TUESDAY, 20 MARCH 2001 __

          PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
                                ____

The Council met at 14:01.

The Chairperson took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                             NEW MEMBERS

                           (Announcement)

The Chairperson announced that the vacancies caused by the resignations of Mr L Suka and Ms R Ndzanga had been filled by the appointment of Mr R Z Nogumla and Ms J L Kgoali, with effect from 2 March 2001 and 8 March 2001, respectively, and that Mr Nogumla had made and subscribed the solemn affirmation, and Ms Kgoali had made and subscribed the oath, in the Chairperson’s office.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! We welcome these members as permanent delegates to the National Council of Provinces. [Applause.]

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Mnr C ACKERMANN: Voorsitter, ek gee kennis dat ek by die volgende sitting van die Raad sal voorstel:

Dat die Raad die Regering se poging om gelykheid met indiensneming in die onderwys te bewerkstellig, sal bespreek, veral gesien in die lig van die Gautengse Onderwysdepartement se besluit om die Primêre Skool Oliver Lodge in Vanderbijlpark met 96% swart leerlinge te dwing om onderwysers van hulle keuse nie aan te stel nie. (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Mr C ACKERMANN: Chairperson, I give notice that at the next sitting of the Council I shall move:

That the attempt by the Government to effect employment equity in education be discussed, especially in the light of the Gauteng Education Department’s decision to force the Primary School Oliver Lodge in Vanderbijlpark, with 96% black learners, not to appoint the teachers of their choice.]

Ms N D NTWANAMBI: Chairperson, I give notice that I shall move at the next sitting:

That the Council -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  apartheid was declared a crime against humanity;


   (b)  despite the fact that South African now has a nonsexist,
       nonracial, democratic Constitution, there are disturbing signs
       that racism still persists in our society;


   (c)  the lack of education and health for the vast majority of South
       Africans is a direct result of the structured and
       institutionalised racial oppression of the past;


   (d)  poverty has given rise to illiteracy, to a high incidence of
       pandemics such as HIV/Aids, tuberculosis, cholera and malaria,
       and to the general marginalisation of our people ...

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: Madam Chairperson, there appears to be a misunderstanding. This is a motion that will be put to the House at a later stage at the end of the debate.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! So that is not notice of a motion. That is a motion that will be put to the House later as a substantive motion.

                     RECENT CRICKET ACHIEVEMENTS

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr N M RAJU: Madam Chair, I move without notice:

That the Council - (1) notes that the Republic of South Africa is one of the world’s great sports-loving nations, and wishes to acknowledge two great acts of sporting prowess in the game of cricket in recent weeks, namely -

   (a)  the sparkling and faultless batting of Indian batsman VVS
       Larman, when he scored 281 runs after flaying the much-vaunted
       bowling attack of Messrs Glen McGrath and Shane Warne in the
       second test between Australia and India at the 90 000 capacity
       Eden Gardens in Calcutta; and


   (b)  the equally formidable feat of West Indies pace bowler Courtney
       Walsh, who is the first player to reach the milestone of 500
       wickets in test cricket;

(2) notes that cricket lovers the world over welcome these epoch-making feats for having undoubtedly helped elevate the glorious game of cricket, with its unmatched potential for excitement and entertainment, from the doldrums of shame and despair of the match- fixing scandals that had recently tarnished its image; and (3) applauds and congratulates these fine international cricketers for their wholesome contributions to this unique game of universal acclaim.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

               GREATER ACCESSIBILITY OF THE PRESIDENT

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mnr J HORNE: Mev die Voorsitter, ek stel voor sonder kennisgewing:

Dat die Raad die voorneme van President Mbeki om in die toekoms meer sigbaar in die land te wees, in besonder op grondvlak, asook om ‘n oopdeur- administrasie te handhaaf om sodoende toeganklik vir almal te wees, ondersteun. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Mr J HORNE: Madam Chair, I move without notice:

That the Council supports President Mbeki’s intention in future to be more visible in the country, especially at grass-roots level, and to maintain an open door administration, so as to be accessible to everyone.]

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

               FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION IN MPUMALANGA

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr B J MKHALIPHI: Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes a report in the Mail & Guardian which highlights the success of the anticorruption hotline that was established in the Office of the Premier of Mpumalanga;

(2) also notes that in terms of this report the Mpumalanga Government’s labour relations department had hired qualified attorneys and magistrates to fast-track internal disciplinary hearings against officials;

(3) further notes that since January, 32 officials have already been dismissed while another 7 were suspended without pay;

(4) believes that these initiatives show the commitment of the provincial government to fight corruption and other behaviour which is detrimental to the effective delivery of services to our people; and

(5) commends the provincial government on its initiative.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

                  RACIST ASSAULT OF MS SYLVIA MANDA

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mrs J N VILAKAZI: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council - (1) expresses its shock and disapproval in the strongest language at the behaviour of the police officers who allegedly assaulted and arrested Ms Sylvia Manda on the grounds of her complexion, facial appearance, accent and style of dressing;

(2) notes with serious concern that Ms Manda was harassed, assaulted and finally arrested in front of her school-children;

(3) strongly condemns all forms of discrimination against black women in this country; and

(4) urges the Government to empower and equip the SAPS to fulfil their constitutional duty to protect and secure the inhabitants of South Africa, including the very dark women.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

                  PRONOUNCEMENTS BY PREMIER STOFILE

                         (Draft Resolution) Ms C BOTHA: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) takes note of the statement by Premier Stofile of the Eastern Cape in which he declares that provincial powers must be devolved to local government, the provincial executive be slimmed down …

I do not know if he is referring to anything in particular there-

… the electoral system be changed, by which half the members of the legislature will be elected and half come from a party list, and that members of the legislatures get out into the field instead of seeking to get into Hansard;

(2) in the light of the above statement requests the Minister of Provincial and Local Government to inform the National Council of Provinces whether these suggestions are an expression of decisions which we are not yet party to, or merely a declaration of provincial independence by the honourable Premier Stofile.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection to the motion? [Interjections.] There is an objection. The motion therefore becomes notice of a motion.

          FIRST ARTIFICIAL HEART TRANSPLANT IN SOUTH AFRICA

                         (Draft Resolution)

Dr P J C NEL: Voorsitter, ek stel voor sonder kennisgewing:

Dat die Raad -

(1) kennis neem van Suid-Afrika se eerste kunshartoorplanting wat met sukses deur ‘n span Suid-Afrikaanse dokters in die City Park- hospitaal in Kaapstad uitgevoer is en weer eens bewys het dat Suid- Afrikaanse dokters vergelyk kan word met die bestes in die wêreld;

(2) hierdie span dokters van harte gelukwens met hierdie wonderlike prestasie waarop elke Suid-Afrikaner opreg trots kan wees; en

(3) die Minister van Gesondheid versoek om alles in haar vermoë te doen om ‘n gunstige klimaat vir hierdie en ander Suid-Afrikaanse dokters te probeer skep, om te verhoed dat hulle ons mooi land, waar ons hulle so nodig het, verlaat. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Dr P J C NEL: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes that South Africa’s first artificial heart transplant was successfully performed by a team of South African doctors in the City Park Hospital in Cape Town, and that this is renewed proof that South African doctors can be compared to the best in the world;

(2) sincerely congratulates this team of doctors on their wonderful achievement of which every South African can justifiably be proud; and

(3) requests the Minister of Health to do everything in her power to try to create a favourable climate for these and other South African doctors, to prevent them from leaving our beautiful country, which needs them so much.]

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

               ARMED ROBBERY ATTEMPT IN PORT ELIZABETH

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mes E C GOUWS: Mev die Voorsitter, ek stel voor sonder kennisgewing:

Dat die Raad -

(1) kennis neem van die geweldskultuur wat in die land aan die voortsnel is; (2) ook kennis neem dat op Sondag 18 Maart onskuldige besoekers aan ‘n winkelsentrum in die eens rustige Port Elizabeth letterlik vir hul lewens moes vlug voor die koeëlreën van rowers gewapen met drie pistole, ‘n rewolwer en ‘n R5-geweer;

(3) die polisie lof toeswaai vir hul besonder vinnige en doeltreffende optrede tydens die brutale gewapende roofpoging. Twee lede van die mag het met vreeslose taakgerigtheid opgetree en eiehandig die swaar gewapende rowers aangedurf en sodoende verhoed dat daar ‘n grootskaalse bloedbad gevolg het; en

(4) sy hartlike dank en gelukwense oordra aan elke polisielid, reddingswerker en lid van die publiek wat in die drama kopgehou het en kalm gebly het. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Ms E C GOUWS: Madam Chair, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes the culture of violence in the country, which is progressing rapidly; (2) further notes that on Sunday 18 March innocent people in a shopping centre in the once peaceful Port Elizabeth literally had to flee for their lives in the face of a rain of bullets from robbers armed with three pistols, a revolver and an R5 rifle;

(3) commends the police for their particularly rapid and effective action during the brutal armed robbery attempt, in which two members of the police acted fearlessly and purposefully and single-handedly tackled the heavily armed robbers, thereby preventing a full-scale bloodbath from happening; and

(4) conveys its sincere gratitude and congratulations to each police officer, rescue worker and member of the public who kept their heads and stayed calm during the drama.]

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

   ANTIDISCRIMINATION RADIO BROADCAST ``VOICES WITHOUT FRONTIERS''

                         (Draft Resolution)

Prince B Z ZULU: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes that Johannesburg will be the international hub for the March 21 antidiscrimination radio broadcast, ``Voices Without Frontiers’’, which will be broadcast live by community radio stations around the world;

(2) notes that the 24-hour broadcast will be fed live from Johannesburg for 10 hours (9 am to 7 pm) and that the other 14 hours will be fed from Montreal and Vienna;

(3) further notes that the focus issues of this broadcast will be -

   (a)  discrimination on the basis of race, gender, disability,
       ethnicity;


   (b)  human rights abuses; and


   (c)  discrimination against refugees and other migrant people; and

(4) acknowledges the commitment of ``Voices Without Frontiers’’ in the commendable role they have played by uniting more than 25 languages in our fight against discrimination on the basis of race, gender, disability and ethnicity.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

         ALLOCATION OF BUDGET FOR THE YOUTH IN KWAZULU-NATAL

                         (Draft Resolution)

Ms B THOMSON: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes with concern the amount of R5,5 million allocated to Emandleni Camp, which is associated with the IFP, and that this amounts to 84,6% of the total budget for the youth; (2) further notes that no one has ever seen its curriculum, its intake policy or the average age of trainees or its output;

(3) further notes that this skewed distribution of financial resources will tarnish the good financial record of KwaZulu-Natal’s Department of Finance;

(4) notes with sadness the lack of sensitivity regarding other youth programmes in the rest of the province, namely the Midlands and the southern part of KwaZulu-Natal.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection to that motion? [Interjections.] There is an objection and the motion therefore becomes notice of a motion.

               USE OF RUGBY FIELDS FOR SOCCER MATCHES

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr D M KGWARE: Madam Chairperson, I move without notice … [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Mrs Versveld, could we have order please? Proceed, Mr Kgware.

Mr D M KGWARE: Madam Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) commends the initiative of the Natal Rugby Union for inviting two soccer clubs, Amazulu and Golden Arrows, to play a soccer game before the rugby match started;

(2) notes that this initiative contributes to attempts at reconciliation in our country;

(3) further notes that this is contrary to what happened at the Newlands sports field in the Western Cape where soccer was expelled by the City of Cape Town because of complaints from Newlands residents about the noise level of approximately 20 000 soccer supporters, compared to that of approximately 120 000 rugby supporters; and

(4) calls upon the City of Cape Town to play a leading role in reconciliation so that incidents of this nature do not happen again in the province.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection to that motion? [Interjections.] There is an objection. The motion will therefore become notice of a motion. Could I ask members to follow the usual practice of rising if there is an objection, and not signalling from their seats. I would appreciate that. Sometimes I cannot see members.

                  RACIST ATTACK AT SHOPPING CENTRE

                         (Draft Resolution)

Ms M P THEMBA: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes with shock the brutal assault on a black female shopper by a white man;

(2) further notes that the attack, which was totally unprovoked, was spurred by the deep-seated racism that is still harboured by some elements within the white community;

(3) expresses its disappointment that the management of the specific shopping mall felt it necessary to release the attacker, despite the severity of the wound sustained by the victim; and

(4) calls on the police to investigate why the shopping mall management did not wait for the arrival of the police to arrest this racist perpetrator before they released him.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

CONFERRING OF HONORARY MEMBERSHIP OF SA ASSOCIATION OF WOMEN GRADUATES ON MRS PANDOR

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr M E SURTY: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council - (1) notes that a resolution, in respect of the Chairperson of the Council, was adopted at the Annual General Meeting of the South African Association of Women Graduates (SAAWG), held at the University of Cape Town on 4 February 2001;

(2) also notes that this resolution, drawn up by the committee of the Cape Town Branch of the SAAWG, was approved unanimously by the members of the Branch who were present at a Branch meeting held in Pinelands, Cape Town, on 21 October 2000, and that it was then forwarded to the National Executive of the SAAWG for inclusion in the agenda for the National Annual General Meeting on 4 February 2001;

(3) further notes that at that meeting the resolution gained the unanimous approval of all present, and that the SAAWG has thus invited Mrs Naledi Pandor to accept Honorary Membership of the Association;

(4) takes note that the wording of the resolution reads:

   The South African Association of Women Graduates is resolved that Mrs
   Naledi Pandor, who has been an Ordinary Member in good standing for
   many years, should be given the status of Honorary Member by virtue
   of her contributions to higher education in general and the education
   of women in particular, as well as the important role she now plays
   in public life.


   Motivation:


   Mrs Pandor, who holds a BA degree in English and History and a
   Certificate of Education from the Universities of Botswana and
   Swaziland, MA in Education from London University and MA in
   Linguistics from the University of Stellenbosch, has always had a
   special interest in education issues. She lectured at the University
   of Bophuthatswana and then at the University of Cape Town, where she
   was Assistant Director of the Academic Support Programme (now
   Academic Development Programme) which has as one of its main
   objectives the development of academic literacy in students from
   previously disadvantaged backgrounds. After South Africa's first
   democratic elections in 1994 she entered Parliament, where she served
   on several portfolio committees, most notably as convenor of the
   subcommittee on higher education in the Education Portfolio
   Committee. In June 1999 she was elected Chairperson of the National
   Council of Provinces. Her interest in higher education has
   nevertheless continued, and in April 2000 she became Chancellor of
   the Cape Technikon, having previously served with distinction on the
   Council of the institution.


   With these significant achievements in both the educational and the
   government spheres Mrs Pandor has served as a role model to the women
   of South Africa and thus she fulfils all criteria for elevation to
   the status of Honorary Member of the South African Association of
   Women Graduates.

We take this opportunity, Madam Chair, to congratulate you on behalf of the Council. [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you very much. It is very embarrassing to preside over such a motion. I think we will just note it. Should it be moved? It is a most embarrassing motion to have moved.

Mr M E SURTY: Most certainly, Chairperson. I think you deserve the singular honour that has been conferred on you, not by this House only, but by the South African Association of Women Graduates.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

ESTABLISHMENT OF JOINT COMMITTEE TO CONSIDER TAXATION LAWS AMENDMENT BILL

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: Chairperson, I move the motion printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the Council, subject to the concurrence of the National Assembly, establishes a joint committee in terms of Joint Rule 111 to consider the Taxation Laws Amendment Bill, 2001.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

DECLARING 2001 TO 2010 THE DECADE FOR NATIONAL MOBILISATION AGAINST RACISM

                      (Subject for Discussion)

Mr T S SETONA: Madam Chairperson, hon members, distinguished guests and members of the press, today marks the eve of the fortieth anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre, when unarmed men and women were killed by the South African security forces.

The Sharpeville massacre was a watershed in the history of human rights violations perpetrated against the African masses by successive white minority regimes. At the heart of the apartheid colonialist system was an inherent, institutionalised form of racial oppression and domination of the African majority by the white minority.

It is against this background that the liberation movement in this country evolved and matured to unite the democratic majority in the struggle against tyrannical apartheid and racial oppression.

As we all strive in unison to nurture our democracy and the nation-building project, we should do so mindful of our past as a nation divided along ethnic, racial, class and gender lines. We should do so because a new common South African identity has not yet been born, but is in the process of construction, to be realised in our lifetime.

Since our country set out on the journey of nation-building and socioeconomic reconstruction in 1994, the overwhelming hope for a nonracial, democratic, nonsexist and prosperous South Africa for all has from time to time been clouded by the immense social inequalities which are the legacy of colonialism. These inequalities take the form of huge racial disparities in all spheres of life in South Africa.

Our Constitution, which is the supreme law of the country and the cornerstone of our democracy, begins with the following statement:

We, the people of South Africa, Recognise the injustices of our past; Honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land; Respect those who have worked to build and develop our country; and Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.

This preamble of our Constitution is clearly the battle cry of a nation in search of a common identity and the enjoyment of equality and justice.

The inequalities of the past continue to define the lives of the majority in terms of gender, race, human dignity, development and access to basic social services. Clearly, race is the dominant feature of inequality in present-day South Africa. It is the majority of black and African youth that continue to suffer because of illiteracy, diseases and other forms of social deprivation. It is the majority of black and African women, particularly those in the rural areas, who continue to suffer because of cultural, racial and other forms of social degradation. We find the majority of our people who live under conditions of abject poverty in one section of South Africa, namely the black and rural areas.

On the other hand, when addressing the expectations of the latter, we should at all times be mindful of the section of society which has for decades benefited at the expense of the other, not by choice but due to institutionalised forms of racism.

We should send a clear message by way of our practical actions that the betterment of life of the downtrodden should not mean their extinction. They constitute both the present and the future of this country, a future where we will all live in common brotherhood, peace and love.

As we stand here this afternoon, on the eve of Human Rights Day, we have a great cause to celebrate: the six years of hope since 27 April 1994. We should send a message of hope whilst acknowledging the enormity of the problems at hand as we march forward.

We in the ANC are more than confident that despite the bumpiness of the road we are traversing, a better future for all is guaranteed. The Government has not merely paid lip service to addressing disparities in our society, but has put in place institutions and mobilised resources for the realisation of socioeconomic equality. Chapter 9 of our Constitution establishes the Human Rights Commission, whose aim is to enforce accountability on the part of the state and other private entities by taking practical steps to respect, protect, promote and further the rights contained in the Bill of Rights. The Human Rights Commission has the judicial and legislative powers to ensure and enforce the promotion and protection of a human rights culture in our country.

In these six years of hope, our Government has opened the doors of learning and culture to all South Africans through the deracialisation of our education system. We continue to bring hope to the rural poor through legislation that seeks to change their conditions of life and the unequal patterns of land ownership.

Whilst the rays of hope shine brighter and brighter, our problems continue to run deeper, a challenge that we dare not fail to address. These problems came more sharply in focus during the consultative meetings of the Human Rights Commission in preparation for the national conference on racism in July last year. Allow me to quote some extracts from the stories told by ordinary South Africans during these public meetings. A first quote: We are insulted by being called ``mudslinging kaffirs’’, and the farmers demanded that we leave and go and tell Mandela the jailbird.

A second quote:

If you call ``mlungus’’ by their first names, they get angry and their faces turn red.

A third quote:

To me racism is like Aids. The only difference is that with Aids there is no cure, whilst with racism we are the cure ourselves.

These stories reflect the deeper problems besetting our practical efforts at addressing racism in our country.

Whilst our Constitution and other pieces of legislation such as the promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act outlaw acts of racism, our own law enforcement agencies, the SA Police Service in particular, continue to be riddled with racism. Instances have been reported to the Human Rights Commission where members of the public complain that when a black person is a victim a very junior official of the SA Police Service is appointed as investigating officer, but when a victim is a white, a very senior and competent official is appointed as investigating officer. These are the realities of our time.

It is not a secret that social fabric crimes such as violence against women get much publicity when the victims are white, but when the victims are black there is no publicity, even when such cases are reported to the media. Quite clearly, this calls for all of us to accelerate the transformation of all public institutions to reflect the demographics of our society.

The other critical challenge facing our country as we pursue our offensive against racism is the question of xenophobia. Some amongst us, in dominant positions within our society, have consistently, through their own words, agitated black South Africans against African foreigners by spreading misleading statements that these foreigners are taking away their opportunities.

Why is this? Maybe we need to get answers. Is this not the same old divide- and-rule tactic that characterised the white minority domination for decades and inculcated ethnic divisions amongst blacks?

Clearly, hard and straightforward questions must be asked. Do we only have black African foreigners in this country? How many white foreigners are conducting business in this country without interference? How many are in the Public Service and public institutions such as universities? Our task is enormous, but we in the ANC are committed to uprooting racism in all its manifestations.

Allow me to close my speech by dedicating this debate to the heroes and heroines of our motherland, women, men and youth who died in the line of duty in pursuit of nonracialism. To Albert Luthuli, Lilian Ngoyi, Chris Hani, Solomon Mahlangu and many others we say: ``The cause you died for was not in vain.’’ [Applause.]

Mr L G LEVER: Chairperson, racism is a theory that states that human abilities and qualities are determined by race. It is the belief that one race is inherently superior to another. It ascribes negative stereotyped qualities to individuals based solely on their racial origins, regardless of their individual qualities. Within the memory of everyone in this room, racism was more than just a theory for the majority of South Africans. It was a real and ever present assault on their humanity and dignity. The overwhelming majority of South Africans of all races recognised this and reached into the well of their common humanity and goodwill and found a way to dismantle the institution that racism had become. This fact needs to be properly recognised, but we also have to recognise that despite dismantling the institution of apartheid we have to deal with the effects of decades of institutionalised racism.

The resolution before us is one where every attempt should have been made to achieve multiparty consensus, both as to its content and as to its wording. Despite the fact that the document from the Human Rights Commission has been available since at least the beginning of the year, we in the NCOP received scarcely two working days’ notice of this motion. The DA wish to include in the resolution the eradication of poverty as well as a sustained campaign against the HIV/Aids pandemic. At this point I must thank the Chief Whip for a sincere and honest attempt to reach consensus which was partly successful.

The Human Rights Commission itself, both expressly and implicitly, recognised both of these concerns. I quote from the South African Millennium Statement on Racism and Programme of Action issued after the Human Rights Commission’s conference on racism. Point 10 reads as follows:

Conference acknowledges that economic policies of the past have served to marginalise rural people and their communities and have thus created a reservoir of poverty which has become a contemporary manifestation of racism.

Later on at the end of point 15:

Tolerance implies accepting that human beings, naturally diverse in their appearance, situation, speech, behaviour and values are, nonetheless, equal in dignity and worth.

In the context of an individual’s dignity and worth his or her situation must include state of health, because an individual’s state of health should never affect their dignity or worth. Even if one disagrees and argues that HIV/Aids is extraneous to racism as a concept, it should then be noted that the Human Rights Commission itself included matters extraneous to racism in its millennium statement, such as gender discrimination and discrimination against the disabled. Clearly, HIV/Aids and the eradication of poverty should enjoy equal status with the fight against racism.

Why, then, is the ANC unwilling to accommodate the full proposal put forward by us in regard to this resolution? Sadly, there is a pattern of sophistry and manipulation of concepts and definitions to provide the ANC with a dogma to unite their followers behind a common enemy: Racism as defined by the ANC. The ANC tries to represent the divergent interests of the unemployed masses, the black middle class and the black elite, whose earnings according to recent research have outstripped those of their white counterparts.

The one way to keep them all within the ANC laager is to create a new ideology of total onslaught based on racism. Thus we see in the ANC’s submission to the Human Rights Commission inquiry into racism in the media the concept of subjective and objective racism come to the fore.

According to their concept of subjective racism, white South Africans have a stereotyped image of black South Africans that labels them as unfit to govern. Thus any criticism of the ANC government, no matter how well- founded, is delegitimised as being merely racist in its intent.

We have an opportunity to unite our country in finding a future free of racism, based on our Constitution. However, it seems that the ANC needs to keep racism, as they define it, alive as a type of insurance policy against failure to deliver on their election promises.

Nksz P C P MAJODINA: Mhlalingaphambili, andizi kumphendula uMnu Lever. Akhona amakhwenkwe amakhulu aza kuthetha ngaye phaya ezantsi. Mna mandigqithise lo mcimbi ndiwuzeleyo, ubhengezo lweminyaka yama-2000 ukuya kuma-2010 njengeminyaka yokubuncothula neengcambu ubuhlanga obugqubayo kwizwe lakowethu.

Mandikhahlele kuwe Sihlalo osesihlalweni ngeli xesha. Mandingagxwali emswaneni okomntu ongenathemba, ndingagxwali okomoni ofela ezonweni, kuba sikho isisombululo kulo mbandela wobuhlanga. Kufuneka sibuheshe oku komshologu, buphume buphele tu esizweni sethu. Xa sikwazile ukoyisa utshaba olulucalu-calulo, singoyiswa yintoni na ukoyisa ubuhlanga?

Le ngxoxo iza ngexesha elihle nelifanelekileyo, ngosuku olwandulela olwamalungelo oluntu awathi atyeshelwa ngexesha lenkqubo yocalu-calulo. Akulula ke kambe ukulibala, kuba sisahleli nezivubeko zobuhlanga. Ubuhlanga busagquba oku kweenkunzi zenkomo ezihlala buhlantini bunye.

Eli lizwe lakowethu lahlula-hlulwa laba lelabantu abamnyama nabamhlophe, kwaye senziwa sangalingani. Thina luntu oluntsundu safaniswa nayo yonke into embi eza nobumnyama. Senziwa ukuba siwatyeshele amasiko, sahendwa ngamasiko asentshona kusithiwa awethu ziinkolelo. Ubuhlanga buziveza ngeendlela ngeendlela ezahlukeneyo. Zimbi kuzo zenza amanyumnyezi kanti ezinye zibanga umxhelo obuhlungu.

Thina bombutho wabantu satsho eKliptown ngo-1955 sathi silwela uMzantsi Afrika okhululekileyo ongenabuhlanga, oza kuba likhaya kubo bonke abemi bawo, omhlophe nomnyama ngokulingana. Sisatsho nanamhla oku, kwaye noMgaqo- siseko welizwe ungecala likaKhongolose. Sasingabantu abanesidima nesathi sahluthwa kuthi ngolunya bubuhlanga. Sisonke singabemi baseMzantsi Afrika sinoxanduva lokwakha isizwe sethu, lokwakha isizwe ngendlela entsha, amalungelo oluntu ahlonitshwe kungajongwanga bala lamntu. Ubuhlungu kwelaseMpuma Koloni buqatsele kanobom kwiifama ezithile apho abantu baphathwa gadalala okwezilwanyana ngooNtamolukhuni.

NangokweziBhalo eziNgcwele - njengamntu uhamba inkonzo - kubhaliwe kwathiwa umntu wenziwe ngokomfanekiso kaThixo, kwaye singumfanekiso kaThixo sisonke singabantu, akukhethwanga bala. [Uwele-wele.]

UMongameli weli lizwe, iZizi elikhulu, uDlamini, uJama kaSijadu, uthi ladlula ixesha apho umntwana womAfrika aza kuziva eneentloni ukuzibiza njengomAfrika ngenxa yobuhlanga. Masibambane ngezandla, sakhe isizwe esinye kuba umntu ngumntu ngabantu. Ukuze sibe nokubulwa buphele tu ubuhlanga kufuneka siguqule indlela esicinga ngayo, samkele iinguqu, kuba asifuni buhlanga, obujoliswa ngomnyama komhlophe okanye obujoliswa ngomhlophe komnyama.

Abantu abasemagunyeni, iziphathamandla, mabangangeni ezikhundleni ngenxa yombala wolusu lwabo, koko ngenxa yobuchule babo. Iculo lamaWesile elabhalwa ngu P Sipamla lithi: ``Bulelani kuYehova’’. Uthi, “Abantsundu nabamhlophe mababulele kunye, mabavakalise bonke, baculele iNkosi”.

Xa ndibhentsisa obu buhlanga busishiya siziingxwelerha, ndingakhankanya lo mzekelo womama ophangela emakhitshini iminyaka ngeminyaka, oguqa ngamadolo de amadolo abe pinki etyath’ umntwana womnt’omhlophe emqolo, owakhe engamazi nokuba uphi na. Namhlanje abo bantwana bamhlophe abasamazi ukuba wayengunina owayebabeleka emqolo, ebancancisa.

Xa ndiza ngasekugqibeni, sakhula sidlala ngoonodoli abamhlophe, bengenziwa oonodoli abamnyama kusenzelwa ukuba siqonde ukuba eyona nto intle ngunodoli omhlophe oneenwele ezinde. [Uwele-wele.] Nabo oomama bethu bezityikila nge- ambi kuba befuna ukuba mhlophe kuba kungathi kungcono ukuba mhlophe. Babethwala iiwigi bolule iinwele ngamatye atshisayo.

Izizwe zonke ziyavuma ukuba uMzantsi Afrika uyincutshe ekulweni ubuhlanga. Kwaye kujongwe kuthi ukuba sikhulule umhlaba wonke, yiloo nto nenkomfa yamazwe ngamazwe iza kuqhutyelwa apha eMzantsi Afrika. Ndinenkolo ethi siya koyisa siyimbumba. Masakhe ubuntu bethu sisadla amazimba, njengoko zatshoyo iinkokeli zikaKhongolose zathi, ``Inkululeko ngexesha lethu,’’ Kwaba njalo ke. Masibuyele kundalashe, sikwazi nokunikezela ngenkomo yenqoma kwabo bahluphekileyo. Zayaphi na iinkomo zenqoma? Mandiqongqothe esi sixhaxha sikulo mbheka-phesheya wam. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Nksz P C P MAJODINA: Chairperson, I will not respond to the hon Mr Lever. There are big guys that will talk to him down there. I will just say what I have to say on this issue: the years 2000-2010 as the years during which racism that is so much in our country would be removed from its roots.

I would like to greet you, hon Chairperson who is chairing the Council at this moment. Let me not waste time and repeat what other people spoke about like someone who has lost hope, like a sinner who dies with his sins, because there is a solution to this problem of racism. We must drive it away altogether like a bad omen from our nation. If we could fight the enemy of apartheid, what could stop us from beating racism?

This debate has come at an appropriate time, on a day preceding that of human rights which were denied during the apartheid era. It is not easy to forget because we still live with the scars of racism. People are still grappling with racism, just like two bulls fighting for position in a kraal.

Our country was divided between the black and the white people and we were made to believe that we were not equal. We black people were degraded. We were made to believe in Western ways of doing things at the expense of our customs and traditions. Racism manifests itself in many different ways. Some of them are very serious and some just make one sad.

We who belong to the people’s organisation said in Kliptown in 1955 that we were fighting for a nonracial South Africa that would be home to all its citizens, black and white equally. We still maintain that statement and the Constitution of the country is on the ANC’s side. We were a very dignified nation whose dignity was taken away by force by racism.

As citizens of South Africa we all have a responsibility to build our nation, to build it in a completely new way where people’s rights are respected with no discrimination against colour. It is more painful to see the conditions under which people live and work on the Boer farms in the Eastern Cape.

According to the Bible - as a person who attends church - it is written that a human being is made in the image of God; there is no colour. [Interjections.]

The President of this country, the man from the Dlamini clan, Zizi, Jama of Sijadu, says that the time is past for an African child to be shy to identify him/herself as an African because of racism. Let us join hands together in rebuilding one nation because a person is a person through other people. In order for us to be able to fight racism completely we should change our mindset and accept change because we would not like to see racist attitudes by black people towards white people or vice versa.

People should not be appointed into positions of authority because of their skin colour but because of their skills. A hymn written by P Sipamla says: ``Give thanks to the Lord’’. He says that black and white people should praise and sing unto Him.

When I expose the extent to which racism has damaged us, I would like to cite this example of a certain mother who has been a domestic worker for many years, who kneels until her knees turn pink while carrying a white person’s child on her back, not knowing the whereabouts of her own. Today those white children do not know her as a mother who used to carry them on her back, feeding them.

In conclusion, we grew up playing with white dolls. There were no black dolls so that we would only appreciate a white doll with long hair. [Interjections.] Our mothers used to use ambi face cream because they wanted to change their skin colour because being white seemed better. They would wear wigs and stretch their hair with stretching combs.

All nations see South Africa as a champion of fighting racism. These nations are looking to us to free the entire world from the bondage of racism, that is why the international conference is going to be held here in South Africa. I have a belief that we will triumph if we are united. Let us build our humanity while we are still alive, as the leaders of the ANC said: ``Freedom in our lifetime’’. So it has become. Let us go back to the old ways when we could even offer to the poor. Those were my last words. [Interjections.]]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! The debates are intended to enrich all of us and I noticed that there were people who definitely do not understand Xhosa, but did not listen to the interpreters. I still need one, even though I am Xhosa-speaking. We also have to look at our attitudes. Hon member Nkuna oh, Nyakane. This speech made me dizzy. I apologise.

Mr R M NYAKANE: The apology is accepted, Chairperson. [Laughter.] To begin with I would like to commend the SA Human Rights Commission for launching the national conference on racism from 30 August to 2 September 2000. A number of credible observations surfaced at this conference, the most important of which were the 16 recommendations that were made for the sake of the way forward. One of the recommendations made was that our Government should consider declaring the decade of 2001 to 2010 as a decade for movement against racism.

The dawn of democracy in South Africa cherished the hope that disrespect for human life, dignity, integrity and the human worth of every individual would soon be a thing of the past. However, it appears that racism is here to stay. Lawrence Schlemmer has ably put it as follows:

Race is a frequent theme in our menu of events. Every day, or every few days at most, a lurid news item appears under the rubric of racism. This will describe either physical conflict at a school involving pupils from different races …

And, of course, this has happened in the Northern Province -

… or some or another act of brutality, usually by a small farmer, plot owner, shopkeeper or policeman against a labourer, alleged trespasser, shoplifter or suspect.

It will take many decades for the majority of South Africans, especially blacks, to recover from the setbacks caused by the implementation of apartheid policies, which were based on racism. Abject poverty, with the related incidence of HIV/Aids, mass unemployment, unskilled labour amongst the majority of blacks, inadequate primary health care amenities, to name but a few, are products of the practices of racism. Blacks were recognised as an underclass of people and, as such, had to survive on leftovers and hand-outs and, of course, that was done on a mala fide basis.

Racism has become a syndrome. It has entangled human society in a web of stereotypes, intolerance, hatred, xenophobia and racist consciousness. Racism has been with us since time immemorial, and will continue haunting human society for generations to come, unless more of our inner selves are sincerely committed to the eradication of racism. When I talk of inner selves I am sincerely looking forward to the day when a daughter of Mr Durr could easily get married to a son of Mr Nyakane and establish a family without any hitches. [Applause.]

It has plagued almost every sector of life. The SA Institute of Race Relations has it that, ``when racism persists over a long period of time, it often becomes embedded or hardwired into institutional structures and systems.’’ This statement is true because practices of racism can be traced in religion, culture, economic activities, the marketplace, education, sports, recreation and even the justice system. Let no one pretend that racism is not a serious problem in South Africa. The programme of action against the practices of racism has been put in place for implementation by the conference. The time for pointing fingers at each other has passed. It is of no use at this juncture to ask interrogative questions, such as: Who is racist? Is it the whites? Or, to answer: No, blacks are racist. Or, whites must apologise. And then to counter that with: No, blacks have to apologise. It will get us nowhere.

In conclusion, allow me to share with this House an extract from the periodical of the SA Institute of Race Relations, in that the process of ``national dialogue to combat racism, initiated by the Human Rights Commission as a means to address racism, should be continued, extended and deepened to all parts of South African society and become the responsibility of all South Africans.’’

On behalf of the UDM, I call on this Parliament, the NCOP, to declare the decade 2001 to 2010 as a decade for movement against racism. [Applause.]

Manana C NKUNA: Muchaviseki Mutshami wa Xitulu, Muchaviseki Mupfuni wa Holobye wa Vululami Manana Gillwald, vatirhi-kulorhi, inkomo. Ndza tsaka swinene ku yima laha mahlweni ka n’wina namuntlha ndzi vulavula hi timhaka ta ku lwela ntshunxeko. Ha ha ya emahlweni no lwela ntshunxeko.

Hi lembe ra 1960, hi nhweti ya Nyenyankulu, hi siku ra 21 vanhu va file hi xitalo va fela mina na wena. Va fela timfanelo ta hina. Ku fika sweswi, a hi si kuma ntshunxeko lowu hetisekeke. Hi nge vuli leswaku hi kumile ntshunxeko hi xitalo.

Hi ku landza Vumbiwa ra Afrika Dzonga, Mfumo wu fanela ku hlonipha, ku sirhelela no tlakusa timfanelo ta vanhu. Ku na leswi vekiweke ku endlela ku vona leswaku leswi swi endleka. Mfumo a wu lo vekiwa ntsena, wu vekiwile ku endlela ku vona leswaku leswi swo fanela ku endleka. Ha tixisa, loko hi vula leswaku milawu leyi a yi seketela mfumo wa xihlawuhlawu yi herisiwile, hi vula leswaku mahanyelo ya laha Afrika Dzonga i mahanyelo lamanene, a hi ntiyiso swilo sweswo. Madzolonga ya ha tele. Xihlawuhlawu hi tlhelo ra swa le mandleni xa ha ri kona. Vanhu va ha dlayana. Swi komba xiyimo lexi Afrika Dzonga ri nga eka xona eka nkarhi wa sweswi.

Ka ha ri na xihlawuhlawu ku ya hi nhlonge ya munhu. Vachaviseki, mina ndzi huma eka Xifundzankulu xa N’walungu, laha vanhu va ha xanisiwaka hi tindlela to hambana hambana. Laha vanhu va ha dlayiwaka hi mabunu. Vanhu va dlaya hi mabunu ya va-n’wamapurasi.

Muchaviseki Mutshami wa Xitulu, leswi manana a swi vulaka lahaya, loko a lava ku swi tiva a yi eka xiviko xa Timfanelo ta Vanhu. Eka xiviko xa kona u ta kuma nhlamulo ya xivutiso lexi a xi vutisaka. A ndza ha vula leswaku mina ndzi huma eka Xifundzankulu xa N’walungu laha vanhu va xanisiwaka, laha vanhu va dlayiwaka, naswona ndza ha lava ku tlhela ndzi vuyelela eka ku vula leswaku vanhu va dlaya hi mabunu ya va n’wamapurasi.

Eka nhlangano lowu veke kona eJoni le Sandton hi 30 Mhawuri ku fika hi siku ra 2 Ndzhati, ku vulavuriwile ngopfu hi timhaka ta xihlawuhlawu ku ya hi muhlovo wa nhlonge. Laha nhlengeletano ya kona a yi fambisiwa hi Nhlangano wa Timfanelo ta Vanhu eAfrika Dzonga. Swin’wana swa swiviko leswi veke kona hi leswi, kutani ndzi ta swi vula hi xilungu. (Translation of XiTsonga paragraphs follows.)

[Mrs C NKUNA: Hon Chairperson, hon Deputy Minister of Justice Mrs Gillwald, hon members, I thank you. I am happy to stand here today and speak on matters pertaining to fighting for freedom. We are still continuing to fight for freedom.

In 1960, on 21 February, people died in great numbers, dying for me and you. They were dying for our rights. Up to now we have not fully achieved our freedom. We cannot say that we have achieved our freedom in full.

According to the South African Constitution, the Government should respect, protect and promote human rights. There is a mechanism which has been put in place to see to it that such things should be seen to take place. We would be cheating ourselves if we were to say that laws which used to support apartheid have been repealed, and that the way of living in South Africa is good. All that is not true. Disputes will occur. Economic discrimination still exists. People are still killing each other. It shows the position in which South Africa is today.

There is still racial discrimination. Hon members, I come from the Northern Province, where people are suffering in different ways, where people are being killed by white farmers. People are being killed by white farmers.

Hon Chairperson, the hon member should consult the report on Human Rights. In that report, she is going to get a reply to her question. I was still saying that I come from the Northern Province where people are being tortured and killed and I still wish to repeat what I said, namely that people are being killed by white farmers.

At a conference that took place in Johannesburg at Sandton between 30 August and 2 September, the issue of racism was discussed at length. The conference was conducted by the Human Rights Commission of South Africa. Other points in the report I am going to explain in English.]

A farm worker named Jan Seepa in Alldays, a place in Messina, was requested by a farmer to come and work during the Easter holidays. I do not know whether it was a request or whether he was simply instructed to do so. That was in 1998. Jan Seepa never returned home. After five days, the farmer came to the family of Jan Seepa and told them that Jan had been beaten. As to who had beaten Jan, it was not known. He said that he did not know where he was. Later on, Jan’s headless body was found in the river.

After an examination by the police, the death certificate said that a crocodile had killed Jan. Then his head was found, examined and it was found that there were no scars from the crocodile attack. A new death certificate was issued in which the cause of the death was now unknown. No investigations were made, and the docket was closed on the basis that there was a lack of evidence. But a normal person can see who the killer was.

The second issue that I would like to mention is that racism is also directed towards the community. For example, police collude with white farmers who hire illegal immigrants to work on their farms. When it is time for them to be paid, these farmers call the police and the workers are deported.

I am not saying that attacks on farmers are the result of racism on the part of farmers in the community. But it could be listed as one of the factors which lead to these heinous crimes.

Ms C BOTHA: Chairperson, on a point of order. Could I please have some clarity whether this is a debate on the decade for national mobilisation against or for racism?

THE CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! I cannot see what is out of order at the moment. The hon member may continue.

Mrs C NKUNA: The media in the Northern Province is racist. There are two newspapers, one aimed at whites and one at blacks. The very same two newspapers are under the same company. A black journalist said that all decisions are taken by a white editorial staff, and that the provincial government is criticised left and right, whilst anything white is hardly condemned. [Time expired.]

Mnr P A MATTHEE: Geagte Voorsitter, ek was gelukkig om as ‘n kind twee wonderlike oumas te hê wat hulle wysheid met my gedeel het. As vyfjarige seuntjie wat pas begin skoolgaan het, het ek dan ook my eerste les ten opsigte van rassisme gekry. My een ouma het my op ‘n dag nader geroep en gevra of ek al geleer het om gediggies op te sê by die skool. Sy vertel my toe van ‘n gedig waarin daar staan: Ek hou van 'n man wat sy man kan staan''. En waarin daar op 'n stadium verwys word na dieBastergeslag’’ wat die man ``in sy siel verag’’. Sy het my daar laat beloof dat ek nooit ooit daardie gedig sal opsê nie, omdat dit baie verkeerd is om enigiemand volgens sy velkleur te beoordeel. Volgens haar was ons almal mense wat deur God geskape is en ons is almal voor Hom gelyk.

Sy is ongeveer dertig jaar gelede oorlede, maar ek hoor steeds haar woorde so duidelik asof sy dit gister vir my gesê het. Hierdie les het my altyd bygebly en ek het nog altyd daarvolgens probeer optree. Dit het ‘n bepalende uitwerking op my lewensbeskouing gehad en ek glo dit is steeds vandag uiters relevant vir elke Suid-Afrikaner. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr P A MATTHEE: Hon Chairperson, when I was a child I was fortunate to have two wonderful grandmothers who shared their wisdom with me. As a five- year-old boy who had just started school I also got my first lesson with regard to racism. One of my grandmothers called me to her one day and asked me whether I had already learned to recite poems in school. She then told me about a poem containing the line: Ek hou van 'n man wat sy man kan staan.'' In this poem reference is made to theBastergeslag’’, which the man ``in sy siel verag’’. She made me promise there and then that I would never recite that poem, because it was very wrong to judge anyone by the colour of their skin. She said all of us were created by God and all of us were equal before Him.

She died about thirty years ago, but I still hear her words as clearly as if she had told me that yesterday. I have never forgotten this lesson and I have always tried to act accordingly. It has had a definitive effect on my attitude to life and I believe that even today it remains relevant for every South African.]

Much has been said during many debates in Parliament and at the TRC hearings, and all over the country, from all sides, over the last couple of years, about the deep wounds that the institutionalised system of race discrimination of apartheid has caused in so many people in our country.

We must never forget the immense pain that apartheid caused to so many millions of our people, so that we will never ever again allow anything like that to happen in our country. President Mandela in his inaugural speech on 10 May 1994 stressed the importance of stopping this vicious cycle repeating itself when he said, and I quote: We are entering into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of the inalienable right to human dignity.

It seems that we as South Africans are starting to get it right, in that we are starting to succeed in building the society about which President Mandela spoke and which Archbishop Desmond Tutu named the ``rainbow nation’’. Unfortunately, since the “two nations” speech of President Mbeki last year, undercurrents of racism and racial slurs started to reappear in debates, as a way of attempting to win debate or as a defence mechanism against criticism, despite its merits or demerits.

In two recent interviews, former President Mandela commented on the ANC’s sensitivity to criticism and the tendency to play the race card. In those interviews, Mr Mandela called for tolerance of all political differences. He talked about patriotism transcending party-political divisions. He criticised some in the arrogant - his words - black - elite, who throw their weight around and breed insecurity amongst minority groups. He specifically referred to some leading members of the ANC for making matters worse with - in his diplomatic words - unhelpful comments. He also pointed to growing polarisation between race groups. We must understand the important message contained in Mr Mandela’s comments.

The tone of this year’s state-of-the nation speech by President Mbeki was a relief compared to last year. To his enormous credit, he preached the harmony of unity, not the discord of division. We in the Democratic Alliance will give him and the Government our full backing in a joint endeavour to forge one nation in South Africa. Unfortunately, only one week after the President’s address, the ANC made itself guilty of a racist slur of the worst kind in its online publication ANC Today, by accusing the opposition and media groups calling for the lifting of the moratorium on crime statistics, myself included, of being strongly committed to, and I quote:

… the racist conviction that black people are inherently prone to crime … [and the belief that] A predominantly black government would therefore never be able to contain crime precisely because it is black.

This unsubstantiated accusation is so absurd that, save for rejecting it with the contempt that it deserves, it is really unworthy of comment. We must all reject playing the race card and resolve to resume building the process of reconciliation in our country. [Applause]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! I would like the hon member to take note of the fact that in this House he represents the New NP, not the DA.

Ms B THOMSON: Chairperson, Deputy Minister and hon members, South Africa belongs to all its people, black and white. This was the message that we sent out to all South Africans in 1955 when the ANC adopted the Freedom Charter. It is in this message in that we can find our strength, conviction and the desire to rid South Africa of the evils of racism and racial prejudice. It saddens one to realise that, despite efforts to harmonise and reconcile society, acts of racism continue to be perpetrated across the human race.

Racism remains one of the great dividing factors between people of different races. Racist acts can trigger terrible hatred, humiliation, conflict, brutality and war. It stems from the fallacy that one race is superior to another. It is difficult, if not impossible, to sustain such an unfounded argument. This theory is based on the argument that one race is superior to another because of biological or genetic make-up. This is unfounded, for we all belong to the human race. The mapping of the human genome is conclusive proof of this fact. Racism is therefore a social construct learnt mostly at early childhood, nurtured and re-enforced in life.

Racism is not unique to South Africa. Other countries worldwide have power struggles, ethnic cleansing, genocide and war. This results from the intolerance of humans towards one another. Apartheid was an unjust system and a crime against humanity. This is the underlying cause of racism in South Africa. We experience every form of racism. The crime for which Terre’Blanche has been jailed, the poisoning of farmworkers and the recent attack on a black woman by a white man are cases in point.

Racism can do only one thing, and that is to breed violence. Violence breeds counterviolence and bloodletting. A South African writer once wrote, and I quote:

If blood is spilt, we make the future difficult. Blood is a means of binding us together. But blood that is spilt does not bind us together, but increases a gulf - a deep gulf - which in the history of a people like ours might be unbridgeable.

Racial resentment is still a powerful force. Everyone, regardless of colour or gender, is facing the same problems that stem from a stagnant and inequitable economic system which has fewer opportunities and which was bequeathed to us by the apartheid system.

The response to Rudolph T Holhart, a white American who deals with the question of racism and affirmative action, was that if one does not want to be white, why does one not paint oneself black. Affirmative action is not about quotas. It is an attempt to open more opportunities for women and black people through progressive recruitment and outreach techniques. It is a way of giving underrepresented groups of people greater access to academic institutions and job opportunities, not exclusion on the basis of race and gender. It is not about offering opportunities to unqualified people. It is also not reverse discrimination against white males or females. During the past year, the SA Human Rights Commission held a national conference on racism in order to assess the impact of racism in South Africa. In the province of KwaZulu-Natal, where I come from, a wide range of issues were raised, allowing a number of divergent voices to be heard. Most submissions were more suited to a TRC-type of hearing. Many were concerned with political violence, unemployment and poverty, and the legacies of the racist apartheid regime. Apartheid succeeded in creating a culture of racism in my province which we need to fight to the bitter end.

Several submissions dealt with gender discrimination and sexual inequality. A speaker from a rural community detailed how women in her area were treated as if they were the property of men.

Black women are underrepresented in business, particularly in senior positions, compared with white, coloured and Indian women, and experience the worst discrimination in the workplace.

Accordingly, 21 March, Human Rights Day, should be celebrated not only by political parties at political rallies, but also by all those who are committed to the concept of human rights. We should all be part of the process defining this important national holiday as a day on which we all commit ourselves to working together for a better life for all.

Submissions dealing with economic activities detailed how black people continued to be exploited.

Racism in KwaZulu-Natal is more subtle than it was in the past, with black people being least promoted and receiving meaningless skills development programmes. KwaZulu-Natal also experiences racism in law enforcement and in the criminal justice system. An example of this was black district chief magistrate who had to step down because the legal representative of a white farmer accused of assaulting black people insisted that he wanted a magistrate who could speak Afrikaans. Systematic forms of racism in the police, the army and correctional services were also detailed.

Power and gender discrimination, disparities in wealth and skills and in access to opportunities all contribute to racist behaviour. Transformation is central. Implementation of policies and programmes aimed at the equitable redistribution of resources and access to opportunities is also essential if racism is to be overcome.

Blacks in this country have emerged from a dark past divided by a history of racial discrimination and filled with hopelessness. This was evident in last year’s conference on racism. We must engage this issue in a common understanding and be tolerant towards one another as fellow South Africans. We must endorse a culture of values based on fundamental human rights.

Article 1 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights states, and I quote:

All humans are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with dignity and conscience, and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Yes, these are the instruments that regulate peace, but they are frequently ignored.

It is true that other forms of racism, such as xenophobia, exist. It must be noted that the UN Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, has indicated that racism creates economic imbalances among citizens of the country, leaving some richer and others destitute. It is from this perspective that I think xenophobia should be seen, because black South Africans feel that their jobs are no longer secure, for there are … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr K D S DURR: Chairperson, my colleague from the Northern Province has made me an offer for my beautiful daughter. I just want to say that I am going to ask my friend and colleague Prince Zulu to act as my agent in negotiating lobola. [Laughter.] They are both cattle farmers, and I am going to ask for a high lobola. [Laughter.]

I wish to propose an amendment to the motion printed on the Order Paper declaring 2000 to 2010 as the Decade for National Mobilisation Against Racism. My proposed amendment is that we declare 2000 to 2010 as a decade for national reconciliation and mobilisation against racism.

It is not enough to point out a problem; one also has to point out the solution. It is very necessary for us to define the problems clearly. The question is: How do we turn our best intentions on antiracism, which were so well put by my colleague Mr Matthee, into positive and effective action at all levels of society, engaging all levels of Government and civil society as a whole in combating the evil of racism? It is a multidisciplinary challenge.

On the negative side, how do we stop people, and curb ourselves for that matter, from exploiting divisions and flaws in our society or individual nontypical actions and then generalising upon them? How do we foster and enjoy our diversity without exclusivism or cutting ourselves off from one another? The United Nations recently said in a paper, Tolerance and Diversity: A Vision for the 21st Century:

For too long such diversity has been treated as threat rather than gift. And too often that threat has been expressed in racial contempt and conflict, in exclusion, discrimination and intolerance.

That is true. We must overcome that. We welcome the conference and we hope that it will contribute to that. However, what can we do? It is not enough to say things. We have to do things. We believe, as Christian democrats, that reconciliation and transformation go hand in hand. We, as leaders - church leaders and business leaders - should do something. Therefore we welcome the united prayer meeting programme known as the Cape Christian Celebration that is to take place at Fedsure Park Newlands Rugby Stadium on Human Rights Day, tomorrow, 21 March. It is expected that more than 40 000 people will attend from almost every church denomination and there will be simultaneous participation, on DSTV, of huge groups in churches throughout South Africa to pray for the transformation of our city and country.

We welcome this initiative by businessmen, churches and community leaders. We also acknowledge the community transformation that has already taken place in some 40 cities around the world where levels of poverty, disease, unemployment and crime have been drastically reduced as a result of similar, concerted and united prayer. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Ms N D NTWANAMBI: Chairperson, I must just say that it is quite a pity that the prayer meeting that the hon member spoke about has been organised by men only. No mention of women was made by Mr Durr.

I am a Capetonian. Thus I should make sure that whatever I say is based on Cape Town, this city, in particular. This province is just one province where racism and sexism are two inseparable twins. Hon members must have read last week’s newspapers, where an MEC in our province, in the legislature just across the road, referred to one ANC member as something that I do not want to mention because it is too rude to repeat. To call an Indian woman a ``motjie’’ is to reduce that woman to nothing.

The fact that I, as an African woman, can stand up in this Parliament today to express my utter disgust at the continuation of racist practices and attitudes by a certain sector of our society is already a victory which indicates that the forces of racism are dying a slow death. It is a victory that was made possible by the relentless struggles waged by ordinary people under the banner of the ANC, not the NP - whether new or old - or the DP or their doomed alliance. On the contrary, this victory was achieved in spite of the combined effort of the last-mentioned parties to retain some of the privileges that were bestowed on them by the apartheid system.

It is therefore not surprising that these very same parties are sitting today in an alliance whose strategic objective is to frustrate the fundamental transformation of our society and to deny that racism still exists. Their hatred of transformation is clearly evidenced through their opposition to key transformatory legislation such as employment equity and through the racial composition of their provincial government with a single African MEC. I must also note that he was imported from another province - he does not belong here. It is also evidenced through their provincial public service where white males dominate the management echelons, through the selective allocation of provincial state tenders to white-owned companies and through their continued attempts to blame the national Government for everything that goes wrong in the province so as to hide their own inadequacies.

Mr C ACKERMANN: [Inaudible.]

Mrs N D NTWANAMBI: That member had better listen to what I say, because it is his government that is doing that. [Laughter.] Moreover, this is a provincial government that spreads all its efforts in mobilising all available resources if disasters such as fires threaten the property and livelihoods of people in the more affluent white areas. However, it is only prepared to give an insulting R400 per person to victims in black areas like the Joe Slovo area, in the informal settlements, whose livelihood has been destroyed by a devastating fire.

It is sickening to know that there are still people who cling to the primitive notion that the lives and possessions of black people are less important than those of whites. Being parties that represent white interests, I am not surprised at the lack of compassion they show for blacks, and I include African, coloureds and Indians. In fact, they are known to have used coloured people as a buffer to protect their white privileges against Africans in the Western Cape.

The exploitation of the coloureds’ fears has been the major campaign tactic of the New NP and, later, their doomed alliance. The working class coloureds are manipulated into believing that they stand to lose their privileged position in the provincial government and public sector if the ANC takes over. Another racist tactic being used is to mislead coloureds into believing that the reduction in social assistance grants, such as those to pensioners and children, is because the ANC wants to take away those grants from them to give to Africans. They cunningly exploit coloured people’s ignorance about why the grants were really reduced to suit their racist campaign against Africans in this province.

Although we are still exposed to naked racism such as the painting of blacks, a new kind of racism is emerging. It is a hidden kind of racism that is dressed up in constitutional arguments such as the right to language, the right of association and the right to property, to give racism a veneer of respectability. [Interjections.]

That member is right. These kinds of racism appear to be mere talk and are far removed from the open violence and forcible segregation of old racism. Yet they may be just as effective to marginalise and exclude blacks. This is a form of ethnic hegemony that is premised on seemingly legitimate ideologies and attitudes which are often tacit accepted by most members of a particular area. This was clearly shown by the refusal of people in the white suburb of Newlands to allow a soccer match there. I am happy that Mr Durr mentioned this and I am happy that just for a few hours black people will be allowed there. However, if Safa were to organise another soccer match in Newlands, there would be a big no from the city of Cape Town.

Phambi kokuba ixesha lam liphele, mhlalingaphambili, ndingatsho ukuba xa ubani ejonga uMzantsi Afrika, ubona uMzantsi Afrika omanyeneyo, ngokoMgaqo- Siseko, kodwa ukwabona nephondo eliseliphandle. Lilo lodwa iphandle apha eMzantsi Afrika. Kuyakubaluleka okokuba iphinde le ngxoxo ekhona namanye amalungu eNtshona Koloni, ngakumbi lawo aselulawulweni. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[Before my time is over, Chairperson, I would like to say that when one looks at South Africa, one sees a South Africa that is united by the Constitution, but one also sees a province that is still a homeland. It is the only province that is a homeland in South Africa. It is important that we should engage in this discussion again when other members from the Western Cape are present, especially those that are at management level. [Applause.]]

Mr M J BHENGU: Madam Chair, I think that, perhaps, we need to correct the impression that the motion means that after 2010 there will be no struggle against racism. It actually means that we have to intensify it within this period. Thus it means that even after 2010 we will be fighting against racism. I want to argue that when we talk of racism, one cannot actually neglect to talk about colonialism. Of course, when one talks of colonialism, one cannot stop talking about racism. Thus those two are intertwined. Therefore, in that sense, racism seems to be a conscious ideology of imperialism which has some interlinked features.

So, as an ideology, it is not felt as a matter of spiritual abstraction. It is felt in the flesh, and in the practice of daily living. One of its worst effects is that it numbs one’s sensibility. It dehumanises one.

I have read texts by quite a number of people who have written extensively on racism and colonialism. I especially have in mind my friend Franz Fanon, who in his seminal work dissects it so clearly. I think Professor David Welsh, who has retired from the University of Cape Town, puts it very eloquently in the Leadership magazine of March 2000, when he says:

In South Africa, racism has deep roots, so much so that it became entrenched in white cultures …

I have chosen to quote him simply because I think he knows quite clearly what he is talking about. The important thing here is that he says it is entrenched in our cultures. I think that is where the problem is.

Omunye umbhali wezinkondlo zaKwaZulu uthi uma ebeka kwenye inkondlo, echaza ububi bale nto okuthiwa ubandlululo, uthi: Umfowethu omhlophe uyangiphundla, uthi ngiyanuka. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[One Zulu poet when he describes apartheid in one of his poems, says: ``My white brother discriminates against me, he says I stink.’’]

This means that a person said that another stank. It reminds me of what happened to my youngest daughter, who goes to a multiracial school. A group of her contemporaries at school told her that she stank. She came home crying. I remember that my mother was so angry that she did not know what to do.

When we talked to the principal, she apologised abjectly. What does this tell hon members? It says that we still have parents who teach their children that some races stink. [Interjections.] This is unfortunate. This happened where I live in Westville, in my province, where there is still a lot of racism.

Of course, from the perspective of my province … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Ms Q D MAHLANGU: Chairperson, Deputy Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development, members of this august House, if I could tell hon members the stories which my son tells me about the school he goes to, they would be very surprised. He goes to an Afrikaner school, where the medium of instruction is Afrikaans. But I will not bore hon members with those details.

I take this opportunity to welcome Miss Joyce Kgoali back to the NCOP. She is now the provincial Whip. We are looking forward to her presence in the House on behalf of our province, which is a people’s province.

On the subject matter before the House, Clarence Darrow said the following on 10 May 1926:

The life of a negro has been a life of tragedy, of injustice and of oppression.

I wonder how many of us would refute Mr Darrow’s statement, which he made 75 years ago. The currency of racism remains ubiquitous. It reportedly occurs everywhere, as evidenced in daily newspaper reports. This morning the Cape Times reported that an upmarket retirement complex in Rondebosch does not admit people of colour, nor do they allow black carers into their dining rooms to look after their elderly clients.

In Parliament we observe a similar trend in the following manner: The opposition parties have continuously opposed any legislation that is of relevance to the poor or advocates policies that are of a progressive nature. For example, on 23 February the Minister of Finance tabled the Budget in Parliament. He gave a concession on illuminating paraffin. This is relevant to black people, the poor and the working class.

Illuminating paraffin is a primary source of energy for low-income households in South Africa, especially in the nonelectrified rural areas and in the informal settlements. Expenditure on illuminating paraffin constitutes a significant proportion of expenditure of poor black households. While it is exempt from all fuel levies, it will only be exempt from VAT from April this year. The studies of the National Treasury have indicated that the removal of VAT on illuminating paraffin will provide significant distributive gains to poor households, which are black.

The hostility against this proposal by opposition parties is very disappointing, and one questions the motive of their opposition. If I were to raise the question: ``How did the economy of the previous order develop, and what was their key instrument of growth?’’ the answer would be: cheap black labour.

Black people were the hewers of wood and carriers of water. I recently had the privilege of meeting a US professor of economics, and his answer was plain and simple when I asked him the question. He said that cheap labour was an asset for the predominantly white economy. Cheap labour served as an instrument, or should I say weapon, for the accumulation of wealth for a few citizens of this country in the past. They are guarding it jealously now. The paradox is that when the present Government introduced its affirmative action policy, there was a huge outcry from opposition parties. They even wished that those words could be removed from English dictionaries. It was these very same opposition parties that were the authors of affirmative action in the past through the following institution: the Afrikanerbond. This organisation used state capital to develop and stimulate the growth of the Afrikaner and empower their business companies in the form of Sanlam, Volkskas, etc.

It is ironic that these very same opposition parties now oppose policies that they used so viciously to affirm their white electorate at the expense of the black majority. This puts their motives very seriously in question. Instead, the opposition parties ``intelligently’’ put merits and qualifications before any appointment that this Government hopes to make. This is the irony of the millennium.

After their recent public hearings, the Human Rights Commission reported the following: Black people in Gauteng face regular prejudice in terms of access to the resources of financial institutions, and in terms of admission to tertiary institutions and public institutions. For example, in Alberton the previous transitional local council, before the new demarcation, refused to allow people to bury their relatives on Saturdays, because the council claimed they did not have the capacity, whilst they were burying their counterparts during the week. That was clear, pure racism, and it was against people’s religion.

Through the public hearings of the Human Rights Commission it was clearly indicated that white female prisoners were given light and soft jobs like work in the cafeteria, whilst their black female counterparts were subjected to hard duties like scrubbing floors. These are the kinds of things that are clear indications.

Most importantly, we in the ANC are committed to making our democracy work, and the country sustainable. We are therefore concerned about the way forward. We cannot build a country with a past anger in our minds. Countries are not built on the divisions and strife of their past, which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge. We, at the receiving end of history, have made innumerable compromises, but we have not seen reciprocal gestures from the opposition parties.

Although we have our legal freedom, freedom is not won by instituting the best policies in our Parliament.

This is only a humble beginning.

As Darrow argued, and I quote:

In reality, every human being’s life in this world is inevitably mixed with every other life, and no matter what laws we pass, no matter what precautions we take, unless the people we meet are kindly, decent, human and loving liberty, then there is no liberty. [Time expired.]

Mnr M A SULLIMAN: Kameraad Voorsitter, kameraad adjunkminister, dit is vandag vir my ‘n voorreg om aan hierdie debat deel te neem.

Na aanleiding van wat vandag hier gesê is, weet agb lede dit lei geen twyfel dat rassisme nog in Suid-Afrika bestaan nie. In die provinsie waar ek vandaan kom, die Noord-Kaap, sien ‘n mens dikwels ‘n voertuig wat voor jou in die pad ry. Dan kyk ‘n mens gewoonlik wie bestuur die voertuig, wie sit langs die bestuurder en dan kyk jy wie sit agterop die voertuig. Ek wil vir die agb Huis ‘n tipiese voorbeeld hiervan beskryf. Dit is dikwels ‘n sogenaamde wit man wat die bakkie bestuur, die swart plaaswerker sit agterop en die plaaseienaar se hond sit voor langs hom in die bakkie.

As dít nie blatante rassisme is nie, dan wil ek my naam nie hê nie. Hierdie is dinge wat tans nog in hierdie land van ons, Suid-Afrika, gebeur. Nogtans is daar diegene wat nog halsstarrig vasklou aan die idee dat rassisme nie regtig bestaan nie, maar dat dit ‘n ANC-komplot is om sogenaamde witmense in opposisie partye te demoniseer, en is daar mense wat doof is of weier om die realiteite van die samelewing te aanvaar.

Ek wil vandag ‘n pleidooi tot al hierdie partye rig om ernstig te besin en te aanvaar dat rassisme wel bestaan en ernstige gevolge vir nasiebou en versoening inhou. Indien dit nie aangepak word met die erns wat dit verdien nie, kan dit ernstige gevolge vir ons land inhou. Ek wil terselfdertyd ‘n vriendelike waarskuwing aan hierdie partye rig: Die ANC gaan nie op hulle wag totdat hulle eendag besef hulle was verkeerd nie. Ons sal voortgaan om hierdie euwel met wortel en tak uit te roei.

Stappe is reeds in hierdie opsig gedoen, soos die inwerkingstelling van die wet op die bevordering van gelykheid en die voorkoming van onregverdige diskriminasie en die toepassing van regstellende aksie. Wat die kwessie van regstellende aksie betref, meen ek dit is hoog tyd om die valshede wat deur opposisiepartye versprei word vir eens en vir altyd bloot te lê. Veral die argument dat regstellende aksie omgekeerde rassisme is en veroorsaak het dat van ons bekwaamste mense die land verlaat, is al so baie kere deur die DA herhaal, dat hulle dit nou self begin glo.

Indien regstellende aksie aanleiding gee tot grootskaalse emigrasie van ons bekwaamste breinkrag, beteken dit die DA-lede wat in die land agtergebly het, is nie eintlik bekwame mense nie. Ek sal nie verbaas wees indien dit wel die geval is nie, veral gesien in die lig van die soort politieke argumente wat hulle aanvoer en natuurlik hul swak vertoning in die verkiesings.

Die DA se stelling dat regstellende aksie grootskaalse emigrasie van bekwame mense veroorsaak, is nie net ‘n belediging vir hulself nie, maar ook vir ander bekwame mense wat besluit het om in die land agter te bly om ‘n positiewe bydrae tot nasiebou en versoening te lewer.

Om te argumenteer dat regstellende aksie omgekeerde rassisme is, is om die historiese agtergrond wat daartoe aanleiding gegee het, te misken. Dit is soos om Sionisme met rassisme te vergelyk. Albei is uitdrukkings van rasse- eksklusiwiteit. Die Jode se hunkering na ‘n eie staat is egter op hul geskiedenis gegrond. Geskiedkundige waardes het uit die wêreldwye vervolging van die Jode gegroei. Kan ‘n mens dus sê die ontstaan van eksklusiwiteit en ‘n Joodse staat is rassisties? Nee, ons kan nie, omdat die ontstaan van so ‘n Joodse staat geregverdig word deur die historiese vervolging van Jode gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.

Soortgelyk het die toepassing van regstellende aksie gegroei uit die historiese onderwerping van swartmense as tweedeklasburgers. Ekonomiese wanopvoeding en verwaarlosing asook geïnstitusionaliseerde diskriminasie het plaasgevind. Daarom kan ek nie sê dat regstellende aksie omgekeerde rassisme is nie, omdat die historiese onderwerping van swartmense die toepassing van regstellende aksie regverdig.

Die tyd het aangebreek dat daar wegbeweeg moet word van die benadering van ons'' enhulle’’ en ‘n inklusiewe benadering gevolg word soos wat die ANC doen. Ons hoofdoel moet wees om ‘n samelewing te skep waarin dit nie vir mense nodig is om tussen hul medemense in vrees vir hul lewe te leef nie. Dit is ‘n samelewing wat die ANC probeer skep, maar ons sal nie in ons poging slaag indien sekere mense nog vasklou aan rassisme nie.

Ter afsluiting wil ek die Huis graag vertel van ‘n interessante voorval wat ons eendag op ‘n vliegtuig te beurt geval het. Die weer was daardie spesifieke dag vreeslik onstuimig en die vlieënier was ‘n swartman. Ons is ‘n bietjie deur stormagtige weer geteister. Die passasiers wat langs my gesit het, het later gesê ``maar hoekom het hulle dan nou vandag hierdie swartman gevat om ons vlieënier te wees?’’. Dit is die soort vooroordele wat bestaan, maar ons moet, en ons sal, hierdie euwel wat ons land tans nog kniehalter vir ewig en altyd uitroei. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mr M A SULLIMAN: Comrade Chairperson, Comrade Deputy Minister, it is a privilege for me to participate in this debate today.

Arising from what has been said here today, hon members know that there is no doubt that racism still exists in South Africa. In the province from which I come, the Northern Cape, one often sees a vehicle travelling before one on the road. One then normally looks to see who is driving the vehicle, who is sitting next to the driver and then one looks at who is on the back of the vehicle. I want to describe to the hon House a typical example of this. Often it is a so-called white man driving the bakkie, the black farmworker is sitting on the back and the farm owner’s dog is sitting next to him in the front of the bakkie.

If this is not blatant racism, I will eat my hat. These are things which are currently still happening in this country of ours, South Africa. Yet there are those who still stubbornly cling to the idea that racism does not really exist, but that it is an ANC conspiracy to demonise so-called white people in opposition parties: there are those who are deaf or refuse to accept the realities of society. Today I want to appeal to all these parties seriously to reflect and to accept that racism does indeed exist and has serious consequences for nation-building and reconciliation. If it is not tackled with the seriousness it deserves, it could have serious consequences for our country. At the same time I want to address a friendly warning to these parties: The ANC is not going to wait for them to realise one day that they were wrong. We will continue to completely eradicate this evil.

Steps have already been taken in this regard, such as the introduction of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and the application of affirmative action. As far as the issue of affirmative action is concerned, I think it is high time to expose the falsities spread by opposition parties once and for all. Particularly the argument that affirmative action is reverse racism and has caused some of our most competent people to leave the country, has been repeated so many times by the DA that they have now begun to believe it themselves.

If affirmative action has led to large-scale emigration of our most competent brainpower, it means that the DA members who have remained in the country are not actually competent people. I would not be surprised if this were indeed the case, particularly in the light of the sort of political arguments they present and of course their poor showing in the elections.

The DA’s statement that affirmative action causes large-scale emigration of competent people is not only an insult to themselves, but also to other competent people who have decided to remain in the country to make a positive contribution towards nation-building and reconciliation.

To argue that affirmative action is reverse racism, is to disregard the historic background which has led to it. That is like comparing Zionism with racism. Both are expressions of racial exclusivity. The Jews’ yearning for an own state, however, is based on their history. Historical values have emerged from the worldwide persecution of Jews. Can one therefore say that the emergence of exclusivity and a Jewish state is racist? No, we cannot, because the creation of such a Jewish state is justified by the historic persecution of Jews during the Second World War.

Similarly, the application of affirmative action grew from the historical subjugation of black people as second-class citizens. Deficient economic training and neglect as well as institutionalised discrimination took place. I therefore cannot say that affirmative action is reverse racism, because the historic subjugation of black people justifies the application of affirmative action.

The time has come that we should move away from the approach of them'' andus’’ and follow an inclusive approach as the ANC does. Our primary goal must be to create a society in which it is not necessary for people to fear for their lives among their fellow men. This is the society which the ANC is trying to create, but we will not succeed in our objective if certain people continue to cling to racism.

In conclusion I would like to tell the House about an interesting incident which happened to us one day on an aeroplane. On that specific day the weather was particularly tempestuous and the pilot was a black man. We were somewhat battered by stormy weather. The passengers sitting next to me said after a while: ``but why did they take this black man today to be our pilot?’’. These are the sort of prejudices which exist, but we must, and we will, permanently eradicate this evil which is currently still hampering our country. [Applause.]]

Ms S N NTLABATI: Chairperson, let me also join all the other speakers in rededicating myself to the declaration of the next ten years as the Decade for National Mobilisation Against Racism. Equality is the cornerstone of every democratic society which aspires to social justice and human rights. When I talk about a democratic society I am talking about the South African society which largely claims to be believers and Christians. I would like to refer the latter to a book which directs their lives and which says that a human being was created in the image of God. To me this means that everyone who professes to be a believer will agree that we have to get rid of racism.

In virtually all societies and spheres of activities, Africans and minorities were subjected to inequalities in law. In fact, this situation was both caused and exacerbated by the existence of discrimination in the family, the community and the workplace. While this Council is preoccupied with political developments, human rights abuses and racism continue unabated, by the day becoming insidious both in scope and character. We probably talk too much about it and our people tend to exaggerate it.

Over the years the United Nations has decried racism and, in the same context, has described apartheid as a crime against humanity. In order to rededicate ourselves it is necessary that we reflect on the things which happened in the part. Let me tell this House that human rights abuses and racism in our society were perpetrated against psychotic or mentally ill people. They were viewed as being different by the health sector.

I will give members an example. Early in the morning at 7:00 am in mental hospitals, black female patients would be made to clean in their own section, and then go up to the white section to clean, even though there were white female patients to do that. That is how entrenched inequalities were, and I am talking about psychiatric hospitals. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order!

Ms S N NTLABATI: Chairperson, I said I was going to reflect on what happened in order to mobilise society. We have now repealed those laws that bore policies of apartheid. What is left now is to bring about a nonracial democratic society.

I think I need to talk about my province, the Free State.

During the past few months, organisations representing the interests of farmworkers in the Free State have drawn attention to the prevailing racism on farms. They work on farms on a daily basis in order to come up with reports. Racism on farms is expressed in the form of insults, physical assaults and bad treatment. The situation is more serious because of the lack of intervention structures for farmworkers who have few if any effective ways to access resources.

They have been denied managerial positions simply because of race, and they are paid less than their white counterparts even if they are managers. A representative from a farmworkers’ union in the Free State took this report to the Human Rights Commission, as unfair evictions have skyrocketed since

1. In many cases, employers defy orders of the labour court to reinstate workers who were unfairly dismissed, simply because some feel that Mbeki is not a farmer, ``so do not tell us anything.’’

I want to tell the House about concerns regarding police collusion, which has been found to be very prevalent in the Free State. Evidence was found that membership of the SA Police Service in the Free State were conniving with white farmers to intervene and harass workers on labour-related issues. This was because they were bribed.

One of the problems highlighted in institutions of higher education was that there were still policies of separate development. In the province I come from, university students being together was unknown. I remember an incident in the seventies during the days of black consciousness. Black students were asked whether they would like contact with their counterparts at the University of the Orange Free State, as it was called then. They were asked in Afrikaans: Can you pick up a shovel?'' And they were also asked:When you do your washing, do you do it thoroughly?’’ They were asked questions like that. That is where we come from in my province.

In order to address this crime, the concept of equality must mean more than treating all persons in the same way, because we cannot. We are at different levels. Treating us at the same level would mean that those who have been disadvantaged may still remain disadvantaged. That is why there has to be some affirmative action.

I want to address people of all races in the Free State and tell them that we have laws in this country which tell the Xhosa people, and the Sotho people, to stop calling people Amakula''. People are not called coolies any more. To the Afrikaners I want to say there are no coolies any more. In order to mobilise, we have to be fair and do some introspection. There are no longer people calledAmalawu’’ or ``Amaqheya’’, as we, the Xhosas, used to call them.

I want to tell this House that I am rededicating myself. Tomorrow morning at 09:00, we shall be launching a regional office of the Human Rights Commission at Hoffman Square in Bloemfontein. From then on we shall carry forward the message which originated in this House, and that is to mobilise. This is the decade for all races and we hope they will all be there. [Applause.] Mr T B TAABE: Madam Chair, hon members, I wish to thank you for giving all of us this afternoon the gargantuan opportunity to discuss, yet again, in this august House, the important matter of the demon of racism and other related offences.

Before I start dealing with the details, allow me to draw the attention of the House to a few critical issues, issues that have been consistently raised in this august House. They are embodied and enshrined in our Constitution, basically enjoying all South Africans across the racial divide and spectrum. This Constitution provides an historic bridge between the parts of a divided society characterised by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice. It provides for a future founded on the recognition of human rights, on democracy and on peaceful co-existence and development opportunities for all South Africans, irrespective of colour, race, class, belief and sex.

I believe that as we discuss the issue of racism, we, as members of this House, need to do a number of things. Most important and to which I am sure all of us are going to respond, is that we should commit ourselves to the pursuit of the objectives contained in the Constitution of this country, democratic as it is, forever - as long as we live.

Significantly, we should ask ourselves in relation to what has already been said, how much progress we have made as a country, to ensure that we indeed create a nonracial society, so that as a country we indeed are able to heal the divisions of the past, and that we are indeed able to achieve peaceful coexistence for all our people, as well as creating development opportunities for all.

As a nation we should therefore move as rapidly as possible to transfer South Africa into a truly nonracial state. We must ensure that our country lives up to its constitutional commitment of transforming itself into a nonsexist, democratic and nonracial society. Our people have had enough of the kind of racist practices and tendencies which continue to bedevil society at all its levels, up to this very day.

For this to happen, we should call on all South Africans to join the fight to eradicate the legacy of apartheid in this country. We need a united offensive against racism and, indeed, a concerted effort must be made to advance the interests of those least capable of defending themselves, including our dearest children, women, the disabled, and the elderly who are the most vulnerable in this society.

If the situation in this country as it stands, persists … [Interjections.] I am sorry to point out, but the deranged fool that the hon member Lever is, has just said things that are trash and poppycock and has done so deliberately, in utter disrespect of this House …

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Order! Could you take your seat, hon member?

Yes, Mr Matthee?

Mr P A MATTHEE: Madam Chair, is it parliamentary to call a member of this House a deranged fool? I really want to ask that you make a ruling on that.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Mr Taabe, I do agree with the hon member. I do not think that is the kind of language I would like to allow in the NCOP and I would ask that you withdraw that comment.

Mr T B TAABE: Madam Chair, you have my retraction.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Thank you.

Mr T B TAABE: Madam Chair, the point that I was making is that if we allow the kind of situation that in this country we find ourselves to persist in spite of the gift of hope delivered to the people by the birth of democracy, the more entrenched will be the conviction that the concept of nation-building and a nonracial South Africa is a mere mirage, and that no basis exists, or will ever exist, for reconciliation to take place in this country. This is a fact.

The problem that some of us have is that when the President of this country, President Mbeki, consistently makes the point, and correctly so, that our past determines the present, in order for us to begin to deal decisively with the problems and the challenges facing this country, he invites hostile ridicule and protest.

This is, of course, from the white media, ably represented in this Chamber by the Democratic Alliance, and from the overtly racist opposition which has suddenly ganged up somewhat against anything that seeks to advance the cause of the historically disadvantaged in this country. This is something we are going to challenge.

When President Mbeki makes the point that no solution to the many current problems can be found in this country unless we begin to understand their historical origins, he is continually vilified, not only outside this Chamber, but in this very Chamber. He is castigated, he is demonised and he is called all sorts of names.

We must make it clear that when those who do anything to ensure that they reverse the kind of progress we have made as a country … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr M E SURTY: Madam Chair, as I look at you, an African woman presiding in this august House, I feel and I believe that the struggle for those who fought and laid down their lives in Sharpeville 41 years ago was, indeed, not in vain. When I look to my right I see a young, eloquent lady Minister

• representing the nation, I believe that the struggle of those who laid down their lives for our human rights was not in vain.

When I look at the discussions we had this morning among different political parties to commit ourselves to a resolution to fight racism and committing this country and this nation against racism, I believe that those who struggled and laid down their lives did not do so in vain. They did so for the affirmation of our human worth, our human dignity and for the commitment to a nonracial and nonsexist society.

I think it is important to understand the context in which this debate has taken and is taking place, namely that of a conference on nonracism which was convened by the Human Rights Commission. This was at the insistence of the President. It was very well attended and it was unanimously agreed that certain things had to be done by this country, not only by Government and not only by politicians, but by civil society, by NGOs, and by all citizens of this country, to combat racism.

The debate also takes place against the background of the fact that this year South Africa will be hosting the third United Nations conference against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. In other words, this debate is central to the theme of racism, racism which afflicts not only South African citizens, but racism which is a global phenomenon, which nations are grappling with and regarding which they are looking to South Africa for a solution. South Africa is a country which was able to marry diverse cultures, languages and races, united in action towards a better South Africa.

It is for this reason that we, as representatives, have a particular commitment, and responsibility, to ensuring that we do not go into denial mode, that we do not deny that racism is, in fact, the legacy with which we have to deal, that it still persists in our society, and that we have to take active steps in dealing with it.

I am rather disheartened at the suggestion that the proposal of the DP did not receive attention. I am glad that Mr Lever is here. I thank him for his kind remarks that the Chief Whip had done whatever was necessary in ensuring that we reconcile the views of the parties. We all agreed collectively - and I will go into the detail of this resolution - that apartheid was declared a crime against humanity. This was the common position and was confirmed by members of the opposition in their speeches. Mr Matthee, in particular, said that he never ever wanted to have the experience of an apartheid era or an apartheid experience.

We also confirmed that, despite the fact that South Africa is nonsexist, nonracial and democratic in terms of its Constitution, there are disturbing signs that racism persists. Its manifestations are evident, and there was no disagreement about that. We also agreed this morning that poverty, and a lack of education and health for the vast majority of our people are direct results of the structured and institutionalised racial oppression of the past. There was no dispute about that. There was common agreement between political parties in so far as that was concerned. Mr Durr last week also confirmed that he regarded poverty as a key element in terms of alleviating, removing or eliminating discrimination.

We also agreed that poverty has a direct relationship with illiteracy; with the incidence of pandemics, such as HIV/Aids, tuberculosis, cholera and malaria; and with the general marginalisation of the majority of our people, although the stress in terms of the other political parties was on HIV/Aids. However, there was agreement that these endemics were, in fact, caused quite directly by, or were directly related to, poverty. We agreed, also, that we should utilise the resources of our state in order to ensure that we confront these challenges and make all efforts to enhance the quality of the lives of our people.

If being in a nonracial society means the affirmation of our dignity, and the affirmation of our dignity means the enhancement of our self-esteem, then they occur only through enhancing education, and providing resources for health, for social welfare and for development of wellbeing. Human dignity cannot and will not be enhanced unless poverty is eliminated and unless we enhance the capacity of the individual to rely on his or her potential.

There has been no disagreement about any one of these aspects. We agreed collectively that we would support the millennium statement of the Human Rights Commission. We also agreed that we would commit ourselves to the programme of action. This brings me to Mr Durr’s point. Certainly reconciliation is important, but a programme of action of the Human Rights Commission, to which this House is committing itself, sets out a comprehensive programme in reconciling the different and diverse interests of this nation in confronting the challenge of racism. We also resolved quite collectively to declare 2001 to 2010 as the decade of national mobilisation against racism.

That is the South African context. This is the context within Parliament or within the National Council of Provinces. Given the fact that we have Human Rights Day on Wednesday, an event that will be celebrated by 35 000 community stations worldwide - worldwide! - to declare the day as a day against racism, not in South Africa, but worldwide, and 35 000 community stations are going to debate this, and given the fact that we are going to have the United Nations conference on racism which is an international conference that will take place in our country, it is appropriate that we in fact adopt a motion based on the key factor. The legacy that we come from is the legacy of apartheid. The basis of our division was generated and perpetuated through the institutionalised system of apartheid.

It is because the President raised the fact that there are two nations, that we are a divided nation, that we rise today to say that we have to confront racism, that we have to look an economic disparities that occur within our society. We have to look at social disparities, and we have to look at disparities in terms of health and welfare. I believe that, as divisive as this may seem to some members, it is, in fact, a historical milestone in bringing the nation to terms with the demon of racism.

Chairperson, having said that, I have circulated the resolution and, with your permission, may I please read the resolution for adoption? I assume that you will be putting the resolution …

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Your time has expired, hon member.

Mr M E SURTY: Chairperson, would you guide me in terms of the resolution?

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I will allow you an opportunity at the conclusion of the debate, hon member.

Mr M E SURTY: Oh, at the conclusion of the debate. Thank you so much, Chairperson. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER FOR JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT: Chairperson, I would like to thank you for this invitation to speak in the NCOP on this landmark debate on racism. But before I proceed to the body of my speech I need, possibly, to respond to some of the issues that have been raised this afternoon. I have tried to choose the most pertinent, but I want to thank all hon members for their contributions. So if hon members are not singled out, it is not because of the lack of importance thereof. I just have limited time.

I would also like to welcome back an old friend. It is great to see hon member Joyce Kgoali.

I just need to explain to Mr Matthee - I think this has been explained so often that I am loath to give time to it because of my limited speaking time - that the issue of statistics is really a nonissue. It is precisely because the Department of Safety and Security wants the information that is given to the public to be accurate, to be reliable and to be trustworthy that it has had to put a moratorium on it. Information collection practices that have been applied in the past are inappropriate and so are the classifications.

The department has employed and trained 300 additional people just to deal with statistics, and I have to say that the department is committed to providing appropriate statistics as soon as it can. I understood from the briefing we had at the beginning of this session that it would be before the end of June. So this is really a nonissue, and I really believe that the department will be able to give us statistics that we can rely on - I honestly do.

The second issue is in response, possibly, to the hon Botha’s very defensive little points of order, and I will not use my own words. I will use the words of the editor from the Business Day, and this was not intended for my speech here, but for another speech that I had prepared for later on this afternoon:

White farmers have a special history to live down. The labour regime on farms has been repressive and patriarchal. Because they own so much of South Africa, farmers are seen as the prime expropriators of indigenous land. They were one of main client bases of the NP during apartheid. In a country ruled by the black majority, they need to go out of their way to be sensitive to those who share the land with them.

It is precisely because there is no evidence of this that people respond in the emotional and painful way that they do. I would appeal to all farmers, and I have seen many, many farmers in my constituency that do a great deal towards land reform, but I have seen too many cases where people of colour, Africans and coloureds, particularly in the Free State, get the rawest deal on farms, and we have to change that around. We just have to.

Then I have to respond to the hon Lever, who attempts unsuccessfully to fudge the issue of racism by quoting selectively from a statement by the Human Rights Commission on racism. The HRC has expressed itself on racism in that statement and in other forums and documents on the separate issues of poverty and HIV - and this is appropriate. This forum, here today, is to discuss the issue of racism, and that is very important. His is an exercise in convoluted extrapolation and absolutely obscure deduction.

We will resist the attempts of the DP to look away from the single issue that defines that party, its policies and its approach to this debate and to the majority of the people in this country. Are they not the people who opposed the enabling legislation for the procurement of cheap medicines to deal with Aids? They really have to get their house in order on this issue, because they are all over the place.

The Government, as hon members know, was petitioned by the National Conference on Racism, held from 30 August to 2 September last year, to declare the period 2001 to 2010 the decade for mobilisation against racism. Hon members will recall that President Mbeki introduced the theme during his address at the official opening of Parliament on 4 February 2000. He then called for a national conference on racism to be convened and requested the SA Human Rights Commission to lead the task. As hon members well remember, it led to another cathartic moment in post-apartheid South African history.

This momentum is being maintained with South Africa hosting the third UN World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Forms of Intolerance in Durban later this year. It is anticipated that close to 150 countries will attend and participate in the Third World Conference Against Racism - I had to separate third'' andworld’’ distinctly - with close to 20 000 delegates attending. And there will be a parallel conference of the international NGOs where it is anticipated that close to 12 000 delegates will be participating.

The invitation to host the conference came at the request of the UN Commission on Human Rights and High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, who recognised South Africa’s unique role and experience in providing the setting for the proposed action campaign. We feel greatly honoured that the international community, in recognition of our commitment to the struggle for a nonracial world, should have chosen our country to host such an important international gathering.

We are committed to act in unity with the rest of the world to confront this challenge together with, and under the guidance of, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights when we host the auspicious international event during August this year. We are convinced that this important initiative will help to move our country faster towards the realisation of the goals contained in our Constitution of the creation of a nonracial and nonsexist society. The declaration of the period 2001 to 2010 as the decade for national mobilisation against racism will serve to fulfil other very important objectives. It will enable us as a country, as a nation and as a people to place the problem of racism on the national agenda; to have a national focus on the problems of racism; to raise the level of national consciousness about the problem; to develop clear timeframes for tackling the problems of racism; and to develop a long-term strategy, as opposed to ad hoc, incident-related responses for combating racism.

Our successes in the struggle to move our country from apartheid to democracy have led many people to reach the premature conclusion that racism in South Africa is dead. This is despite the obvious and naked fact that to this day the racial divisions, inequalities and prejudices of our past continue to characterise our society. Some in our country are so determined to close their eyes to reality that those who are forced to swallow the bitter fruit of racial inequality and arrogance are regularly rebuked for speaking out against the pain they continue to endure.

We all cringe when we see or hear about naked acts of racism when we switch on the television or tune in to the radio. But these reports continue to expose the thorn in this nation’s flesh. These are often shocking images we see, or words that we read, however repugnant, fulfilling an important function in that they bring us face to face with the brutality of the racism that will continue to exist in our society unless all of us engage this beast, consciously and systematically. This requires all of us to promote the understanding of the nature, meaning and manifestations of racism in our country, and to participate in programmes for the elimination of all forms of racism.

I sincerely believe that we must never forget that the origins of Human Rights Day, which we will all be celebrating tomorrow, were born in the valiant fight against racism by consecutive generations of racially oppressed South Africans. It is our duty to remind our youth, time and again, of the battles, of the struggles, of the sacrifices that were made to achieve our democracy and freedom, and that these were often the supreme sacrifice.

The 21st of March is one of those days which are immortalised in our history. We must never forget the bravery of our people and their refusal to accept an unjust and brutally repressive regime, when on that day, on 21 March 1960, tens of thousands marched to the police station in Sharpeville to hand over their hated dompas to the authorities and choose, consciously and willingly, imprisonment rather than denigration and humiliation.

So every year when we commemorate Human Rights Day we must remember that we are paying tribute to our brave forebears and to those marchers who were brutally murdered on that day. But our celebrations of our freedom are also marked by sadness, as we remember the supreme sacrifice so many had to make so that today we can indeed taste the sweet fruit of liberty.

The events which took place at Sharpeville all those years ago so horrified and inspired the world that this day was chosen by the United Nations for the coming into force of the international convention against the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, which, as members know, became the first international treaty which our new democratic Government signed and ratified.

Let us also remember how significant 21 March has become, not only to South Africans, but to the international community, for tomorrow is not only South Africa’s Human Rights Day but is also celebrated internationally as a day against racism.

Let us all join hands in a show of strength and commitment to finally defeat racism so that we can celebrate true reconciliation on future Human Rights days. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: Chairperson, I move:

That the Council -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  apartheid was declared a crime against humanity;


   (b)  despite the fact that South Africa now has a nonsexist,
       nonracial, democratic Constitution, there are disturbing signs
       that racism still persists in our society;


   (c)  the lack of education and health for the vast majority of South
       Africans is a direct result of the structured and
       institutionalised racial oppression of the past;


   (d)  poverty has given rise to illiteracy, to a high incidence of
       pandemics such as HIV/Aids, tuberculosis, cholera and malaria,
       and to the general marginalisation of our people;


   (e)  we should effectively utilise national resources to confront
       these challenges and make all efforts to enhance the quality of
       the lives of our people;

(2) supports the Millennium Statement on Racism and Programme of Action as adopted at the National Conference on Racism organised by the South African Human Rights Commission; and

(3) resolves to declare 2001 to 2010 as the Decade for National Mobilisation against Racism.

Mr C ACKERMANN: Chairperson, I move as an amendment:

That paragraphs (2) and (3) be substituted by the following paragraphs:

(2) further notes that -

   (a)  the gap between rich and poor in South Africa is becoming wider;


   (b)  millions of South Africans live in poverty with all the social
       ills which poverty brings; and


   (c)  stunted physical and intellectual development of many of our
       children is a result of poverty;

(3) finally notes that HIV/Aids poses a threat of enormous consequences, with the pandemic certain to cause the deaths of millions of people within the next decade; and

(4) therefore resolves to declare the period 2001 to 2010 as the Decade for National Mobilisation against Racism, Poverty and Aids.

Amendment put. Declaration of vote:

Mnr C ACKERMANN: Voorsitter, die Wes-Kaap stel hierdie amendement voor omdat ons glo dat werklike nasiebou nie net berus op die eenvoudige konsep dat indien rassisme uitgeroei word hemel op aarde sal neerdaal nie. Welvaartskepping, onmiddellike optrede teen die verspreiding van Vigs en die uitroei van rassisme sal eerder die glinsterskim van die reënboognasie laat skyn as die etikettering en bemoddering van rassegroepe en spesifieke boere.

Vir my ruik dit na die chaos in Zimbabwe. As die Wes-Kaap so sleg is, waarom stroom duisende Suid-Afrikaners na hierdie provinsie, in so mate dat ons departemente van onderwys, gesondheid en maatskaplike dienste steier onder ‘n dramatiese toename in aanvraag? Die rede is dat die ANC die rassetamboer slaan omdat hulle faal in werkskepping, faal om Vigs vas te vat, faal om ‘n beter lewe vir al die mense te skep en net slaag om sommige comrades te bevoordeel. Lippediens aan armoede, lippediens aan Vigs, twee sake wat nie deel uitmaak van paragraaf (3) van die mosie nie, is nie vir ons aanvaarbaar nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.) [Mr C ACKERMANN: Chairperson, the Western Cape is moving this amendment because we believe that true nation-building is not just based on the simple concept that if racism is eradicated there will be heaven on earth. The creation of prosperity, immediate action against the spread of Aids and the eradication of racism stand a better chance at letting the phantom glitter of the rainbow nation shine than the labelling and besmirching of racial groups and specific farmers.

To me this smells of the chaos in Zimbabwe. If the Western Cape is so bad, why are thousands of South Africans flocking to this province, to the extent that our departments of education, of health and of social services are staggering under a dramatic increase in demand? The reason is that the ANC is beating the drum of racism because they are failing at job creation, failing to tackle Aids, failing to create a better life for all, and are only succeeding in favouring some comrades. Lip-service to poverty, lip- service to Aids, two issues that are not part of paragraph (3) of the motion, are unacceptable to us.]

We say we should, in the words of President Mandela during a speech in February 1996, bring out the best in all of us and, like our sportspeople, perform better everywhere. We have to expand the economy and create jobs, improve the quality of life for all, expand the frontiers of freedom and ensure comprehensive security for all our citizens.

The provinces cast their votes as follows:

AYES - 8: Eastern Cape, Free State, Gauteng, Kwazulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, Northern Cape, Northern Province, North West.

NOES - 1: Western Cape.

Motion accordingly agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

The Council adjourned at 16:28.

                             __________

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                       WEDNESDAY, 7 MARCH 2001

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 22 -
 Land Affairs and the Registration of Deeds Trading Account for 1999-
 2000 [RP 131-2000].

                       THURSDAY, 8 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and the Select Committee on Finance:


     (a)     Government Notice No R.164 published in Government Gazette
          No 22084 dated 23 February 2001, Policy Holder protection
          rules under the Short-Term Insurance Act, 1998, made in terms
          of section 55 of the Short-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 53
          of 1998).


     (b)     Government Notice No R.165 published in Government Gazette
          No 22085 dated 23 February 2001, Policy Holder protection
          rules under the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998, made in terms
          of section 62 of the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 52
          of 1998).


 (2)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Foreign Affairs and the Select Committee on Economic Affairs:


     Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
     and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil to
     establish a Joint Commission, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
     the Constitution, 1996.


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committees on
     Agriculture and Land Affairs, on Minerals and Energy, on
     Environmental Affairs and Tourism, on Health, on Communications,
     on Transport, on Education, on Trade and Industry and on Public
     Works. It is also referred to the Select Committees on Land and
     Environmental Affairs, on Economic Affairs, on Social Services, on
     Labour and Public Enterprises, on Public Services and on Education
     and Recreation:


     Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
     and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil on
     Technical Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
     Constitution, 1996.


 (4)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Health and the Select Committee on Social Services:
     (a)     Government Notice No R.44 published in Government Gazette
          No 21983 dated 19 January 2001, Regulations relating to
          registration as a Dental Technician and related matters, made
          in terms of section 50 of the Dental Technicians Act, 1979
          (Act No 19 of 1979).


     (b)     Government Notice No R.43 published in Government Gazette
          No 21983 dated 19 January 2001, Regulations regarding
          processed foodstuffs, made in terms of section 15(1) of the
          Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act, 1972 (Act No 54
          of 1972).


     (c)     Government Notice No R.127 published in Government Gazette
          No 22052 dated 12 February 2001, Regulations in terms of the
          Allied Health Professions Act, 1982, made in terms of section
          38 of the Allied Health Professions Act, 1982 (Act No 63 of
          1982).


     (d)     Government Notice No R.16 published in Government Gazette
          No 22052 dated 12 February 2001, Commencement of the
          Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health Service
          Professions Second Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 50 of 2000) on
          12 February 2001, made in terms of section 41 of the
          Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health Service
          Professions Second Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 50 of 2000).


     (e)     Government Notice No R.156 published in Government Gazette
          No 22076 dated 23 February 2001, Regulations regarding the
          registration and training of Student Dental Technicians and
          Student Dental Technologists, made in terms of section 50 of
          the Dental Technicians Act, 1979 (Act No 19 of 1979).

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:

 Report and Financial Statements of the Board of Control of the
 Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal for 1999-2000.

                        FRIDAY, 9 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    On 9 March 2001 the following Bill, at the request of the
     Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry, was introduced in the
     National Council of Provinces by the Select Committee on Land and
     Environmental Affairs. It was referred to the Joint Tagging
     Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:


     (i)     National Forest and Fire Laws Amendment Bill [B 14 - 2001]
          (National Council of Provinces - sec 76) - (Select Committee
          on Land and Environmental Affairs - National Council of
          Provinces) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior notice of
          its introduction published in Government Gazette No 22065 of
          16 February 2001.]

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Finance:

 (a)    Report of the Registrar of Short-Term Insurance for 1999-2000.


 (b)    Report of the Registrar of Long-Term Insurance for 1999-2000.

                       TUESDAY, 13 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 13 March 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bill as a section 75
     Bill:


     (i)     South African Boxing Bill [B 13 - 2001] (National Assembly
          - sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation -
          National Assembly).


 (2)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 13 March 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(4), classified the following Bill as a section 76
     Bill:


     (i)     National Forest and Fire Laws Amendment Bill [B 14 - 2001]
          (National Council of Provinces - sec 76) - (Select Committee
          on Land and Environmental Affairs - National Council of
          Provinces).

National Council of Provinces:

1. The Chairperson: The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees, viz:

 Local Government and Administration:


 Appointed: Krumbock, G R; Lever, L G (Alt).


 Finance:


 Discharged: Krumbock, G R.

                      WEDNESDAY, 14 MARCH 2001

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:

 Regulations in terms of the Promotion of Access to Information Act,
 2000, tabled in terms of section 92(2) of the Promotion of Access to
 Information Act, 2000 (Act No 2 of 2000).

                       THURSDAY, 15 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs and to
     the Select Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
     22 - Land Affairs and the Registration of Deeds Trading Account
     for 1999-2000 [RP 131-2000].


 (2)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Arts, Culture, Science and Technology and to the Select Committee
     on Education and Recreation:


     Report and Financial Statements of the Board of Control of the
     Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal for 1999-2000.


 (3)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and to the Select Committee on Finance:


     (a)     Report of the Registrar of Short-Term Insurance for 1999-
          2000.


     (b)     Report of the Registrar of Long-Term Insurance for 1999-
          2000.


 (4)    The following paper, submitted to Parliament on 8 March 2001 in
     terms of section 92(2) of the Promotion of Access to Information
     Act, 2000 is referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and
     Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee on Security
     and Constitutional Affairs for consideration and report:


     Regulations in terms of the Promotion of Access to Information
     Act, 2000 (Act No 2 of 2000).

National Council of Provinces:

1. The Chairperson:

 (1)    The vacancy in the representation of the Province of the Eastern
     Cape, which occurred owing to the resignation of Mr L Suka on 1
     March 2001, has been filled with effect from 2 March 2001 by the
     appointment of Mr Z Nogumla.


 (2)    The vacancy in the representation of the Province of Gauteng,
     which occurred owing to the resignation of Mrs R A Ndzanga on 28
     February 2001, has been filled with effect from 8 March 2001 by
     the appointment of Ms L Kgoali. TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Safety and Security:

 Report of the Independent Complaints Directorate in compliance with the
 Domestic Violence Act, 1998 for the period June to December 2000,
 submitted to Parliament in terms of section 18(5)(c) of the Domestic
 Violence Act, 1998 (Act No 116 of 1998).


 To be referred to the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security,
 Select Committee on Security and Constitutional Affairs and to the
 Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of Quality of Life and
 Status of Women.

                        MONDAY, 19 MARCH 2001

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

   Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statement of Vote No 24 - Public Enterprises for 1999-2000 [RP133].

2. The Minister of Education:

   (1) Government Notice No 1195 published in Government Gazette No 21783 dated 22 November 2000, Education Laws Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 53 of 2000).

   (2) Government Notice No 1196 published in Government Gazette No 21784 dated 22 November 2000, Higher Education Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 54 of 2000).

   (3) Government Notice No 1355 published in Government Gazette No 21783 dated 13 December 2000, Adult Basic Education and Training Act, 2000 (Act No 52 of 2000).

   (4) Government Notice No 73 published in Government Gazette No 22002 dated 22 January 2001, Amendment of Statute of the University of Venda, made in terms of section 32 of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of 1997).

   (5) Government Notice No 74 published in Government Gazette No 22003 dated 22 January 2001, Amendment of Statute of the Technikon Free State, made in terms of section 32 of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of 1997).

   (6) Government Notice No 75 published in Government Gazette No 22004 dated 22 January 2001, Amendment of Statute of the Technikon Natal, made in terms of section 32 of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of 1997).

   (7) Government Notice No 121 published in Government Gazette No 22031 dated 9 February 2001, Item for inclusion as an addendum to the National Policy on the Conduct of Senior Certificate Examination: Supplementary Examination, made in terms of section 3(4)(l) of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).

   (8) Government Notice No 122 published in Government Gazette No 22031 dated 9 February 2001, Item for inclusion as an addendum to the National Policy on the Conduct of Senior Certificate Examination: Memorandum, made in terms of section 3(4)(l) of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).

   (9) Government Notice No 123 published in Government Gazette No 22031 dated 9 February 2001, Item for inclusion as an addendum to the National Policy on the Conduct of Senior Certificate Examination: Meetings of Examiners and Moderators, made in terms of section 3(4)(l) of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).

3. The Minister of Finance:

 Report and Financial Statements of the South African Revenue Service
 for 1999-2000, including Reports of the Auditor-General on the
 Financial Statements of the South African Revenue Service: Administered
 Revenue and Financial Statements of the South African Revenue Service:
 Own Accounts for 1999-2000.

1. The Minister for Provincial and Local Government:

 (1)    Report and Financial Statement of the Board for Municipal
     Accountants for 1998-99.


 (2)    Report and Financial Statement of the Board for Municipal
     Accountants for 1999-2000.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 (1)    Framework Agreement for the creation of a Free Trade Area
     between Mercosul and the Republic of South Africa, tabled in terms
     of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.


 (2)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Framework Agreement.

National Council of Provinces:

1. The Chairperson:

The Millenium Statement on Racism and Programme of Action, adopted by
 the National Conference on Racism held on 30 August - 2 September 2000
 at Sandton, Johannesburg.

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Council of Provinces:

1. Report of the Select Committee on Members’ and Provincial Legislative Proposals on the proposed Pan South African Language Board Amendment Bill, dated 9 March 2001:

   The Select Committee on Members’ and Provincial Legislative Proposals, having considered the proposed Pan South African Language Board Amendment Bill, submitted by Mr A E van Niekerk and referred to the Committee, recommends, in terms of Rule 179(4)(a), that permission be given to proceed with the proposed legislation and, in terms of Rule 179(5)(c), that the proposal be proceeded with subject to the condition that the Select Committee on Education and Recreation be provided with research on the appropriate mechanisms to give Pansalb a means of enforcing its rulings.

 Report to be considered.

                       TUESDAY, 20 MARCH 2001

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

(i)     Report and Financial Statements of Investment South Africa for
    1999-2000.