member will see that there is progress. In addition to that, we have actually developed regulations. The regulations that we committed ourselves to when we passed the two nuclear energy Bills are there. They will be coming to the members in due course. There is no problem of indecision there.

Regarding the other point that the member raised, ie that we are changing, I would like to say that we are not changing. The hon member should read my lips. The principles of the Minerals Bill will stay as they are. We are, however, discussing with the chamber and interested parties as to how best to implement this Bill in such a way that there are no unintended consequences. As far as that is concerned, we are committed to making sure that we have the best possible mechanism to implement the Bill in such a way that we do not in any way disrupt and inconvenience the industry.

We remain very committed to black economic empowerment. In fact, when we look at the different companies that we believe must benefit, there is ARM, if I may digress a bit, which is one of the black economic empowerment companies which have done sterling work in this area. They now want to get into platinum. That is a deal that we are looking at with a lot of interest and on which we would like to see progress. This kind of a Bill must enable more companies to achieve that progress because, for us, that is very, very critical. Those principles are not in question and they will not be compromised. The social plan, as we have it in the Bill, will not be compromised either.

Oom Nash, wayi, uyabetha man! [Oom Nash, you are really excellent!]

Regarding the issue of the In Bond Landed Cost, because of the limits of time I would just like to bring to the member’s attention - and he probably knows this by now - that there are different studies that we have embarked upon to address the issue of the IBLC. The truth of the matter is that petrol and oil are very expensive now. The price is genuinely high. We have tried to look at how we can tinker with and look into the IBLC in order to improve the value that accrues to the customer. We have not been able to find what we can call a comforting answer. However, that does not mean that we are not working on it. Outside this meeting, I can tell him about the different initiatives that are in place.

There was also a comment on the SA Diamond Board. The SA Diamond Board is in good hands. Mr Chikane, who is sitting over there, is the new chairman of the diamond board and he is doing sterling work. There is no crisis in the diamond board. They are continuing with their work.

Mr I O DAVIDSON: He has just been appointed.

The MINISTER: No, he has not just been appointed. He has been there for a few months. He has been able, within the time that he has had to turn the situation around. I appeal to that member not to dwell on the past.

Regarding the issue of deep-level mining, work is being done. Government is supporting the work that is being done in deep-level mining. Of course, we remain committed to ensuring that we can increase safety, because, as members can see, we do have problems of accidents and we are therefore committed to investing resources in order to improve the situation. I am running out of time. On the issue of small-scale mining, I take the points that have been made. We are also concerned about the extent to which it continues to be difficult for small-scale mining to progress in the manner in which we would like it to. However, we do have measures in place, including a joint venture which we are going to undertake with the industry to provide finance to small-scale mining. The venture is called Bakopong.

The issue of Eskom and Pebble Bed Modular Reactor was mentioned. It is not true that Eskom is moving ahead without due regard to policy. Before Eskom can implement the PBMR project, they have to come back to Government for approval. As far as we are concerned, they are busy with the feasibility study. That feasibility study has not yet come back to us. When it comes back to us, we will be in a position to take a decision. They have not prejudged the issue. Thus, I think that it is actually a red herring to regard that as a done deal, because there is a lot of work that still needs to be done.

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon Minister, your time has expired.

The MINISTER: I would also like to join Comrade Oliphant in expressing appreciation for the kind of contribution that the NUM continues to make and for the leadership that they provide.

On the issue of women training in both minerals and energy, I would just like to say that I support the points that were raised by hon members. I would also like to say that we have spent a lot of time supporting women who are involved in mining, oil and gas. A training programme has already been put in place for women involved in oil and gas, in order to make sure that we can facilitate their integration into the industry.

In relation to beneficiation, a lot of ground has already been covered. What we promised members in the past year - ie the establishment of a champion who will look into the strategic questions that need to be answered, so that we can advance the beneficiation to the jewellery sector in particular - is in place. Probably at any time the portfolio committee can invite institutions to come and give them a progress report. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Debate concluded. APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 3 - Foreign Affairs:

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Chairperson, hon members, Deputy President, ladies and gentlemen, and comrades, first and foremost, I would like to thank the Chair and all the members of the portfolio committee for their co-operation and understanding, particularly for the Minister’s absence from the country most of the time. The co-operation of my Cabinet colleagues is also appreciated. I wish to thank the director-general and his team, who are working very hard to carry out the mandate of the Government. Lastly, allow me to thank my mother and my children for their understanding.

John Reader says in his book on Africa entitled Africa: A Biography of the Continent:

South Africa preserves a flickering hope of transforming dreams into reality.

He further says:

Nelson Mandela and the shifting political power that he represents affirm the value of integrity and ideas in an era where economic pragmatism is the dominant theme of world affairs. He and South Africa offer hope for all humanity. Yes, hope from a continent that for too long has seemed to generate nothing but despair.

Our foreign policy, therefore, is not only anchored in our domestic policy, but on this very fact and responsibility that John Reader is talking about

• that South Africa offers hope for all humanity. Thus, we cannot only strive for a better life for South Africans, but we have to contribute to the ongoing struggle for a better world. That is what gives us a degree of moral authority in the world.

Our words and deeds, individually and collectively, have to make sure that this flickering hope of transforming dreams into reality is not dashed. This has to start with transforming South Africa into a nonsexist, nonracial, democratic, stable, peaceful, just and equitable society - a nation united in its diversity.

Internationally, we continue to struggle for a world with the following values, amongst others, democracy, good governance, people-centred development, peace, stability and security, promotion of co-operation, partnership and good neighbourliness. As Africans, our major efforts are on the African continent and amongst the developing countries.

Regarding democracy, South Africa actively supports the establishment of democratic governments, not only in the continent but the world over. The resolve of the African leaders to isolate and banish any leader who takes power through a coup is a very revolutionary step. The major challenge is to strengthen democratic institutions to defend and sustain democracy. South Africa is prepared not only to support but to defend democracy, as we did in Lesotho. We are working closely with Rwanda, for example, which is struggling very hard to turn the nightmare of the genocide into a dream of hope where there will be peace, democracy, justice and prosperity for all Rwandese.

Internationally, we have seen a resurgence of right-wing parties, especially in developed countries. In the recently held conference on the Community of Democracies, we exchanged information and examined the workings of democracies with developed countries. It emerged that developed countries, too, have problems with the working of their democracies. For instance, during elections they have very low turn-outs and weak coalition governments. Maybe they do need some assistance from us.

With regard to peace, stability and security, South Africa is committed to making a contribution towards a peaceful continent and a peaceful world. Peace and stability are the prerequisites for democracy, development and co- operation. The UN Security Council remains the agent of our collective security. In discharging our responsibilities as members of the UN, we are actively participating in the UN’s peacekeeping missions in Ethiopia, Eritrea and the Democratic Republic of Congo, where we sent a contingent of specialised units. We are also participating in an effort to restore peace in Burundi, with former President Mandela as facilitator.

Judge Langa is involved in the efforts to resolve the problems in Fiji through the Commonwealth. Unfortunately, peace in Angola and Sudan is still elusive and therefore presents a challenge to all of us. We commend Ecowas, together with the UN, for the good work they are doing in Sierra Leone. As South Africa we are very concerned about the situation in the Middle East, in Palestine. It is, in the first place, the most serious crisis in the world at present. If not resolved it has the potential to destabilise not only the region, but the world. It might unleash the worst form of terrorism.

The Palestinians have a right to self-determination and therefore the realisation of a Palestinian sovereign state remains a goal. Israel, of course, has a right to exist and to be secured, but the security of Israel is also linked to the security of the Palestinians and the region as a whole. It is important to encourage the Israelis and Palestinians to go back to the negotiations. We also endorse the call by President Arafat to use the Egyptian-Jordanian plan as a basis for their negotiations. It is in that spirit that, as the Chair of the Nonaligned Movement, we convened the committee on Palestine here in South Africa last week.

There are concerns around matters of stability in our region. Stability in our region and around our borders is very important. In this regard we would like to welcome President Chiluba’s decision not to go for a third term. This will strengthen democracy and encourage stability in Zambia, and we hope everyone will follow that example.

Zimbabwe, of course, remains a great concern to us. We have to continue to engage the Zimbabwean government, whilst pointing out firmly and frankly where we disagree. We have a responsibility to avoid a complete collapse and not to make things worse for the ordinary Zimbabweans. All of us can help up to a point, but it is the Zimbabweans who must, surely, take the final decisions. The future destiny of Zimbabwe is in their hands. Of course, the land issue still needs to be resolved, because it will not go away. But it has to be resolved lawfully and peacefully.

South Africa must continue to act in a way that maintains that flickering hope of transforming dreams into reality, rather than to get that short- term praise that does not solve the problems, in the same way that the Lockerbie impasse was unlocked by engaging the Libyans and other parties, and not by condemning them. Of course, the Government was condemned at the time, but we persevered until a solution was found.

With regard to disarmament, global disarmament is high on our agenda for peace and stability in the world. Today, if I may remind hon members, is the 56th anniversary of the end of World War II. This, surely, must remind the world of the important international treaties and agreements which should be implemented and strengthened, in order to finally eliminate all weapons of mass destruction. The agreements and arrangements inevitably involved compromises on all sides. Unilateral actions destabilises fragile global security arrangements, and should be avoided.

South Africa has placed a high priority on the elimination of antipersonnel mines and the illicit trafficking and proliferation of small arms and light weapons. These weapons are contributing to conflicts. We have collectively expressed our views through the OAU Bamako Declaration of 2 December 2000 and through the ADC declaration on firearms in March 2001. We shall actively participate in the first UN conference on this topic and we shall seek to promote international co-operation in the fight against illicit trade in small arms and light weapons.

With regard to the culture of human rights the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognises, inter alia, that all human beings are born free and equal, with dignity and rights. They have inherent dignity, equality and the inalienable rights of all members of the human family, which are the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. It also proclaims the enjoyment of freedom of speech and belief, freedom from fear and want as the highest aspiration of ordinary people, and reaffirms faith in fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of human persons and the equal rights of all people.

South Africa is in the forefront of this struggle, having introduced this culture of human rights, through the ANC Government, for the first time in our country. Human rights have to include the right to education, health, shelter and food. Human rights include children’s rights and we have to work hard for the elimination of child soldiers, child labour, child abuse and trafficking in children. Children must be allowed to develop their full human potential in a peaceful, stable and secure environment. Women’s rights are human rights. South Africa is also in the forefront of the struggle for a nonsexist world. We hope that the international community will continue to support these struggles for the emancipation of women in all countries.

The world is becoming increasingly intolerant. Racism, xenophobia and religious intolerance, including Islamophobia, are on the increase. We have to be relentless in this struggle, given our tragic history. Our contribution to the world conference against racism is going to be very important, not only in hosting it, but in the actual debates and influencing the outcome of the conference. South Africa was chosen precisely because of this flickering hope of transforming the nonracial, nonsexist dreams into the reality that South Africa holds. These are challenges of our time and we have to rise above them.

With regard to people-centred development, there is now consensus the world over that the biggest challenge of the 21st century is Africa’s underdevelopment. South Africa is expected to play a leading role, together with other countries, in tackling this challenge. It was agreed in Cairo last year that we need a Marshall Plan for the recovery of Africa. President Mbeki, with the presidents of Algeria and Nigeria, was then mandated to develop this plan. Senegal and Egypt have now joined the team.

They are developing what is called the Millennium African Recovery Programme. This is a plan inspired by Africa’s own architectural, artistic and cultural heritage, as well as Africa’s ancient civilisation. It is informed by the challenges facing us, especially Africa’s underdevelopment and marginalisation in this global village, and it identifies priorities that must receive immediate attention. These include the following: Peace, security and governance, investing in Africa’s people, including education, health, food and food security; diversification of Africa’s production and exports; investing in information; communication technology and other basic infrastructure; and developing financing mechanisms.

For the successful implementation of the plan, we need partnerships at various levels with governments, business and civil society, as well as multilateral organisations such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and other institutions. We also need co-operation with the G8, the EU, the Nordic countries, China, Japan, Brazil, India, and the Arab countries as well as the countries of the South.

In pursuance of these objectives, later this month, we shall also be participating in the third UN Conference on the Least Developed Countries in Brussels, which will decide on measures to improve the plight of the LDCs. Next year, the UN Conference on Financing for Development will take place in Mexico, further to find means and ways to extricate developing countries from conditions of underdevelopment. The Conference on Sustainable Development to be held in Johannesburg next year is very important, in this regard, in people-centred development.

South Africa will have to contribute to this not only by attending conferences and developing plans, but by making its own institutions and resources available for the implementation of this Millennium African Recovery Programme.

Africa also needs institutions to carry out this agenda at the national, regional, continental and international levels. So, to this end, the restructuring of SADC should result in raising the effectiveness of this organisation. The recent extraordinary summit held in Windhoek approved the report on the review of the operations of SADC institutions presented by the Ministers. The major recommendations of the report include a more streamlined and centralised structure for the organisation, which moves away from the sectoral approach of the past, in favour of an integrated and co-ordinated programme of activities for the region.

The organ of politics, defence and security which has been in existence since 1986, under the chairpersonship of Zimbabwe, will henceforth be chaired on a rotational basis, with the period of chairpersonship being a year. The chair of the organ shall not simultaneously hold the chairpersonship of SADC and will be accountable to the chair of SADC and the summit. Like SADC, the organ will also function on a troika basis. The successful conclusion of the restructuring exercise is certain to impact positively on SADC’s regional quest to position the region favourably to collectively address the challenges ahead.

What institutions do we need on the continent? We know that the African Union is almost a legal entity. Two-thirds of the countries have ratified the Constitutive Act. In this regard, I commend the swift action taken by this House to enable Government to ratify this Act, and, as a result, we are amongst the 36 founder members of the African Union. The African Union is going to deal with political and stability issues as well as developmental and economical matters.

There will be technical committees which will deal with the following: rural economy and agriculture; monetary and financial affairs; trade, customs and immigration; industry, science and technology, natural resources, environment and energy; transport, communication and tourism; health, labour and social affairs.

The Constitutive Act makes provision for a defined transitional period to ensure a smooth and gradual transition of the OAU and AEC into the Union. The Pan African Parliament, in which members of this House will participate, has a critical role in evolving common values of democracy, human rights, governance, nonsexism and tolerance on the continent.

Democracy is not only important for countries, but international institutions must also be democratic. In order to achieve a just world order, the reform of international institutions is a must. South Africa is committed to the reform and fundamental renewal of multilateral institutions to bring about a system of global governance that is more just, representative and sensitive to the needs of Africa and the South. The UN Security Council, the World Bank, and the IMF, to name but a few, are of particular importance in this regard.

The Security Council is the premier global instrument to safeguard international peace and security, but because of its unrepresentative nature it is facing major challenges to its credibility. It is therefore not in an ideal position to effectively fulfil the fundamental responsibilities entrusted to it by the international community at the time of the adoption of the charter. The issue is of particular importance to Africa and the developing world.

As a Government and a department, do we have the institutional capacity to carry out this formidable task before us? My simple answer is that we are not. We are short-staffed, both at head office and abroad. But the Deputy Minister will, in his speech, deal with what we are doing to restructure our own department in order to meet all these challenges.

Before I conclude, I would like to remind the hon members that there are global health challenges that we are facing. Two weeks ago the leaders of the continent were grappling with the question of HIV/Aids, TB, malaria and other communicable diseases in Abuja in Nigeria. The struggle for health care is right and must continue. In a few months, the UN will also focus on the most serious health challenge of our time - HIV/Aids. But, for all these challenges and struggles, we need to mobilise the most important and dependable partner, the masses of our people in South Africa, on the continent and in the world.

It has been shown that with their support, the struggle for justice, peace and development can be won. The small but significant victory against the pharmaceutical companies is a good example. The struggle for affordable drugs is a just struggle to save lives and humanity. We must continue to offer this hope. In the same vein, let me express my deep gratitude to the international community for its solidarity with South Africa on this matter.

I do hope that the opposition parties, particularly the New NP, the DP and the others, which voted against this Bill at the time and launched a scathing and vitriolic attack against the Government, will be big enough to admit that they were wrong and join the ANC in the struggle for a just and equitable world, rather than be informed by narrow and sectorial economic interests and the protection of the rich. The struggle for a better world continues. [Applause.] Mr E I EBRAHIM: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, and hon members, today my committee will make a case to this House that South Africa, as one of the leading nations in the global south, assumes a heavy responsibility that requires, from the Government and people of the country, not only an ideological commitment, but resources.

For some years now, the world has heard us talk about the African Renaissance, and South Africa’s pivotal role in realising that vision. We have talked about liberating the developing world from the marginalising effects of globalisation through regional, economic and political integration.

Since January this year President Mbeki has outlined the Millennium Africa Plan to heads of states from the north and south. These leaders have thrown their support behind the plan for an African-led revitalisation of the continent. Now the time has come to translate these visionary ideas into action, to operationalise the concept of bridging the digital divide, to ensure that the overwhelming debt burdens of poor countries are reduced, to form an African peacekeeping contingent, to facilitate conflict resolution processes, to build our infrastructure, and to invest in our people.

There is only one way to ensure that we move beyond rhetoric, and that is to give our department of Foreign Affairs and other relevant departments the necessary economic means with which to implement MAP and other foreign policy priorities. Six years ago my predecessor, Raymond Sutner, complained that only one sixth of the funds budgeted for foreign missions was allocated to missions in Africa. At the time this indicated that expenditure priorities on foreign missions in developed countries did not match our rhetoric about promoting south-south co-operation as a foreign policy goal. We are now expanding more of our resources into Africa despite an overall shrinking Foreign Affairs budget and greater expectations of the role South Africa should play in international affairs.

However, we should note, with concern, the fact that Cuba, with far greater economic constraints, currently has more diplomatic missions in Africa than our own country. The message is twofold: The Foreign Affairs budget should be augmented if we are to marry our words to action. There is every reason for South Africa to play a key role in the south if we are to make globalisation work to our advantage.

On May Day this year, we witnessed violent demonstrations against the process we have come to know as globalisation. People in London, Sydney, Berlin, Zurich, Moscow, and many major centres around the world, protested against the capitalist forces they blame for their own disempowerment. How much more severe is the marginalisation of people in developing countries, where in terms of the seeding demonstration in Africa, half of the population of sub-Saharan Africa live on 65c a day, the continent contributing only 1,2% of the world’d GDP?

Perhaps our lack of radical demonstration is testimony to the sense of disempowerment and the accompanying apathy many of our people feel. However, the continent is yearning for leadership to champion its causes. It is looking to South Africa, in partnership with others, to speak for the developing world and to push its agenda. As the chair of the Nonaligned Movement, a leading voice in the South and leader of other forums, South Africa needs to ensure that the developing south, notably Africa, remains relevant and fully integrated in the global economy.

Despite the Afro-pessimism that has prevailed in much of the international media, Africans and the developing world have considerable potential in the global marketplace. If we are to prosper we need to accept the realities of globalisation and actively confront the challenges of the New World Order. Through our solidarity we can collectively ensure that we capitalise on our strengths, gain preferential access to key markets and leap-frog stages of development.

South Africa, by virtue of its economic and political clout, needs to be the steam engine that drives forward the practical implementation of the continent’s renaissance plan, as we confront globalisation head on. We have not shied away from this role, taking up the challenge in bodies such as NAM, SADC and, most recently, pushing for the creation of a G5 or G-South gathering of leading developing states. Along with Egypt, Brazil, Nigeria and India, we have committed ourselves to playing a key role in the setting and implementing of a new agenda for the South. This will entail working closely with multilateral institutions while pushing for their reform.

We must break the monopoly of influence held by former colonial powers and the United States. It is up to us to spearhead initiatives for the reform of the United Nations Security Council and to ensure that the developing world has veto powers on matters of peace and security. As a leading nation of the South, we also need to continue to press for the need for deeper and faster debt relief. It is unacceptable that some developing countries pay more to service their debt than they spend on health and education. Debt reduction is an issue that our President has championed unrelentingly in multilateral meetings, and representatives abroad need to sustain the momentum behind the debt-reduction drive.

While we strive to liberalise our own markets, we must ensure that the northern countries do the same. We cannot play the liberalisation game on our own, removing local subsidies while European countries subsidise their farmers to the tune of $360 billion a year. We cannot accept the behaviour of major powers, such as the United States, when they slap import taxes on South African steel as soon as we are seen to offer serious competition to American steel producers.

It is also our responsibility to ensure that unbridled capitalism does not strip our continent of its wealth of resources. As an economic bloc, we need to develop protocols and rules to regulate and monitor lucrative extraction industries in Africa. All these responsibilities call for an activist foreign policy that takes pre-emptive measures, as opposed to reacting to events around us. It is through strategising and mobilising our communities in the South that we will take charge of our own economic destiny. Just as foreign policy must seek to extract major commitments from the industrialised north, so we are to continue laying the foundation for south-south co-operation.

Building strong regional organisation will enable us to remain influential. In our own case that means strengthening SADC structures and defining clear economic objectives and strategies. The SADC Free-Trade Protocol that came into effect in January 2000 shows that we are moving in the right direction. Our Ministers are concentrating on developing an integrated industrial and agricultural strategy. South Africa’s leadership in building a strong economic community will be decisive for the region’s fortunes. A strong economic community will be decisive for the region’s fortunes. As the largest and most industrialised economy in the region, contributing 75% of SADC’s GDP, we have the capacity to build a strong economic bloc.

The leitmotiv of our strategy to revive our region and our continent must be economic empowerment. This requires us to provide decisive leadership in our foreign policy and strengthen the strategic partnership with other key countries in the south. We can only provide this leadership and strengthen the structures of SADC if we invest the necessary resources in the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Coupled with our economic imperatives, our focus also needs to be on building sustainable peace on our continent. This means expanding resources for conflict resolution efforts at the political level. We need to be proactive in preventing, managing and resolving conflict through timeous diplomatic intervention leading to negotiated settlement. It is not enough to watch the tragedy unfolding in Sudan. It is up to us to push for the Africanisation of the peace processes on the continent and to put pressure on belligerents, on all sides of this conflict, to get serious about peace.

We have seen the reluctance of the north to contribute troops to conflict areas on the continent. While the United States has referred to the conflict in the DRC as ``Africa’s first great war capable of engulfing the entire region’’, they are unwilling to place a single American soldier on the ground. The gap between the rhetoric and practice remains in force. There are all the signs of growing Western disengagement from the continent.

Like the Clinton administration, Bush will continue to circumvent efforts to place anything but a token force in the Congo, and reject intervention in Sierra Leone and other conflict zones outright. Despite the best efforts of South Africa’s most revered statesman to bringing peace to Burundi, if that country implodes, there is no mechanism in place to intervene with a rapid-response military force.

We have talked endlessly about the need for a standby force with this capability but, seven years after the genocide in Rwanda, we are still unsure how we would mobilise for such an intervention. It is time to start learning from history, time to exercise our muscle to galvanise our regional partners to put their structures in place. If one is not prepared to set aside additional funds for such initiatives, our intentions will merely remain intentions.

While it is conflict in Africa that preoccupies us, we cannot ignore the devastating conflicts in other parts of the world. Not speaking out against the deteriorating situation in the Middle East and strategies for peace in that region, would be a shameful dereliction of our moral responsibility as leader of the developing South.

South Africa believes in the universality of human rights. We have to work to protect the human rights of those, not only in Africa, but wherever they are, who are abused. We cannot accept what amounts to virtual ethnic cleansing in the Palestinian area by Israeli forces. We condemn the bulldozing of Palestianian homes, the killing of innocent children, including a four-month-old baby, and the continued occupation of Palestinian land. As the Chair of the Nonaligned Movement we are in a position to influence the situation and bring the parties together for strategising for peace. In conclusion, South Africa has a special responsibility and leading role to play, both in Africa and the developing South. We cannot purport to implement visionary plans without committing the necessary funds to make them happen. While my committee recommends the adoption of the Foreign Affairs budget by Parliament, we would like to see it augmented. We should all realise that a stable, developing Africa and a broader South properly integrated into the global economy are in the vital national interest of South Africa. It is time to harness the forces of globalisation to our advantage: it is time to liberate the South.

In conclusion, I would like to thank all members of my portfolio committee from all parties for the wonderful co-operation I received throughout the year. [Applause.]

Mr C W EGLIN: Madam Speaker, the hon the Minister gave us an interesting and fairly extensive overview of the activities of the department throughout the year, and anticipated activities in the future. We appreciate this. In the brief moments that I have available, I would perhaps gently touch on one of them from a different perspective.

The process of globalisation, combined with the development of electronic information communication technology, is having a profound impact of the nature of international relations and the manner in which these relations are conducted. While bilateral relations between countries will remain an important component of foreign affairs as national boundaries become less significant in determining the destiny of peoples, foreign affairs activities are increasingly being conducted through a number of multinational organisations in which discussions, negotiations and policy- making take place on a regional, shared-interest, global basis.

This trend has resulted in a considerable increase in the work and responsibility falling on the Presidency, the Minister and her department. During the past year South Africa, under President Mbeki, played a significant and constructive role in international affairs. In this we have all been assisted greatly by our evergreen former president Mandela. The Minister has tackled her responsibility with energy and dedication, which explains why she is so seldom in the House. We accept that. The department, hampered by limited funds, aggravated by the declining value of the rand, has battled to provide a reasonable backup for South Africa’s ever- increasing foreign commitments. The officials of the department deserve our appreciation. Perhaps the tangible way we can express this is by voting the department significantly more funds than presently provided for in the budget.

There are a few questions of an administrative nature that I would like to put to the Minister. The first concerns the crisis that has occurred amongst the department’s personnel as a result of the Receiver of Revenue deciding to tax the allowances of personnel serving abroad, a decision that will cut the income of interns by up to 30% and more. In reply to a question, I was informed that the department is making representations to the Treasury. I put this to the Minister. Has this matter been resolved in a way that will be fair to the personnel who are affected?

Secondly, in a world becoming increasingly geared to the use of modern computer and information technology, our foreign service cannot afford to be left behind. Is the department taking adequate steps to see to it that this will not happen? Thirdly, what steps is the department taking to recruit, train and equip young women and men for careers in the diplomatic service? Is there still a cadet training scheme and, if so, what results has it produced in recent years? Topping up the diplomatic corps by redeploying politicians is an easy way out. But it is bad for the morale of staff members wanting to make the foreign service their career. In the long run, as a personnel practice, it will be counterproductive.

The Minister has already stated that to be coherent and of optimal value to South Africa, foreign policy must be structured as a integral component of our overall national policy. Firstly, it must reflect the values to which our nation is committed. In the past, democracy and human rights have been defined as one of the cornerstones of our foreign policy. Secondly, our foreign policy must be in harmony with our national priorities. Foreign affairs must be conducted in a manner that will support and not undermine the attainment of these priorities.

The DA has no doubt that South Africa’s national priority at this stage must be economic growth in order to achieve human development. Indeed, this was the thrust of the President’s opening address in Parliament this year. However, as the Minister would know, a government’s ability to achieve positive results in the international arena and to influence people and governments out there, depends to a major extent on what is happening inside a country - the integrity of its government; the stability of its society; the strength of its economy; the depth of its commitment to democracy and the rule of law; and the stature and behaviour of its leaders. These criteria apply to South Africa as much as they do to other countries. It is against this background that the Minister of Safety and Security, in two minutes of blasting on television last week, did more damage to the stature of South Africa and its President in the field of foreign affairs than any other persons or any group of persons has done to South Africa since we became a democratic country several years ago. [Applause.]

Secondly, a further consequence has been that South Africa has had the invidious experience of its head of state being questioned at length on British television not only on the alleged plot to oust him, but on the allegation that he had been involved in the assassination of Chris Hani. I imagine the millions of overseas viewers shaking their heads in absolute disbelief, asking: ``What is going on in South Africa? Can this be the same South Africa that produced the political miracle of 1994?’’ No wonder South Africa’s missions around the world, were inundated with calls and enquiries. Our foreign diplomats, who would normally use their time to promote South Africa’s interests, were forced to use their time to do damage control.

Recently President Mbeki, accompanied by the Foreign Minister and others, paid a state visit to Cuba. During the visit, Presidents Mbeki and Castro praised each other’s governments and people, especially in the context of their historical relationship. During that visit, they both avoided referring to the sensitive issues of democracy and human rights. It was Minister Zuma who, towards the end, spoke of these matters. Coming from a country whose past struggle and present Constitution are centred on freedom, democracy and human rights, the Minister’s comments were disturbing, for they have serious implications for the direction that our foreign policy takes in the future. Indeed, they cast doubt on the Government’s concept of democracy and commitment to human rights. The Minister is quoted as saying:

Yes, it is so that there are not many political parties here, but ask the Cuban government how they make laws and you will be amazed at how democratic they may be. Does the Minister not realise that democracy is not primarily about how a government makes laws, but whether or not a government was put into place by a free and fair election? If there are no other parties around in Cuba, it is because parties are not permitted to be around, because they are banned and their supporters are detained, in jail or in exile.

The Minister links lying in the gutter with having a vote. She is quoted as asking: ``Would you rather be lying in the gutter with a vote, or be a poor person in Cuba? Further, would you rather be a hungry person with the right to speak, or do you want a good education with enough food?’’ To link lying in the gutter with having a vote is ridiculous. To link hunger with the right to speak is absolute nonsense. The poverty which persisted after 40 years of Castro rule is largely because the Cuban people have not had the free vote which would enable them to decide on the best economic system for their country. They do not have the right to engage freely with the economy, to empower themselves to be entrepreneurs. They live on as dependants of the state.

Yes, there are positive things that we can learn from Cuba, such as prioritising of scarce resources, the delivery of selective services and the sense of humanity which exists amongst the people. Those are things which we could learn, but none of these justify a South African Minister defending an all-authoritarian political system. On the contrary, South Africa should be extolling the virtues of democracy and using the power of democracy to stimulate the economy, roll back poverty and create a better life for all. I want to ask the Minister to think very seriously about what she said and to explain to us how this could be seen, in terms of our set of values, as far as democracy and human rights are concerned.

Perhaps the greatest challenge facing South Africa in the field of foreign affairs is in Africa, in and within Africa, right here in the Southern African region. On the wider African scene, two important developments have taken place this year. One was the ratification of the treaty to constitute the African Union. The other is the Millennium African Recovery Programme, MARP, which was outlined by President Mbeki in Davos this year. Both of these developments present exciting challenges for the future.

Mr N J GOGOTYA: Madam Speaker, will the hon member please tell us about the 40 years of Cuban blockage by the United States, and whether it is democratic, as part of his speech. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! I am sorry I cannot hear you. Is it a point of order you are raising?

Mr N J GOGOTYA: Yes, it is a point of order. I would like the hon …

The SPEAKER: Order! Will you remove your hand from the microphone, please.

Mr N J GOGOTYA: I would like to ask the hon member to tell us about the 40 years of the United Sates blockage …

The SPEAKER: Order! I am sorry, hon member, that is not a point of order. [Interjections.]

Mr C W EGLIN: Madam Speaker, may I continue? I have now lost one minute of my time. The immediate challenge is right here in the Southern African region. The fact is that the SADC region is not in good shape. The war in Angola continues, seemingly without end. In the DRC, the war splatters on while the process of democratisation has not even commenced. In Zimbabwe, presidentially condoned anarchy has now spread to businesses, shops, factories and tourist resorts.

Clearly, South Africa’s policy towards Southern Africa, whatever it was intended to be, has been unsuccessful. The Minister has admitted that SADC has not done enough, compared with Ecowas and Mercosur. She said much energy must be put into SADC, and South Africa might follow a more dynamic approach to diplomatic measures in the region, instead of merely reacting to situations.

Could the Minister please tell us of this more dynamic approach, in so far as it affects Zimbabwe, in so far as it affects the SADC. Has the time not come for South Africa to give more focused attention to the SADC region? Should there not be a special department, at least, headed by a Deputy Minister, whose function would be to co-ordinate the activities of the various departments, keep in constant touch with SADC structures and governments, and give some impetus to the whole process of regional integration?

Regrettably, the African Renaissance will remain just a dream if an important region like ours cannot get its house in order. We, the DP, believe that it can and must be done. [Applause.]

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker, I am a bit surprised at the attack which the hon Mr Eglin made on the Minister. [Interjections.] He spent much of his time attacking the Minister, and I think that he used arguments that are not sound. I think he should be ashamed. The Minister, the Deputy Minister and the department are doing their best, and we think they should be applauded. Thank you, Minister, for what you are doing. [Applause.]

I also wish to extend a special word of thanks to the … [Interjections.] Why do you not ask for an opportunity to speak? The reason why you make so many interjections is because your Whip does not trust you to come and stand here, and make a speech. [Laughter.]

I also wish to extend a special word of thanks to the hon the Deputy Minister of Public Works, Mr Musa Zondi, who, until elevated to that position, was the IFP’s chief spokesman on Foreign Affairs. An HON MEMBER: We wish he still was.

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: I do not blame you, and this is only the beginning of what I am going to do to you and your party. [Laughter.]

The Minister is asking Parliament to appropriate R1,660 billion for the year 2001-02, which is R165,3 billion more than the previous year. It is an increase of 10%, but, taking inflation into account, it is only a 4% increase. It is, therefore, clear - and I think Mr Eglin should take notice of this - that the Minister has succeeded in keeping her budget within reasonable limits.

There are some interesting expenditure claims over the seven-year period from 1997 to 2004. Firstly, the budget programme for foreign relations dominates the budget by consuming about 72% over the seven-year period. Secondly, expenditure on the Vote as a whole grows by an annual average of about 5,9%. It is interesting to note that the increase of 5,9% is below the average inflation rate of approximately 7,5%, bearing in mind that the budget was continuously under pressure from the danger of currency devaluation. Therefore, in essence, the Foreign Affairs budget demonstrates a real decline in expenditure, despite strong pressure from variables which are difficult to control. We therefore support the Vote.

Looking at the international political theme from a macro point of view, one asks the fundamental … [Interjections.] Please leave Ambassador Jannie Momberg out of this, will you? [Interjections.] Incidentally, Mr Ambassador Momberg, when are you leaving us? When are you being appointed? I believe that the Minister also wants to appoint Mr Mike Ellis to a diplomatic post. He is going to become the ambassador on Robben Island. [Laughter.]

I want to ask a fundamental question, and that is: With which countries is South Africa to side in the international world? Now that the bipolar system of the USA and the USSR has disappeared, we are dominated by only one superpower today, the USA, and we feel that we should ask the question: Are we doing the right thing today, when we openly interact with the Cubas, Libyas and Yasser Arafats, which was not the position in the past?

I want to tell Mr Eglin that I was very surprised with Cuba. [Interjections.] Mr C W EGLIN: There is no democracy in Cuba.

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: He says that there is no democracy in Cuba. What type of democracy is it when there is only one party, but 90% of the people vote for Castro, and they do not have to vote. What is that called? Is that not called democracy? [Interjections.]

In Cuba - and I hold no brief for them - they have transplanted more than 1 000 hearts; they have enough teachers for the whole population and they have enough doctors. And all those people have work. If I may ask: What the hell has the DP to do with Cuba? Why do they want to prescribe to the Cubans? [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Mr M J ELLIS: [Inaudible.]

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: I do not blame Mike. I think he should get that diplomatic post immediately. The Minister is sending him to Robben Island today, but without pay. [Laughter.]

In conclusion, we wish the Minister and her deputy well. We also wish the officials of South Africa’s Department of Foreign Affairs the best of luck. They are the people who have to fight our battles far from home, often in the cold. They are our A team. They must go well. [Applause.]

Mr E M SIGWELA: Madam Speaker, hon Minister and colleagues, I note with pleasure that the most central objective of the Department of Foreign Affairs is to see that South Africa’s policies, programmes and services promote this country’s national interests and values abroad.

It is not in the interest of the ANC-led Government to throw its weight around in other countries. We do not, like some people would like us to, desire to extend the hegemony of South Africa to other countries. It is not our style, and not our taste, to give orders to any nation that they should march to the right, to the left or to the centre, ordering their affairs. What we would like most to happen is that nations of the world should live in peace and friendship with each other, respecting the independence, self- determination and territorial integrity of each other.

This, we believe, should be the basis of our co-operation with other nations. This is the fundamental principle that, for example, drives our relations with our neighbours in the SADC region. When we co-operate with them in projects such as the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, the Maputo Corridor SDI, the Maguga Water Project in Swaziland, and the Trans-Kalahari SDI, from Botswana down to Namibia, we are propelled and guided by the desire for peace, security and mutual friendship among the peoples of Southern Africa.

Yes, our detractors will point to the current turbulent state of the SADC region, the wars that seem to have no end in sight, the volatile situations in Zimbabwe, Swaziland and, to a minimal extent, Lesotho. They will see our ideal of peace and friendship as an unrealistic Utopia. They would like to see us rattling the sabre against those of our neighbours who seem not to show enough respect for our ideals and values. [Interjections.] The hon member knows them. We know that kind of diplomacy.

The old South Africa of the NP, the South Africa of oppression and repression, not only rattled the sabre against its Southern African neighbours, but it terrorised and brutalised them in a manner that had never been seen elsewhere before, except, perhaps, in the current manner in which Israel deals with the Palestinian authority areas and its neighbouring states. Ndilikhumbula kakuhle - ixesha apho uMzantsi Afrika wawusebenzisa isandla esingqwabalala - andiqinisekanga nokuba inkonzo yotoliko iyafumaneka na … [I remember very well the period during which South Africa was very repressive …]

… at least Mr Eglin understands - against its Southern African neighbours.

Wawunyhukrula, ubulala, ushiya izidumbu, iinkedama, abahlolokazi nabahlolo. Ndithetha ngexesha apho nkqu namajoni … [He terrorised, killed, left corpses, orphans, widows and widowers. I am speaking about the times when even soldiers …]

… their own soldiers, the young people of the SA Defence Force at that time, were wondering what was happening. They were thrown into Botswana one night when there were raids on three countries, ie Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The South African soldiers were inside Botswana already. They were standing there, ready for anybody who resisted.

I remember the interview that I had with Paul, the young soldier who deserted from Voortrekkerhoogte and travelled all the way, thinking that he was going to a foreign country when he went to Transkei. He only found himself being prepared to be sent back to Pretoria. I remember very well the things that he told me about how they were being abused - the traumatisation of the youth of our country. The white youth is also our youth, never mind that I am black. Black like I am, they are our youth. I remember vividly. I knew then that something was wrong with the South Africa that we came from.

I would like to urge the hon the Minister to be strong. We should never go back to that. We should entrench our policy in the principles that we believe in which are the principles of peace and friendship with other people and respect for the independence, integrity and self-determination of other peoples. That should be our guiding principle. We should not waver to this or that side because we have detractors making noise at our ears.

I want to say that the ANC-led Government will not shed its responsibility of contributing to or even taking the initiative in the resolution of conflicts in our region. However, in doing so, among other things, we will be guided by our knowledge of the social, economic and political history of the region. We will not only deal with the outward manifestation of conflicts, but also, and more particularly, with their internal dynamics, because it is only by so doing that we will able to find lasting solutions.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Madam Speaker, if the hon member Koos van der Merwe is to be appointed as ambassador, it will definitely be New Orleans out of fear that if they send him further, he would be on his way back again. [Laughter.]

The hon the Minister referred in her speech to the global health challenges. Allow me in this regard to ask the hon the Minister a direct question. Will the South African Government support Taiwan’s entry into the World Health Organisation which is due for consideration next week in Geneva? Health hazards do not recognise ideological barriers. Taiwan’s entry is of the essence and they can make a valuable contribution in this regard. I will appreciate a reply from the hon the Minister.

Someone once asked what the difference is between a diplomat and a politician. In civilised diplomacy, diplomats speak well of each other in public and are rude in private. In civilised politics, politicians are rude to each other in public, but are friends in private. Being a civilised politician, I hope that slight rudeness on my part in this debate on Foreign Affairs will be forgiven.

The alleged investigation by the state police of possible contenders for the presidency must make it extremely difficult to market South Africa abroad as an investment haven. Despite this, many diplomats on the home front and abroad excelled in doing just that and they undoubtedly deserve the thanks of the House. Unfortunately, a few, yes, perhaps a few too many, embarrassed South Africa through bad behaviour. No names, no pack drill.

Diplomate behoort met groter omsigtigheid gekeur te word. Hoewel dit die President se prerogatief is om hoofde van missies aan te wys, behoort die portefeuljekomitee ook by die proses betrek te word en hoofde van missies behoort op ‘n tweejaarlikse grondslag verslag te doen aan die portefeuljekomitee op buitelandse sake. Dit sal die band tussen die Parlement en die buitelandse verteenwoordigers versterk.

Die eensydige besluit van die Suid-Afrikaanse Inkomstediens, die agb lid Colin Eglin het daarna verwys, om buitelandse toelae met 38% te belas en wat tot ‘n aansienlike salarisvermindering gelei het, is onaanvaarbaar. Hopelik sal die agb Minister so gou as moontlik die gesprek hieroor met haar kollega die Minister van Finansies hervat. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Diplomats should be selected more carefully. Although it is the President’s prerogative to appoint heads of missions, the portfolio committee should also be involved in the process and heads of missions should report on a two-yearly basis to the portfolio committee dealing with foreign affairs. That will strengthen the ties between Parliament and foreign representatives.

The unilateral decision by the South African Revenue Service, to which the hon member Mr Colin Eglin made reference, to tax foreign allowances with 38%, which resulted in a considerable reduction in salary, is unacceptable. It is hoped that the hon the Minister will resume her discussions in respect of this with her colleague the Minister of Finance as soon as possible.] The department should be complimented on its tireless efforts to secure the release of Callie and Monique Strydom who were taken hostage by a Philippine splinter group. All the people of South Africa rejoiced in their safe homecoming. Tough but crucial questions, however, remain unanswered. Was a ransom paid for their release and if so, by whom? What is the Government’s position on the payment of ransom money?

If Col Gaddafi was the benefactor, did he indeed pay the ransom or did he merely persuade the Abu Sayef rebels, whom he trained and bankrolled in his own country, to release the hostages? If the latter is the case, he surely does not deserve the praise bestowed upon him by the South African Government, because it could be argued that if he did not train and bankroll the rebels in the first place, they would not have been in a position to take any hostages at all. The South African Government should refrain from embracing Col Gaddafi too openly, because the final word on Lockerbie has not been spoken yet.

The Minister’s defence of Cuba’s human rights record and the support given her by the hon member Koos van der Merwe, is astonishing. If one whitewashes a country where hundreds of peaceful opponents of the government are behind bars, one makes a nonsense of one’s own foreign policy of promoting democracy and human rights.

A new approach should be adopted by the international community towards pariah states such as Libya, Iraq and Cuba, and the South African Government should follow suit. Instead of punishing the people of Cuba, Iraq and Libya, the self-imposed tyrants should be isolated internationally and brought to book if necessary. [Interjections.]

What further raised the eyebrows was the Minister’s astonishing letter to her counterpart in London, Robert Cook, in which she complained about Peter Hain’s criticism of South Africa’s so-called quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe. Believe it or not, by his continual refusal to reprimand President Mugabe publicly for what is currently happening in Zimbabwe, President Mbeki seems to be the only stranger in Jerusalem.

By not publicly reprimanding President Mugabe, President Mbeki is ironically shooting his own illustrious Millennium African Recovery Programme in the foot. Strong regional economies form the cornerstone of the Millennium Africa Recovery Plan, but by continually inciting the so- called war veterans to occupy industrial farms, to intimidate businesspeople, to harass political opponents, President Mugabe has not only pushed Zimbabwe’s economy over the cliff, but has also brought the region’s economy to the brink of collapse, to the detriment of the Millennium African Recovery Programme.

President Mbeki can no longer afford to play the role of William the Silent. The time has now come to reprimand President Mugabe publicly in order to sideline him politically. If the President does that, the New NP and the DP, alias the DA, will support him fully. [Applause.]

Mr M E MABETA: Madam Speaker and hon members, I would like to start off by asking the hon the Minister a few questions.

Firstly, has the Minister, in any way, been in contact with the Zambian government in the run-up to attempts by them to alter the constitution? Secondly, in her speech, the Minister of Foreign Affairs mentioned that there is a need for the mobilisation of masses of our people in the advancement of our foreign policy’s basic objectives. Is the Minister going to create space here, beyond the portfolio committee, for the different political parties to participate and, in some way, make a contribution? Thirdly, the other question I would like to ask the hon the Minister is: What attempts are being made to mobilise different South Africans beyond the ruling party to participate in changing the regimes of the international institutions?

To this effect I, firstly, would like to congratulate the Speaker of the House for the very leading and instructive role she has played in the establishment of the Constitutive Act of the African Union. Secondly, I would like to express my personal appreciation for the initiative taken by the Director-General of Foreign Affairs, Mr Sipho Pityana, and his spokesperson, Ronnie Mamoepa, for formally asking His Grace, the Right Rev Bishop Lekhanyane of the Zion Christian Church, to include in his Easter message to 3,5 million congregants a prayer for peace and national reconciliation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. We say peace in the DRC, peace in Africa, peace in the whole world and peace in our lifetime with regard to Israel and Palestine.

We, as a country, having been inspired by the democratic principles underlying our Constitution, made a commitment to contribute to the advancement of democracy on our continent and the world. President Thabo Mbeki, his foreign Minister, the hon Dlamini-Zuma, with the much-needed support from Africa’s statesman, former president Mandela, have participated and contributed to numerous bilateral and multilateral dialogues for peaceful settlements of dispute amongst groups locked in bloody civil wars in our region.

I would like to state quite clearly that these efforts will go a long way towards being meaningful if we can, at the same time, as a country and, together with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, take definite, bold steps in the reorganisation of the different organs within SADC, so that we do not, as a country, make contributions to peaceful settlements of disputes when our regional organisations are lagging behind and, in many ways, undermining these efforts.

Our constitutional right as opposition parties compels us to demand of Government a foreign policy that is coherent, consistent and in keeping with the promotion of our national fundamental interest. Equally, duty demands of us as political parties in the opposition, to contribute to the advancement of these basic interests by honestly pointing out the weaknesses where they exist and volunteering to assist where we can make a difference.

I am sure I will be the first person to recommend that the hon Mr Eglin be made the next ambassador to Cuba. I know that country and I am sure that he will be accepted very well. I am sure he will change his views on this one. [Interjections.]

The UDM calls on the Foreign Minister to adopt a clear and tough policy with regard to Zimbabwe. How much room is left for the situation there to collapse completely? Can we really take the risk of deferring on what is happening in that country? Zimbabwe is a big economic burden on our country. We need to continue to pressurise that government by diplomatic means, not in a reckless manner. We need to stand firm and say to the people of Zimbabwe that we are calling for democratic rights for all people there, white, black, everybody, just as we did in South Africa. We should not make the Zimbabwe issue a party-political issue. [Time expired.]

Mr M RAMGOBIN: Madam Speaker, the Minister, colleagues in Parliament, perhaps it would have been good if Mr Van der Merwe had asked Mr Colin Eglin whether he supported Dhlakama, the war criminal in Mozambique whom as Mr Colin Eglin knows, the NP government supported.

However, I believe that for most people on the DA side the African Renaissance is an event. I do not believe it is so, as any matric student could illustrate to them that it is a revolution, which, to my mind, is permanent. And rooted in this revolution is what we call the Millennium African Recovery Programme.

This ideally must engender the resolve among all South Africans that they are Africans. This resolve can best be illustrated by all of us in this House to our respective supporters who sent us here. With our Parliament, we are living examples of the phrase: ``Our country belongs to all who live in it’’, even though, in the words of President Mbeki:

… we are a people of many colours, races, cultures, languages and ancient origins, that tie to one another by a million visible and invisible threads. We share a common destiny from which none of us can escape, because together we are human, we are South African, and, above all, we are African.

On the basis of this common humanity and Africanness, President Mbeki’s profiled African vision is rooted in the needs of our country, indeed, as well as in the African continent. The ANC, through the Government, ensures that the two legs of our policy towards the continent are solidly anchored, one in the developing world and the other in the developed.

Of course, for our foreign policy personalities such as former president Mandela and our current President Mbeki are essential components. But the ANC has further ensured that South Africa develops a sustainable foreign policy which is more dependent on policy and processes than on personalities, a policy which, in the words of the former director-general, Jackie Selebi, ``… is more predictable, and not one that suggests that we collide with events’’. A question arises: If this is the background of the ANC’s policy options, is the Foreign Affairs’ budget adequate for these processes? I would politely say: No.

Given its history, the ANC has set itself a challenge in transforming our own country on the basis of a revolutionary ethic. We are consciously committed to another revolution. As co-initiators of the Millennium Africa Plan, we are saying that Africa must cease to be a theatre of war, poverty, disease and pestilence. Instead of being recipients of handouts, we can, and have to become a bread basket.

On the basis of shared interests, this plan emphasises the need for global partnerships, as the hon the Minister has said in her opening remarks, between our continent and other parts of the world. Because this is not an easy task, Foreign Affairs alone cannot provide the basis for the success of the plan.

The architects of Map did and still visualise the engagement of interline functions. Whether it is human resources development, the agri industries, urban renewal, rural development and information communication, there has to be a co-ordinated initiation of programmes and an oversight of these to measure outcomes. I believe that the budget, in its present form, does not provide for it.

The African leaders and the forum of leaders who make decisions on programmes and subprogrammes and review progress on their implementation will, of necessity, have to deal with multilateral organs such as Unicef, Unesco, WHO, and others. They will have to co-ordinate NGOs in the different countries with special reference to women’s rights, human rights, the environment, youth, religious institutions, professional bodies, institutions of higher learning and technology, and business and trade unions. Governments alone will fail to achieve these goals of the Millennium African Recovery Programme.

I think, as an example, that the Earth Summit of 2002 will be a very good experience for South Africa, because I believe it will be a major step for the consolidation of mapping out the MARP initiative for sustainable development and will perhaps be a challenge to the US policy on the environment as it exists today.

We in South Africa are saying that these people can and must ensure an appropriate policy environment. We have this under the leadership of the ANC. What we need now, as a matter of urgency, is a national will. Instead of sections of South Africa hankering for the idiocies of apartheid, social separation and subjugation, coupled with the economic exploitation of colonialism, all of us have to be part of efforts to stabilise our country and our continent.

It is not good enough to pronounce and mobilise opinions and resources, as was done in the case of anti-Aids drugs in Switzerland, and doing nothing to mobilise against the South African pharmaceutical companies who took us to court and failed. NGOs have a critical role to play as partners and not with a holier-than-thou attitude, as shown by some members of this very Parliament.

For MARP to succeed, I believe we have to take a step backwards and find out what some members of the opposition are saying about our foreign policy. They are saying that South Africa, on the question of Zimbabwe, has reached a defining moment. They are saying that we should have more sticks and fewer carrots. They are saying that it is not the willingness and the capacity and exercise of efforts towards peace and stability as seen, among other things, in our contribution to the peace efforts. They are not saying this. They are not saying that our efforts in Zimbabwe and in the Great Lakes area are bearing fruit. They are not saying that it is in the interest of South Africa as a whole and the region, in particular, and the African continent, in general, for us to adopt this method of quiet diplomacy.

What they are saying is that we should give them more sticks and fewer carrots. This is according to Mr Eglin’s leader, who was quoted in the Time magazine of 28 April as saying that President Thabo Mbeki should give Mr Mugabe more sticks and fewer carrots. It is the wrong policy and I think it should be ignored with the contempt that it deserves, because they are ignoring the fact that the defining moment of our foreign policy is not rooted in the interest of white South Africa, it is rooted in Davos, in UN multilateral institutions, in NAM, in South-South considerations and positively in the IMF, defining their methods of engagements for the rest of Africa. [Interjections.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Adv Z L MADASA: Madam Speaker, post-1999 there has been a rapid increase of participation by our country in international affairs. This is owing in part to the MARP initiative. Despite our domestic and regional problems, our country is and is seen as providing a crucial platform for economic trade and the development of the rest of the continent.

The ACDP wishes to support the recent pronouncements by the President on MARP, which puts the emphasis on Africans themselves as being responsible for putting their house in order, so as to become effective players in world trade. In this regard we must continue to work towards an end to the conflicts in the continent, especially in the SADC region. The Government must continue to work to establish peace, encourage African leaders to leave office after their terms have expired and promote multiparty democracy.

The President, speaking at a recent foreign affairs conference in Cape Town a few months ago, raised the question of whether the department has sufficient capacity to effectively ensure the success of MARP. The said capacity, in my view, not only relates to competence and planning, but also to whether there are sufficient resources in the department to carry out this MARP initiative. The recent trip by an American multimillionaire, Dennis Tito, into space, is an indication of how far one can go if there are enough resources.

In view of the increased role of the department in creating opportunities for economic trade all over the world and the undoubted scarcity of resources in the countries to support this initiative, has the time not come for more and closer co-operation between this department, Trade and Industry, and to a lesser extent, Defence? The recently announced plans to tax the allowances of employees in the foreign service if not accompanied by an equivalent increase in those allowances will, in my view, become a self-inflicted impediment in the advancements of the MARP initiative.

The ACDP supports the budget, but has serious reservations as to the adequacy of resources in the department to carry out the MARP initiative. The time has come for the relevant departments - the ones I have mentioned above - to stop speaking about clusters, but to begin to plan, to share resources and to work together to ensure that the initiative succeeds. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, hon members, as the Minister and various speakers have indicated, the current global system is characterised by the restructuring of international organisations and institutions in order to meet the challenges of globalisation. Equally, the Department of Foreign Affairs has to restructure and transform itself to deal with broadened responsibilities and greater challenges that we have to tackle.

The department embarked on and made progress with several transformation initiatives at different levels. It is clear that in order to fulfil and contribute effectively to our challenges and obligations, we need to have more capacity in terms of resources, both human and financial, as well as diverse representivity, reflective of South African society. These are integral aspects of the department’s restructuring and transformation.

We have developed a four-year strategic plan with specific priorities for

1. The strategic plan would ensure that the implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives is conducted in a co-ordinated and integrated way. It also forms the basis on which business plans of all units of the department and performance management agreements have been developed. Ultimately this process will culminate in more efficient service delivery by the department and a sharpened focus on the attainment of the country’s foreign policy objectives. An important component of Government’s broad reconstruction has been the shift towards co-ordinated governments through the cluster system.

The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: I think it is shameful that when the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs is speaking here, there should be so much chatter, especially across there. We should all listen to the Deputy Minister when he is speaking about these very important matters.

The SPEAKER: Thank you, hon Minister. Hon members, I hope you will pay heed to what has been put forward and listen to the speakers. The purpose of our meeting is to debate. Please proceed.

The DEPUTY MINISTER: The Cabinet cluster of international relations, peace and security has developed a long-term four-year strategic plan. It constitutes the high-level objectives, priorities, strategies and action plan. The cluster also produced the 2001 strategic priorities which include the political, security, development and co-operation issues. This also incorporates the programmes of action, as well as the key departments responsible for their implementation. The IRPS cluster has also instituted mechanisms to monitor and guide us on the successful delivery of the agreed programmes. It is important that the relevant portfolio committees and Parliament are continuously seized with these developments.

It is in this spirit of the integrated approach of Government that an early warning centre has been established. I believe that this centre will increase South Africa’s capacity to respond to ever-changing world demands and to meet peace and security obligations. As the challenges of our foreign relations grow, so does the need to expand our operations abroad. Missions in Tripoli and Kigali are currently being established, and several other centres have been identified where South African representation is essential to expanding and developing political, economic, social and cultural relations. The institutional and organisational changes that I in brief referred to that the making of South Africa, also internationally, will fail if all of us do not seriously accept our patriotic responsibilities.

Mr Cronje, Chairman of Absa, wrote in Business Day of 27 October 2000: Today, internationally, Afro-pessimism is a reality. Who is responsible for this? Some South Africans too often market their country as the basket case of the world. Some South Africans publicly extol the values of South Africa, only to inform listeners privately of the deep concern about the way things are going.

He goes on to say:

Business leaders cannot expect international investment if they are not willing to invest themselves. Business confidence relies on a degree of positive massaging and marketing to maintain a positive side.

He ends by asking: ``Why is our society so convinced that things can only get worse?’’

A successful foreign policy strategy demands that we answer Cronje’s questions. Why do some of us consistently orchestrate the theme that things can only get worse? It is worth recalling that eight years ago our country was undergoing one of the world’s worst racial conflicts. Thanks to far- sighted political leadership and the humanity of all South Africans, we astounded the world and gave birth to a democratic South Africa.

Today we can proudly proclaim that South Africa has taken giant strides in consolidating its nonracial and nonsexist democracy and in tackling the legacies of the past. This does not mean that we do not have much more to do. However, those who are objective and honest have to admit that the Government is succeeding in creating a caring and people-centred society. Despite what the DA continues to say, South Africa is becoming a winning nation.

Mr Cronje said in the same article, and I think he reflected the view of many, and I quote:

South Africa is succeeding because the signs are there. Government borrowing is down, inflation is under control, monetary policies appear to be in safe and competent hands, the needs of disadvantaged communities have been addressed more actively than at any other time in our history, personal and corporate tax have been reduced, exchange controls have been effectively removed for the vast majority of South Africans, and the economy is growing close to a rate not seen since the gold boom in the 1980s.

The things Cronje referred to have been manifest in many studies. The latest World Competitive Report has found that South Africa is now one of the world’s top performers in industrial electrical supply, the cost-of- living index, telecommunications investment, effective personal income tax rates, and public expenditure on education. We were ranked above major players such as the USA, Japan, Britain, France and Germany.

This is the success that we are talking about and not the negative things that the DA opposition keeps harping on about, or indeed, the spokesmen for DA policies on many occasions. The Financial Mail noted on 27 April that, since its positive report two weeks before, South Africa’s economy was better than originally thought. It went on to say that a report from the UK research firm, Investment Strategy Group sketched a glowing picture of South Africa, exhorting investors to go along on equities and the rand. It went further to say that South Africa had the greatest potential in the emerging countries to grow in the coming period. Therefore, it is vital that all South Africans, including the DA, accept this reality and reflect a new patriotism that allows them to become ambassadors projecting the image of South Africa as a winning nation.

Surely the DA must come to the conclusion that party politicking in this crucial stage is not enough. Surely they must understand that the positives that we have achieved in our country outweigh the negatives. It is for this reason that the President established the International Marketing Council, which brings together top business, marketing, nongovernmental and relevant governmental structures to advise the Government on improving South Africa’s image abroad.

Unfortunately, I must once again say the discussion today reflected that this is not an easy task. The problem lies not in the abilities of the Government or other structures involved in market South Africa, but sadly, as Cronje said, with South Africans projecting South Africa as a so-called basket case where nothing can be rectified. These are the people wanting to deny the enormous progress we have made, the possibilities our country offers and the significant returns on investments in our country.

I accept that it is vital in an open democracy for citizens to question policy. But when members of the opposition openly systematically distort, indeed, sometimes frankly lie and misrepresent positions of South Africa, then we must accept that they are becoming the proponents of that which gives us a negative image abroad. Therefore we must accept that the DA must accept its responsibility to become better citizens.

It is therefore important that today, as the DA has spent a lot of time on mentioning the negative image that the hon Minister Tshwete is giving South Africa, I take the opportunity to quote some examples of South Africans spearheading the campaign to negatively project South Africa internationally. Today, given what the DA had been saying, let me reflect on what the Leader of the Opposition, the hon Leon, said recently in international conferences. Indeed, it was sad to hear the DA reflecting some of those same negative sentiments in South Africa.

These sentiments state that South Africa is in a crisis, that there is a crisis of confidence because of morbid racial paranoia. He made this speech to the United Stated Business Council. It goes on to say that South Africa’s crisis is because of Zimbabwe. It further states: ``Instead of President Mbeki condemning Mugabe, he has sat down and had tea with the arsonist.’’ It goes on to suggest to the American audience that South Africa must uphold land rights by acting against a small but alarming number of copycat land invasions in our own rural areas.

I want to ask: How is it possible for the Leader of the Opposition, speaking to a major American audience, to begin to suggest that there is even a possibility of South Africa becoming a country where we will allow land invasions to take place? It was the hon Leon who was espousing the thesis that he will help the Americans to put pressure on us to prevent this.

HON MEMBERS: Sies! [Disgraceful!]

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Why did he not reflect what this Government’s policy is? In fact the same hon Leon, in another speech, surpassed himself even further when he was talking to the SA-US Chamber of Commerce. He again harped on the same nonsense that my colleagues were talking about, which is Zimbabwe, and said …

An HON MEMBER: Which was the truth!

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Absolute distortion! Most damaging of all to the confidence in Africa, is the impression created by SADC, including President Mbeki, that neighbouring states agree with land grabs and state intimidation of opposition parties as an acceptable way to run a country. Where did they get this distorted logic that they can project this as what is happening in the Southern African region?

But, more dangerously, in this speech the hon Leon, after quoting some ridiculous statistics, said that the ANC had begun to highlight racial differences in our society and played the race card at every opportunity. [interjections.] ``By now Nelson Mandela’s party is closing many doors of political, economic, and cultural advancement one by one in the face of minorities.’’ This is Tony Leon speaking to an American audience.

Increasingly, the principle of nonracialism is being sacrificed on the altar of power politics. It is a tactic which our society, media, judiciary and opposition must see for what it is and resist with all our resources. Is the hon Leon trying to mobilise support in the United States and elsewhere in a kit and kit argument? I want to warn Leon and his entourage that, like Hitler and Goebbels, they will learn very quickly that to play the racist game is a very dangerous game and, like Hitler and Goebbels, they must wake up to the reality and stop playing this game of the ANC becoming a racist organisation, threatening the stability and security of all minorities.

This is not the reality in our country, and I believe the Democratic Alliance, through their leader and individually, must stop playing this card, because it is not in the interest of South Africa as a whole. I want to make a call on the DA. Surely the time has come that they should grow up. Infantile, childish disorder is okay for a certain period, but if they continue to remain infantile, childish and disorderly, we in this House have to ask whether this is acceptable and possible.

Surely they must wake up to the reality that they cannot find a few more votes, get another extra dollar or gain more support internationally by playing this negative card that they are playing. I want to say that for international relations and for international politics, and for the interest of South Africa, we want to call on the opposition, especially the DA, to act more responsibly, in the interest of the country and the people, and not in their personal interest. [Applause.]

Ms F HAJAIG: Madam Speaker, Minister and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, colleagues and comrades, I rise to support this Vote.

The Treasury has made available R1,6608 billion for the budget of 2001-02. The Department of Foreign Affairs has been given ever-expanding tasks and one needs to ask the question whether this sum is sufficient to enable them to carry out their mandate.

We would like to thank the director-general, the deputy directors-general and other personnel who have worked so hard to bring about the necessary restructuring in the Department of Foreign Affairs. I am glad to say that there are at least four women here today, which is pleasing. [Applause.] That is very significant. Thank you for starting the process.

An HON MEMBER: They have got brains as well. Ms F HAJAIG: Which you do not have. [Laughter.] Since 1994, with the birth of our democratic state, South Africa has made great strides in putting South Africa on the world map as a respected and responsible nation which takes its domestic and international duties and commitments seriously.

In every corner of this world, our transition to democracy is hailed as a victory for the dignity of humankind. Our achievements have been many since 1994, but our great challenge is yet to come: The realisation of the economic and social development agenda for Africa, namely MARP, the Millennium African Recovery Programme.

Two spokes in the wheel which will drive MARP are a strong and efficient Organisation of African Unity and Pan-African Parliament. Fundamental to this process is the restructuring of the institutional framework of the OAU and the regional economic communities, which, in our case, is SADC.

On 11 July 2000, the OAU, AEC and the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments adopted the Constitutive Act of the African Union. The African Union will evolve from the OAU and the AEC, into one unified institution. The Act makes provision for a defined transitional period of a year or more, which will ensure a smooth and gradual transition of the OAU and the AEC into one union. The ratification …

Mr G B D McINTOSH: Dream on! Dream on!

Ms F HAJAIG: I do not know why you are in South Africa. Please leave.

An HON MEMBER: Tell him! Tell him! Tell him!

Ms F HAJAIG: The ratification of two-thirds of the OAU’s 53 member states will establish the African Union. Furthermore, the Constitutive Act specifies that the organs of the African Union and its structure should reflect the transitional approach, with priority given to the establishment of organs and institutions identified, such as the Pan-African Parliament.

Apart fron the Pan-African Parliament, the Act also provides for the establishment of a common court of justice, a common African central bank, an African monetary fund and an African investment bank, as well as several specialised technical committees in areas such as rural economy and agriculture; monetary and financial affairs; trade, custom and immigration; industry, science and technology; energy, natural resources and environment; transport, communications and tourism; health, labour and social affairs; education and culture; and human resources.

The Lusaka Summit scheduled for July 2001 will officially declare the African Union. The adoption of the Act should be seen as the first step in an ongoing process to streamline and rationalise the existing organisational framework of the continent, in so doing making the African Union relevant to the demands of the 21st century and to achieve the ultimate goal of complete African unity.

The Constitutive Act will eventually replace the OAU Charter of 1963. South Africa will assume the chairmanship of the first African Union Summit in July 2002, providing us with a unique opportunity to further our objectives of promoting the vision of the African Renaissance and the principles of good governance, democracy and respect for human rights on our continent. Lest we forget, it was the OAU that relentlessly assisted us in our fight for freedom.

Some of the objectives of the African Union are to achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and the peoples of South Africa; to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the member states; to accelerate the political and socioeconomic integration of the continent; to promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; to encourage international co-operation, taking due account of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; to promote peace, security and stability on the continent; and to promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance.

My time is unfortunately running out, so I am going to skip some of the things which hon members can read up, especially those on the left-hand side of the House. I hope they do read the Constitutive Act. I do not think they have. [Interjections.] No, they have not. [Laughter.]

I just want, very briefly, to outline the draft agreement for the Pan- African Parliament. Parliamentarians from all over Africa met in Pretoria in November 2000 to draft a protocol which has been adopted by the Heads of State of the Organisation for African Unity.

The idea of a Pan-African Parliament came from the Abuja Treaty, adopted in 1991 by the OAU. The Pan-African Parliament would bring the elected representatives of Africa together to deliberate on common African issues, particularly to take forward the objectives of achieving the successful development of the continent. The Pan-African Parliament budget will remain an integral part of the African Union budget.

The Pan-African Parliament can become an important point of influence in Africa. It was agreed that the Pan-African Parliament would receive regular reports from the African Union. It will also deal with development in countries on the continent. There will also be regular meetings for the general gathering of members. Parliamentary committees will also be established to look at important objectives such as peace and democracy. The languages of the African Union, namely English, Arabic, French and Portuguese, will be used. Initially the Pan-African Parliament will be a deliberative organ. It will not have legislative powers.

These are very important developments for us and our continent. We as South Africans are fully committed to our destiny, which is Africa. It is in Africa that we find our biggest markets. We have come home to Africa after 350 years. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr P W A MULDER: Mr Chairman, I have four minutes and I want to discuss four issues in this limited time. If one plays a game of chess, at a certain point in the game chess players start talking about the end game. In Zimbabwe, we are now moving into the end game phase, as far as I am concerned.

It is sad to see a country’s leaders destroying their own country. The question is: Is the South African Government ready to play this end game? Are we putting all our money on President Mugabe to survive and win the presidential elections? What is our position on the leader of the opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai? At the moment he is the accused, with a possibility of a life sentence. In Africa my experience is that tomorrow he may be the next president of Zimbabwe. Do we plan for that? Do we take that into account in our actions?

Surely the Government must have realised that their policy of silent diplomacy which they have followed up to now, has failed. The hard reality is that when Zimbabwe makes mistakes, South Africa suffers as well. When the Zambian President Chiluba makes mistakes and tries to ignore the constitution, South Africa suffers as well. The dream of an African Renaissance, with multiparty democracy in Africa as the cornerstone, as the President stated, moves away from us.

My tweede punt: Aan die begin van hierdie jaar het ek die voorreg gehad om China en Hong Kong te besoek. Die verhouding tussen China as ‘n soewereine staat en Hong Kong as ‘n eiesoortige gebied wat homself regeer, maar dan tog ook deel van China is, is uniek.

Die implikasie hiervan is dat Hong Kong as deel van die ooreenkoms tussen China en Hong Kong sy eie internasionale ooreenkomste met ander lande aangaan. So het meeste lande reeds ekonomiese en ander ooreenkomste met Hong Kong gesluit. Suid-Afrika huiwer egter om hierdie ooreenkoms op die oomblik te sluit. Miskien omdat ons bang is dat ons daarmee aanstoot gee aan China, en tog keur China hierdie werkswyse van Hong Kong goed. Suid- Afrika verloor tans talle ekonomiese en handelsgeleenthede teenoor ander lande, omdat ons nie ons ooreenkomste met Hong Kong sluit nie. My vraag is: Het ons al hierdie ooreenkomste met Hong Kong gesluit, en indien nog nie, wanneer beoog die Regering om dit wel te doen? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The second point: At the beginning of the year I had the privilege to visit China and Hong Kong. The relationship between China as a sovereign state and Hong Kong as an autonomous area that governs itself, but is also part of China, is unique.

The implication of this is that Hong Kong enters into its own international agreements with other countries as part of the agreement between China and Hong Kong. In this way most countries have already entered into agreements with Hong Kong. However, at the moment, South Africa is still hesitant to enter into these agreements. This is possibly because we are afraid that by doing so we will offend China, and yet China approves of this modus operandi of Hong Kong. South Africa is currently losing many economic and trade opportunities with other countries because we are not entering into agreements with Hong Kong. My question is: Have we already entered into these agreements with Hong Kong, and if not, when does the Government intend doing so?

My third point is: Why do we have ambassadors and representatives abroad in different countries? One of the main reasons, surely, is to enable us to communicate better with the people of other countries and to tell them about South Africa. Therefore, in most embassies, translation services are important to translate our messages into the local languages of those countries.

In the Netherlands, we have a website on the internet which the explains South Africa and its policies to the people of the Netherlands. I can give members the address. My question is: Why is that website only in English? I will be willing to translate it into Afrikaans to make it easier for the people of the Netherlands to understand our message. But, surely, the ideal situation is to translate it into Dutch and show our respect to those people and their languages.

As Jan Momberg of Karel Niehaus in Nederland was, kon hulle ons gered het. Ek weet nie waar die fout ingekom het nie, maar dit gee tog aanstoot. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[If Jan Momberg or Karel Niehaus were in the Netherlands, they could have bailed us out. I do not know where we went wrong, but it nevertheless offends.]

My fourth point is that South Africa became the 35th member state of the Organisation of African Unity which deposited its instrument of ratification of the Constitutive Act of the African Union to the OAU General Secretariate. South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt are seen as the big and strong countries in Africa. In international affairs, small countries always want to get some power and influence over the big ones.

Some articles in the Constitutive Act are overidealistic and ignore, as far as I am concerned, some basic principles of the sovereignty of countries. The problem that we faced, as members of Parliament, was that we could not really amend the document and we were under pressure to adopt it because of limited time. In future, the South African Government will have to be very careful not to let small countries, specifically African countries that are part of the OAU, try to use these articles to prescribe to us, using the Constitutive Act, and maybe at the end of the day try to influence and attack our sovereignty as far as that is concerned.

Hier is vandag baie oor Kuba gesê en ek wil tog net vinnig daarop reageer. Die finale toets is: Of mense na ‘n land beweeg of uit ‘n land uitbeweeg? Ek was nog nie in Kuba nie, maar die feit bly staan, as twee miljoen mense uit Kuba vlug, dan moet ek ‘n vraagteken daarby plaas, veral as mense na ‘n ander land vlug. Dit is ‘n baie ernstige toets wat Kuba tans nie slaag nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[A great deal has been said about Cuba here today and I would briefly like to respond. The final test is: Whether people move into a country or out of a country? I have never been to Cuba, but the fact remains, if two million people flee Cuba, then I must put a question mark next to it, especially if people flee to another country. This is a very serious test that Cuba does not pass at this stage.]

Ms M M MAUNYE: Ke a leboha Modulasetulo [Thank you, Chairperson]. Hon Minister, comrades and friends, I will start by quoting what Comrade President Mandela once said:

If we move with undue speed towards the noble ideals of full integration and trade liberalisation, negative migration in capital, skills and labour might well set in. We would wish to see balanced and equitable development throughout the region, to the mutual benefit of all its people.

The issue of regional integration efforts is not a new phenomenon in Africa. Africans have recognised this fact as a necessity right from the 1950s. Africans recognise that for them to make a dent in the international political and economic system, they need to co-ordinate their economic and political efforts.

I want to focus on the issue of the Southern African Development Community, its relevance today, and the importance of democratisation in the region and in Africa in general. What we do must reflect in what we say.

The globalisation process has left us with very limited choices. The first choice is to join the globalising world without any questions. The second is to close our markets and isolate ourselves from the rest of the world. This choice does not work and its future is bleak. The third, and last point, is to have countries of the South in general negotiating as a bloc.

Regional integration is exactly for that purpose. The regional integration process provides us with the opportunity to negotiate, as a bloc of countries from the South, with a stronger voice and guarantees us the chance to get a better deal for our countries and the people of our region as a whole.

For all this to be possible certain things have to be done by African leaders and the people they lead. Among those are the following: democracy and democratisation, transparency and human rights.

The gospel from the 1950s onwards has been democracy. We cannot allow despots to continue to rule our countries and loot the national resources which are desperately needed for the development of our people and countries. Organs of civil society must help governments set up democratic structures. If we do not democratise, the international community will further marginalise us.

The whole world has a negative impression of Africa. We have the duty to correct this impression. We need to demonstrate to the world that we are serious about our democratisation efforts and the development of our people. If we do not move with haste in this regard, we will be left out in the cold.

Transparency and human rights are cornerstones in the process of renewing Africa. The issue of human rights is critical. If we do not respect human rights, our democratic efforts are guaranteed to fail, something we can ill afford.

The issue of the Southern African Development Community is critical. As I indicated before, the regional integration process is not new on the continent. SADC, as a community of nations, is undergoing transformation. Among the institutions to be established is the one dealing with women. This is very important today, because women constitute more than 50% of the entire population. If we leave them out of the process of development and integration, our efforts will be futile.

Women are cardinal to our society’s development and progress. They need to be empowered and encouraged to play a pivotal role in the process of peace and social progress. SADC has great potential for their development and economic growth, but hard work still needs to be done.

Challenges facing the region and continent, among others, are the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Angolan situation, attracting foreign direct investment, child labour and slavery. The situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo is changing for the better. It seems, once more, that efforts put together by the Africans for the Africans are bearing fruit. The Lusaka peace agreement is, once more, demonstrating our capacity as the people of the continent. The people of the DRC will enjoy peace for once in their lifetime.

Angola remains one of the biggest challenges facing the region and the continent. Stability in Angola promises great development for the region. Angola has everything the country needs for its development, but the war continues to hinder its progress. We need to redouble our efforts for peace and social progress. [Time expired.]

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Mr Chairperson and hon Minister, in considering this budget, certain fundamental principles, such as the following, must be taken into account: acknowledging that the Department of Foreign Affairs is responsible for the maintenance and promotion of South Africa’s external international relations, the weak rand exchange rate, South Africa’s leading role in Africa, and the hosting of various important events.

Senior officials in the department often complain that the budget that the Ministry receives is inadequate to effectively carry out its various policy objectives and to maintain and increase its foreign representation abroad. The question that must be asked about the 100 plus missions abroad is: Are they producing results? Has any cost-benefit analysis been done? If not, why not?

The introduction of tax on foreign service allowances will impact negatively on officers’ salaries. Maintaining the same net after-tax salary for diplomats abroad entails increasing the personnel component of foreign representation by R178 million.

The negative effect of exchange rate volatility on the Department of Foreign Affairs’ budget is a recurring problem. A joint task team including the Department of Foreign Affairs’ and the Department of Finance’s officials should, on a quarterly basis, monitor the rand performance and study some contingency measures.

It is evident that the R1 666 814 voted for 2001-02 is inadequate to meet the Department of Foreign Affairs’ priorities. [Time expired.]

Dr S E PHEKO: Mr Chairperson, now that the Pan-African Parliament and the African Union, ushered in by the irresistible vision of Pan-Africanism, are a reality, African states must rise to the occasion in defence of Africa’s interests and take the destiny of this continent into their own hands for posterity. Africa must not be a spectator in world affairs. The primary role of Pan-Africanism is to redeem Africa from years of foreign domination, powerlessness and humiliation.

The PAC is disturbed that not much has been done by African states to resolve the present political instability and to end the civil wars in countries like Sierra Leone, Liberia, Somalia and Guinea. Instability in any African country affects the continent. Our foreign policy must assist other African states to avoid attracting excuses from foreign powers for UN sanctions.

At 12:01 on Monday, 7 May, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on Liberia. The resolution was jointly sponsored by the USA and Britain. It is over a complaint that Liberia is assisting the revolutionary United Front rebels in Sierra Leone in exchange for diamonds. Liberia has denied this, arguing that it has its own diamonds and has no interest in Sierra Leone’s diamonds.

It is critical that the coming Pan-African Parliament assists African member states to solve their own affairs, instead of leaving them to the Security Council. This council is still dominated by the five permanent members, especially the USA and Britain. That is the reason it is so easy to impose sanctions on the countries of the south than on those of the north, examples being Libya and Iraq. [Interjections.] The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, electricians are sorting out the power failure. We will suspend the debate.

An HON MEMBER: Should we not adjourn?

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: No, we are not adjourning. [Interjections.] This will take about two minutes. [Interjections.]

Business suspended at 18:51 and resumed at 19:01.

Dr S E M PHEKO: Chairperson, another danger facing African countries, which our Ministry of Foreign Affairs must take note of, is the dumping of toxic waste on the African continent by Western countries. This dumping is a health hazard and causes environmental damage. The alternative to irresponsible dumping is clean technology. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs must seriously pay attention to the dumping of toxic waste in African countries, including our own country.

The PAC supports this Vote. The PAC wants to put on record that sanctions on any country, particularly a developing country, punishes not the government, but the ordinary citizens of that country, the women and children, and exacerbates underdevelopment. [Applause.]

Mnr C AUCAMP: Mnr die Voorsitter, Suid-Afrika is vanjaar die voorsitter van die Onverbonde Beweging, die Nonaligned Movement. In daardie geledere is dit ‘n posisie van die hoogste aansien, en was in die tyd van mense soos Nehru, Mev Ghandi en Maarskalk Tito inderdaad ‘n baie gewigtige posisie.

Met sy leerstuk van ‘n Afrika-renaissance probeer die agb President ook om Suid-Afrika, veral ook wat Afrika betref, in ‘n leiersposisie voor die hele wêreld te plaas. Dit is so dat Suid-Afrika en die hele Afrika leierskap nodig het. Dit is so dat daardie leierskap uit Afrika moet kom en dat dit Renaissance-leierskap moet wees wat sal lei tot herlewing.

Nou wil ons graag van die President en ook die Minister weet, waarheen presies hulle Suid-Afrika lei. Sy leiding word tog in die eerste plek weerspieël in die prioriteite van die Departement van Buitelandse Sake. Hoe lyk daardie prioriteite? ‘n Man word tog aan sy vriende geken. Vandag is Suid-Afrika se vriende, in die oë van die hele wêreld, mense soos die Castros, die Ghaddafis en ander kommunisties-sosialistiese lande soos China en Indië, die ou vriende van die struggle se dae. Soos die Oujaarsliedjie lui: ``Sal ons ou vriende ooit vergeet …’’.

Die Minister van Buitelandse Sake het dit pertinent vroeër vanjaar, veral met verwysing na Kuba, gesê ons het ‘n ereskuld teenoor hulle, en dit lyk vir my die agb Fidel van der Merwe stem daarmee saam. Wie geniet die hoogste posisie in ons protokol? Wie was die laaste en tweedelaaste staatsmanne wat die podium bestyg het met die President se inhuldiging? Arafat en Ghaddafi.

Dit word hier plaaslik raakgesien en aangeteken en dra by tot die gevoel van vervreemding wat baie van ons mense tans ervaar. Maar dit word nie net hier ter plaatse opgemerk nie. Oral word verwys na Suid-Afrika se intiemste vriende. En wanneer een van die ou vriende oortree en deur sy eie egogedrewe paranoia sy land en die hele substreek die afgrond inlei, dan maar liewer stille diplomasie, want ‘n mens baklei mos nie met jou vriende voor ander nie.

Daar is nog ‘n verdere inkonsekwentheid waarop ek wil wys. Aan hierdie vriende word meer regte toegeskryf as wat ons eie mense gegun word. In sy verwelkoming van Jasser Arafat het Minister Kader Asmal Israel gekritiseer oor ``sy ontkenning van ‘n volk se reg tot nasieskap’’ - ‘n uitspraak waaroor die Regering hom nou ook sal moet verantwoord teenoor die Afrikaner in sy stryd om selfbeskikking.

Dit is duidelik dat hy in die geval van die Palestyne ‘n volk beskou as ‘n bepaalde etniese eenheid met kollektiewe regte en aansprake. In die geval van die Palestynse volk word hulle reg erken om as ‘n volk bekend te staan, regte uit te oefen en erkenning te geniet. Hy vra nie, in ooreenstemming met die meeste van sy uitsprake, van Palestyne om maar net deel van die meerderheid te word nie.

Hierdie klem op ‘n volk se reg tot nasieskap moet verwelkom word. Hoekom niks daarvan vir die onderskeie volke in Suid-Afrika nie? Daar is niks van hierdie volkserkenning by die Minister en sy kollegas te bespeur as dit gaan oor die regte van Afrikaners en ander gemeenskappe nie. Dit is ironies dat hy die Palestyne ‘n eie land gun, maar die Afrikaner nie eers sy eie universiteit of ‘n eie skool nie. Ek is bevrees Suid-Afrika het tans net oë vir die onverbondes en dit kategoriseer hom in geen onduidelike terme nie. En soos hulle sukkel, sal Suid-Afrika sukkel. Dit, meer as enigiets anders, is die hoofoorsaak vir die lae randwaarde, vir die onvermoë om beleggingskapitaal te bekom. Beleggers sal altyd vir ‘n mens sê: Hoe nader jy aan sosialisme beweeg, hoe skaarser raak die beleggings, want sosialisme is mot en roes wat verniel. Die land se ekonomie ly daar onder. Ek pleit by die President en die Minister om hulle te skaar aan die kant van hulle wat ‘n rekord het van gesonde vryemarkekonomieë. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mr C AUCAMP: Mr Chairman, this year South Africa is the Chair of the Nonaligned Movement. In those ranks this is a position of the highest respect, and was also, during the time of people like Nehru, Mrs Gandhi and Marshall Tito, indeed a very significant position.

With his tenet of an African Renaissance the hon the President is making an effort, specifically as far as Africa is concerned, to place South Africa in a position of leadership before the whole world. It is true that South Africa and the entire Africa require leadership. It is true that that leadership must come from Africa and that it must be Renaissance leadership which will lead to revival.

Now we would like to know from the President and the Minister exactly where they are leading Africa. His leadership is indeed reflected in the first instance by the priorities of the Department of Foreign Affairs. What are those priorities? Surely one is known by one’s friends. Today South Africa’s friends, in the eyes of the entire world, are people such as the Castros, the Ghaddafis and other communist-socialist countries, such as China and India. These are the old friends from the days of the struggle. As the New Years’ Eve song goes: ``Should old acquaintance be forgot …’’.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs said pertinently earlier this year, especially with reference to Cuba, that we owed them a debt of honour, and it seems to me as if the hon Fidel van der Merwe agrees with that. Who enjoys the highest position in our protocol? Who were the last and the second last statesmen on the podium when the President was inaugurated? Arafat and Ghaddafi.

This is noticed and noted here locally and contributes to the feeling of alienation that many of our people are experiencing at present. But this is not just noticed here locally. Everywhere reference is made to South Africa’s most intimate friends. And when one of the old friends transgresses and, because of his own ego-driven paranoia, leads his country and the entire subregion to ruin, then it is better to follow quiet diplomacy, because surely one does not quarrel with one’s friends in front of others.

There is a further inconsistency which I want to point out. These friends are granted more rights than our own people. When he welcomed Yasser Arafat, Minister Kader Asmal criticised Israel for ``denying a people its right to nationhood’’ - an utterance the Government will now have to justify to the Afrikaners in their struggle for self-determination.

It is clear that in the case of the Palestinians he considers a people to be a specific ethnic unit with collective rights and claims. In the case of the Palestinian people their right to be known as a people, to exercise their rights and enjoy recognition are acknowledged. He does not as he does in most of his utterances, simply ask the Palestinians to become part of the majority.

This emphasis on a people’s right to nationhood is to be welcomed. Why then is there none of this for the various peoples in South Africa? None of this recognition of a people is to be detected in the Minister and his colleagues when it concerns the rights of Afrikaners and other communities. It is ironic that he allows the Palestinians to have their own country, but he does not even allow the Afrikaners to have their own university or school.

I am afraid that at present South Africa has eyes only for the non-aligned, and this categorises the country in no uncertain terms. And as they struggle, South Africa will struggle. That, more than anything else, is the main cause of the low value of the rand, and the inability of the country to obtain investor capital. Investors will always say: The closer one gets to socialism, the scarcer the investments become, because socialism destroys. The country’s economy suffers the consequences. I am appealing to the President and the Minister to side with those who have a record of sound free-market economies.]

Mrs F MAHOMED: In the name of God, most gracious and most merciful. Chairperson, colleagues and friends, I feel I have to respond to Mr Aucamp’s remarks. Our friends are the very people who supported us against oppression and aggression, if he does not know, and they will remain our friends for ever.

When one looks at the fossilised shells on the shores of our beautiful country, one realises that history goes back more than 300 years. Our country has gone through fundamental changes, from absolute isolation to global integration. The six-year rule of the ANC-led Government is marked by profound and substantial modification of the system of international relations, technological progress and the emergence of a new generation.

Our interventions and negotiating skills on peace brokering has earned us a special place in the New World Order. The NAM meeting concerning Palestinian issues is only one such example. The recognition of equal rights of all countries is vital. Therefore the principle of the domination of major powers needs to be challenged.

We are indeed anxious that the UN regains its true pivotal and democratic role in furthering the interests of the developing world. Justice for all in the world is imperative. For example, the genocide and gross human rights violations in Palestine must be addressed. International institutions should take heed of the global problems without prejudice.

A shift in foreign policy that recognises economic development is crucial and fundamental to realistic and pragmatic changes. The African continent must and should be an image of democratic governance. Erratic efforts to change the constitution without respect for the rule of law could have disastrous effects on our development agenda. Developing countries deserve the right to prosper and make socioeconomic progress. Harnessing and developing our resource base, with a parallel effort towards collective policy formulation, will boost and regenerate African economies.

Our President has constantly raised this issue at many summits. Our efforts to compete on the global markets will help us realise our true potential as South Africans. The recent South Africa-EU negotiations have taught us many skills and created many challenges. The Africa Growth and Opportunity Act of the United States has given us many opportunities to accelerate our economic activity. At this juncture we need to commend the President of the United States and hope that other developed countries will follow suit.

Every nation nurtures a dream of recovering its past to give a better focus to its present and inspire the future. Colonialists tried to put chains in our brains and exploited and enslaved our people by destroying their inner strength and human dignity. But currently we are reclaiming our inherent humanity by excavating our hidden histories, which restore the pride of our nation, because without this effort we will continue to carry the debilitating self-images and will militate against our positive contribution to the global paradigm shifts.

Perhaps I should also mention to Mr Eglin that it is ironic that the DA talks about damage control with regard to our country and its image. I wish to advise him that the DP should actually reflect on their own patriotism, as true diplomacy is not about point-scoring or party-politicking.

As Africans we need to promote a culture of peace and tolerance. We also know that external forces resulting from colonialism cause instability, civil wars and conflicts in Africa. This has impacted negatively on all spheres of development. Regional institutions must be reviewed, rationalised and reformed.

Our ability to recognise early warning signals is crucial, so that we are able to find African solutions for Africa’s security problems. It has been proven that negotiated solutions provide sustainable and mutually beneficial ways of resolving conflict. Good governance, human rights, democracy, transparency and accountability could be reinforced if positive values are inculcated into the international community. I am talking about values such as dignified self-reliance, independence and acknowledgement of development needs, towards a participatory democracy.

It needs to be noted that free trade should be regulated with equitable implementation of multilateral trade rules which will make changes to the one billion of the world’s poorest of the poor. Reduction of debt is crucial to an equitable New World Order. Clearly, most of these challenges affect the lives of women. I wish to make a few comments on the budget. As we are aware, the department has requested additional funding amounting to R363 million to reprioritise South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. We are of the view that fiscal shifts should take place, to achieve global competitiveness and to achieve equality and participatory democracy. It needs to be noted that new missions need to be opened. To increase our presence in Africa, it is important to open missions in Rwanda, the DRC and Mali. Without the monetary clout, the Department of Foreign Affairs cannot achieve its set targets.

On another level, I wish to comment on the restructuring and transformation of the department. I wish to congratulate the director-general and the hon the Minister on transforming the department to a great extent. I believe enough is not done regarding women’s involvement in the higher echelons of the department.

Some recent statistics have shown that only 16% of career diplomats are women as compared to 84% of men. More opportunities should be made available for women to participate and contribute positively to the enhancement and implementation of foreign policy objectives. They should be given a chance to acquire skills needed to engage in multilateral fora. They should be part of the high-level negotiating teams wherever possible. They also need to be trained to recognise conflict, and more money should be spent on training women as heads of missions. At present the figure stands at 19% as compared to 81% of men.

I want to say that it needs to be remembered that true democracy cannot be achieved without an engendered democracy. [Applause.]

Mrs I MARS: Chairperson, Madam Minister, Deputy Minister and colleagues, the Department of Foreign Affairs uses three budget programmes to achieve its strategic priorities. These priorities broadly encompass the general function of missions, with special reference to foreign investment, international trade, tourism, building regional and international co- operation and enhancing the image and understanding of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives.

Of these three programmes, foreign relations dominates the budget, consuming an average of 72.5% over a seven-year period. This important programme promotes relations with foreign countries and South Africa’s participation in international organisations and institutions such as the UN, OAU, SADC and NAM. South Africa’s bilateral relations focus on sustainable development, peace and security, stability and co-operation and public and economic diplomacy.

South Africa has become a leading player in Africa’s regional conflicts in terms of conflict resolution and has also ably responded to unforeseen events such as the Mozambican floods. Multilateral relations, ie dealing with our participation in global and regional institutions, has received an increase of 22% and we can only hope that this will prove adequate.

There are likely to be further demands on the Foreign Affairs budget in terms of the African Renaissance and the proposed African Parliament. In this South Africa is one of the leading players and it is therefore necessary to examine the financial implication. Everything we do in the context of Africa is of vital importance. Africa’s stability or lack thereof impacts in every way on South Africa. Therefore we cannot spare efforts to achieve stability and development throughout the continent. This must be an absolute priority. The bilateral relations budget has increased substantially due to the large number of missions abroad, many of which are, unfortunately, subject to an exchange-rate volatility and therefore reflect negatively on budgetary provisions. We are pleased to note that the programme still reflects that Foreign Affairs is taking control of foreign property. Hopefully, we shall be able to acquire more properties abroad as, ultimately, this will prove to be more cost-effective. As far as the 100 missions abroad are concerned, we do have a question: Is the Department satisfied that they are producing results in terms of the various policy objectives? Are cost-benefit analyses done on a regular basis? If not, why not?

Other concerns are as follows: Firstly, the impact of income tax on foreign service allowances. Obviously compensatory arrangements will have to be made. How will this affect the Foreign Affairs budget? Secondly, the progress made, or lack thereof, with the selection and training of the 50 new recruits. Thirdly, the training component, which appears to cater to a large extent for head-office staff rather than personnel abroad. Fourthly, the lack of capacity in our mission on the African continent to make effective contributions to peace and stability, which is an absolute priority.

I conclude by noting that the Minister, her Deputy and her department have played a vital role in South Africa’s re-entry into the international community of nations, and we congratulate them. However, as the spotlight of various international fora are fully on South Africa and much is expected from us, the budget increases from 1997 to 2004 is below the annual inflation rate. Therefore, the Foreign Affairs budget will show a real decline in expenditure at a time when the demand on its services are increasing. We all need to be concerned about this.

The IFP supports the Vote. [Applause.]

Dr Z P JORDAN: Mr Chairperson, translating ideas into reality is something that is very easily stated, but not so easily achieved, and I shall try to demonstrate this by talking about the very thorny problem of Zimbabwe.

In the discussions that the ANC has had with all the political parties in Zimbabwe, we have warned against the dangers of subverting the rule of law. We have warned that subverting the rule of law is more likely to impede change by heightening tension and promoting lawlessness.

We have also, in the most unequivocal terms, warned that the reckless actions of intimidation, thuggery, physical assault and murder committed by government-supporting militias who claim to be war veterans, can only damage the economy of that country and compromise the international confidence Zimbabwe so badly needs, if it is to attract foreign investment and foreign tourists.

We have also consistently appealed to the very values and norms that the national liberation movement in Zimbabwe waged the struggle to attain. The values of democracy, accountable government, the rule of law, an independent judiciary, nonracialism, political tolerance and freedom of the media - we have also pointed out that these things came to Zimbabwe with the victory of the national liberation movement.

That we have done these things is a matter of public record. But in the cut and thrust of political debate, the opposition would like to pretend that this is not so. We understand. Perhaps that is the nature of politics. What I would like to appeal for, though, in discussing our foreign policy, especially in relation to the Southern African region, is reason. When we discuss this region, let us be level headed and rational, because the courses of action we advocate are very likely to have immediate effects - effects that will find expression on our borders and in the streets of our cities.

If it were possible to convince the government of another country to change its course and follow our advice - good, bad or indifferent - merely by offering newspaper editors a good headline, there would be no need for diplomacy. Regrettably, the world is not that simple. The challenge we face in Zimbabwe, as in the rest of the SADC region, is ensuring political stability and economic growth. With those objectives in mind, South Africa’s task in Zimbabwe is assisting the people of that country to get the economy back on an even keel.

Yes, former Minister Moyo has warned that the actions of the government in which he recently served are undermining that purpose. We agree, and we have said so. But having said that, do we then smugly fold our arms and wait for Zimbabwe to unravel? The options that the opposition would have the Government pursue are not only unrealistic, they are unworkable. It might make some of us feel good to ban Zimbabwean Ministers from travelling to South Africa, but what effect would that have? Could South Africa, having done that, then expect our Ministers to travel to Harare the following week to offer advice? Or even to say the very rude things that Dr Boy Geldenhuys would like us to say to President Mugabe?

Regrettably, there are those who think that precipitating economic collapse in Zimbabwe will spur the fall of that government. But have they considered what that would imply for the party that followed Zanu-PF as the government?

Mhlalingaphambili, akukho lizwe lingazilandeliyo ïzinto ezinomdla kuzo. Kodwa, thina apha eMzantsi Afrika kuthiwa masenze kanye le nto iza kusenzakalisa. Abathi masitshonise iZimbabwe, bathi masitshonise uMzantsi Afrika. Abathi masivimbe iZimbabwe umbane, mabakhumbule ukuba loo nto iya kubangela ukuba elo lizwe lihlale ebumnyameni. Mabakhumbule futhi ukuba kanye lo mbane siwufumana eKariba udlula eZimbabwe apho. Abo bathi masivimbe iZimbabwe amafutha eenqwelo mabakhumbule ukuba, nangani loo nto iya ayisayi kuluphelisa uthontelwano ezigaraji, koko iya kwenza ukuba lube ngakumbi. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[Chairperson, there is no country that does not follow up on things that are of interest to it. However, here in South Africa we are told to do exactly what would harm us. Those who tell us to sabotage Zimbabwe are suggesting that we should sabotage South Africa. Those who say we should cut the electricity supply to Zimbabwe must remember that that would cause that country to live in darkness. They should also remember that the very electricity that is supplied to us from Kariba passes through Zimbabwe. Those who say that we should cut the fuel supply to Zimbabwe should remember that although that would reduce congestion at our garages, it would be because there would be no fuel in that country.]

We are repeatedly warned and told that South African diplomacy has failed. That might or might not be the case. But have those who make that charge considered that the diplomacy of White Hall and the US State Department has been any more successful? Have the denunciations from London and Washington saved a single life? Have they halted a single farm invasion? Have they persuaded the Zanu-PF government to change its course? Well, the answer is obvious. If what we are hearing is true, what is happening instead is that these very same governments are now appealing to South Africa to assist them in reopening avenues of communication with Harare.

Let us understand that diplomacy is not feel-good gestures. South Africa today is not merely an active member of the international community, but is also a highly respected one. We have achieved that by being true to ourselves, by being an African country on the African continent. We have used our chairmanship of the Nonaligned Movement not only to try and assist in securing peace in the Middle East, but also to co-ordinate the initiatives of developing countries of the south to meet the challenges of globalisation.

In the Commonwealth, as one of the few multilateral institutions that brings together developing and developed countries, it is universally recognised that South Africa is punching way above its weight, and that we are doing that despite the financial and personnel constraints our Department of Foreign Affairs is facing.

We have heard numerous complaints about the regular absences of our Foreign Minister. But when we measure the results her efforts have achieved for our country and our continent, I would say those absences are very well worth it. [Applause.] Even as we speak, the outcomes produced by South African diplomacy are slowly unfreezing what seemed to be an intractable situation in the lacustrine countries. Steady and consistent effort is persuading the belligerents to disengage and foreign participants to be withdrawn. Our Foreign Affairs Ministry has been at the centre of those developments.

The primary focus of our foreign policy, quite correctly, is on the African continent. That is sound and will remain so. However, we should nonetheless be alert to dangerous trends elsewhere that threaten to have a very adverse effect on Africa and the rest of the world. A new arms race accompanied by a cold war can only do us harm. I am certain that our Foreign Affairs Minister will bring the concerns of our country and this House to the attention of her US counterpart when they discuss these matters.

Having survived the second half of the 20th century under the constant threat of nuclear war, it is of paramount importance that the 21st century does not witness a rerun of that painful history. The ANC will support this Vote. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Chairperson, I would really like to thank everybody who has participated in this debate. Some have given very sound advice and others have not done so, but they have made the debate lively. I thank them for that.

For the ANC, I do not have a lot of time, so I cannot answer a lot of the questions other than to say that, yes, I agree with many things the members said, including that we must have proactive and not quiet diplomacy, and that we must increase our missions in Africa. We need money to do that. Indeed, it is true that we have fewer missions in Africa than Cuba has, as the chairperson said. That is a true reflection of affairs. We do not like that and we are trying to do our best. However, we need resources.

There was a question that I think I should answer, which was whether we have resolved the question of the tax of our foreign diplomats. That matter is still under discussion between the Treasury, Public Service and Administration, ourselves and Sars. That matter is being discussed.

As for the questions about Zimbabwe and so on, I think I will not spoil the good presentation the hon Pallo Jordan has just made. I think that that answers those questions. Thus, I will not go back to that. Hon Mabeta asked a few questions. Because of the limited time, I will maybe answer one and answer the others at the cocktail party. He asked whether we have been in touch with Zambia on the question of the third term and the changing of the constitution.

On the question of translating our website into local languages, I think that that is very good idea. They must give us resources and we will do it.

An HON MEMBER: But he will do it free of charge.

The MINISTER: He only knows Afrikaans. He will translate everything into Afrikaans all over the world. Nobody speaks it. [Laughter.] He can only do it in the Netherlands and maybe in Flanders and that would be it. He cannot do it in the rest of the world. However, we do need resources to be able to do that. On the question of whether we are recruiting young people into the Department of Foreign Affairs, I want to say to the hon Eglin, who has been in this House for many years, that I am quite sure he can see that there are new faces in Foreign Affairs. [Interjections.] He can see that there are young, bright, vibrant new people in Foreign Affairs. It is very obvious. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Sure, we may be using politicians as ambassadors, but what we would like to do, as we are doing, is to recruit young people, ground them in the department and then eventually send them abroad. [Interjections.] We are recruiting. Hon members can see we have got bright sparks. I want to say to the hon Eglin not to worry about that. [Interjections.] That answers the hon Eglin. [Interjections.]

In terms of women, yes, I think we need to do more in terms of women ambassadors. But when one considers where we started, we have done very well. [Interjections.] We have close to 20 women ambassadors in very powerful places. [Applause.] They are in places such as Washington, London, Paris …

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Havana. [Interjections.] The MINISTER: Not yet, but maybe. [Laughter.]

And they are in places such as India, Poland and the Netherlands. We have people in Malaysia. We have lots of women there. But this is not enough. [Interjections.] It is not enough, and we are still going to send and recruit more women. [Interjections.] Unfortunately Robben Island, I think, will be stuck with only the hon Eglin or Mike Ellis. It will not be a woman. [Laughter.]

In terms of our friends, I really do not think the hon Eglin was serious when he said that we must join hands with him and be friends with him in fighting Mugabe, in fighting President Castro, in fighting Cuba. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: He never said anything of the sort.

The MINISTER: Why does he think we will go along with him? The hon Eglin said we must condemn President Mugabe in public, and that the DA would support us in that. [Interjections.] Why? Why should we do that? [Interjections.] Why should we do that? Just to get their support? We do not need their support. [Applause.] [Interjections.] We do not need their support. We are doing just fine without it. [Interjections.]

I want to say thank you very much to Koos van der Merwe for answering a lot of the nonsense that came from somewhere on this side. [Interjections.] I want to thank the hon member very much. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, hon members! Can we give the Minister the opportunity to reply to the questions? You have had your time.

Mr M J ELLIS: She is not doing very well. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER: Let me tell you, Mike Ellis, I am not going to talk to you. You can go on with your coffin business. I am not about to talk about your coffins or anything else. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: [Inaudible.]

The MINISTER: You have left your coffin business. Congratulations. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: You made me give it up. I gave it up because you told me to.

The MINISTER: You gave it up? [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: Because you told me to.

The MINISTER: Then I am sure you will support the health policies of this country for a change … [Laughter] Applause] … because the health policies of this country do not lend themselves to selling too many coffins. [Interjections.] So that is very good. [Interjections.]

I am not going to worry about the other issues raised by people as to whether or not we should be friends with Cuba. I am sure we are old enough to choose our friends, to choose them well and to support what is just and right for our country. We will continue to do that in the same way that we delivered democracy, we delivered human rights … [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: [Inaudible.] [Interjections.]

The MINISTER: … to the world. That is why the hon Tony Leon can go jumping around like a spoilt brat in all these countries, talking about how badly South Africa is doing. [Interjections.] He thinks people appreciate that.

People think he is mad. [Interjections.] I wonder why he is going around telling everybody how badly South Africa is doing, when it is this very Government that has allowed him the dignity to even show his passport in public. Before that they could not even show their passports in public, indicating that they were South Africans. They were hiding them, not wanting them to be seen. We have, at least, given them some dignity to walk tall and be proud that they are South Africans. So thanks for their advice, but we will not take it. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 19:37. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                        FRIDAY, 6 APRIL 2001 ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    Assent by the President of the Republic in respect of the
     following Bill:


     Firearms Control Bill [B 34D - 2000] - Act No 60 of 2000 (assented
      to and signed by President on 4 April 2001).

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Ms B M Ndzimande vacating
     her seat with effect from 31 March 2001, has been filled with
     effect from 1 April 2001 by the nomination of Dr O Baloyi.


 (2)    The vacancy which occurred owing to the death of Mr I B
     Ntshangase, has been filled with effect from 2 April 2001 by the
     nomination of Ms A N Luthuli.


 (3)    Memorandum on Vote No 21 - "Independent Complaints Directorate",
     Main Estimates, 2001-2002 and Memorandum on Vote No 23 - "Safety
     and Security", Main Estimate, 2001-2002 tabled on 21 January 2001
     were incorrectly referred to the Portfolio Committee on Defence.
     They are now referred to the Portfolio Committee on Safety and
     Security.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote No 36
 - Welfare for 1999-2000 [RP 145-2000].

                      WEDNESDAY, 11 APRIL 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly:

The Speaker:

1. The following changes have been made to the membership of Joint Committees, viz:

 Defence:


 Appointed: Pretorius, I J (Alt); Smit, H A.
 Discharged: Morkel, C M.

1. The following changes have been made to the membership of Joint Subcommittees, viz:

 Internal Arrangements:


 Appointed: Dowry, J J; Schippers, J (Alt).
 Discharged: Bakker, D M.

1. The following changes have been made to the membership of Portfolio Committees, viz:

 Agriculture and Land Affairs:


 Appointed: Bhengu, G B; Slabbert, J H (Alt).


 Defence:


 Appointed: Mncwango, M A (Alt); Ndlovu, V B; Pretorius, I J; Smit, H A
 (Alt).
 Discharged: Morkel, C M.


 Finance:


 Appointed: Rabinowitz, R; Sibiya, M S M (Alt).


 Housing:


 Appointed: Dhlamini, B W; Douglas, B M (Alt).


 Justice and Constitutional Development:


 Appointed: Mzizi, M A; Ndabandaba, L B G (Alt).
 Discharged: Ditshetelo, P H K.


 Minerals and Energy:


 Appointed: Lucas, E J; Middleton, N S (Alt).


 Provincial and Local Government:


 Appointed: Schippers, J (Alt); Van Deventer, F J.


 Public Enterprises:


 Appointed: Msomi, M D; Sibiya, M S M (Alt).


 Public Service and Administration:


 Appointed: Ndabandaba, L B G; Sibiya, M S M (Alt).


 Public Works:


 Appointed: Hlengwa, M W; Middleton, N S (Alt).


 Safety and Security:


 Appointed: Gaum, A H; Geldenhuys, B L (Alt).


 Social Development:


 Appointed: Mars, I.


 Trade and Industry:


 Appointed: Beukman, F (Alt); Van Deventer, F J.
 Discharged: Nel, A H.


 Transport:


 Appointed: Niemann, J J (Alt); Odendaal, W A.
 Discharged: Simmons, S.


 Water Affairs and Forestry:


 Appointed: Biyela, B P (Alt); Ngubane, H.

                       THURSDAY, 19 APRIL 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 18 April 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bill as a section 75
     Bill:


     (i)     Eskom Conversion Bill [B 16 - 2001] (National Assembly -
          sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises -
          National Assembly).

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Finance:

 Forty-First Report and Financial Statements of the Registrar of Pension
 Funds for 1999.

1. The Minister of Correctional Services: Draft Regulations made in terms of section 134 of the Correctional Services Act, 1998 (Act No 111 of 1998) submitted to Parliament in terms of section 134(5) of the Act.

                    TUESDAY, 24 APRIL 2001
   

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Minister of Minerals and Energy on 19 April 2001 submitted a
     draft of the Gas Bill, 2001, as well as the memorandum explaining
     the objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the
     Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been
     referred to the Portfolio Committee on Minerals and Energy and the
     Select Committee on Economic Affairs by the Speaker and the
     Chairperson, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).


 (2)    The Minister of Transport on 19 April 2001 submitted drafts of
     the Road Accident Fund Amendment Bill, 2001, and Airports Company
     Amendment Bill, 2001, as well as the memoranda explaining the
     objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the
     Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The drafts have been
     referred to the Portfolio Committee on Transport and the Select
     Committee on Public Services by the Speaker and the Chairperson,
     respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).


 (3)    The following Bill was introduced in the National Assembly on 24
     April 2001 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
     classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:


     (i)     Gas Bill [B 18 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75)
          [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior notice of its
          introduction published in Government Gazette No 22162 of 23
          March 2001.]


     The Bill has also been referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Minerals and Energy of the National Assembly.

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on Budget Vote 31: Trade and Industry, dated 27 March 2001:

 The Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having examined Budget
 Vote 31: Trade and Industry for the 2001-02 financial year, as well as
 the forward estimates for 2002-03 and 2003-04 included in the Estimates
 of National Expenditure, reports as follows:


 A.     Main features of Budget


     1. The Department is allocated R2 214,6 million for the financial
          year 2001-02, while forward estimates anticipate it receiving
          R2 465,1 million and R2 625,9 million in the years 2002-03 and
          2003-04, respectively. This compares to the R2 116,4 million
          voted in last year's Budget, which rose to R2 245,4 million in
          the adjusted appropriation for 2000-01. The Department's
          Budget for 2001-02 is broadly in line with last year's forward
          estimate for 2001-02 (which was R2 264,2 million), but the
          amount anticipated for 2002-03 represents an increase of 12,6%
          over last year's forward estimate for 2002-03, which was
          R2 332,2 million. The Department's Budget can thus be
          described as a constant Budget with minor fluctuations.


     2. The 2001-02 Budget is divided into five programmes, compared to
          the previous four. They are Programme 1 - Administration (4%
          of the total); Programme 2 - Trade, International Trade and
          Economic Development (1%); Programme 3 - Enterprise and
          Industry Development (46%); Programme 4 - Enterprise
          Organisation (34%); and Programme 5 - Trade and Investment
          South Africa (15%). The new programme structure arises
          directly from the restructuring of the Department and provides
          for better correspondence with the Department's major
          operational divisions.


     3. The Budget for Programme 1 is increased from R107,4 million in
          the adjusted appropriation for 2000-01 to R148,7 million in
          2001-02. This relates mainly to the establishment of a new
          Executive Management Unit in the Department.


     4. The Budget for activities falling under Programme 2 is
          increased from R23,4 million in the adjusted appropriation for
          2000-01 to R28 million in 2001-02. The main activitities
          budgeted for under Programme 2 are multilateral and bilateral
          trade negotiations, the promotion of African economic
          integration and the activities of the Commission for
          International Trade Administration (previously known as the
          Board for Tariffs and Trade).


     5. The Budget for Programme 3 is reduced from R955,4 million in
          the adjusted appropriation for 2000-01 to R835,8 million in
          2001-02. Programme 3 is the Department's largest programme and
          includes most of the Department's services and supply-side
          incentives to businesses, including its dedicated small
          business and black economic empowerment promotion programmes.
          85,5% of the expenditure under Programme 3 consists of
          transfer payments. The decrease in expenditure in the present
          budget year is largely due to the financial independence of
          the Competition Commission and the cessation of contributions
          to the National Empowerment Fund.


     6. Programme 4's Budget is increased from R819,7 million to R942,2
          million, with an anticipated further rise to R1 268,9 million
          in 2003-04. The most significant factor behind the expected
          increase in respect of this programme is the implementation of
          new investment incentives and industrial support measures.


     7. Programme 5's Budget decreases from R339,5 million to R259,8
          million. The main reason for this is expected reduced
          contributions to the Export Credit Reinsurance Fund.


     8. A feature of this year's Budget is the inclusion in the
          Estimates of National Expenditure of a table of "expected
          outputs" and "service delivery indicators" for Programmes 2 to
          5. A further simplified list of "deliverables" was also
          included in the presentation to the Committee by the Director-
          General. Together, these offer, for the first time, measurable
          targets against which the Department's actual performance can
          be assessed.


     9. Transfer payments account for 82,5% of the total Budget. A
          significant part of these transfer payments are made to
          associated "family institutions". There are now 18 public
          entities and three other bodies that report to the Minister of
          Trade and Industry. They now participate in regular meetings
          of the newly established Council of Department of Trade and
          Industry Institutions (CDTII).
     10.     There has been a welcome improvement in the Department's
          record on spending. The amount of the 2000-01 Budget not spent
          at the end of the financial year was R80 million, but could be
          reduced to R60 million if the National Treasury approves
          certain virement requests. This compares to the underspending
          of R600 million, more than a quarter, of the total Budget for
          1999-2000.


     The Committee had an opportunity to engage on budgetary issues
     with four of the Department's associated institutions - the
     Industrial Development Corporation, the Council for Scientific and
     Industrial Research, Ntsika and Khula. Highlights of these
     discussions are included below.


 B.     Industrial Development Corporation (IDC)


     1. The IDC aims "to be the primary driving force of commercially
          sustainable industrial development and innovation" through,
          inter alia, "identifying and supporting opportunities not yet
          addressed by the market". It is largely self-financing and
          pays dividends to its sole shareholder, the State.


     2. The IDC provided investment assistance of R4,2 billion (5,9% of
          the fixed investment in the South African economy) last year.
          It is also extensively involved in the SADC region, where it
          has 30 projects in nine countries.


     3. The IDC reported encouraging progress in its efforts to promote
          small and medium enterprise development as well as black
          economic empowerment. Over the past five years, it has shifted
          focus away from large capital-intensive projects. 42,3% of its
          total funding approved for projects last year went to small
          and medium-sized companies, compared to 11% in 1998. The
          proportion of approvals going to empowerment firms increased
          from 6% to 27% over the same period.


     4. The IDC remains financially strong, with assets of R17,4
          billion and a retained income last year of R631 million. It
          faces, however, a risk arising from its involvement in two
          poorly performing steel projects - Columbus and Saldanha. We
          were told that, worst-case scenario, the IDC could lose R4
          billion if Saldanha were to fail. The IDC's leadership are,
          however, engaged in a major effort to turn Saldanha Steel
          around, linked to a broader process of restructuring the South
          African steel industry.


 C.     Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)


     1. The CSIR provides scientific and technological support for
          industrial development. 60% of the CSIR's funds emanate from
          clients and contracts. They will receive R302,8 million from
          the government in 2001-02, while forward estimates anticipate
          this falling to R301 million in 2002-03, before rising to R312
          million in 2003-04.


     2. The CSIR reported that there was now a much improved working
          relationship with the Department. They participate in meetings
          of the CDTII, and now have a formal co-operation agreement
          with the Department.


     3. The CSIR indicated that there is a worrying trend towards
          declining private sector involvement in research and
          development (R&D). A number of key private sector facilities
          have been downsized, outsourced or moved offshore recently,
          including facilities at Plesseys, AECI, Anglo-American, De
          Beers, Dow Chemicals (previously Sentrachem), the Chamber of
          Mines, Fishing Industries Research and Iscor. While robust R&D
          work continues to be carried out by some private companies and
          parastatals (e.g. Sasol, Telkom and Eskom), this, we are told,
          is becoming "the exception rather than the norm". The last
          time South Africa's gross expenditure on R&D was measured, was
          in 1997, when the total expenditure was R4 013 million (0,69%
          of GDP). Approximately 50% of this was then financed and 55%
          was actually performed by business.


     4. Against this background, the CSIR delegation expressed concern
          at the trend towards progressively reducing government
          spending on R&D. They said that government spending on R&D now
          represented 0,34% of GDP, which was less than those in many
          developed countries (trading partners), and which placed us in
          the same league as Greece and Mexico. No comparative figures
          for developing countries were provided.


 D.     Ntsika Enterprise Promotion Agency


     1. Ntsika is seeking to refocus its activities. It considers its
          current mandate to be too broad, and wants to shift away from
          its current main activity of accrediting service providers to
          a demand-driven provision of particular services to small
          business.


     2. Five integrated programme areas are envisaged:


          (1) Supplier Development - aimed at developing capacity of
              potential entrepreneurs and enhancing that of those
              considering expansion.


          (2) Market Development - aimed at identifying potential market
              opportunities for small business.


          (3) Business Linkages - promoting links to suppliers and
              collaborative activity.


          (4) Policy Design - involving research on SMME development.


          (5) Business Generation - aimed at promoting Ntsika's
              services.


     3. Ntsika is allocated R35 million in the current Budget, and it
          is anticipated that it will receive R50 million in 2002-03 and
          2003-04. Ntsika also plans to generate own funding and donor
          support to boost its available funding by a further R60
          million by 2004. The allocation this year represents a
          reduction on last year's allocation of R50 million in the main
          Budget, which rose to R50,750 million in the adjusted
          appropriation.


     4. Ntsika's long-term future depends on decisions still pending
          about the restructuring of small business support programmes
          by the Department.


 E.     Khula Enterprise Finance


     1. Khula's priority objectives for 2001-02 include
          recapitalisation as a matter of urgency, and formalising
          future capital and grant funding arrangements with the
          Department.


     2. Khula says that it needs R1,2 billion for recapitalisation over
          the next few years to support a somewhat expanded programme of
          activities. It plans to expand its business loans and its
          guarantee, equity fund and institutional support portfolio
          from R462,4 million at the end of 2000-01 to R662,9 million by
          the end of 2001-02. As a result of ongoing negotiations with
          banks, bank guarantees are expected to increase from R380,9
          million to R506,2 million. In terms of job creation/outreach,
          Khula expects to increase its impact from 198 912 persons/jobs
          at the end of 2002 to 254 483 by the end of 2004.


     3. Khula requested R200 million from the Department for
          recapitalisation during the 2000-01 financial year and
          received a total of R141 million. No provision is made in the
          present Budget for a contribution to Khula's recapitalisation
          - only for grant funding of R20 million. Various assurances
          have, however, been given by the Ministry that this matter
          will receive attention.


     4. The organisation suffered an operating loss of R25 million in
          2000, largely due to the collapse of two non-governmental
          retail finance institutions in which Khula had a R40 million
          exposure.


     5. Khula also indicated that it would be seeking exemption from
          taxation.


     6. It is still not certain that Khula-supported activities are
          sufficiently benefitting target groups in disadvantaged
          communities. Between 1998 and 2000, the guarantee programme
          received over 600 applications from white-owned businesses,
          compared to just over 400 from African-, 200 from Asian- and
          50 from Coloured-owned firms.


 F.     Comments


     The Committee on the 2000-01 Budget noted that ... "expected
     outputs have not been clearly indicated and quantified with the
     result that no real base to measure impact has been provided". We
     are pleased to note that there has been considerable improvement
     in this regard in the present Budget. As indicated above, included
     in the Estimates of National Expenditure and in a simplified form
     in the Director-General's presentation to the Committee is a list
     of expected "outputs" and "deliverables" from each of the main
     programmes. These are not always as quantified or measurable as we
     would like, but do provide a basis for regular monitoring of the
     performance of the Department. The Committee has for some time
     included in its programme periodically focused engagements with
     the Department, at which it requests, inter alia, a report on the
     Department's performance against the Budget. The Committee has
     indicated to the Director-General and the Department that in
     future interactions during the course of the present budget year,
     it will request periodic reports on the extent to which the
     "outputs" and "deliverables" identified in the two documents
     indicated above have been realised. This, we believe, will
     considerably enhance our oversight of the Department's work.


     The Committee notes that there is considerable improvement
     generally in budgeting and budgetary control by the Department.
     Programmes are more closely aligned to the major activities of the
     Department, more effective financial reporting and control systems
     are in place and, as indicated above, the trend evident in
     previous years of significant underspending seems to have been
     corrected.
     The Department continues to define its fundamental task and
     strategy as being to grow the economy, through -


     1. facilitating access to sustainable economic activity and
          employment;


     2. raising the level of investment;


     3. increasing market access;


     4. promoting a fair, efficient and competitive market place for
          businesses and consumers.


     Last year, the Committee was told that the Department had chosen
     to focus its various activities in 2000-01 on three key
     objectives:


     *  Promoting Small, Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs);


     *  Empowerment;


     *  Investment.
     While we appreciate that the Department was preoccupied with
     restructuring last year, it is not clear to us that SMME promotion
     and empowerment have received the priority attention they should
     have. We appreciate and support the Department's position that
     SMME promotion and empowerment need to cease being "ghettoised"
     and need to become the focus of the activities of the Department
     as a whole. However, it seems to us that the restructuring
     exercise has not yet reached the point where it is clear which
     structures and individuals will give focused attention to these
     priority activities. The long-term future of Ntsika still has to
     be decided, although it is said in general that its activities
     will be drawn more closely towards those of the Department. This
     contrasts, for example, with Trade and Investment South Africa
     (TISA), where considerable progress has already been made in
     merging the former Investment South Africa (ISA) with the new
     structure. A strategy for the recapitalisation of Khula, linked to
     improved performance and focus, is also clearly urgently needed.
     It is the Committee's earnest hope that the creation of new
     structures to more effectively promote SMMEs and empowerment will
     receive urgent attention in this budget year.


     The Committee also draws attention to the following:


     (a)     The indication by the CSIR that there may be a reduction
          in involvement by private companies in research and
          development, is a cause for concern. Clearly this is a matter
          that requires further investigation. It also adds a new
          dimension to the debate on desirable targets regarding
          government support for parastatal institutions involved in
          science and technology, like the CSIR. The Committee plans to
          engage further on this matter, both with the Department and
          the CSIR.


     (b)     The IDC has a critical role to play in promoting
          industrial, SME and empowerment strategies. Significant
          progress has been made in advancing these objectives in recent
          years. The potential risks associated with the IDC's exposure
          to the problems associated with Saldanha Steel cannot be
          allowed to jeopardise its effectiveness in this regard. While
          the IDC leadership appears optimistic to be able to turn
          around Saldanha, it is clearly a matter that needs to receive
          the priority attention of the Department as well as the IDC.

                       THURSDAY, 26 APRIL 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The following Bill was introduced in the National Assembly on 26
     April 2001 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
     classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:


     (i)     Export Credit and Foreign Investments Re-insurance
          Amendment Bill [B 19 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75)
          [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior notice of its
          introduction published in Government Gazette No 22249 of 24
          April 2001.]


     The Bill has also been referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Trade and Industry of the National Assembly.


 (2)    Assent by the President of the Republic in respect of the
     following Bill:


     Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Amendment Bill
      [B 9B - 2001] - Act No 2 of 2001 (assented to and signed by
      President on 11 April 2001).

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry:

 Reports of Water Boards -
 (1)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the    Albany Water
          Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the    Albany
          Water Board ended February 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the    Albany
          Water Board ended June 1999.


     (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the    Albany
          Water Board ended June 2000.


 (2)    Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Amatola Water
          Board ended June 1999.


 (3) (a)      Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Bloem Water
          Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Bloem Water
          Board ended June 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Bloem Water
          Board ended June 1999.


 (4)    Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Bushbuckridge
          Water Board ended June 2000.


 (5) (a)      17th Annual Report and Financial Statements of the
          Goudveld Water Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     18th Annual Report and Financial Statements of the
          Goudveld Water Board ended June 1998.


     (c)     19th Annual Report and Financial Statements of the
          Goudveld Water Board ended June 1999.


 (6) (a)      1st Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Ikangala
          Water Board ended June 1999.


     (b)     2nd Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Ikangala
          Water Board ended June 2000.


 (7) (a)      Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          East Water Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          East Water Board ended February 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          East Water Board ended February 1999.


     (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          East Water Board ended February 2000.


(8) (a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari West
          Water Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          West Water Board ended February 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          West Water Board ended February 1999.


     (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Kalahari
          West Water Board ended February 2000.


(9) (a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Karos Geelkoppan
          Water Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Karos
          Geelkoppan Water Board ended February 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Karos
          Geelkoppan Water Board ended February 1999.


     (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Karos
          Geelkoppan Water Board ended February 2000.


(10)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Lepelle Northern
          Water Board ended June 1998.


      (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Lepelle
          Northern Water Board ended June 1999.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Lepelle
          Northern Water Board ended June 2000.


(11)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies Water
          Board ended February 1997.


      (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies
          Water Board ended June 1998.


      (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies
          Water Board ended June 1999.


      (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies
          Water Board ended June 2000.


(12)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Mhlathuze Water
          Board ended February 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Mhlathuze
          Water Board ended June 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Mhlathuze
          Water Board ended June 1999.


     (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Mhlathuze
          Water Board ended June 2000.


(13)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Namakwa Water
          Board ended February 1997.


      (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Namakwa
          Water Board ended June 1998.


      (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Namakwa
          Water Board ended June 1999.


      (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Namakwa
          Water Board ended June 2000.


(14)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the North West Water
          Supply Authority ended March 1997.


     (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the North West
          Water Supply Authority ended March 1998.


     (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the North West
          Water Supply Authority ended June 1999.


     (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the North West
          Water Supply Authority ended June 2000.
(15)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Overberg Water
          Board ended February 1997.


      (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Overberg
          Water Board ended June 1998.


      (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Overberg
          Water Board ended June 1999.


      (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Overberg
          Water Board ended June 2000.


(16)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Pelladrift Water
          Board ended June 1998.


      (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Pelladrift
          Water Board ended June 1999.


      (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Pelladrift
          Water Board ended June 2000.


(17)    Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Phalaborwa Water
      Board/Northern Transvaal Water Board/Bosveld Water Board ended
      March 1997.
(18)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Rand Water Board
          ended March 1997.


      (b)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Rand Water
          Board ended June 1998.


      (c)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Rand Water
          Board ended June 1999.


      (d)     Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Rand Water
          Board ended June 2000.


(19)(a) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Umgeni Water
          Board ended February 1997.


    (b)      Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Umgeni Water
          Board ended February 1998.


    (c)      Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Umgeni Water
          Board ended June 1999.


    (d)      Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Umgeni Water
          Board ended June 2000.

                        WEDNESDAY, 2 MAY 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Minister of Finance on 2 April 2001 submitted drafts of the
     Financial Advisory and Intermediary Services Bill, 2001, and the
     Financial Institutions (Protection of Funds) Bill, 2001, as well
     as the memoranda explaining the objects of the proposed
     legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint
     Rule 159. The drafts have been referred to the Portfolio Committee
     on Finance and the Select Committee on Finance by the Speaker and
     the Chairperson, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule
     159(2).


 (2)    The following Bills were introduced by the Minister of Transport
     in the National Assembly on 30 April 2001 and referred to the
     Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint
     Rule 160:


     (i)     Airports Company Amendment Bill [B 20 - 2001] (National
             Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
             notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette
             No 21733 of 17 November 2000.]


     (ii)    Road Accident Fund Amendment Bill [B 21 - 2001] (National
             Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
             notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette
             No 22251 of 24 April 2001.]


     The Bills have also been referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Transport of the National Assembly.


 (3)    The Taxation Laws Amendment Bill [B 17 - 2001] (National
     Assembly - sec 77), which was introduced by the Minister of
     Finance on 5 April 2001 and referred to the Joint Committee on
     Taxation Laws Amendment Bill, was also, on that date, referred to
     the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of
     Joint Rule 160:

                         FRIDAY, 4 MAY 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The following Bill was introduced by the Minister of Finance in
     the National Assembly on 4 May 2001 and referred to the Joint
     Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule
     160:


     (i)     Pension Funds Amendment Bill [B 22 - 2001] (National
          Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
          notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
          21845 of 1 December 2000.]


     The Bill has also been referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance of the National Assembly.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly:

Bills:

1. The Minister of Correctional Services:

 (1)    Wysigingswetsontwerp op Korrektiewe Dienste [W 8 - 2001].


     The Correctional Services Amendment Bill [B 8 - 2001] (National
     Assembly - sec 75) was introduced by the Minister of Correctional
     Services on 12 February 2001 and referred to the Portfolio
     Committee on Correctional Services.

                         MONDAY, 7 MAY 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 7 May 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bill as a money Bill:


     (i)     Taxation Laws Amendment Bill [B 17 - 2001] (National
          Assembly - sec 77).


 (2)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 7 May 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bill as a section 75
     Bill:


     (i)     Gas Bill [B 18 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75).

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Correctional Services and the Select Committee on Security and
     Constitutional Affairs:


     Report of the Judicial Inspectorate for 2000.


 (2)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Justice and Constitutional Development and the Select Committee on
     Security and Constitutional Affairs:


     Report of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development
     for 1999-2000 [RP 37-2000].


 (3)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and the Select Committee on Finance:


     (a)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Taxation Laws Amendment
          Bill, 2001 [WP 1-2001].


     (b)     Government Notice No R.231 published in Government Gazette
          No 22139 dated 8 March 2001, Cancellation of appointment of
          authorised dealers in foreign exchange.


     (c)     Government Notice No R.238 published in Government Gazette
          No 22141 dated 9 March 2001, Draft Treasury Regulations
          published for comment in terms of section 78 of the Public
          Finance Management Act, 1999 [Act No 1 of 1999].


 (4)    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Social Development and the Select
     Committee on Social Services for information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
     No 36 - Welfare for 1999-2000 [RP 145-2000].

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Service and Administration, the Portfolio Committee on
     Correctional Services, the Portfolio Committee on Safety and
     Security, the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
     Development, the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs, the
     Portfolio Committee on Health, the Portfolio Committee on
     Education and the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
     Government:


     Report of the Public Service Commission on Survey of Compliance
     with the Batho Pele Policy [RP 168-2000].


 (2)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Agriculture and Land Affairs, the Portfolio Committee on Public
     Works, the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and
     Tourism, the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
     Government and the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and
     Administration:
     Report of the Public Service Commission on Investigation into Land
     Administration, Geographic Information System and Fleet Management
     in the Eastern Cape [RP 200-2000].


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Home Affairs:


     Report of the Public Service Commission on Home Affairs Batho Pele
     and Management Audit Investigations [RP 167-2000].


 (4)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Service and Administration:


     Report of the Public Service Commission on Policy on Reporting by
     the Public Service Commission [RP 169-2000].

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Foreign Affairs:

 (1)    Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United
     Nations, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on
     13 February 1946, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
     Constitution, 1996.


 (2)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Convention.


 (3)    Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the Specialised
     Agencies, approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations
     on 21 November 1947, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
     Constitution, 1996.


 (4)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Convention.


 (5)    Agreement on the Privileges and Immunities of the International
     Atomic Energy Agency, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
     Constitution, 1996.


 (6)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development: (1) Report of the Judicial Service Commission for 1999-2000 [RP 20- 2001].

 (2)    Proclamation No R.17 published in Government Gazette No 22067
     dated 16 February 2001, Commencement of the Protected Disclosure
     Act, 2000 (Act No 26 of 2000) made in terms of section 11 of the
     Protected Disclosure Act, 2000 (Act No 26 of 2000).


 (3)    Proclamation No R.21 published in Government Gazette No 22159
     dated 23 March 2001, Commencement of the Judicial Matters
     Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 62 of 2000), made in terms of section
     38 of the Judicial Matters Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 62 of
     2000).


 (4)    Proclamation No R.20 published in Government Gazette No 22125
     dated 9 March 2001, Commencement of the Promotion of Access to
     Information Act, 2000 (Act No 2 of 2000), made in terms of section
     93 of the Promotion of Access to Information Act, 2000 (Act No 2
     of 2000).

National Assembly:

Papers:

1. The Speaker:

 1.     Petition from Mr G Clarke praying for an additional grant to
     supplement his current pension.


 2.     Petition from Mr O B Van Schalkwyk praying for a pension
     equivalent to what he would have received had he been able to
     continue his career at the Department of Customs and Excise.


 Referred to the Standing Committee on Private Members' Legislative
 Proposals and Special Petitions for consideration and report.

Bills:

1. The Minister of Housing:

 (1)    Wysigingswetsontwerp op Behuising [W 7 - 2001].


     The Housing Amendment Bill [B 7 - 2001] (National Council of
     Provinces - sec 76) was introduced in the NCOP on 12 February 2001
     and referred to the Select Committee on Public Services.

1. The Minister of Public Enterprises:

 (1)    Umthetho oyilwayo woGuqulo lwe-Eskom [Umthetho 16 - 2001].


 (2)    Wetsontwerp op die Omskepping van Eskom [W 16 - 2001].


 The Eskom Conversion Bill [B 16 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75)
 was introduced by the Minister of Public Enterprises on 27 March 2001
 and referred to the Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises.

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Correctional Services on the Correctional Services Amendment Bill [B 8 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 2 May 2001:

   The Portfolio Committee on Correctional Services, having considered the subject of the Correctional Services Amendment Bill [B 8 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 8A - 2001].

                      TUESDAY, 8 MAY 2001
   

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 8 May 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bills as section 75
     Bills:


     (i)           Export Credit and Foreign Investments Re-insurance
              Amendment Bill [B 19 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec
              75).


     (ii)    Airports Company Amendment Bill [B 20 - 2001] (National
              Assembly - sec 75).

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Gen C L Viljoen vacating his
     seat with effect from 1 May 2001, has been filled with effect from
     1 May 2001 by the nomination of Mr P J Groenewald.


 (2)    The following changes have been made to the membership of Joint
     Committees, viz:


     Ethics and Members' Interests:


     Appointed: Frolick, C T; Van der Merwe, J H (Alt).
     Discharged: Abrahams, T.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of
     Vote 16 - Home Affairs for 1999-2000 and the Performance Audit of
     the Migration Process [RP 125-2000].


 (2)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
     Independent Electoral Commission for 1996-97 and 1997-98 [RP 188-
     2000].

1. The Minister of Labour:

 Report of the Department of Labour for 2000-2001 [RP 50-2001].

National Assembly:

Papers:

1. The Speaker:

 Petition from the Chairperson of the East Rand Mine Dust Eradication
 Committee concerning the dust problem caused by Gold Mine Slime Dumps.