National Assembly - 12 February 2002
TUESDAY, 12 FEBRUARY 2002 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:00.
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.
APPOINTMENT OF CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY
(Announcement)
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
The Speaker announced that Ms N N Mapisa-Nqakula had been appointed Chief Whip of the Majority Party with effect from 1 December 2001.
NEW MEMBERS
(Announcement)
The Speaker announced that vacancies had occurred in the National Assembly owing to the resignation of the following members: Mr M Gigaba (ANC), Mr T L Makunyane (ANC), Mr I L Maphotho (ANC), Dr R T Rhoda (New NP), Adv A H Gaum (New NP), Mr H A Smit (New NP), Mr G E Baloi (UCDP) and Mr M A Mangena (AZAPO) and that these vacancies had been filled, in accordance with item 6(3) of Schedule 6 to the Constitution, 1996, by the nomination of the following members: Ms N F Mathibela (ANC), Mr M G Phadagi (ANC), Mr L R R Reid (ANC), Mr C B Herandien (New NP), Mr C R Redcliffe (New NP), Mr P Uys (New NP), Ms M A Seeco (UCDP) and Mr P J Nefolovhodwe (AZAPO).
The dates of appointment of these members had been published in the Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports of 13 December 2001 and members had taken the oath or solemn affirmation in the Speaker’s office.
APPOINTMENT OF DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION
(Announcement)
The SPEAKER: Order! Members will remember that last year, we amended the Constitution to make it possible for the President to appoint no more than two Deputy Ministers from outside the National Assembly.
Mr M A Mangena has been appointed Deputy Minister of Education in terms of section 93(1)(b) of the Constitution, 1996, with effect from 1 December 2001.
COPY OF PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS
(Announcement) The Speaker announced that she had received a copy of the President of the Republic's address delivered at a Joint Sitting on Friday, 8 February 2002, and that the speech had been printed in the minutes of the Joint Sitting.
PRESIDENT'S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS
(Debate)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon members, today, in the year of the volunteer for the reconstruction and development of our country, I wish to dedicate this speech to one of the stalwarts and chief volunteers of the ANC, Comrade Wilton Mkwayi. [Applause.]
In 1955, our people converged at the Congress of the People in Kliptown to discuss the kind of a South Africa they want to build. They derived an important demand which captured the imagination of the young and old, a demand which encapsulated a vision for a future South Africa and a battle cry for different generations engaged in a struggle for a united, free, nonracial, non-sexist and democratic South Africa.
They sought to do this because of their frustration with the manner in which our country was being governed. They also understood and hoped that this country could be run better for the benefit of all who live in it, and thus loudly proclaimed: ``The people shall govern.’’
The fourth session of our second democratic Parliament began on Friday with the formal opening address by the President of the Republic. Millions of our people watched this event with pride and profound interest. That in itself bears testimony to the gigantic strides we are making in democritising our country. Our people watched these proceedings with keen interest, because to them it was, indeed, a celebration of freedom and democracy; a celebration of coming to fruition of that important clause of the Freedom Charter which inspired different generations of our people, young and old, to engage in a struggle to fight against the white minority regime and replace it with a government that is based on the will of the people.
The mood of excitement and expectation associated with this event epitomises the change from the undemocratic past that was characterised by uninspiring and unfriendly institutions. Contrary to our past, our democratic Parliament has become an institution on which our people pin their hopes for deliverance from hunger and want. This does not hold through for the previous parliament, which was an expression of oppression, exploitation and racial discrimination.
This year marks the seventh year since the advent of democracy in our country. We have progressed in working towards a Parliament which reflects and enhances the processes of democratic change. steadily but surely we are making strides in transforming our country. The slogan ``the people shall govern’’ is now a reality which inspires our people to deepen and advance our cause to build a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. The hon the President’s inspiring address to this House sounded a clarion call to the entire nation. It has clearly articulated what we need to do as South Africans, to succeed and be a winning nation. The focus we continue to place on the struggle to eradicate poverty, is further confirmation of the commitment that this Government has to build a better life for all. He correctly pointed out that the central question that we would have to answer at the end of the day is:
… whether what we are doing as the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, as well as the fourth estate and civil society, is helping to lift from the shoulders of our people the intolerable burden of poverty and underdevelopment.
The focus of my speech is to define the central role that Parliament must play in rolling back the frontiers of poverty and building a better life for all. Parliament has an obligation of passing legislation which governs our people’s lives. The legislation that has been passed in this institution since 1994 has provided a legal framework to improve the quality of the life of our people and to accelerate the transformation of our society.
Public representatives also have a responsibility to discharge their obligations as members of this institution. They have to represent the interests of the people who elected them to this institution. We have a heavy burden of ensuring that our democracy functions properly, and that it addresses the interest of the majority of our people. This means, amongst other things, that we must be accountable to the public; we must report back to the public and raise public mandates in this institution, Parliament.
The tasks that face our public representatives are enormous and it becomes important that as Parliament continues to transform itself to become a peoples Parliament, it must develop appropriate systems to support and empower public representatives to carry their mandates with greater levels of efficiency and professionalism. We need to do more to equip our public representatives with skills for information technology and other forms of training. Parliament needs to develop the most appropriate infrastructure - physical and human resources - to enable us to fulfil our constitutional prerogative. Most importantly, we need to define in clear and unambiguous terms the kind of public representatives that can be oriented to focus on the historic challenge of the eradication of poverty.
Our work as this august House needs to be judged on the extent to which we contribute to the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment in our own country. By way of introspection, we need to acknowledge the fact that this House through its debates and other work, has not performed with unity of purpose and action to the achievement of our national goal of building a caring and people-centred society.
Short-term political point-scoring tended to be the main determining factor of some pronouncements and policy positions. We, in the ANC, have always sought to build national consensus on fundamental matters that confront our nation.
We welcome the commitment by our Government to continue embarking on a comprehensive strategy to fight the scourge of HIV/Aids in our society. We can say, without fear of contradiction, that our Government cares about the HIV/Aids pandemic, which continues to ruin the lives of our people. However, we must inculcate a sense of responsibility and sensitivity amongst ourselves as public representatives in the manner in which we deal with issues of this nature. We cannot afford to politicise a matter of live and death such as HIV/Aids.
Last year, we witnessed a number of statements and actions which undermined the integrity of the House. These statements were made because of an obscure understanding of the notion of oversight. A simplistic and narrow understanding of the oversight function of this Parliament only means, for the DP and its cohorts, that the legislature should have adversarial relations with the executive. This is not our understanding.
Our premise in understanding oversight moves from the understanding that we need to move in unity to roll back the frontiers of poverty and, at the same time, strengthen our democracy. This means that we need to have constructive relations with the executive without compromising our oversight responsibility. Therefore, our task is to see to it that Government’s policy is in line with the supreme law of the country and that Government’s programme is implemented within the legislative framework passed in Parliament. Where there are mistakes and shortcomings in implementing Government’s policies, the legislature should be able to intervene timeously and sensitise the executive and the public about these shortcomings.
Therefore, this means that there has to be a constructive and dynamic interaction between the legislature and the executive, as they both operate within the framework of the Constitution of our country, and have a common goal of eradicating poverty, strengthening our democracy and developing our society.
The challenges that face our country are enormous. Our people expect public representatives to provide guidance and hope during these trying times. We need to mobilise and rally our people behind the agenda of transformation, if we have the political will to strengthen this new democracy. Political parties represented in this House have diverse backgrounds and constituencies with diverse interests which are, sometimes, contradictory. Yet, there are issues that cut across different sectors, class, racial and religious groupings, which are of common concern to all of us.
It thus becomes imperative that, despite our differences as political parties, we need to identify issues which are of common concern to all of us and jointly seek solutions. We need to do this in the spirit and commitment of building a new nation.
The ANC is committed to working with all political parties to reach national consensus without compromising our people-centred policies. In pursuit of this objective, we cannot be blinded into believing that all opposition political parties are necessarily patriotic. We must be able to distinguish between a patriotic opposition and a counter-revolutionary opposition. [Applause.] By so doing, we will certainly be moving away from our painful past, which has been characterised by racism and racial divisions.
The President of the Republic of South Africa, His Excellency Comrade Thabo Mbeki, made a clarion call to the people to join the Vuk’uzenzele campaign. This calls on our people to play an active role in the process of positive change. The January 8 statement declared this year, the year of the volunteers for reconstruction and development. Following this declaration, there has been an emergence of movement of volunteers, and this has been particularly evident during the period of the reopening of schools. We saw public representatives painting and visiting schools because they need to build on this important development and maintain its momentum.
The programme of Parliament has been designed in a manner that allows public representatives to spend more time with their constituencies. The Vuk’uzenzele campaign challenges all of us to work amongst our people and to provide much-needed leadership to the constituencies we represent, to rejuvenate the spirit of volunteerism and mobilise our people to be part of this campaign.
This year we need to focus our energies on, one, doing our work, particularly constituency work; two, informing our constituencies of the work in progress in Parliament and in Government; and, three, listening to the concerns of the people and ensuring that these are presented in Parliament.
We are mindful of the fact that our strong and stable democracy requires that we work with our neighbouring countries for the reconstruction and development of the region, in order for our own democracy to be stable. Parliament has over the years developed an international relations policy which is underpinned by the spirit of world peace, democracy and development. We have developed strategic partnerships with parliaments in the region and continent, so that we together exchange ideas, based on our experiences, to strengthen our democracy and development.
It is for that reason that the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa, with the permission of the presiding officer in this House, will be sending a multiparty delegation to Zimbabwe to oversee the Presidential elections in that country. We hope that our presence, together with that of other international observer missions, will contribute to the creation of condusive conditions for the people of Zimbabwe to elect a President of their choice.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, we meet in this Parliament in very sombre times. The DA offer our condolences to grieving families of the 25 victims of the accidents in Kwazulu-Natal last Tuesday.
Siyabakhumbula kakhulu labo bantu abashonelwe engozini yezitimela kwaDukuza. [We deeply regret the passing away of the people who died in the train accident at Stanger.]
Ons dink ook aan die duisende Suid-Afrikaners wat desperaat voel as gevolg van die Saambou-debakel. Hierdie Parlement moet aan hierdie twee sake dringende aandag gee. [We also think of the thousands of South Africans who are desperate as a result of the Saambou debacle. This Parliament must pay urgent attention to these two issues.]
Let me also wish the President well for recovering so speedily from his accident yesterday … [Interjections] … and let me straightaway give him credit for his Government’s achievements, notably the provision of water, electricity and housing to several million poor people. Any success in alleviating poverty and advancing democracy will always receive the support and congratulations of the DA. For the achievements the President stated on Friday, he has our support.
But if the Government is to get the credit for its successes, then it must also take responsibility for its failures. Regrettably, the Government is failing the people on the biggest challenges of our times: advancing democracy, building prosperity, providing security, combating Aids and creating opportunity. These are the large issues, and too often they receive from this Government small answers.
Friday’s address to this House, whatever its other merits, left me convinced that we exist in two realities. In the President’s reality, a GDP growth rate of 2% is acceptable under present circumstances. Our HIV/Aids programme, he told the World Economic Forum, is among the best in the world and that the fight against crime is going as well as can be expected.
In the Presidents reality we need, I quote: ... Only build on the
foundation which has been laid.''
In the President's reality many of our problems are best explained by
carefully cultivated pessimism and despair’’. As if all our major
problems were matters of perception. But once the President decides that it
is about perceptions or prejudice, then the game is all about bullying
editors and buying off a portion of the opposition, as indeed he has
already done.
But still the problems remain, and the problems cry out for resolution. It is not a matter of perception that unemployment is up and growth is dangerously down, that Aids is killing the nation, that crime is rampant, that Zimbabwe is collapsing and that our currency is in crisis. These are all hard facts and they proceed from other equally hard facts.
And the hardest fact of all is that by its own promise, and by the expectations of our people, Government is a long way off course. That is the people’s reality, a reality of facts with immediate, tangible, painful human consequences. And I regard it as our duty, I would like to say to the President, to articulate that reality in this House.
The President quoted on Friday, and it is his good and great right to do so, from a very praiseworthy study by the University of Stellenbosch on the current performance of Government. But the other reality of our economic situation was bluntly articulated last year by the Centre for Development and Enterprise, another think-tank, in the following way:
The implications for the expected rate of economic growth …
And it was then projected at 3,5% GDP -
… comes close to being a national disaster. The simple fact is that unless we are able to achieve 5% to 6% growth per year sustained over a long period, we are not going to be able to reduce the backlog of unemployment and poverty in South Africa.
Now, against the currently projected growth of 2%, a national disaster becomes a people’s tragedy. The President, on Friday, drew attention to certain statistics. As is his good right, he took credit for their achievement.
But let us also discuss some other hard facts and some other statistics that were omitted from Friday’s speech. Since 1998 unemployment in this country has grown conservatively by more than 1 million. From 1994 to the year 2000, 174 000 people were murdered in South Africa. More people die of Aids in South Africa every week than died in the World Trade Centre on September 11. South Africa has the highest incidence of rape in the world. The poorest 10% of our people are worse off than they were in 1993. Only 25% of South African households are secure in their supply of food, and that statistic was given to us by the Minister in answer to a question.
Last week’s released Global Competitiveness Report 2001-2002 found that out of 75 countries, South Africa rated last in maths and science, came third from the bottom for labour relations and only 71st for investment. Since 1994 the rand has dropped from R3,61 against the dollar to R11,49. That is the reality in terms of which we have to discuss all our plans, all our policies and from which to advance our principles.
Yet in the state-of-the-nation address last week there was a great measure, with respect, of wishful thinking. One was left with the impression, in terms of the President’s analyis, that with a little tinkering over here, a slight adjustment over there, a spot of fine-tuning somewhere else and a couple of conferences, we will somehow succeed in turning that stark reality on its head.
If only it were so. But the truth is that South Africa needs a bold, creative, radical programme underpinned by visionary leadership. It is far easier to be critical than it is to be correct, so the fair question, one that will appeal immensely to the last speaker since it was formulated by V I Lenin, is: What is to be done? [Interjections.]
First, we must unchain the economy. There are a number of steps that Government promises to make, does not make or should make. May I just suggest some of them? We should privatise decisively. The President last year promised privatisation - more spoken of than seen - starting with the Telkom IPO, Denel and Safcol.
The President, two and a half years ago, promised an overhaul of our labour legislation. Why are the potential employers not given reason to invest?. Deregulating the environment is the best thing we could do for small and medium-sized business.
The hon the President drew attention to unemployment. Two years ago, the Government collected nearly a million rand in the Umsobomvu Fund. Where is it? Why do we not use it for practical job creation programmes, instead of wasting money on a growth and development fund? In the face of massive poverty and joblessness, we believe that the Government has a duty to help those who cannot help themselves. We therefore welcome the President’a announcement on Friday that higher-than-inflation increases in old age pensions and child grants will be given.
But, frankly, that is the beginning of the question and not the end of the problem. That does not go far enough. We proposed - and we will do so again in the Budget debate, in a few weeks’ time - a basic subsistence grant which will at least give R110 a month to the desperately poor, to put food on the table. We will elaborate on this mechanism and on the funding in that debate.
Secondly, we must have a fundamental change on our HIV/Aids policy. It was quite extraordinary on Friday that the President displayed a bold and ready acceptance for the very controversial science of dating primordial artifacts, such as the exciting find at Blomboskuil. But on the other hand, the President resolutely refuses to accept the overwhelming evidence of science and medicine on HIV and Aids.
We keep hearing - and perhaps we are tired of hearing - about newspaper people who have taken to interpreting the President’s words, with the help of some selective off-the-record briefings, suggesting to us that despite appearances, the President has actually changed his stance on this crucial issue. But the signals are entirely mixed. The President and his party as recently as two weeks ago, in the words of Mr Smuts Ngonyama, said that the importation of antiretrovirals into the country could ``open our country to biological warfare’’. We have heard it all before and frankly, we do not believe it anymore.
If in fact there is a change in policy, why cannot the President say so in a manner that is straightforward and intelligent? Why on this unbelievably life and death matter, this war that is devouring our nation and the children of South Africa, do we have to be Kremlinologists to read between the lines or to study tea leaves? For example it is incomprehensible to infer that there has been a policy u-turn on mother-to-child programmes when the Government itself is undergoing an appeal against the court ruling in favour of the provision of Nevirapine to HIV positive pregnant women. What we need is an unequivical, unambiguous and urgent statement that as matter of fact, not a matter of assumption, HIV does cause Aids. That must be the foundation of the programme. In addition, there is a whole host of things that should be done, can be done and presumably, must be done.
Provide antiretrovirals to all pregnant women with HIV - and may I say that this was first mooted in this Parliament by this party as long ago as June
- Provide all rape survivors with access to antiretrovirals where indicated. Expand our antiretroviral provision incrementally from there - it should not just stop there! The programme should start with all children. There are many children dying in our hospital of Aids who are not babies. We need to expand and roll out the programme to them.
Thirdly, we must revolutionise our approach to combating crime. We simply cannot allow Government to become anaethetised to the levels of violent crime that plague our people, including the horrendous incidence of baby rape.
Die DA het in die afgelope jaar verskeie stukke privaat ledewetgewing oor misdaad op die Tafel geplaas. Verskeie beleidsinisiatiewe is ook aangekondig wat hier in die Wes-Kaap toegepas is. Ons sal egter weer tydens die begrotingsdebatte daaraan aandag gee. [In the past year various pieces of private members’ legislation on crime have been tabled by the DA. Various policy initiatives were also announced which were implemented here in the Western Cape. We shall, however, pay attention to these again during the budget debates.]
But there is one concrete proposal that I will make here today. Scrap the next round of the arms procurement deal and spend the money instead on strengthening our criminal justice system. [Applause.] Dr Delport will elaborate on this point later today.
Given the reality of our situation, how is it that Government can afford R60 billion in armaments against an imaginary foreign enemy, when it cannot afford to fight the real enemy in our midst, namely the criminal.
Fourthly, we must put our policy on Zimbabwe - which is having such a massive effect on our international investment situation and positioning - right side up by turning our face against the profound wrongs of the government in Harare. Let me immediately say that I am …
An HON MEMBER: What about Israel?
The LEADER OF THE OFFICIAL OPPOSITION: It was not a member of SADC when I last checked! Maybe you would like to make it a member.
I am glad to see that on Friday the President said that the people of Zimbabwe had to be allowed to choose their own future. That statement, with respect, was far more explicit than anything the President has ever said before, and it was far better than his silence, for example, on the question of Swaziland. But with respect, that was a statement of the obvious. Although he made his statement at 11:30 am South African time, in terms of the evolving catastrophe next door it was about five minutes to midnight.
Frankly, our vague, ineffective, quiet-diplomacy policy has contributed to the current disastrous state of affairs in Zimbabwe. The silence where we needed plain speaking does not lend support to Nepad, but gives comfort to the rights-delinquent government of Zimbabwe. Simply take a look at this headline in The Herald newspaper of last month:
``I won’t dump Zim’’, Mbeki pledges support - move deals opposition a blow.
That is how our policy is being interpreted in Harare. [Interjections.]
Over the past two years the President has too often backed Mr Mugabe or remained silent when he should have spoken out. He has offered him economic aid. Consistently this Government has overlooked the murders, the tortures, the rapes, the bombing of newspapers and the harassment of judges. It has looked the other way when journalists were hounded, intimidated and expelled, or when MPs were harassed and arrested. It has turned a blind eye when farmers were killed and chased off their land, when tens of thousands of farmworkers suffered mass beatings, kidnapping and some even death.
Now the President says that the people of Zimbabwe must be allowed to choose. Fine. Then the next question is how we will act to help ensure that the people of Zimbabwe will be given the free choice that is their right, because that then becomes the only question.
Die President moet in besonderhede uitspel watter kriteria die Suid- Afrikaanse regering gaan toepas en op watter gronde hulle die verkiesing vry en regverdig gaan verklaar. Die gevolge wat die Mugabe-regering sal moet dra, indien daar nie aan die vereistes voldoen word nie, moet deur die President uitgespel word. [The President must spell out in detail which criteria the South African Government is going to apply and on what grounds they are going to declare the election free and fair. The consequences which the Mugabe government will have to bear, if the preconditions are not met, must be spelt out by the President.]
And of all the great challenges and policy failures I have outlined today, I believe that the one that contributes most to the underlying lack of confidence in our current situation is not so much a policy but an attitude.
Our politics is too much characterised by the ANC’s obsessive accumulation of power in its self-confessed attempt to extend its hegemony over the state and all of civil society. There is insufficient distinction between democracy on the one hand and power on the other. The ANC sees itself as the organic expression of the will of the people, a vanguard party of the black majority. And so it is that we sit with a very, very dangerous agenda. [Interjections.]
Let me tell members something about the tendency. The hon Chief Whip spoke about counter-revolutionary elements. Let us see what Mr Gwede Mantashe, secretary-general of the National Union of Mineworkers, said as recently as the ANC’s 90th anniversary celebration. Maybe he too is a counter- revolutionary. He wrote:
The error that we have to avoid is to give the liberation movement absolute trust, absolute power and an absolute mandate. The result of this is the emergence of dictatorships. This leads to people repeating verbatim what the centre of power says. The long-term effects are the death of open debate and the muzzling of analytical minds.
I believe that if one looks back at the arms deal, for example, one sees the worst elements of that dangerous tendency. [Interjections.]
Let me conclude with a few words about the opposition. First, no democracy can flourish without an opposition, an opposition which is principled … [Interjections.] Members are just shouting down the currency. No democracy can flourish without an opposition which is principled, vibrant and nationwide in reach and range, an opposition which is chosen by the voters and not by the Government. [Interjections.] No country is a democracy when its people cannot choose an alternative government. The Democratic Alliance is that opposition and the core of that alternative. [Interjections.]
Second, we all make mistakes. Certainly, I made a few last year … [Interjections.] And you just inherited my biggest mistake, Trevor … [Applause.] But I hope I am always ready to admit them and put the good of our country before my own prejudices and ego.
Third, I commit the DA not just to oppose this Government’s failings but to always offering alternative solutions to the problems we all face together.
Fourth, I commit the DA to always seeking that which is best for our country and our people.
We will continue to do everything in our power to build South Africa from the opposition benches.
Fifth, we will work with others to harness the goodwill which, for example, the Minister of Home Affairs advences so well into a peaceful revolution of principled and pragmatic change.
Finally, we believe passionately that there is a better future out there for our country and her people. However stormy our present may be, we see beyond the rainbow to the security and prosperity that lie on the other side. That great future is our goal. To reach it is our life’s work. I hope most sincerely that towards this end, however we differ on means, everyone here and all the people up there who are represented here may be united. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, Your Excellency the President, Your Excellency the Deputy President and hon members, this year’s debate has forced my party and me into some kind of soul-searching. We have heard the President’s state of the nation address, and there is a lot in it with which we totally agree. Yet we have different opinions in respect of some of the things that he said, and some of those which he ommitted to say. This is not the first time that we as a distinct political party participating in President Mbeki’s Cabinet find ourselves in such a situation.
This year there are forceful considerations prompting us to emphasise both the points of similarity and those of difference. By doing so, we will strengthen our country’s governance, and also the course of democracy.
Before I do so, I must remind myself and some of my colleagues why my party and I have accepted to serve in President Mbeki’s Cabinet. We have not done it for our own personal sake, but because we seek to reconcile our people who have been divided by brutal low-intensity civil war of about 20 years which killed no less that 20 000 thousand people. By showing how President Mbeki and I can work hand in hand at the highest levels of Government, our people on the ground may find it in their hearts to reconcile with those who were once their enemies.
Conflicts at grass-roots level are of an intensity beyond the understanding of people with an ordinary secure and stable life. People need to reconcile with those who kill their family members and grow to regard them not only as no longer enemies, but as brothers and sisters with whom to join hands in the common work of reconstruction and development.
For this reason, His Excellency President Mbeki and I had to project an image of unity and solidarity, and give an example of how people can in fact, in spite of differences, work together. For this reason, for the past five years in my public addresses I have stressed the call for unity above and beyond any differences. For this reason, I have remained committed to the course of reconciliation and to unity at all costs. Only those who have witnessed the horrors of war may fully appreciate how true reconciliation, which goes deep in the hearts and minds of our people, is more important than any political or policy differentiation which one may wish to highlight, to promote a well-functioning democracy.
I remain committed to being a promoter of unity among all members of this House and their respective views and opinions. Our unity is more important than right and wrong on marginal issues of policy or governance, because we have not yet reached a point where the foundations of our democracy are solid enough to withstand old fractures. We also need more unity to heal new fractures in our democracy, which are showing in the debates of this House.
We must unify this House in a common national cause and respect people across both sides of the isle.
Our Cabinet participation has also been motivated by our desire to enable our constituency to receive the recognition it deserves in the history of the liberation struggle. This is not a Buthelezi issue, but one that is about millions of people who followed me and their contribution to our struggle for liberation, which has been obliterated from the record of our history by violent propaganda and vilification against me. After seven years in the Government of the country, no steps have yet been taken to address the legacy of lies used against me and my constituency to undermine our contribution to the liberation struggle.
We have had setbacks on this pilgrimage and this long journey to our destination of reconciliation and peace in our country. I was terribly hurt, for example, when the Indian community in Chartsworth invited me last year to attend the birthday of His Excellency former President Mandela in Chartsworth. The top leadership of the ANC in the province was present, apart from the fact that our icon former President Mandela was there. When it was my turn to speak, supporters of the ANC tried to drown what I was saying by singing songs. Doc Mkhize got up and tried to stop that, but he did not succeed, to the extent that when it was time to speak, for His excellency former President Mandela, he had to detract from his speech to and tell them where he and I come from and the long journey that we travelled together in the liberation struggle.
Those are setbacks which indicate that we have not yet reached our destination.
I was very impressed by a quote, and I wish that some of the presentations that we as Cabinet attend from time to time given by the police, could be attended by members of this House, because the figures that were quoted by the President, for example, are from the places where crime is highest. More than half of the crime has been reduced. I know that this is not visible to most people, but I wish it was so. When one gets that comprehensive presentation from the police one does not get to see it, because it is not visible to all and sundry. However, there has been an improvement as far as our reduction of crime is concerned.
Having said so, I must say that I have a problem with our criminal justice system itself. For example, on 23 June 2000, my Deputy in the Buthelezi area was shot at with AK-47 in his bed. Fortunately, he did not die. Suspects were arrested. But up to this day, the matter has not come before a court. Certainly, one of the things that indicate that in our quest for reconciliation and peace we still have a long way to our destination, is the high profile case of the Mayor of Nongoma, in which names of high profile leaders in the province were mentioned and in which existed not only circumstancial evidence, but also evidence given by people who actually saw with their own eyes the people who shot at the mayor. Yet that case came to nothing.
I have a very high regard for our director of prosecutions, and I do not think he would have idly decided to take the matter before court if he had not been convinced that there was, infact a case.
I have seen, first hand, the untold suffering of those who followed me, many of whom paid the ultimate sacrifice. In Vosloorus our candidate, Mr Justice Hadebe, was assassinated during the local government elections. Suspects were arrested, but up to now that case has never come before a court. I know that, had we not acted the way we did and stood by the principles that we have, our struggle for liberation would not have succeeded and perhaps South Africa would have been turned into a wasteland in a bloodbath.
Through our unity, their contribution must be recognised. Yet this year there are certain foundational issues in respect of which my conscience and my constituency force me to highlight differences. As I do so I am reminded of past seasons in which I also highlighted fundamental differences with my colleagues in our liberation struggle which caused an entire armed struggle and a campaign of vilification directed toward me and my constituency. At the time I kept insisting that our liberation struggle had to receive the benefit of different approaches in a multipronged and composite-level strategy.
I did not condemn the ANC for its call for an armed struggle. In fact, when the hon the President, in the company of the late Mr Dlomo, came to see me at Heathrow Airport, he raised this issue that the movement that I was working with in South Africa, the ANC, was troubled by the fact that I did not support the armed struggle. The hon the President may remember that I actually said, on that occasion that I would go very far as someone in the country because I had never condemned the struggle. I have always said that I espoused nonviolent strategies of the old ANC as propounded by the founding fathers of the ANC in 1912. But I went on to say that as the government had banned the ANC, the PAC and silenced the leaders of our people, I could well understand why the ANC had taken up arms.
However, I claimed my constituency’s right to pursue the same goal of liberation through a different path. I affirmed the fundamental principle of pluralism, which is now, importantly, perhaps more in jeopardy than it was then. If our democracies should succeed, we need to allow differentiated approaches and a plurality of voices not only to be heard, but also listened to and respected.
I have listened to the President’s state of the nation address and, as I have said already, I am at one with the President in the goals that he outlined. We share a vision. We share hopes and aspirations in the same way that, 20 years ago, Dr Oliver Tambo and I shared a vision, hopes and aspirations in respect of our liberation struggle. However, my reading of the present situation and of the state of the nation is less rosy and positive than the President has portrayed to us. It might be the case that he may be seeing a glass half-full, which I perceive to be half-empty.
However, as I come from communities where people are dying from Hiv/Aids, as well as the consequences of unemployment and poverty, I cannot be satisfied with what we have achieved, great as it is. I must wonder whether, in addition to the many right things that we have done as government, we have not erred in other respects. After all, humanum est errare, to err is human.
I feel I must focus on our errors and, if necessary, take it upon myself to say that we have erred. I am not pointing fingers. If indeed we have erred, let the blame be so apportioned that I too, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, shall carry that blame. But, in God’s name, let us recognise our mistakes and correct them as soon as we can before our people pay too dire a price for them.
In exercising a necessary dose of self-criticism, we must open our hearts to conflicting views.
I am concerned, Madam Speaker, by the divisions in this House. I see that after your workshop, there is a slight improvement in the behaviour of your members. I will say openly that, at times, I also have problems with the way members hackle members of other parties.
I also say openly that, at times, I also have problems with the way the Leader of the Opposition expresses himself and the nature of his attacks on Government. At times he is not sufficiently sensitive about the collective psychology of the majority of South Africans, who have been talked down to for centuries. It may well be a cultural thing which he is not even conscious of. It may also be a question of an age gap between me and him. [Laughter.]
Our fledgeling democracy is not yet ready for the type of with and tongue- lashing which characterises political debates in old and established democracies.
At times I have felt aggrieved by his apparent abrasiveness, even though it was not directed towards me. But we must realise that his abrasiveness is the product of a high intellect and the spirited passion of a true patriot
- which he is who means well. [Applause.]
I am very concerned that at times what the Leader of the Opposition has to say is not heard, because of the way he goes about saying it. I will make an example by comparing this something that happened when I was a student at Fort Hare. Recently in a speech the hon the Leader of the Opposition made, he referred to people in the ANC who have developed potbellies. Well, I may well have said the same thing, but in a different way.
It reminded me of the time when we used to read The Torch as students at Fort Hare, when Bennie Keys was still there. I remember Rev Skomolo, who was the champion of the ANC in Port Elizabeth, delivering a very fiery address and The Torch reporting the address. Our ANC leader in the Cape Province was Prof Matthews, the father of the Deputy Minister here. Because he was sitting there and had not left the Native Representative Council, The Torch reported that Rev Skomolo had delivered a very fiery address, but had forgotten that on the same platform from which he was speaking, there were those who had developed potbellies from crumbs that had fallen from Pharo’s table. [Laughter.]
That is the kind of expression that I am referring to, ie the fact that one can say the same thing in different words. I think we must learn to listen to the Leader of the Opposition and anyone else including even our enfant terrible, Patricia de Lille. [Laughter.] We need to build a democracy based on a plurality of viewpoints in this House.
Against this background I need to consider my own position. I have been in government for 40 years, and in politics all my life. I did not enter politics because of my ambition, but was forced to do so by circumstances. I was forced by my birth as Inkosi, by my mother and by the leaders of the ANC. I responded to pressures placed on me by the aspirations of my people. The same aspirations are likely to force me to remain in politics for a long time, and it may be the case that my destiny is not yet accomplished. Yet I have no ambition of my own, nor is there anything else that someone in my position can really aspire to.
I see my role as that of an honest man amongst all of you, who is beholden to no one, expects nothing and fears even less. I am free, and feel that I must speak to all of you from all the parties from my heart, and share with you that I see our nation being in a very precarious state. Unless we identify the things which are going wrong, our analysis of the state of the nation will continue to focus on the half-full glass. We must hear the voice of those who are suffering because things are not going the way we wished, and start from there.
All of us are now affected by HIV/Aids. We all know somebody who is dying of Aids, or somebody close to us who knows someone in that condition. Our nation is dying of HIV/Aids. We can no longer hesitate or falter. We can no longer wait or debate. This is the time to act in the full measure of our capacity, leaving no stone unturned. For this reason, my party gave our national chairman, the Premier of KwaZulu-Natal, the hon Lionel Mtshali, the firm instruction to order the immediate distribution of nevirapine to all our HIV-positive pregnant women in KwaZulu-Natal, so as to prevent their babies from being born with a death sentence. [Applause.]
KwaZulu-Natal is the province with the greatest percentage of HIV infection, and last year alone 80 000 people died of Aids-related diseases and 40 000 babies were born HIV-positive, condemning them to die a horrible death long before puberty. All those children could easily have been saved. For this reason my party had to do what it did.
The Premier of KwaZulu-Natal has now instructed that henceforth health facilities in KwaZulu-Natal shall ensure that children are not born with a death sentence. He went on to a full measure of what can in fact be done, and instructed that even in those areas where testing and counselling cannot take place at this juncture, nevirapine be made available to all mothers, whether they are HIV-positive or not.
As soon as the logistical capacity allows us to test and provide counselling even in such remote areas the distribution of Nevirapine will finally become limited only to mothers who are proven to be HIV-positive. But in the interim we cannot wait for months, if not years, to have an infrastructure which can determine the HIV status of women and provide them with the required counselling. As 40% of women giving birth in his province are now HIV-positive, Premier Mtshali has correctly treated this matter as the medical emergency that it is, and required that where testing and counselling are not possible, nevirapine be given to all prospective mothers, unless a mother chooses to opt out of the programme by producing an HIV-negative test result or by requesting to be tested in spite of the lack of counselling capacity. We need this type of approach, which rolls out the programme ahead of capacity if we are genuinely committed to saving each and every life. We need to do the same with antiretroviral drugs for mothers and for all those who are HIV-positive.
I am also desperately concerned about unemployment. The President in his state of the nation address quoted some of the investments that we are getting into the country. I was frankly depressed because I do not think that much will be done in this respect unless we realise that somehow, somewhere - I do not know how - we have erred. In many respects, the economic conditions of vast segments of our people is now worse than it was 10 years ago. Enormous progress has been made in bringing water and electricity to our people, and economic activities are beginning to proliferate amongst those who were once excluded from the productive cycle and mainstream economy. We have done well in that respect and I am sure we will be able to do more or better in the future. But we must recognise that our record in employment generation is unsatisfactory and that somewhere, somehow, we must have erred.
We have the best Minister of Finance this country has ever had, perhaps better than most in the world. [Applause.] Our fiscal policy is better, it cannot be compared with many in the emerging economies, yet I cannot understand why is it that in spite of all that investors are not coming into our country. Our economy is reported to be growing only at a rate of 1,1% per year, which makes us one of the slowest growing economies in the world. According to recent statistics, 21,2% of our population is employed and we have an unemployment rate of 29,5%, which is one of the highest in the world and could be higher if one broadened the spectrum of those who could be considered to be employable. When I spoke in similar debates in the past I stressed the need to develop a long-term vision, identifying where we wish our country to be 25 years hence, so that we could backtrack our actions to determine how to get there. I stressed the need to make massive national investments in emerging technologies, identifying new technological frontiers to meet technology ahead of its evolution. I impressed the need to leap-frog our country to that rendezvous with history by training our people, not only for what is required of them but also for what should be expected of them in 10 years. I have also impressed the need to open our country to foreign skills so that we can import not only the foreign financial capital we so desperately need, but first and foremost the human capital of required skills which can enable our country to progress towards its intended destination. I was pleased that His Excellency the President stressed the need for a policy on training. Against that statement I was very distressed that my Immigration Bill has encountered the stratagem that is has encountered up to the highest level, which has delayed its passing up to now.
I have accompanied this vision with the need to identify the crucial fields in which employment can be generated, not in 10 years, but yesterday. The two greatest employment-generating possibilities in our country are agriculture and tourism. As a Government we need to support labour- intensive agricultural industries which produce high-added value products and are not land-intensive. Our natural climate is perfectly suitable for such industry, for which there is a strong international demand.
Tourism is the fastest growing industry in the world and has the capacity to employ people at all levels, promoting large and small businesses alike.
We must accept that inspite of the many very possible efforts our country is still not regarded by international observers as tourist freindly. Inspite of our efforts we were falterd in projecting our country internationally. I want to underline that we were falterd in projeting our country in more ways than one. We should not escape reality of the matter just because we may like it or rightly regard it to be unfair.
Perceptions are perceptions, no matter how untrue or unfair they may be. As hon members know, I have been on the international scene for half a century and have highly placed friends throughout the world who convey to me their impressions with candour. These are not people who are enemies of South Africa. The harsh reality is that international perceptions of South Africa are now very poor. In all likelihood, this is a contributing factor to the downfall of our national currency, which in less than four weeks cut by one third the wealth of international terms of all our wealth, income and assets.
We must look into the issue of international perceptions with honesty and courage, and recognise that somehow something went wrong and that we may have erred.
The recently published Global Competitiveness Report produces by the World Economic Forum and Harvard University places our country near the bottom of 75 countries which they considered. This might be wrong in fact, but it reflects the perception which exists. We are listed as one of the worst countries in the world in terms of orgainsed crime, incompetence of public officials, labour relations, investment rates, access to foreign capital markets, flexibility of the labour market, productivity and our other salient aspects of our economy.
We need to change the perception of our country, through bold initiatives which show that we are moving in a new direction, such as getting our economy going by bringing about genuine extensive and economically driven privatisation, not in a matter of years, but in a matter of months.
Let me pause here and say that the Cabinet are jointly and severally responsible. What I am saying about this matter is not oblique or vague critisism of my colleques, the ministers, because I am jointly responsible with all that they have tried to do for our country. I would like to put it on record that I know they have done their best. But I know that there is a debate in this country as far as privatisation is concerned which is them, which is between the ANC and his partners.
Hon members have heard me harping on this point since 1994, and they house have seen me dancing and singing: Asiyifuni i-Gear, asiyifuni i-Gear. [We do not want Gear, we do not want Gear] on this poduim … [Laughter.] and yet little has been done in recognition of this its wisdom. Similarly, we need to re-engineer our system of labour relations to create flexibility in the labour market, increase productivity and create real incentives for people to seriously undertake the training opportunities which are now available, as the President stated. Without this being done the massive investment we have made to promote training is in jeopardy of failure, which would be a national disaster and tragedy.
We also need to take a hard look at our foreign policy, across the board which especially at this time in the global history is highly conducive to shaping international perceptions. We compliment His Excellecy President Mbeki for his tireless efforts in Africa which have assisted to solve many problems across the continent. However, we have serious back home which the world has not failed to notice also.
While it is flattening that everyone in South Africa is looking for our assistance in solving their problems, the world and our people alike, know that we have enormous problems which they expect us to solve. It is very good that we have become one of the catalysts of the African Union, but we must accompany our desire to promote the unity of Africa with that of promoting democrasy in Africa.
Unity cannot come before real democracy, and real unity can only be sustained once real democracy and the blessing of a genuinely free and open society characterised by genuine pluralism, exist in all African countries. We cannot hesitate or falter when it comes to drawing a distinction between those countries which are democratic, and those which are not.
We should utilise the same approach in respect of foreign policy positions we take in respect of countries or situations beyond the borders of our continent.
We must show our commitment to democracy by recognising that our true and genuine partners are those who are as committed as we are to democracy, and the for the values of liberty and freedom which we profess to hold dear. Whatever regime oppresses its own people, depriving them of the basic liberties on which we have established our republic, is likely to operate on the same basis in respect of its neighbours and foreign countries alike, either through oppression, direct war or forms of indirect war such as terrorism.
This is a time in history where friends and foes are counted, and those who try to sit on the fence are rapidly pushed into the camp of foes. I am committed to the development of South Africa and have no doubt in my mind that our country belongs in the camp of countries which are genuinely committed to democracy and to the blessing of development, progress and prosperity, which come only in a genuinely open and free society.
I would like to tell the hon the President that, when I came out as it has happened to most of us, gangs surrounded me. When they ask me what I thought of the President’s speech, I told them that I did not think I could have done better in an hour, as he did. [Laughter.] And I should like to tell the hon the President that I meant that.
I am saying that this is the time to be united, really united. Even if we speak with different voices and emphasis. Our country needs our diversity of opinion and a leadership capable of recognising its value, fully accommodating it. [Applause.]
Mr M C J VAN SCHALKWYK: Madam Speaker, it is appropriate that at the mid- term state-of-the-nation address, we take stock of the Government’s achievements and failures during the first half of its term. More important, perhaps, is for us to seek a real national consensus on our approach to the great challenges facing South Africa including, amongst others, poverty, crime, unemployment, homelessness and HIV/Aids. The most important task facing us is the developing of a unity of purpose and a constructive dialogue between the different political parties.
The hon President’s unequivocal commitment to an open economy is a vital element in making South Africa part of the modern global economy. This is not a theoretical debate; it is about economic growth, job creation and addressing poverty.
We must continue to implement the measures required to ensure rapid economic growth. We must create an environment conducive to attracting foreign direct investment, and lay the basis for future economic growth, through excellence in education and training. This will require us to also invest more in research and development, build partnerships in Southern Africa and in Africa, further liberalise trade, and to make a greater effort to promote entrepreneurship and the development of small, medium and micro enterprises.
To take maximum advantage of a global economy, regional political and economic stability is vital.
Ons kritiek oor die beleid van stille diplomasie teenoor die huidige Zimbabwiese regering, is bekend. Die aankondiging op Vrydag dat Suid-Afrika twee waarnemingspanne gaan stuur, en die verbintenis deur die regering dat slegs die uitslag van ‘n vrye en regverdige verkiesing aanvaar sal word, is belangrike, positiewe ontwikkelings.
Zimbabwe het vir ons gewys dat daar in die vinnig veranderende wêreld, nie meer wegkruipplek is vir regerings en lande wat onstabiliteit veroorsaak en basiese vryhede en regte minag nie. Zimbabwe se negatiewe invloed op ons hele streek het opnuut die nuwe interafhanklikheid wat deel is van die nuwe wêreld, beklemtoon. Die manier waarop die regering gaan bly by die verbintenis wat mnr Mbeki uitgespel het, is ‘n belangrike element is ons aansien as ‘n leier op die Afrikavasteland. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Our criticism of the quiet diplomacy policy regarding the current Zimbabwean government is well known. The announcement on Friday that South Africa will be sending two observation teams and the commitment from the government that only the outcome of a free and fair election will be accepted, are important, positive developments.
Zimbabwe has shown us that there is no hiding place in the fast changing world for governments and countries which cause instability and who disregard basic freedoms and rights. Zimbabwe’s negative influence on our entire region has once again emphasised the new interdependence which forms part of this new world. The way in which the government will stay committed to what Mr Mbeki has spelled out is an important element in how we are perceived as a leader on the African continent. Much has been said, written and invented about the agreement between the New NP and the ANC. Some say it will make a much needed contribution to ensure that we finally leave the trenches of the past behind; others say that it is nothing less than a political evil.
When the ANC was unbanned in 1990, the inevitable happened. People supporting the ANC ran to one corner, and those not supporting the ANC ran to other corners. The party-political dispensation after 1994 was really only a perpetuation of the divisions that we had before 1990. As South Africans, we never really had the opportunity to sit together, to get to know each other and to determine who belongs with whom.
I and many others never had the opportunity to work with a Zola Skweyiya, a Trevor Manuel, a Terror Lekota, a Ben Ngubane and vice versa. The Government of National Unity, between 1994 and 1996 was too early and too forced to really provide that opportunity. Instead of jointly accepting the challenges of the new South Africa, the GNU was perceived to be more of a balancing act between old South Africa and new South Africa interests.
It makes no sense to start a new South Africa with a new Constitution if the old division simply continues. The truth is, the challenges are now different. In all the analyses of Zimbabwe, people are missing one very important point: What would Zimbabwe have been like if, soon after their independence, there had been white leaders with courage and conviction who stood up to take the hands of black leaders, and black leaders who did the same? Instead, in Zimbabwe white leaders chose to demonise the black leadership, and black leaders chose to demonise the white leadership. The result, the ongoing racial tension, is there for everybody to see. What the New NP and ANC have done will forever change the older visions. [Applause.]
In the ranks of the minority communities, our decision has caused a heated debate and a lot of uncertainty. [Interjections.] I will deal with you now, just be patient! [Laughter.] What people have been brought up with, what they have been taught to fear, they are now urged to accept, to work with and to respect.
I fully recognise that it may be exactly the same in some quarters of the ANC alliance, but it is better to provide hope than to promote hopelessness. The hard and uncomfortable truth is that the relationship between the minority communities and the black majority in our country is, to a large extent, based on fear. Sometimes that fear manifests itself in withdrawal, in denial; sometimes in arrogance, or in simply leaving the country. [Laughter.]
There are those who do not regard old fears and distrust as something that should be replaced by mutual trust and respect. They regard fear as their only political lifeline to exploit, to fuel and to inflame.
In a DP/DA pamphlet distributed over the past few days, they use a comparison between South Africa and Zimbabwe to say that they - heaven help us - will help to ensure that critics of this Government will not be suppressed, tortured or murdered.
Of course we have differences in our political life, which is as it should be. But to fuel fears by outright fear-mongering in an extreme sense, is wrong and irresponsible. [Applause.] Our challenge is to strengthen the stable centre and, yes, people all over the spectrum who were opponents in the past are forming new partnerships. The ANC and the New NP are one example. But on the right-hand side of the political spectrum, certain liberals and rightwingers are increasingly finding solace in each other’s arms. [Applause.]
Verkramptheid in English is just as bad as verkramptheid in Afrikaans. There is no difference: verkramptheid is verkramptheid in any language. [Interjections.] The moment the leadership of a party starts to advocate ``What is bad for the country is good for the DA’’, the question arises: How should we judge them as patriotic South Africans? How do they judge themselves? [Interjections.] I know for a fact that there are individuals in the DP/DA who are extremely uncomfortable with that lack of commitment to this country. [Interjections.] The New NP and I have had to endure many vicious attacks from the DP/DA over the last few months and from certain outside interests sympathetic to their cause, their approach and their style.
Let me put on record, once and for all, the following: Firstly, the DP/DA says that they are a principled opposition. Let us see how principled they are. [Interjections.] The people that have abused in are starting to cheer me! something is wrong out there! [Applause.]
When the Mpumalanga Premier was criticised, quite rightly, for his well- known remark that it was justified for politicians to sometimes lie, the DP/DA could not contain their glee and set the following standard in a speech in this Parliament by the DP leader, and I quote:
Hon members must not expect the opposition to stand by and allow our President to condemn dishonesty but then to condone lies; or to preach probity and yet reward criminal conduct. What we require is strong, determined and honourable leadership.
Last year when the then Premier of the Western Cape - now the DP/DA provincial leader - changed his mind four times in three days on where he stands on the NNP-ANC agreement, and later admitted in his own words that he stretched the truth, the DP/DA leader came out actively him, saying that he had been extreme duress from his party’s national leaders to two the party line. [Applause.]
What happened to principled opposition? Double standards are double standards.
Secondly, the DP/DA is always telling anyone who is willing to listen that they are the party of the rule of law. The treatment of Mr Peter Marais, now the Premier of the Western Cape, by the leadership of the DP/DA, ripped the mask off that party. The High Court made some scathing observations with regard to the conduct of the DP/DA leadership: The conduct of the DA’s NNC was under the circumstances unjust, inequitable and unreasonable.
I said it then and I want to repeat it now. If one, as a leader, is not willing to stand up for one person being treated unfairly, one can never be trusted to stand up when many people are being treated unfairly. [Applause.] One cannot criticise President Mugabe for undermining the rule of law, when one is oneself doing exactly the same in one’s own political party. [Applause.] The high-handed manner, the arrogant way in which the leadership of the DP/DA dealt with Peter Marais and other individuals, reminds me of what Cecil John Rhodes once said about his relationship with Cape Afrikaners in the late 1800s:
They are not my friends. They are not my enemies. They are my tools and when I am finished with them, I throw them away.
Thirdly, the DP/DA is a party of hypocrisy, spin doctoring and window dressing. What they say to the people of South Africa differs greatly from what they admit to themselves. In a confidential internal strategy document circulated in January this year, provided to us by members of their caucus, the DA undertook a postmortem process of soul-searching which revealed a massive gap between what the party tells the public and what they admit to themselves. [Interjections.] In last week’s DA pamphlet, they tell the public that they will win the Western Cape, but in their own internal document they acknowledge that and I quote:
The ANC and the New NP together are likely to have more than 50% of the support in the Western Cape and the Northern Cape.
On 7 December 2001, the leader of the DP/DA said the following:
The DA is today a party united for the first time since its inception in June last year.
Yet in January 2002, in their own internal document, they admitted the opposite: The events of the past year have caused suspicion, resentment and conflict between people in the DA. It manifests itself in off-the-record sniping to journalists and an unusually high degree of negative gossiping inside the party. [Interjections.]
I could go on and quote the DA’s internal document on consulting professionals in the field to develop a shared organisational culture, and the cultural clashes in their party. But I do not know if there is a psychologist who is paid enough to take on this assignment. [Laughter.] First they tried the lawyers and that failed and now they are trying the psychologists.
Fourthly, the arrogance and self-righteousness of the DP/DA destroys the valuable contribution that some individuals in the DP/DA can make.
Today we all had to witness here, again, how we are lectured about the requirements for good and stable government. [Interjections.] But the very same party lecturing us is the first party in history that I know of that caused a government to fall because of two street names! [Applause.] [Laughter.]
For many decades - very unfairly, I have to say to our friends in the IFP - the old province of Natal, before it became KwaZulu-Natal, was often jokingly referred to as the last colonial outpost. The last colonial outpost is not a province of this country; it is a political party - the DP/DA. [Laughter.] [Applause.]
In conclusion, the challenges in our country are immense, but so too is the willingness to form new partnerships to overcome these challenges. We South Africans have a unique characteristic. Where other people would simply give up, we open new frontiers. Where other people would retreat back into laagers, we seek new horisons. Where other nations would allow differences to tear them apart, we unite our nation around common challenges. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Order! The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, hon members, I must thank the hon Marthinus Van Schalkwyk for successfully burying the hon Tony Leon. [Applause.] [Laughter.] And, I am sure the crowd that they had rented for this afternoon will be beginning to trickle back into their buses to go home. [Laughter.]
The President’s state-of-the-nation address is a comprehensive statement about everything that is of national interest in our country today and how we position ourselves in relation to key strategic interventions in the continent. It is a statement that refuses merely to cite an issue without indicating what the Government and relevant stakeholders are doing and intend to do in relation to all the matters that have been prioritised for attention. The widespread applause that it has received all over the country confirms the fact that the issues canvassed are real and the solutions proffered, explicit.
But, there are political parties such as the PAC of Azania, the DA, the ACDP and the UDM which are at pains to find fault with the statement in order to justify their missed-opportunity prattle.
Cosatu remains an ally of the ANC. Similarly the SA Communist Party. When we talk of an alliance, we are talking about components that constitute that alliance - not the confusion that is characteristic of the left here. [Interjections.] Two parties were supposed to have merged, but they still refer to themselves as an alliance; who is the alliance between? [Laughter.] That is why there is this great confusion around them.
The state of the nation address is not regarded by the President, his party and the vast masses of our people as a window of opportunity, like they want to suggest, to jettison this position in order to embrace the other one and look good in the eyes of charlatans and political opportunists.
The issues raised in the address are serious matters that cry out for serious attention and solutions. That is why the President has indicated in very precise terms, what we shall be doing in respect of all them, including Zimbabwe, HIV/Aids and crime.
Another expression of this brand of political delinquency is found in the
statement of the hon Patricia de Lille, which she is lamenting on the
President’s imaginary course to white academics in Stellenbosch'' for a
score card of Government's performance, even though the President makes the
point abundantly clear that we received an unsolicited report from a team
of academics.
Unsolicited’’ does not make any sense in the mind of the
hon member Patricia de Lille. [Interjections.]
The political positions taken by these parties are not accidental slips of the tongue. On the contrary, they are a characteristic trait of a leadership that has arrogated to itself the status of fault-finding zealots totally removed from the processes of change and transformation, reconstruction and development. Unfortunately for us and millions of South Africans who have applauded the state of the nation address, there is nothing we can do to correct what shows itself as essentially a factory fault. There is nothing we can do about it. [Applause.]
The point that Shenge made about unity in this House is very much well taken. It is a point that time and again he makes in Cabinet and in public meetings. He is concerned about the unity beyond the confines of this Chamber. These are the concerns that time and again he would make as a responsible leader of our people.
The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: [Inaudible.] [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: What makes Shenge the adorable leader
that he is the man that we would continue to respect, regardless of the
fact that he belongs to a different party - is Shenge’s readiness to say:
this is my country and the solution and resolution of its problems are my
responsibility as well''. [Applause.] This is the Shenge who is saying:
I
have been vilified in the past, I have been given names in the past, but
under no circumstances am I going to surrender my responsibility as a
leader.’’ He is a leader who is not pronouncing his leadership position,
like my learned friend next to me here.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: [Inaudible.]
The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: He is a leader whose quality as a leader are evinced in the struggle, a leader who at all material times is prepared to put his shoulder on the wheel.
On the issue of Zimbabwe, Shenge has expressed himself quite openly both in Cabinet and outside of it. And Shenge has been to Zimbabwe himself, to be able to say that this is what we want to see being done, to save this country from a revolution - unlike Tony Leon, who has been to Zimbabwe because it is a characteristic trait with him to polarise any given situation. [Interjections.] He goes to Zimbabwe to polarise that situation. He talks of Aids to polarise the issue. He talks of crime to polariase the issue. He is very content to be where he is right now, and not to be in the theatre of war and struggle against poverty and all ills that are afflicting our country. [Applause.]
He has chosen to take a position somewhere in the pavilion and be contend to be a spectator, while the rest of our people here are busy building their country. He is lost to the cause of this country. The solution that he is providing for Zimbabwe - ie that we must regard President Mugabe as a truant high school boy who must be beaten - is typical of his historical behaviour. That is what he did in the past as a soldier. [Interjections.] That is what exactly he did in the past as a mercenary in the SA Defence Force. [Applause.] He was plundering Zimbabwe: he was beating up people who opposed the policies of the then government. He is suffering from a nostalgic yearning.
He is yearning for the days when he was a mercenary. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
The goals to be resolved have been adequately highlighted. Poverty alleviation is critical, if not central, to the attainment of the goal of a better life for all our people. When we give adequate attention to the idea of pushing back the frontiers of poverty, we are, at one and the same time, addressing and redressing the issues of the health of our people, the creation of job opportunities, the reduction of crime levels and the building of an appropriate infrastructure, both in the urban and rural settings.
Tackling poverty, as was urged in the state-of-the-nation address and many, if not all, the problems - social and economic - which are facing us at the moment, have been invariably addressed.
I agree with Comrade President that the specific task is not the exclusive responsibility of the Government, as some political parties would like to suggest. The idea of the creation of a government of national unity, which finds expression in the Harare Declaration which President himself drafted and sold to the OAU, the Non-Aligned Movement, the UN and the Commonwealth long before the Codesa and the World Trade Centre negotiations, was born of the desire to mobilise millions of our people, black and white, to constitute ilima for the reconstruction and development of our country. That is the central message that emerges in that state-of-the-nation address - for us to see ourselves as participants in the very act of our own liberation from these afflictions that we have talked about here.
The easiest stake was, and still is, not the pre-eminence of this or that particular party, but the redemption of a country and the people who had been divided, most of the time, violently for a very, very long time.
Ilima is the answer, whether we are dealing with crime, education, rehabilitation, Zimbabwe, HIV/Aids, poverty, etc. Ilima projects the collective drive and subdues the individual whim. The DA, UDM and UCDP will always remain strangers to the concept, because their politics thrive in polarising every issue of national importance. They will, at all material times, refuse to be part of an ilima - a national consensus - to tackle, together, all issues relating to the reconstruction and development of our country. They are happier with the cosy seats somewhere in the pavilion as spectators and fault-finders. That is where the major problem is. They are not going to be involved, and when we talk of the unity of this House and the unity of our people, we are not talking about unity in abstract terms, but we are talking about unity in action, because relevant and meaningful unity is born of action out of a desire to achieve certain objective goals.
We must ignore them and rather continue to mobilise millions of our people, black and white, for the realisation of the goals we have set ourselves. It is in our own interest, as a people, to build and consolidate this new patriotism that is emerging. This is our country. Its future and destiny are in our own hands. [Interjections.]
Yes, vuk’uZenzele [rise and act]! It was the spirit of voluntarism that delivered us from the clutches of colonial white domination. It is still going to be our own participation that will play a role in the act of our own liberation from crime, poverty and disease. Over and above the vuk’uZenzele example that the President has cited in his address, we are happy to report that the response of our people, since the call to volunteer, has been a massive one in schools, prisons and police stations across the face of the country.
As a matter of fact, it is the readiness of our people to work together with the police and volunteer information about the crime in their areas that has contributed immensely to the huge successes that the law enforcement agencies have recorded in the past year. It is, again, this idea of Vuk’uZenzele that has inspired our people in a number of rural areas to initiate ozenzele: vegetable gardens and cloth and wooden works, just on their own.
The urban setting also had its VukuZenzele initiatives such as imigalelo, stokvels, burial societies etc., to come to terms with the objective reality they sought to influence.
The President is correct when he says that this sense of self-reliance, this refusal to be a spectator and an armchair critic, must be recaptured because, after all, it has always been there. It must now serve as a handy instrument in our hands to build the new patriotism across race and ethnicity lines.
The point here is that one does not have to be in Government to contribute to the betterment of the quality of life of our entire people. As a matter of fact, and as the President has indicated, people out there, on their own, are making their mark against poverty and other ills that afflict our country. That is what we mean by unity in action and that is what is of relevance to us as we discuss the State-of-the-nation address. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, President, Deputy President and hon members, 96 years ago, the founding father of the ANC, Pixley kaSeme, speaking in New York, said, and I quote:
A brighter day is rising upon Africa. Yes, the regeneration of Africa belongs to this new and powerful period. The regeneration of Africa means that a new and unique civilisation is soon to be added to the world.
Sadly, slavery, colonialism, imperialism, neocolonialism and the Cold War defeated Africa’s efforts at regeneration. However, today we can confidently proclaim the 21st century the African century. We do so because there is a new generation of African leaders who are willing to accept their responsibilities and leadership roles, to struggle for and to achieve African revival.
The ANC’s January 8 statement made on the occasion of its 90th anniversary calls on us, I quote:
To ensure that the process of globalisation does not result in the further all-round widening of the gap between the rich, developed north and the poor, developing south, which would condemn billions of people to poverty.
It goes on to say
This would be a certain recipe for the most catastrophic social upheavals engulfing the whole globe.
This is the same message that the President has been giving to very many international audiences when speaking at many international conferences. This vision and understanding that the President has been putting out about the challenges facing the new world order is highly respected internationally, and as a result he has become a true champion of Africa and the south. It is, therefore, important to ignore the rantings of this side, which says the President must stop travelling abroad and stay at home because there are problems at home.
We cannot divorce our problems from our challenges internationally. This was so aptly reflected when the world leaders who convened in New York for the historic United Nations Millenium Summit declared that they would, I quote:
… support the consolidation of democracy in Africa and assist Africans in their struggle for lasting peace, poverty eradication and sustainable development, thereby bringing Africa into the mainstream of the world economy.
That is the message the President has been giving for many years.
The year 2002 is, therefore, one of the most challenging for South Africa’s foreign policy. South Africa, by the very nature of its strong visionary leadership, its inept democratic alliance, its successful democracy, the strength of its economic fundamentals and technological base and its efforts to address the inequalities and injustice of the past, is in a unique position to contribute positively to the reforming and shaping of a new global order, especially ending global inequality, poverty space and the marginalisation of Africa.
Therefore, the greatest challenge facing us is the implementation of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development. Nepad is our hope to eradicate Africa’s underdevelopment and poverty. It is a pledge by African leaders, based on a common vision and on a firm and shared conviction, that we have a pressing duty to eradicate poverty and to place our countries on the path of sustainable growth and development.
The initiative is anchored on the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world. It is a call for a new relationship of partnership between Africa and the international community to overcome the development chasm. The partnership is to be founded on a realisation of common interests and benefits and on equality.
Nepad recognises that there have been attempts in the past to set out continent-wide development programmes. For a variety of reasons, both internal and external, including questionable leadership and ownership by Africans themselves, these have been less than successful. However, as I have indicated, today there is a new set of circumstances which lend themselves to integrated practical implementation.
The President, speaking at the OAU summit, said:
We speak here of a realistic programme of action and not a mere wish list. As we have taken these decisions, we have also made the commitment that we will ourselves, as Africans, ensure that we discharge our own responsibilities to implement what we have committed ourselves to implement. In our actions, we will be guided by the principle: Nothing is done until it is done.
I am delighted to report that good progress has been made and the critical phase of implementation has now begun. The five identified priority areas of the Nepad programme of action are: capacity-building on peace and security; economic and corporate governance; banking and the financial sector; regional infrastructural projects; and agricultural development and market access for African products. These priority areas hold tremendous opportunities for South African business and civil society, and I urge them to get involved in the implementation of the Nepad programme.
It is often stated that the crisis situation in Zimbabwe is a litmus test for the success of Nepad. We strongly disagree with the threats that there should be collective punishment against all of Africa because of certain developments in any one country. Nepad cannot be held hostage to such threats.
The meeting this week of high-level representatives of the G8 countries and members of the Nepad implementation team will, I believe, ensure that our detailed and concrete preparations for the G8 summit in Canada in June are on course.
We also look forward to the visit of the Canadian prime minister, Mr Chrétien, who is visiting six African countries, including South Africa, to discuss Nepad in preparation for the G8 summit.
To achieve the objectives of Nepad, we need strong institutions. We are therefore proud that in July we will host the first session of the African Union, a continuation of the AU. The transition to the African Union reflects the continuation of Africa’s own resolve to deal with the legacy of colonialism and underdevelopment and to focus on meeting the basic human needs of its people.
Our immediate objective will be to put in place the core structures of the African Union. These are the assembly of the heads of states and government, the executive council of Ministers, the permanent representative committee of ambassadors, and the commission that will be providing the secretariat services of the Union.
We are currently negotiating the rules of procedure governing the functioning of these structures, and we intend to ensure that the structures meet the goals and ideals of the African Union. I call on members of Parliament and the respective committees to rise to this challenge and to make a contribution to the debate that is going on about the institutional framework of the African Union.
We will also be hosting the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg from 26 August to 4 September.
It will be the largest international conference ever held, with approximately 65 000 people attending. The main goals of the World Summit on Sustainable Development are the reinvigoration at the highest political level of the global commitment to sustainable development, the forging of a north-south partnership to promote sustainable development and the acceleration of the implementation of Agenda 21. Once again, I call on Parliament and its respective committees to make a major contribution to the success of the World Summit on Sustainable Development.
It is frequently asked why South Africa is a favourite destination for so many major international conferences. If one listens to the DP, one would have to believe that we are a country that is dying because of crime and other problems. This is a view that is not held by the international community. I think the President, in his state of the nation address, addressed the question when he said, and I quote:
The nations of the world elected to come to our country, because they understand and appreciate what we have done in the last seven and half years to address within our own borders precisely the same questions that constitute the global agenda.
On September 11, the world was shocked by the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington. The South African Government immediately and unequivocally condemned these acts of terrorism. We have committed ourselves to co- operate against all forms of terrorism, but this must be under the aegis of the UN. The Secretary General of the UN, speaking in the General Assembly, said that we should remember that none of the issues that faced us on 10 September have become less urgent. The number of people living on less than $1 a day has not decreased. The numbers dying of Aids, malaria, tuberculosis and other preventable diseases has not decreased. In many parts of the world afflicted by the scourge of the war, innocent people have not ceased being murdered, mutilated, dragged and driven from their homes. In short, he said that the agenda for peace, development and human rights is no less pressing than it was before the terrorist attacks. If anything, it has taken on a new urgency. Seldom has a danger of division within the human family and the need to resist that danger been more clearly understood.
We face two possible futures: a mutually destructive clash between so- called civilisations based on the exaggeration of religious and cultural differences, or a global community respecting diversity and rooted in universal values. The latter must be our choice. But we can only achieve it if we bring real hope to the billions now trapped in poverty, conflict and disease.
The Secretary-General’s statement only confirms what South Africa has been saying for many years, ie that in order to defeat terrorism we must adopt a holistic approach. Therefore, we must deal with the root causes of terrorism, inter alia conflicts and underdevelopment. Unlike some people on my left, we do not believe that there can be good terrorists and bad terrorists. All terrorists are bad.
In this regard conflict prevention, management and resolution on the African continent will remain a key foreign policy objectives of the South African Government. We consistently proclaimed that there can be no progress and development in Africa if there is no peace, democracy and stability. In this respect, I am happy to note that much progress has been made in finding a long lasting solution to the conflict in the DRC. We are honoured that the inter-congolese dialogue will start its proceedings in south Africa on 25 February. It is estimated that over 300 Congolese delegates will gather in South Africa to map out the future of their country. This dialogue is expected to last 45 days. We will do everything possible to ensure that the inter-congolese dialogue is a huge success.
In Burundi, former President Mandela and Deputy President Zuma’s efforts led to the ground breaking signing of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement. Deputy President Zuma and President Bongo of Gabon are continuing their efforts to convince the two armed groups who have not yet signed the ceasefire agreement to do so as soon as possible. Unfortunately, there has been very slow progress in this respect. However, we are happy that an interim government has been established and is begining to function.
All South Africans can be proud of the fact that the SA National Defence Force is actively providing VIP protection for members of the interim government. The SANDF has done magnificent work and should be highly commended.
The proposed regional summit involving all stakeholders, which will take place during the first half of this year, should consolidate the peace process in Burundi.
With regard to Zimbabwe, while Tony Leon keeps referring to this issue through selective democratic outpourings, the South African Government is committed to continue assisting the people of Zimbabwe in exercising their political will in a conducive environment for the upcoming elections. [Interjections.]
Towards the realisation of this goal, the Government will be sending a multisectoral South African observer mission of 50 persons under the leadership of Dr Motsuanyane. The 50 persons will be drawn from trade unions, big business, black business, the judiciary, academia, agriculture and religious organisations. The observers will be deployed in three phases, the first commencing on 13 February and the last on 3 March 2002. A 15-person multiparty parliamentary team will depart on 20 February. One conflict that has given rise to the worst forms of terrorism is the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. We remain deeply concerned about the continuing occupation of Palestinian territory, the excessive use of force, the collective punishment of the Palestinian people, the wanton destruction of property, the house arrest of President Arafat and the deliberate policy of destroying the Palestinian authority’s infrastructure. It is actions such as these that create a favourable environment for suicide bombers and those that are opposed to peace. [Time expired]. [Applause.]
Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and hon members, the responsibility that lies on our shoulders is to guide this country to the freedom implied in our Constitution.
Today we must ask whether those who govern have succeeded in this historical task. We also wish to rise to the challenge of responding frankly and forthrightly to the central question of whether we are doing enough to uplift our people. Instead of acknowledging Government’s failures to fulfil its historic mandate, the President rather invoked the noble attitude of lending a hand. South Africans have been called upon to lend a hand in every sphere of society. As the President acknowledged himself, many countless South Africans are doing exactly that.
I will not hesitate to say this: South Africans have been lending a hand to other South Africans since the dawn of time. They have done so across class and racial barriers, precisely because the government’s ability to lend a hand has been ineffective and insufficient.
It is wrong for this Government and the ANC to hijack this idea for their own benefit, and to hide their own failures behind the innate generosity and compassion of South Africans. I submit that South Africans must exercise their democratic right to ask what this Government is doing for them. This is not a request. It is the rightful expectation of every South African citizen that the Bill of Rights will be realised and that their taxes will be used to improve their quality of life.
South Africans do not expect to be told that they must lend themselves a hand whilst the Government wastes their taxes on unnecessary weapons of war. Yes, this Government has betrayed the trust of South Africans by opting to waste their taxes on billions of rands of guns, instead of eradicating poverty and unemployment. It is hypocrisy for this Government to claim, in terms of the reduced budget deficit, that it cannot spend more on social needs, and then to turn around and spend R66 billion on arms. Indeed this happens against the reality of massive unemployment, widespread poverty and starvation, and the escalation of the HIV/Aids pandemic.
The moral standing of a Government that is insensitive to this scale of suffering is highly questionable and must be condemned. Unemployment is the engine of our poverty, our insecurity, crime and, indeed, our moral dilemma. Talk of moral regeneration is an empty vesel without real hope of a real job.
The President failed to demonstrate leadership and vision. All South Africans were anxiously awaiting current programmes of action. All what we ask is for the Government to take the lead and do what they were elected to do. Is that asking too much?
Last Friday’s speech was an opportunity to provide clarity and vision. Sadly, on the most important issues, it left many questions unanswered. We hoped for clarity on the economic policy. We waited with bated breath for the announcement of a new direction, a fresh approach, but in vain. Nothing new was said - in fact, more of the same. Absolutely no hope for the unemployed!
Around the world there are signs of a growing recognition that Washington’s consensus that has dominated macroeconomic thinking over the past two decades is fundamentally flawed. A new set of ideas is emerging, but South Africa seems determined to ignore this trend, apparently mesmerised by the course that it set itself some years ago.
That policy has, indeed, delivered microeconomic stability, but we wish to ask the Minister of Finance: Where are the fruits of that austerity? [Interjections.] Where is the growth that is needed to create jobs? These are some of the unanswered questions.
The UDM was dismayed to note that among all the statistics offered by the President, there was nothing about the unemployment rate. On this he dares not speak. The reality is too horrible. Everywhere we turn in South Africa, the same excruciating reality bears down on us: too few South Africans have jobs.
So what would the average South African, who tragically is more likely to be out of work than employed, have made of the President’s speech? Would he or she have been encouraged by talk of yet another summit? Last time it was called the Jobs Summit; this time it will be called the ``Growth and Development Summit.’’ Another year, another summit. South Africans are sick and tired of the confusion created by the ambivalent tripartite alliance leadership. [Applause.]
This is the ruling clique that preaches the elimination of unemployment in the streets and legislates retrenchments and greater unemployment in Parliament. We need a credible vehicle to drive the process leading to the suggested summit. It certainly must not be the Government or its alliance partners. We cannot afford to leave the future of our economy in the hands of a clique which is responsible for the unemployment of hundreds of thousands of our people.
Already the summit is doomed to fail if the President insists, as he did in his address, that the economic course that he has set is not up for review. I wish to ask the President this question: If the economic policy is cast in stone, what are we going to discuss?
The President repeated the empty promises of previous years, expecting South Africans to believe that the economic policies that have failed to create jobs for eight years will now succeed. It is an undeniable truth that the President fails to acknowledge that the people of South Africa want jobs, not guns. [Applause.]
But where is the action? Where is the evidence that the Government is doing all it can to intervene in the economy, to create jobs? The historical imbalances, which were exacerbated by the advent of economic sanctions, cannot be left to the dictates of the market to be corrected.
Our own Government threw caution to the wind, jettisoned trade tariffs and rushed into ill-conceived free-trade agreements with countries which imposed constraints on our agricultural produce and steel products. We jumped onto this bandwagon of trade liberalisation, when tariffs would have given our industries a new lease of life as it emerged from the siege of the sanctions of the antiapartheid struggle. On the other hand they contradict this article of faith by entering into agreements with China, whose goods that are brought into this country come from state factories, while local manufacturers have been forced to close shop because Government would not protect them. [Interjections.]
The UDM suggests that domestic-led growth is the key to the future economic success of South Africa. The UDM suggests that massive investment in infrastructural development and maintenance will create jobs and improve the quality of life of South Africans. The UDM suggests that if the Government were to show faith in its own economy by investing, that would be the most significant encouragement to improving foreign investor confidence.
We feel that the neo-liberal dogma that this Government is clinging to is not even practised with such fevour by its own authors, the west. For instance in France, America and across the developed world governments continue to subsidise their own industries, including their farmers. They intervene in their economies for the benefit of their people. [Interjections.]
It is only here that one is labelled left of the centre when one expects government to do more. It is only here where the label ``left of the centre’’ is an insult. When the UDM is described as left of the centre, we are proud because it implies that we believe in a form of governance that puts the people first, and not the ruling clique. [Interjections.]
The UDM has not moved so much to the left as that the ANC has moved to the right in its blind pursuit neo-liberal economic policies. [Interjections.] Unfortunately, they dragged many with them to the right. Where are the plans to retain our qualified citizens?
Last year the President promised that the immigration Bill would be steered towards a speedy enactment. He said it had become the victim of a strange and irrational tug of war between the ANC and the IFP. When is this Government going to provide proper incentives, eg salaries and support, to keep our teachers, nurses and doctors in South Africa? [Interjections.]
With respect to the academics of the University of Stellenbosch, the reality on the ground is far harsher than the President made their report to imply. In places such as Elliotdale, which Statistics SA has declared the poorest district in the country, people experience the true reality of this Government’s inability to deliver.
The reality of black economic empowerment has been disillusionment. It became selective and targeted a small ANC elite, presumably so that they can in turn fund their party. Consequently, empowerment projects in the mining and other industries were concentrated on a few individuals, including some of the people who are leading. [Interjections.]
Black economic empowerment is centred around a chosen elite. Take, as an example, black economic empowerment in the oil industry. The criteria for the selection of people as shareholders is not clear and leaves an impression that it is yet another case of nepotism where people are selected on the basis of their relationship with influential people in the corridors of power.
This tendency is now having a ripple effect among potential foreign investors. Recently German businessmen quizzed President Mbeki on the perception that it is a precondition for foreign investors to lean their investments to selected black-owned local companies. This was the case with the arms-deal controversy, where foreign investors were coerced into joint ventures with certain black empowerment companies owed by certain ANC members. [Interjections.]
Mr Pahad knows them! He is jumping like a popcorn there and I think he should rather sit down! He is nothing else but a glorified Minister in the Office of the President. He should shut his mouth, because he is responsible for these ills! [Interjections.] This is a clear case of the ANC-Government’s unethical business practices and smacks of brazen corruption. The preservation of human life is fundamental to our democracy. On this score we can frankly and honestly state that this Government has failed us, especially in terms of the HIV/Aids pandemics. The Government’s failure and reluctance on this matter is captured stringently by the City Pres editorial of 23 December 2001, and I quote:
How many thosands of graves must be dug before our own Pharaoh can be made to realise that this is too much? It is apparent that the Government’s refusal to provide these drugs is not based on scientific reasons, but purely on the whims of a President whose ego has been bruised and who refuses to accept that his views on HIV/Aids are wrong.
It is such a tragedy that thousands of young lives will be sacrificed because of a brittled ego of a President and a psychopathic Health Minister, Manto Tshabalala-Msimang.
That is what the City Press said, not Holomisa. In this hourglass every grain of sand represents the life of a baby lost because our President would not provide HIV/Aids treatment. I want to tell the President and his party that it seems that time is running out.
Those South Africans who have joined the struggle against HIV/Aids and those who have taken to the street against a Government that purports to be people-centred are displaying the highest form of patriotism in order to save the lives of helpless babies and millions of infected citizens.
Among these patriots I include the courageous religious leaderships - the likes of Bishop Ndungana, whom the President castigated when he differed with him on these issues and Desmond Tutu, former President Nelson Mandela, Constitutional Court Judge Cameron, trade unions, the Treatment Action Campaign, medical scientists and doctors. [Interjections.]
However, we note that the Government that asks us to lend a hand, is tying the hands of doctors and nurses who want to treat Hiv/Aids. Is it any wonder that we are losing their skills to other countries?
Benza ingxolo apha. Ndive uTshwete ebhuda apha. Uyafuna ukuxelelwa. Asisayi kuthabatha miyalelo kuye. Sanyulwa apha; asiqengqelekanga ngokomxoxozi. [Uwele-wele] Into ekufuneka eyazile yinto yokuba bachithe iimali apha, bethenga izixhobo, abantu betyiwa yindlala, begula. [Uwele-wele.]
Nangoku ndicela umngeni kuye ndisithi aze akhe aye eMpuma Koloni, akhe aye kujonga iindlela eziya bangazilungisiyo. Sizibona zilungiswa kuphela phaya ecaleni kwekhaya lika Mphathiswa weMisebenzi yoLuntu, kodwa kwintsalela yeMpuma Koloni akukho nto.
Makahambe aye KwiPhondo loMtla; abantu bayalamba. Makahambe aye KwaZulu- Natal; abantu bayalamba. Badlala ngemali. Bahamba apha esithubeni, bexokisa abantu. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)
[They make a noise here. I heard Tshwete waffle here. He needs to be told. We shall not take instruction from him. We are here because we were elected; we did not roll into this place like melons. [Interjections.] What he should know is that they spent money here on buying arms, while the people out there are starving and sick. [Interjections.]
I challenge him to go to the Eastern Cape to see the state of the roads they are failing to repair. We see repairs going on on the roads close to the home of the Minister of Public Works, but in the rest of the province nothing is being done.
He must go to the Northern Province; people are starving. He should go to KwaZulu-Natal; people are starving there too. They are wasting the money. They move around the country, telling people lies. [Applause.]]
Mr T M GONIWE: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: the hon member Mr Bantu Holomisa says that hon Minister Tshwete goes around the country lying to people. That is unparliamentary.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I thought the hon Holomisa was not saying the individual hon Tshwete, but a collective that hon Tshwete belongs to. I think we would need to scrutinise the words that he used, so that we can see what he actually said.
The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President and members of this House, having listened to various leaders of opposition parties, one feels shamed by the quality of presentation before this House.
When I listened to some of these inputs, I could not help but consider a quotation …
When I listened to some of these inputs, I could not help but consider a quote from John Ruskin. He says that there are two types of people: The believer, the builder and the praiser; or the unbeliever, the destroyer and the critic. We listened to various people this afternoon, including the hon Holomisa, who not so long ago was a General in some small part of the country that he ran down and milked at that point in time. [Interjections.] Think of the Judge White commission. When one listens to the kind of input he makes, one feels that clearly, he must go and look at economics once again. He must also seriously review that nature of misinformation to this House.
The hon member has a responsibility to inform the public correctly. He should not try to build himself - not his party, himself - on the backs of the people of this country. [Interjections.] It does not become anybody who sees himself as a patriot. [Interjections.] When I listened to him, and to the hon Tony Leon, it made me think of a poet, Adam Small, who is, ironically in the DA now. He said:
Die Here het gaskommel.
[Tussenwerpsels.] Wat hy gesê het, is: … wat maak dit saak soos die Engelsman sê it cuts no ice die Here het gaskommel en die dice het verkeerd geval …
In this instance, for the likes of the two of them …
… daai’s maar al.
They do not care, … [Interjections.] … because in essence what they cannot accept is that there are two primary choices in life. [Interjections.] The ANC and the President are walking that path. [Interjections.] In the words of Dennis Waitley those choices are -
… to accept the conditions as they exist, or to accept the responsibility for changing them.
We have accepted the reponsibility for changing them. [Interjections.] We are willing to ensure that we take things forward, because one of the central themes running through the President’s address on Friday is the role that civil society can play, that broader society can play in realising the ideals we have for this beautiful country of ours. VukuZenzele! We are not prepared to demobilise our people, as the hon Holomisa suggests. Shame on him … [Applause.] … for implying that our people should be passive recipients of state power, of state services, without their involvement.
Our President challenged the nation, and Mr Holomisa is not prepared to accept that, because he has always been shortsighted. I want to go further and say that the President brought this theme to the fore, both last year and this year. This is the evidence of his wisdom, of his leadership and visionary qualities which he will not accept.
The President is encouraging our nation to draw on qualities, at this point in time underutilised, and to this effort, to harness more capacity in the war against poverty. We have the courage to take it forward. It is not new to the ANC that individuals and organisations that are mobilised to assist in fulfilling the country’s national agenda can make a massive contribution. Across the nations of the world, in varied cultures, we find a multitude of expressions of public life, people who look out for one another’s wellbeing, and that of society as a whole.
Our country has a proud tradition of using people’s power for improving the fate of society in general. There has been a tradition of rendering public service where the state cannot, will not, or did not in the past. Members should turn their minds 10 years back, preceding the dawn of democracy in South Africa. In every township, from Mdantsane to Guguletu, from Huhudi to Alexandra, the civics and other democratic structures were directly involved in rendering services where the recalcitrant apartheid regime denied people access to resources of the state, or to supplement where it was clearly of an inadequate quality.
All over South Africa street and block committees were discussing and contributing ideas. It was a buzz! The energy was felt. This phenomenon was given names by the intellectuals. They called it ``human and social capital’’. The prevailing wisdom is that these additional forms of capital are as important in the bigger scheme of growth and development as what is traditionally accepted as capital - money and infrastructure. It says that we should not stare ourselves blind at money and infrastructure alone. If we filter these other forms of capital into the equation, it has the potential of changing our development experience tremendously.
Now in our second term as a democratic Government, South Africa is in a beneficial position where civil society and the market can operate within a clear national agenda set by a democratic Government within the parameters of a Constitution that makes significant room for direct and indirect participation of the population. The policy framework has been developed adequately to allow for more durability in the policy environment, and it is starting to become marked by consolidation and continuation, rather than by major changes and radical suspensions of policy initiatives. We have passed the situation where a deliberate vacuum was left by the apartheid government in service delivery to large segments of our population.
South Africa has resisted the idea that the state should be diminished and left weakened in terms of its service delivery role. As a Government we are convinced that a strong state, in combination with strong partners in the market and the community sector, is a recipe for our future development successes. And we will not be demobilised by rhetoric and speeches. That rhetoric and speeches are safe in some statements by irresponsible leaders, as we have seen today:
Diegene wat geensins patriote is nie en diegene wat patriotisme nie verstaan nie. [Those who are no patriots at all and those who do not understand patriotism.]
A situation of finding synergy and harmony between efforts emanating from different quarters will allow for greater effectiveness and less wastage of our resources in fruitless competition. We should also resist the inclination to think that partners need to compete with one another to fulfil the exact same function or in an undermining fashion exploit one another’s weaknesses or positions. The successful relationship is rather one of complementing one another in the knowledge of our relative strengths.
I just want to go back to the relevant strengths and weaknesses of different partners in the development process. Our President, in an interview with SABC-TV, commented that activism and competence in mobilisation techniques are not really the strengths that our Government officials will be remembered for. Many of them are not particularly apt at dealing with communities at grass-roots level. However, they do control vast resources and they are able to handle large-scale projects and programmes out to scale. Their ability to access and mobilise financial and other infrastructures do exceed that of small community organisations. The state is the only institution that has the reach and scope to roll out programmes to scale. This in turn is not a characteristic of efforts of small informal community organisations that are more particularist in their nature and limited scope. Hence the need for a close partnership as we strive to deepen the Batho Pele principles.
As I have pointed out, we have a proud history of activism, in spite of what was shamefully said earlier in this House. We have a proud history and tradition of participation. International experts in participatory methods of development, policy-making and decision-making in the past came to South Africa, acknowledging that it is one of a handful of countries that are setting the standard and the agenda regarding participatory methods.
They came here to look at how it was done before they wrote their textbooks and manuscripts. On one occasion our President reffered to a comment made by the head of state in Austria, describing South Africa as a pilot project that is being closely observed and analysed by the international community.
The time has come for us to re-assert our energised presence in the spaces which were created for us and which we created in our legislative framework to determine the quality of our lives and proffer quality solutions to the problems we are experiencing, and which is deeply rooted in the expertise that is created through the university of life, through a government that is interested in its people. Power to the people! Vuk’uZenzele. [Wake up and do it for yourself]!
I think the entire policy-making culture of this country has been transformed, as we can see, and more detailed programmes and project levels opportunities are been created, where direct opportunities for consultation and even more meaningful levels of participation exist. These include parents in school management bodies, also looking at communities that are shaping safety and security transformation through community policies forums, and user consultation forums for public health facilities, but to mention a few.
I would like to conclude by saying to this House, quoting from Martin Luther King:
There is nothing more dangerous than to build a society with a large segment of the people in that society who feel they have no stake in it; who feel that they have nothing to lose. People who have a stake in their society protect that society, but when they don’t have it, they unconsciously want to destroy it.
I quote this piece because of hon Holomisa’s irresponsible statements before this House.
We are never going to allow the demobilisation of our people - we fought for that too dearly. We cannot allow those who are from the peanut/pina gallery within the House to throw stones and to make suggestions that are ill - based and ill-founded, in an attempt to misinform our people, such as that leader who is howling showing he is a nitwit in this House.[Applause.] [Interjections.]
Rev K R J MESHOE: Madam Speaker, the state of the nation adress by the President was well received by most South Africans. Many believe it was balanced, albeit lacking in detail on issues that needed urgent response and answers.
We salute Government for providing about 7 million of our people access to clean running water and for successfully making about 3,5 million electricity grid connections. Commendable progress has also been made in the redestribution of over 1 million hectares in the land reform programme. The ACDP says well done for these achievements.
In his speech, the President also informed this House that the number of houses built or which are still under construction to date is about 1,2 million. Because we know about the difficulties many have with their houses, we want to caution Government not to sacrifice quality for quantity in the process of providing desperately needed houses.
Another big plus for which I must commend the President is his annoucement that the allocations of both old-age pension and child grants will be increased by far more than the rate of inflation. This is good news especially for those South African who rely on these grants as their only source of income.
Taxpayers always welcome the news of futher tax cuts, particularly those on the lower end of the salary scale. It was refreshing also to hear that the plight of the poor is at the top of Government’s agenda.
Not only South Africans, but also most people all over the the world who are concerned about events in Zimbabwe, agrees with the President when he says, and I qoute: [… let the people of Zimbabwe speak through the ballot box!]
This will only be possible if the Mugabe government creates a climate and condition conducive for free and far elections to take place. This obviously requires the maintanence of law and order. The President’s remarks about Zimbabwe lacked detail and the assurance that our Government cares about what is happening to our neighbours in the North.
A perception must not be created that our President or Government is protecting and defending President Robert Mugabe who clearly has a problem that has turned him into a ruthless dictator. He is a man who despises democratic principles and practices.
It is regrettable that by yesterday the Zimbabwean government had refused to give accreditation to the head of the EU observer mission, Pierre Schori of Sweden. The fact that the Zimbabwean government rejects election observers from Sweden, Britain, Denmark, Finland, Germany and the Netherlands, should justify the EU’s decision to impose smart sanctions on Mr Mugabe, his family and Cabinet Ministers. Their assets, most of which, I believe one day we will hear were stolen, must be frozen. They should be denied visas to European countries, especially those countries whose people they are denying accreditation. It is high time that EU countries start playing the hard ball Mr Mugabe has been playing for a long time. Why should all the people who disagree with him publicly be accused of bias in favour of the opposition parties? Why should the print shop that does business with opposition parties be petrol-bombed? Why should the offices of Zimbabwe’s only independent daily newspaper, the Daily News, be fire- bombed for disagreeing with and reporting on the criminal activities of the so-called war veterans? I trust that the South African observer mission to Zimbabwe will not be intimidated into silence when they see atrocities taking place in front of them.
In July this year our country will be hosting the founding summit meeting of the African Union. For the African Union to succeed where the Organisation of African Unity failed, a few things will have to be done differently.
Firstly, the AU must honestly promote and defend multiparty democracy in Africa, while denouncing dictators, military and oppresive governments. Secondly, All African leaders who are part of the AU must hold one another accountable and insist on good governance, the rule of law, human rights and fiscal discipline. Those who enrich themselves from state coffers must not be allowed to get away with it.
When he was in Paris, the Nigerian president, Obasanjo, said that his predecessor, General Sani Abacha, and his family stole about $4,3 billion from public funds during his four and a half years in power. Although the theft and plundering of national assets were widely-known, even the OAU did nothing about them. Our President has to assure us that such corruption will not be tolerated in the African Unity, even if he has to make a principled stand against corruption on his own.
Thirdly, African leaders must take full responsibility for what is happening on this continent and stop shifting the blame all the time. For how long will our leaders blame colonialism whenever they fail to solve their problems? We want to see maturity taking place among our African leaders. Two of the signs of that maturity will be a willingness to accept constructive criticism and full responsibility for what is happening on the African continent, and particularly in their respective countries. Before we can seriously talk about African solutions, we must accept responsibility for both our successes and failures.
What the hon President said on the issue of Aids was disappointing and much less than what had been expected. Most South Africans had hoped that he would support the principle of providing anti-retroviral drugs to all HIV- positive pregnant mothers, in order to reduce the mother-to-child transmission of the virus.
The ACDP understands that there are a lot of other logistical factors that are involved in the efficacy of anti-retroviral interventions, and that is the reason I am referring to his principled position. We salute the Western Cape and Kwazulu-Natal governments for taking a principled stand of making Nevirapine accessible to all pregnant mothers who are HIV-positive.
On the issue of crime, South Africans who do not have personal body guards, and whose properties do not have 24-hours security guards, will definitely disagree with the hon President, the hon Minister and the Government, who say that the police are winning the war against crime. Global agencies that have ranked South Africa as one of the most unsafe places on earth are correct. For as long as innocent people are robbed and killed, and women and children are raped on a daily basis, then the Government is denying the reality of what is happening on the ground by trying to convince the public that violent crime is on the decrease. It is not seen on the ground.
Lastly, the ACDP fully endorses the call by hon Dr Buthelezi for unity, and as he put it, even if we speak with different voices and emphasis. When we disagree with the Government, we are not unpatriotic. We are concerned and we love our country. [Applause.]
Somlomo, Mongameli namalungu ePalamente ahloniphekileyo. [Madam Speaker, Mr President and hon members …]
Our President has posed the challenge of ensuring that our social transformation is built on the foundation of a caring and people-centred society. My input will focus on how health policy is contributing to achieving the above national goal. I will touch on the achievements of our policy and on the challenges still lying ahead: the HIV/Aids epidemic and the quality of care in our health care institutions.
When the ANC Government took over, we were confronted with poverty and underdevelopment. In health care institutions we spend a lot of time on ensuring that we improve access to health facilities for all, through clinic-building programmes, through restructuring hospitals and through ensuring fair distribution of health personnel. We introduced free health care at a primary level. Now, the focus is on the reconstruction and rehabilitation of our infrastructure. The ANC Government has put an emphasis on rehabilitating the teaching hospitals, particularly the formerly disadvantaged institutions.
Inkosi Albert Luthuli Central Hospital in Durban is now complete and should be functional soon. A new Umtata academic hospital will be completed in March this year. This replaces the hospital that was neglected by the Holomisa homeland government and allowed to degenerate into a shack. [Interjections.] Despite all these efforts, we still face the challenge of producing health personnel capable and willing to be deployed in the most deserving and rural areas.
We introduced community service for doctors, pharmacists and dentists. We salute the government and the people of Cuba for not only lending us their doctors, but for also offering to train our students from disadvantaged communities. They pose a challenge to our own medical schools which fail to attract and support such students. We need to urgently review the admission processes and criteria in all our medical schools.
The ANC has fought for affordable medicines ensuring that we put the health of the nation first before profits. We have won the first battle in the courts. We are winning the support of other nations. We are now better placed to promulgate the law and start implementing the policy.
We are under no illusion that we can eradicate the burden of diseases of poverty, like TB, HIV/Aids, cholera and malaria, as the President said, at the push of a button’’. We are also aware that the health outcomes do not only depend on health services. The health of our nation relies heavily on the provision of infrastructure like clean water, sanitation, electricity, telephones, housing; on adequate food security through the provision of land and agricultural skills; and, lastly, on education, particularly female basic education. The ANC Government has introduced various interventional programmes to address these challenges hence ensuring that we are on course for a better life for all.
I shall now turn to the greatest challenge that our country is facing: the HIV/Aids epidemic. The ANC is moving from the premise that the HI virus causes Aids. Currently, there is no cure for Aids. This should not immobilise us into a corner of despair, because as a nation we can win the war against this epidemic. We shall gain courage from the fact that more than 70% of our adult population is still free of the disease.
The ANC concurs with the words of Kofi Annan who, when opening the World Assembly last year said:
Aids is an unprecedental global crisis. It requires an unprecedented response from each and every one of us. Turning back, the HIV/Aids epidemic is a task beyond individual efforts no matter how outstanding or heroic. It requires communities, nations, regions to come together in concerted co-ordinated action.
From the outset, long before some of the opposition parties and some fly-by- night leaders were even awake or even conceived, the ANC adopted a multisectoral approach, nondiscrimination of affected people, community empowerment to get a community-based response, public awareness and community-based prevention initiative.
Contrary to what the Leader of the Opposition, Tony Leon, is saying or preaching, there is no change in ANC policy.
The ANC opted for a comprehensive approach based on social mobilisation rather than simply stop gap measures. Dr Peter Piot of UNAIDS concurred with our position during last year’s World Assembly, when he said:
The world has known about Aids for 20 years. During that time the disease has spread to every continent. In the worst affected countries it has set back human progress by decades. But over the past 20 years we have learnt a great deal about how to tackle Aids. The most important lesson has been that half measures do not work against the epidemic. The only way the epidemic can be reversed is through total social mobilisation.
Our Government has responded by forming partnerships in mobilising resources and society, through the South African National Aids Council or Sanac. The national strategy incorporates the following: Prevention through awareness, life skill and mother-to-child programmes; treatment, care and support; human and legal rights; monitoring research and surveillance; and a special focus on the youth.
For the strategy to succeed, it must take into account what has been described as the main drivers of the epidemic in Africa, namely poverty, migration and gender imbalances.
Some of the successes are the following: We are currently spending about R190 million in the Government action plan focusing on prevention. We are the only country in Southern Africa that procures and distributes quality condoms free to the public. The Government is currently spending R100 million per annum, due to the three-times increase in condom use from 96 000 in 1999 to 250 000 last year.
More than 90% of South Africans are aware of how to prevent the disease. Antenatal surveys indicate that the increasing prevalence we witnessed previously has stabilised in the last two years by about 24%.
This year we will be doubling our allocation for integrated strategy to R320 million. This will focus on life skills programmes, voluntary counselling and testing and community-based initiatives.
There has been significant changes in behaviour among younger age groups. The surveys among women under 20 years of age show that while 30% of them reported condom use in 1999, 66% used condoms during their last sexual encounter in 2001.
The prevalence in the under 20 years age group, which is the closest indication of new infections, is on the decline.
There are still many challenges ahead. We need to sustain our prevention awareness campaigns with more emphasis on behavioural change. The ANC is firm and committed to finding ways to prevent and reduce mother-to-child transmission. We encourage the Government in partnership with society to confront whatever challenges we have identified in the 250 nevirapine pilot sites, so that we may expand the programme to other areas.
We would like to dispel the myth that antiretroviral drugs cure the disease.
Kukhona abazama ukuhlukanisa uhulumeni nemiphakathi. Bafaka imfundisoze yokuthi kunekhambi elingelapha lesi sifo. UHulumeni we-ANC uzimisele ukulwa nokubhebhetheka kwaleli gciwane. [There are people who are trying to create division within the Government. They are spreading the false idea that there is a cure for this disease. The ANC Government is prepared to stop the spread of this disease.]
We must also dispel the myth that the ANC does not care for the infected or the affected people. What we have not done is politicising the Aids epidemic for narrow political gains. We, as a caring organisation, have chosen to work with the people and society in finding solutions for all the challenges we confront in fighting the scourge.
In this war, we shall not divide but unite our communities in action to defeat the epidemic.
While we may agree with some of the important matters raised by iNkosi Buthelezi, we must take cognisance of medical research and bad practices. Even in the developed world the advice is against the blanket use of antiretrovirals, for the simple reason of costs, toxicity and the increasing propensity to develop resistance.
The ANC shall continue to fight for affordable medicine to treat opportunistic infections - which are the major causes of deaths - to be available in all our community. We shall continue to fight and mobilise for affordable and safe antiretrovirals.
We shall continue to roll out necessary infrastructure to empower our communities to have food securities and healthy life styles, in order to boost their immunity against communicable diseases.
We shall continue to dispel the discrimination of the affected people in our communities. We will fight for the dignity and strive to treat them with compassion. We shall mobilise all sectors of our society for community initiatives, partnerships and community-based care and support.
We remain convinced that the battle against Aids will be lost or won at the community level. Every organisation or individual must define his or her contribution to the national effort to fight the scourge. This Parliament must define its role. We believe that MPs are in a better position to destigmatise Aids and mobilise community support and awareness.
In conclusion, I would like to address the equality of care from our health institutions. The Government has laid the basis for people-centred health care. We have adopted the Batho Pele and the patient’s charter in all provinces. We are transforming governance structures in our health institutions.
What is critical is to translate these into palpable action in order to avoid forcing our poor people to go and buy their dignity elsewhere. This can only be done if our health professionals go an extra mile in their call of duty to ensure that they contribute in easing the burden on our people. This is possible if our communities form partnerships in governance and service delivery, particularly to the vulnerable communities.
The ANC thanks all those patriots who have chosen to put a shoulder in
persuing our national goal for a better life for all.
UMongameli uhlabe umkhosi, wathi masivuke sibumbane njengamavolontiya
sisebenzele impilo engcono kithi sonke. Vuk'uzenzele!'' [Ihlombe.] [The
President has sounded the horn that we should unite as volunteers and work
for a better life for all of us.
Wake up and do it yourself!’’
[Applause.]]
Dr J T DELPORT: Agb Speaker, Meneer die President, ek wil net ter aanvang die baie DA ondersteuners op die gallery welkom heet hier in die Parlement. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.]
Op 27 Februarie 1901 het generaal Piet Cronje by Paardeberg oorgegee met 4000 man, ‘n beslissende gebeurtenis in die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog. Generaal De Wet sê hiervan dat dié daad tot die einde van die oorlog sy letsels gelaat het. Dit kan ‘n mens verstaan. Leiers besef nie hoe groot die effek van hulle dade op die siel en gees van hulle mense is nie. Dit was nie per se die verlies van 4000 man nie, nee, meer die verlammende uitwerking van willoosheid.
Voor ek ernstiger perspektiewe aanroer, net drie kort opmerkings gerig aan die adres van die agb lid, mnr Marthinus van Schalkwyk. Eerstens, dit is duidelik die agb lid het nog nie ‘n pos nie. Hy moes praat vir ‘n pos vandag. [Gelag.] [Applous.] Meer ernstig, hy het sy Paardeberg belewe. Hy het ‘n keuse gemaak. Hy moet daarmee saamleef dat hy sy wil en visie onherroeplik gekompromitteer het. ‘n Derde opmerking, in ligte luim, gelukkig het hy nie meer 4000 man om mee oor te gee nie! [Gelag.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Dr J T DELPORT: Hon Speaker, Mr President, at the outset I would just like to welcome the many DA supporters in the gallery to Parliament. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
On 27 February 1901 General Piet Cronje surrendered at Paardeberg with 4000 men, a crucial event in the Boer War. General De Wet said in this regard that this act left its scars until the end of the war. One can understand that. Leaders do not realise how great the effect of their deeds is on the soul and spirit of their people. It was not the loss of 4000 men per se; no, more the paralysing effect of passivity.
Before I touch on more serious perspectives, I just have three brief remarks aimed at the address of the hon member, Mr Marthinus van Schalkwyk. Firstly, it is clear the hon member does not yet have a position. Today he had to talk for a position. [Laughter.] [Applause.] More seriously, he has experienced his Paardeberg. He made a choice. He has to live with the fact that he compromised his wishes and vision irrevocably. A third remark, in a lighter vein - fortunately he no longer has 4000 men to surrender! [Laughter.]
Let me now turn to the President’s address. There is general consensus in this House today that South Africa is faced with three major enemies, that is poverty, crime and Aids. I had hoped today that we would have experienced on Friday a President that stood up forcefully for his people, for what they need. I had hoped that he would have announced the cancellation of the arms contract as far as it is legally possible; that at the very least he would have initiated an inquiry into the possibility of such a cancellation, because that is what we must do. The arms deal was a senseless exercise. It was not what was needed, given the needs of our country.
We can no longer afford to spend money, billions of rands on a fictitious enemy. We now need to use that money to fight the three major enemies, ie crime, poverty and Aids. These are the enemies. The hon the President, with all due respect, did not deal adequately and decisively with these enemies. Government’s priorities are wrong. The priorities of our spending are wrong.
Die siel en gees van ons mense kry seer as gevolg van hierdie willoosheid aan die kant van die Regering. Sien agb lede, wat nou hier lekker praat, nog die wanhoop in mense se oë as nog ‘n gesin onder roof en moord lei? [Tussenwerpsels.] Sien hulle hoe die vlam van hoop vir ‘n beter lewe kwyn as daar nog ‘n dag verbygaan waarop arm mense nog armer word? [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.]
Sien agb lede dit nog raak dat die trots uit ‘n man se lewe verdwyn? Sien hulle nog raak hoe sy skouers hang as daar nog ‘n dag verbygegaan het, en hy nie werk kon kry nie? [Applous.] Sien die agb President die paniek in die siekes se oë wat weet teen hierdie siekte het hulle nie raad nie?
Ons polisie het die afgelope jaar minder geword, nie meer nie. Die infeksiekoers van HIV/Vigs het gestyg, dit het nie gedaal nie. Die munisipaliteite wat in ons voorlinie moet veg teen armoede raak stadig maar seker bankrot. Dit gaan op ‘n fiasko uitloop. Werkgeleenthede wat die enigste ware antwoord is op armoede word minder, dit word nie meer nie.
Dít is die werklikheid waarteenoor hierdie Regering ‘n willoosheid en ‘n onvermoë om op te tree toon. Ek vra met groot erns, het die Regering sy deernis met die lot van ons mense verloor? Het wêreldburgerskap vir ons belangriker geword as ‘n siek kind? Het luukse motors en stralers vir die Regering belangriker geword as brood op die tafels van ons armes? In belang van hulle wat nie die geleentheid het om hier te praat nie, bid ek dat die agb President die regte keuses sal maak. Ek wil hê dat sy Paardeberg, waar hy by staan, ‘n gloriedag vir hom sal word, want dit sal glorie vir Suid-Afrika bring. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[The soul and spirit of our people are injured as a result of this passivity on the part of the Government. Do hon members, who speak here so easily, still not see the hopelessness in people’s eyes when another family suffers robbery and murder? [Interjections.] Do they see the flame of hope for a better life fading when another day passes in which poor people become even poorer? [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Do hon members still see the pride disappearing from a man’s life? Do they still see how his shoulders hang when yet another day passes and he has not been able to find work? [Applause.] Does the hon the President see the panic in the eyes of those who are sick and know that they have no defence against this illness?
Our police have been reduced over the past few years, not increased. The infection rate of HIV/Aids has risen, it has not dropped. The municipalities which must fight on our front lines against poverty are slowly but surely becoming bankrupt. This is going to result in a fiasco. Job opportunities, which are the only real answer to poverty, are becoming fewer, not more.
This is the reality towards which this Government is indicating a passivity and an inability to act. I ask in all seriousness, has the Government lost its compassion with the fate of our people? Has global citizenship become more important to us than a sick child? Have luxury cars and jets become more important to the Government than bread on the tables of our poor?
In the interests of those who do not have the opportunity to speak here, I pray that the hon the President will make the right choices. I want his Paardeberg, at which he is standing, to become a glory day for him, because it will bring glory for South Africa. [Interjections.] [Applause.]]
Mrs W S NEWHOUDT-DRUCHEN: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon members of Parliament, South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white. The ANC’s 8 January statement said, and I quote:
We know that we are beginning to off-load the burden of poverty, hunger, disease, ignorance and underdevelopment that continue to afflict millions of our people.
Some of our biggest burdens are child rape and abuse. The opposition may choose to believe differently, but we know that the apartheid structures, institutional marginalisation and inequalities bred violence and moral decay in our communities.
Since it was formed 90 years ago, the ANC’s struggle for liberation for has been motivated by strong ethical convictions, especially for the moral value of justice and equality for all, and respect and care for other people.
We are a young democratic South Africa, but we are still confronted with the diseased social and economic climate of this apartheid legacy which has resulted in the abuse of many of our children.
In South Africa, children’s rights as outlined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, are enshrined in section 28 of the Bill of Rights of the Constitution. The Bill of Rights is informed by the understanding that a child’s best interests are of paramount importance in every matter concerning the child. Our children are precious and they have the right to the best our country can offer. Our children’s rights should be understood by every child in this country and be respected by every adult.
Allow me to highlight some of the rights that we need to know and emphasise, wherever we go: the right to family or parental care or to appropriate alternative care when removed from the family environment; the right to basic nutrition, shelter, health care and social services; the right to be protected from maltreatment, neglect, abuse and degradation and the right to be protected from exploitative labour practices.
From the Freedom Charter, we know that ``all shall enjoy equal human rights, all shall be equal before the law’’. All of these oblige us to fight for the creation of a nonracial and nonsexist society, both of which are requirements contained in our democratic Constitution. It also means that we must work to ensure that the rights of children are respected and enforced.
The struggle for real equality stands at the heart of our efforts to create a new people-centred society. They encompass all aspects of our national life and touch every one of our citizens. They require that we all achieve the goal of equality, in state and society, through a sustained integration and open process of fundamental social transformation. We should eradicate the legacy of a racist and patriarchal society which resulted in a situation of contempt, domination and discrimination for the overwhelming majority of our people, including our children. They require of us to expel from our society immoral behaviour which results in the victimisation and abuse of the weakest amongst us, namely, our children. This comes from the January statement.
What do we mean when we talk about abuse? Well, child abuse is forcing a child to touch one; hitting and hurting a child, often to relieve our own frustrations, exposing a child to pornographic acts or literature, touching a child where or when he/she does not want to be touched, breaking down the self-confidence of a child, rape and incest, not sending a child to school, keeping a disabled child at home because parents are embarassed about having a disabled child, and the sexist neglect of a girl child in favour of a boy child.
The Freedom Charter specifically provides that we should teach the ``youth to love their people and their culture, to honour human brotherhood and sisterhood, liberty and peace’’. These values should inspire all our people, both young and old. They should help us to recreate our society as one that unites our society to fight against murder, violent crimes against persons, and the rape and abuse of women and children.
We should work to ensure that, in addition to improved law enforcement, we succeed in mobilising all our people to join as one to fight these crimes, especially those that violate the most vulnerable in society, such as children.
We know that our police force cannot work alone to get rid of all the evil in our society.
It is our responsibity to take up our President’s call for volunteerism and to remember that ``every child is my child.’’ I applaud the policewoman who took a deaf boy under her wings after he had been badly treated and found tied to a table in his home. I applaud the volunteers who are counsellors for the victims of abuse at the Steenberg police station trauma unit in Cape Town.
Our child protection units are filled with overworked, but committed policewomen and men who work hard to find and arrest perpetrators. Perpetrators must be arrested and given the toughest sentence that can be handed down. Our courts must make sure of this.
Let me tell hon members about an incident that happened in my constituency, which is an example of how the term “child abuse” can often be misinterpreted. I have been told that a representative from the provincial department of education accused a sign languange interpreter of child abuse, thinking that she was speaking on behalf of deaf pupils. Four deaf pupils, who are attending a hearing school, expressed their views about preferring to attend a hearing school with full access to a sign language interpreter to attending a school for the deaf, where some teachers cannot sign and the standard of education is lower than in hearing schools.
The interpreter does not speak for the deaf. She only interprets for them or voices over. Disabled children, like all children, have a right to the freedom of expression and the right to full access at any school.
In response to the outcry about child abuse and rape, a task group on child abuse has been set up in Parliament. Seven portfolio committees form the task group. Their brief is to conduct public hearings on the abuse of children. The aim of the hearings is to get an understanding of the nature of the crime, the gaps in existing legislation that protects children and the problems with current responses and protection systems.
Short-term and long-term recommendations will be made to the Government, based on the outcome of these hearings. Yes, the ANC believes that in our struggle for a truly nonracial, nonsexist democratic South Africa, we cannot separate social transformation from spiritual and moral transformation.
We call on our communities to: one, strengthen the cohesion of societies; two, encourage co-operatione and collective commitment to the improvement of both the individual and society; three, respect every member of the community; and, four, build a new society based on a sound value system.
Our work to build in South Africa a better life for all continues.
Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, what is the definition of a good leader? A good leader must find the correct balance between fearlessness and even unpopular guidance on the one hand, while staying in touch with his followers, on the other hand. The hon President is under pressure from different pressure groups to change his economic vision for South Africa, yet he showed willingness to be unpopular with some by stating in his opening address that the path of an open economy that he has charted is not up for review. The FF congratulates him on this.
The President’s success, which he achieved abroad recently with Nepad, must also be applauded. Unfortunately, in my seven minutes there is only time to discuss one issue, the sudden outreach from the ANC towards Afrikaners.
I have a mandate to speak on behalf of those who voted for the FF. Yet, listening to Afrikaner debates, I believe I reflect the opinion of the majority: Dialogue with the ANC was our approach since 1993. We lost many votes in 1999 because we were too far ahead of our supporters on these issues.
How serious is the ANC about really addressing Afrikaner issues? Afrikaners are confused because the ANC sends out different signals towards them. Reading Prof Esterhuysen’s report, one of the things the Government failed to do was to recruit 30 000 reservists to help protect farms. That sent a signal.
Changing the names of only the Afrikaans towns in the Northern Province in a two-week blitzkrig, without any real consultation, sends a message that Afrikaners are not welcome in that province. Yesterday I advised an Afrikaner industrialist to invest his money in another province.
At the same time, Mr Lekota reaches out to Afrikaners, praising their commitment to Africa and their expertise in helping to make a success of South Africa.
I sat in this Chamber listening to ANC speeches for the past eight years. I listened to the speeches of the young ANC lions sitting there behind us in the backbenches of the ANC, emotional speeches whipping up people. I listened to the older ANC members over there, telling us of the struggle, everyone with a story of how he personnaly suffered, but also dreaming and longing for the good old days of the struggle in which politics were less complicated.
I listened to the ANC exiles, mostly sitting over here, telling us what happened in South Africa while they were away, not realising that their versions of South African reality were tinted by the propaganda angle of the source from which they obtained the information abroad. The more I listened to ANC speeches, the more I became convinced that they do not understand the Afrikaner. What makes the situation so dangerous is that they believe they do understand us perfectly. What was one of the main criticisms black people had against the National Party government and its policies? It was that the National Party thought they knew what was best for black people and therefore decided on their behalf.
Listening to the ANC speeches over the past year, I get the same impression. When we tell this House how Afrikaners experience affirmative action, the ANC answers aggressively: ``We know best. You are typical racist Afrikaners that resist change and transformation,’’ without any idea of what is really happening to Afrikaners in the workplace.
Recent research at Eskom showed how the practical implementation of affirmative action is the most important factor in the hardening of Afrikaner attitudes at the moment. When we speak about the Afrikaans language and how English is forcing all other languages out, it is experienced as an attack on black people. One must study our history. We resisted English in 1820 during the Anglo-Boer War. We resisted every effort to anglicise us.
What a disappointment it was to arrive at Parliament and to see the new notice boards only in English. We proposed using four languages alternatively. I find it ironic that the FF is fighting more for the use of other languages than most of the mother-tongue speakers here do. When the FF fights for mother-tongue education, the ANC hears that we want to go back to the old education system before 1994.
Mr Asmal said the other day that the fact that Wits University and RAU are 4 km apart is the weird logic of apartheid. It shows that Mr Asmal still does not understand the concept of mother-tongue education. In Brussels; Belgium, Mr Asmal will find the French university and the Flemish university only a few kilometres from each other. The same occurs in Leuven where the university split in the ’60s for language and cultural reasons.
Is this also the weird logic of apartheid, or is it the principle of mother- tongue education applied to tertiary level? When we argue for minority rights and self-determination, the ANC hears secession and an unwillingness to play a role in South Africa. This is totally wrong. One must read my speeches and my lips if one wants to know how I offered Afrikaner expertise, explaining that when the South African ship goes down, we all go down together.
Self-determination is part of the solution, and not an opposing solution. One must read the debates in Europe and at the United Nations on how minority rights and self-determination are propagated as the solution for plural societies - the only solution that succeeded in getting the co- operation and loyalty of minority groups.
When the ANC launched their volunteer project, ANC officials wrote to the newspapers that Afrikaners were too selfish to take part in such campaign. What nonsense! My sister’s son attends the Afrikaans primary school Anton van Wouw, in Pretoria. This Afrikaans school has an agreement, voluntarily, with the Banareng Primary School in Atteridgeville. The Afrikaans school donated computers to Banareng and sponsored Banareng children that were chosen to present their province at the national gymnastic championships. Banareng, again, taught the Afrikaans schoolchildren how they can make money from their own vegetable garden at school.
Every year the 800 children from each school exchange Christmas presents that they make themselves. At the moment, the parents at Anton van Wouw are helping Banareng with a bread project. The profit from every loaf of bread sold is used to buy a brick. Banareng has already built three classrooms from this project. Why does Anton van Wouw do this? Because they are anti- black or racist?
In Bloemfontein Mrs Marie Basson started a project to get street children off the streets. She got them interested in the local library. The project is so successful that the majority of these children were ready and willing this year to go back to school. What motives might she have? Racism? Maybe, those hon members do not understand Afrikaners?
I believe win-win solutions for South Africa are still possible. I will guide my follewers along this route. But I am not going to commit political suicide by deserting the interests of my supporters, because the ANC expects it of me.
It is easy to be politically correct in this House by not telling the truth. The old NP government preferred to talk to the Matanzimas and not to the Mandelas during the 60’s. The ANC and the President must decide how serious they are in reaching out towards Arikaners, ie whether they prefer short-term Matanzima solutions and bluff themselves, or are willing to tackle real Afrikaner problems and get permanent solutions.
Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and hon members, there is no doubt that South Africa as a nation wants to move forward as a nation united by a common destiny to build a just society for everyone. To quote our President Mbeki during his address, he alluded to the fact that -
… During the past year our country has moved further forward towards a society free of poverty and underdevelopment.
He went on to say, and I quote:
We are nowhere near liberating millions of our people from this scourges.
The President could not have been more correct on this point this time. However, more concrete action is needed to address the identified challenges. It is on the basis of this statement that the President admits that there is a need for the Government to rethink its strategy and approach on issues considered controversial from the Government’s point of view.
These same issues, if not addressed, will admittedly reverse all the gains achieved by our Government. The question of HIV/Aids threaten to decimate the South African population and if it is not tackled headon, it will spell disaster. Once we acknowledged the Government’s reconciliatory note, we expect more in terms of practical steps to be taken as far as the question of providing HIV/Aids drugs is concerned.
We have noted with great interest that the Government would intensify the programme against HIV/Aids, sexually transmitted diseases, tuberculosis and other communicable diseases. We would like to see the Minister of Health announcing a healthy budget as a concrete step, ensuring that what the President said becomes a reality.
It is clear that we have all come to the realisation that the debate around Aids should centre around saving lives through available, tested and scientifically proven means. We already have the information and what is left is for the Government to make these drugs accessible to the poorer, who cannot afford them.
We need to advise the President that the fight against poverty should be a priority and a multifaceted approach. There is no doubt that the biggest cause of poverty is the high rate of unemployment and the inability of our economy to grow at a level that would allow us to create more employment opportunities. If not, the Government’s Vukuzenzele campaign will not work and will amount to a futile exercise.
We welcome the figures which state that more than 3,3 million grants were paid out and that the Government is to register an additional 3 million children by 2002. We are therefore ready to measure to the challenges of assisting the Government to meet these targets and register these needy children. The President has also made reference to the inability of the SMMEs’ to access finance from the mainstream banking financial institutions. It is a well-known fact that Khula and Ntsika, as financial institutions set up specifically to assist SMMEs’, are not responsive to the needs of the small entrepreneur.
On Nepad, we would like the Government to accelerate this initiative and equally prioritise South Africa’ development.
The South African Government should not be viewed as the sole driver of this process.
We would like to acknowledge that the R10 million contribution South Africa made to assist Mali to stage the Caf games in Mali was money well spent. This serves as a concrete example of what partnership means at the continental level. [Time expired].
Mr L M KGWELE: Madam Speaker, His Excellency the hon the President, His Excellency the hon the Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon members, it is obvious from some of the inputs that have thus far been made in this debate that the state-of-the-nation address that the President delivered on Friday piqued the pious hopes and delusive views of some of the desperate and destructive elements represented in this august House, particularly the ``Deurmekaar Alliance’’ and the UDM. On behalf of the ANC I rise, firstly, to commend the President for announcing momentous priority plans for implementation by Government in 2002, and today’s issues that affect the education of our nation, as we regard investment in people as one of our key strategies towards the eradication of poverty, disease, illiteracy and violence, which remain serious challenges hindering the pace of development.
The provision of opportunities for people to develop themselves in order to improve the quality of their lives and the standard of living of their communities remains a central objective of the Reconstruction and Development Programme.
The fundamental renewal of our society means and requires developing, maintaining and supporting a South African education and training system for the 21st century, to attain the objectives spelt out in the Freedom Charter and the Reconstruction and Development Programme.
If one evaluates the progress registered in improving our education system through the collective efforts of Government, with the support of the business sector, donor agencies, sponsors, private individuals, school governing bodies, parents, teacher unions, learners and communities, Government has indeed made great strides in this regard.
Ruri kopano ke maatla. Mmogo re ka potlakisa diphetogo go fitlhelela botshelo jo bo botoka go botlhe gonne tau di se nang seboka di siiwa ke none e tlhotsa. [Indeed, unity is the power. We will all work together to bring about a better life for all because together we stand, divided we fall.]
A lot can be achieved if we all respond positively to the President’s call to rise and act - vuk’uzenzele. The hon the President’s call for the nation to unite in action for change presents all of us with the opportunity to volunteer our time, resources and expertise to contribute towards the achievement of our national task of reconstruction and development, to build a caring and people-centred society. This task is not only the responsibility of Government; it is the task of all our people.
Letsema le thata ka mong wa lona. Mokodue go tsoswa o o itsosang. Re le setshaba re tshwanelwa ke go ikemela ka dinao, re tsee karolo mo go ageng le go sireletsa dikolo tsa rona. [We have to take part in the projects that we initiate. As the nation, we should stand on our feet and participate in building and protecting our schools.]
To protect our children’s future and in response to the President’s call, we should together with Government fight against the abuse of children, vandalism, corruption, theft and the misuse of resources.
It is encouraging and commendable that education remains an important priority of Government, as can be seen by the allocation of 21% of its national Budget, that is R58,4 billion, towards education. In 2001 the President’s Government made a long-term investment that lay a foundation for a higher quality of life, great employment opportunities and a better skilled workforce, contrary to the canvassed impression that our Government spends a lot of money on defence.
It is commendable that our Government has managed to bring down the country’s expenditure on defence from 9% to a reasonable 6%. This is not something that the opposition cares to inform the public about. This is the truth, nothing else but the truth. Instead they feed the public with negative rhetoric.
One of the truths that they do not inform the public about is that Government has done a lot within its limited resources to improve access to higher education, and that Government has allocated over R2 billion since 1994 towards the national student financial aid scheme to assist 81 609 needy students from disadvantaged communities to pursue tertiary education. [Applause.]
We should all pride ourselves for having a Government that has one of the highest rates of investments in education in the world to push back the frontiers of poverty and underdevelopment.
Indeed we are a winning nation. Maybe we need to take stock of our successes and appreciate what the rest of the continent and the world appreciate in and about us. Have we listened too long to the hon Leon, some bites that we have forgotten who he really is, what we are capable of and how we ought to be going as a nation. Maybe the hon President could assist by sharing with us as to what is it that the rest of the world appreciates about South Africa, and South Africans.
It is gratifying that the Government, through the Tirisano programme has prioritised and is giving attention to the implementation of norms and standards for funding of schools to promote equity; sustaining the improved the matric results through intervention such as whole school evaluation; eliminating of the illiteracy among adults and youth; improving the rehabilitation of schools; addressing issues of HIV/Aids in the education and training sector; developing the professional quality of our teachers; and, improving Maths, Science and Technology in our schools.
It is also critical that we extend the net of our primary school nutrition programme to also reach learners than the current 4 719 489 that have beneffitted from it, and the adoption of the human resource strategy and the national plan for higher education. However, I also believe that we should do more to improve access to higher education by ensuring that our youth from rural areas and poor urban families find it easier to access financial assistance to register for tertiary education, and that recognition of prior knowledge is recognised by our institutions of higher learning to enable the multitutes of our people who were denied an opportunity to study by the previous system.
The hon President has reminded us in his address that the restructuring of higher learning will not be an easy one. Indeed we agree with him that the restructuring must be done if we are to meet the country’s needs for high level human resource. It must be done if we are to produce future generations of black intellectuals and researchers. Although the hon Minister of Education has clearly stated on numerous occassions that the restructuring of higher education will not lead to closure of any sites of learning, there is still a great deal of uncertainty which needs to be addressed. If need be, Government must re-assure the public of the continued provision of higher education in institutions such as the University of Transkei in Umtata.
The restructuring process must not be held at ransom by individuals or institutions. We have already seen examples of such resistance to change. It is unfortunate that such resistance to transformation is dressed up in other guises. Let us be clear that the current restructuring exercise is nowhere an assult on academic freedom as freedom is safeguarded in the Constitution and the Higher Education Act.
We have confidence that Government will ensure that the process does not only temper with historically disadvantaged institutions to the exclusion of historically advataged institutions.
Sedikwa ke ntswapedi ga se thata. Ke a leboga.
It was an honour to participate in this debate. [Applause.]
Dr M S MOGOBA: Madam Speaker, President and Deputy President, a nation with many desperate needs is bound to have unusually high expectations. Such a nation looks up to its Parliament, Government and President for some sign of hope. This makes our task this session extraordinary.
As we sit in this Parliament, we can hear the deafening groans of the poor, who have carried the burden of racial oppression for many years and were hoping that the new democratic dispensation would bring changes in their lives. Instead of changes, they watch with disbelief as the ranks of the unemployed swell daily. With inflation reducing the buying power of the rand, their meagre resources bring very few goods home. We also have Aids victims and potential victims who thought that the President would make Aids the main subject of his address. They hoped that the President would propose that the nation declare war on Aids.
Those who have borne the brunt of apartheid rule find that they are the ones who are still at the bottom of society’s ladder. The only change is that they can now vote for the government of the day - actually, they did vote twice for this Government.
This Parliament was told triumphantly by the President that ``the people have spoken.’’ I wish to agree with the President that, indeed, the people have spoken. But does he really understand what they are saying? [Interjections.] Surely they were not saying that it is fine to starve, to be unemployed or to be homeless? They were not saying that it is fine not to have land on which to stay.
The informal settlements are increasing daily. For people in a desperate situation to be told by their Government to ``go back where they come from’’ was gross insensitivity. It was a kick in the teeth to people who live under the open sky in the land of their own ancestors.
On the question of land, the people are not asking to have a share of only 13% of the land. This is a wrong assumption which is, unfortunately, common. They clearly are want - and are entitled to - a share of 100% of the land. Nobody is suggesting that this is an easy problem. The people of this nation must solve this problem.
We have long called for a national summit on the land problem. With respect, this Government, this party alone cannot solve the problem. The Government had 65% of the vote, but has less than 13% of the land. With all its best intentions, this Government cannot deliver on its own: this national problem needs all the parties, all the landowners - including the churches - and all the people whose moneys are tied up in land.
If all the stakeholders can act together in one spirit of love for this country, that can bring new hope for our nation. Without addressing and solving this problem, there is just no fitire or peace for this beatiful country of ours.
The ostrich tactic of hiding our heads in the Zimbabwean sand is irresponsible and dishonest in the extreme. The Zimbabwean farmers, who should have been part of a land indaba, are only now debating the solution, and I am told that two thirds of the farmers there now support the government’s plan of allowing them to keep one good farm and then let the rest be distributed to the landless.
I want to believe that our farmers in this country, who are closely attached to the soil and therefore to this country, the authentic Africans who love the smell of the soil of the country, would not disagree with a fair, sensible formula which will bring peace to our country.
The African Union parliament which is meeting in our country in July is a major achievement for Africa and for the President of our country. Let us, however, not trivialise it by turning it into an ANC event. We, all of us, need to rise and mark this event with the dignity and historical consciousness that it deserves. Remember that we are surrounded by a cloud of witnesses who have laid down their lives for this dream, and they will be celebrating this event with us.
The unity of Africa and the long delayed development that must come from this unity are issues of great importance for this continent and those who love it. This brings to mind the words of Zeph Mothopeng: Unite, unite, all you Africans, unite, and rally to the banner of African nation. Promote, project the African personality and create one giant monolinguistic state of Africa.
… or the words of our national anthem:
Nkosi sikelel’ Afrika …
Morena boloka setshaba sa heso [God bless our land] Yiva imithandazo yethu [Hear our prayers]
Usikelele [Bless us].
Dr A I VAN NIEKERK: Madam Speaker, I listened attentively to the the hon the President’s speech on Friday. It gave me a lot of food for thought, not so much on what he said, but that which he did not say. It puts my mind on what his ideals are for our country.
We accept many of the things that he said. We all want a successful South Africa, we all want a successful Africa. The reason for the differences is not so much the ideals, but the approach and the method according to which we want to achieve them.
If one looks at the African Renaissance, which is the President’s topic, we find that for Africa to succeed, South Africa must succeed. If South Africa does not succeed, Africa will not succeed. For that we need the co- operation of all the people of South Africa. We also need to position ourselves in such a way that the international world should also accept our position, because we cannot just deal with matters on our own, in isolation of what is happening in the rest of the world.
Unfortunately, some of our current points of view in terms of Aids or Zimbabwe do not offer any hope of co-operation internationally. Our points of view are questioned and that creates a problem. That is why aid does not come to our country. People ask the question: If this is your position on Aids, what will your position be on other things? That is why I say that clarity is important.
Dit bring my by ‘n volgende punt: werkloosheid. Waar ek op die oomblik besig is met ‘n tussenverkiesing op plaaslike vlak, loop ek tussen arm mense rond. Die meeste van hulle is werkloos. Daar is nie werk nie, en die vraag is, hoewel die President aangekondig het dat sosiale pensioene verhoog gaan word, wat van die werklose? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[This brings me to my next point: unemployment. Where I am currently involved with by elections at the local level, I walk among poor people. Most of them are unemployed. There is no work, and the question is, even though the President has announced that social pensions will be increased, what about the unemployed?]
What is the hon the President’s position? What are we going to do? I would like to help the President as far as I can. People have no income and no money, and food prices - eg for commodities such as maize - have over the last couple of years increased by over 60%. People do not have money. Somewhere we would like to see a plan on the table from the Government of the day on how we are going to deal with this.
My other point concerns land reform. We all have a role to play on the question of land reform, as the leader of the PAC has just said. We all share that ideal, and we would like to do that. Again, it is a question of methods. If we do not succeed with land reform, South Africa will not succeed.
With all due respect to the Department of Agriculture and Land Affairs, which is doing its best to facilitate a better land reform, they cannot succeed because the expertise for doing that is outside the department. If we do not have the farmers, the private sector and the bankers included in this programme, we will not succeed.
Daar is geweldig baie welwillendheid daar buite. Ons moet ‘n manier vind om dit bymekaar te kry. Op die oomblik slaag ons nie daarin nie. Dit is absoluut belangrik dat ons dit moet doen. As ons dit nie doen nie, sal ons verlore wees.
Geluk met die program wat met Agri-SA daargestel is. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[There is an incredible amount of goodwill out there. We must find a way to harness it. At the moment we are not succeeding in this. It is of absolute importance that we do this. If we do not do this, we will be lost.
Congratulations on the programme established with Agri-SA.]
This is the new approach to agriculture. Again, there is a question mark. Will that be just words or will it facilitate, in the end, getting South Africa out of the doldrums?
‘n Laaste punt: ek sien die President het nuwe bondgenote gekry. Ek wens hom sterkte toe vir sy samewerking met hulle. Vorige ondervinding van samewerking met sy nuwe bondgenote, wat voorheen in die DA was, toon dat dit meer te doene gehad met persoonlike politieke oorlewing as met sake van landsbelang wat die toekoms van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika sou bepaal.
Die parlementêre leiers van die Nuwe NP het ook sterkte nodig. Dit is nie die eerste keer dat die Nuwe NP en die ANC wil saamwerk nie. In die onderhandelings met die oorgangsgrondwet het die Nuwe NP agtergekom hoe hard die ANC kan onderhandel.
Tydens die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid het ons gevind hoe moeilik dit is. Dit het tandekners gegaan met meerderheidsoorheersing. As ‘n mens saamstem, is jy ‘n held, verskil jy, dan is jy ‘n rassis. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die Nuwe NP het probeer saamwerk in daardie tyd, ten spyte van De Klerk wat dit reggekry het, en die nuwe leier van die Nuwe NP is nie De Klerk nie. Ek het hul leier vandag hoor praat, en al wat ek kan sê is: (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[A last point: I see the hon the President has acquired some new alliances I wish him all the best in his co-operation with them. Previous experience of co-operation with his new alliances, who were previously in the DA, indicates that it had more to do with personal political survival than with issues of national interest which would determine the future of democracy in South Africa.
The parliamentary leaders of the New NP also require fortitude. This is not the first time that the New NP and the ANC have sought to co-operate. In the negotiations at the time of the interim constitution the New NP realised how hard the ANC can negotiate.
During the Government of National Unity we found out how difficult this was. There was some gnashing of teeth associated with majority domination. If one agreed, one was a hero, if one differed, then one was a racist. [Interjections.] The New NP did attempt to co-operate during that time, in spite of the fact that De Klerk achieved this, and the new leader of the New NP is not De Klerk. I heard their leader speak today, and all I can say is:]
I heard the hon member speak under De Klerk, I heard him speak under Tony Leon, I heard him speak today, and I wonder what he is going to say tomorrow. [Applause.]
Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Speaker, the address by the President on 8 February 2002 touched on core issues such as poverty eradication, land reform, housing, black economic empowerment, as well as the position of traditional leaders in our society. Indeed, the state is obliged to take positive action to meet the needs of those living in extreme conditions of poverty, homelessness, or in intolerable housing.
These socioeconomic rights need to be dealt with and understood in their historical and social context, given the legacy of deep social inequalities that emanate from our past. Millions of black people live in conditions of grave deprivation. The high level of unemployment, the inaccessibility of clean water, electricity, food, and adequate health services testify daily to the miserable conditions in which black men, women and children find themselves.
Azapo believes that it is possible to put into place sustainable programmes that are geared at the eradication of all forms of deprivation that black people live under. However, these programmes cannot succeed if, at the same time, the Government is not prepared to discuss the macroeconomic policy that sometimes gets our people out of jobs.
We should take cognisance of the fact that, up to now, Government has not paid much attention to the quality of houses built by construction companies contracted to Government. Azapo is not at all encouraged by the mere mention of the statistical figure of 1,2 million units which have been built. To us it is not the number of units built that counts, but the quality. If indeed, we want to create a better life for all, then, surely, we should also, at the same time, build better houses for all?
Government should, as a matter of urgency, establish a coherent public housing programme controlled by a state-run housing company that will work towards the progressive realisation of the rights to access to adequate and decent housing.
Azapo welcomes the announcement that Comrade Bantu Biko will be recognised and honoured for his contribution to the liberation of our land and people. Azapo will do all in its power to work with all interested parties to make the 25th anniversary commemoration a success. Despite the fact that Comrade Biko is one of the founder members of our movement, the black consciousness philosophy, we have always had the view that he and many other heroes of our struggle are symbols of the black struggle and its collective efforts.
Azapo supports Government’s efforts to create a conducive condition for the people of Zimbabwe to determine their own destiny. We do not want to choose who the president of Zimbabwe should be, but the people of Zimbabwe should.
Azapo is encouraged by the commitment of Government to finalise the position, role and functions of traditional leaders. We find it strange, though, that a black government does not seem to understand the roles, responsibilities and functions of traditional leaders. The black people are in the majority, and, yet, positive aspects of their traditions and norms have not as yet been incorporated into our emerging democratic processes. Those who colonised us like it when we despise our traditions. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Order! I congratulate you, hon member. It is not often that a maiden speech receives a warm hug from the leader of a political party. [Laughter.]
The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Madam Speaker, Comrade President and Deputy President, it is not my intention today to remind hon members of our painful history - of the time when Bantu Education was crafted with the sole purpose of relegating and condemning black students to being ``hewers of wood and drawers of water’’ and of the time when young people who were black were forbidden from entering apprenticeships to learn craft and acquire skills that are economy demanded. It is not my intention today to remind my highly esteemed colleagues in this House of the time when young black students were fed inferior education by unqualified teachers in overcrowded classrooms; of the time when blacks were forced to study in severely under-resourced racially segregated universities; of the time when workers who were black were denied quality training and thus denied access to decent jobs, and of the time when entrepreneurs who were black were prevented from trading in urban areas. No, it is not necessary to remind hon members of these things because we are all conversant with this painful past, including those teams that are making noise on my left. But I must ask hon members to remember that atrocious policies of apartheid have left us with an invidious and unenviable legacy which will take many decades to reverse.
The damage caused by our painful past continues to permeate and negatively affect the tapestry of our economy and fabric of our society. Too many children are still failing at school because their schools have not yet recovered from decades of neglect; too many adults are illiterate because they were denied schooling; too many workers have too few skills because they were denied training opportunities; our small business sector is under- developed because of the trading restrictions of the past; and many of those who are white and were privileged to be given quality learning opportunities have used their privileges to flee democracy, leaving the country with huge skills gap. As a result of this stupedous mess we have inherited from our painful past, many would-be investors think twice before investing in our country, fearful that their profits will not be realised.
It was against this background that our President announced South Africa’s first human resource development strategy during last year’s State of the Nation address. The overarching goals of the strategy are ambitious, including an improvement on the human development index for South Africa, a reduction in inequality and a higher position on the international competitive table.
The HRD strategy looks at all aspects of learning and supports the development of our people from soon after birth to well into maturer years with the aim of achieving - in the words of our President, ``a nation at work for a better life for all.’’ The aim of the HRD strategy is to improve the foundations for human development, to improve the supply of high quality skills, to increase employer participation in lifelong learning and to support employment growth to industrial policies, innovation, research and development.
It is common knowledge that only a minority of school leavers are able to progress to higher education while the majority face a bleak future of unemployment or employment in low skilled jobs. And sadly, in recent years this pool of people have been joined in the labour market by those who have been retrenched, and even by those graduates who have completed high education programmes but are enable to secure jobs.
The HRD strategy looks at all aspects of learning supporting the development of our people from soon after birth to their mature years with the aim of achieving, In the words of our Honourable President. The nation at work for a better life for all. The aim of the HRD strategy is to improve foundations for human development, improve the supply of high quality skills increase employer participation in life-long learning and support employement growth to industrial policies innovation, research and development. It is common comrades and friends, that only a minority of school leavers are able to progress to higher education while the majority face a bleek future of unemployment or employment in low skill jobs. Sadly in recent years this pool of people have been joined in the labour market by those who have been retchened and even by those graduates who have completed high education programmes but have been unable to secure work.
The HRD strategy has triggered a new set of bursaries in certain professional fields. For instance management, especially financial management and information and communication technology these are to be funded from the national skill fund established by the Skills Development Act. I hope to announce achievement to Combrade President of the target of 1000 bursaries before the end of March this years in the above mention skills, unfortunately the Honourable Member Bantu Holomisa who damaged Transkei is not in the House now to listen to this.
In the Honourable President’s state of the nation adress the President expressed urgence to establish an ICT university. This call could not have come at a better time as electronic commerce begins to desplace traditional trading nethods South Africa is to become a leading supplier of knowledge intensive goods and services given its strategic location on the continent and its state of the art communication infra-structural network. But this is not to be unless we adress the skills defasite which is notouriasly in international competitiveness. Not only will the ICT university expand the quality and quantity of ICT skills among historically disadvataged people but will undoubtably also enormously contribute to our economic growth into a moral development, job creation and poverty alliviation.
Our approach to the challegeways by the Honourable President in relation to funds allocated to the national skills funds Umsobomvu employment subcidy is too fold. On the one hand we are seeking to be responding to the ideas and initiatives of communities themselves. By providing training funds to help prepare local people to participate in local economic development project.
There are many exiciting examples of projects already undertaken such micro- interprise support. 80% of the 200 million that the provinsial offices of our department are responsible for dis had already incommited by January this year and 55% had actually spent.
On the one hand within this financial year we intend to announce funding allocations to 23 large scales strategic initiatives sector education and training authorities. Targeting support for emerging firms and vulnerable workers within each of these sectors.This is even a project targeting micro- lenders managed by banksitter. The total funds allocated to this projects exseed a billion rand over the next three years.
In areas where skills are scarce such as ICT engineering managerial skills. With regards to the wages incentives aimed at encourage job creation a draft amendment to the Income Tax Act has now been perpared and will be circulated for public comment. the proposal is for the tax incentive of R25 000 to employers who provide learnerships. It is anticipated Combrade President that they will be a massive response from employers and that many thousands of people will begin to enjoy quality based learning opportunities.
As regards to learnership the new work based training programme is promising we have set ourselves the target of 3000 learners by March of this year.
I can assure the hon Comrade President that we will reach our target with the new intake this year. Otherwise, I know that he will hang me if I do not reach that 3 000 by March 2002.
I would like to tell the hon Comrade President that progress in the public sector has been much better, as indeed it should be. My colleague the hon the Minister for Public Service and Administration has ensured that the public service Seta was established last year. Samti, the State Management Training Institute has trained some 13 000 managers. A number of milestones have been achieved in enhancing our capacity to support employment growth to industrial policies innovation and research.
Mhlali-ngaphambili noMongameli, ingaba andenzi okulungileyo ukuba ngaba andinakuthi: aba abasichasayo, ngamatyutyusi amagwala. Le ngxoxo ithande ukuba yigxogxa. Ke ziza kutsala nzima iziqihela nezinyhola ezifana nelungu elihloniphekileyo uBantu Holomisa.
Into endiyibonayo kuye kukuqhaqheka nokuqaqadeka. Andiqondi ukuba angabe aqhuqheke. Makangxeng’ umoya ke uDlamini, angazikrazuli umphefumlo ngezilengetyana ezifana noBantu. Mna ndicinga ukuba unokuba uyagula, unenkenqe. Kungenjalo, unesifo sokulibala.
Ube enalo ithuba angalisebenzisanga ngeliya xesha ebephethe kweliya laphesheya kweNciba. Indlala egqubayo kweli lizwe, ngakumbi phaya phesheya kweNciba, ayidalwangwa, ingabangelwanga yiANC nakukukhokela kwakhe uMongameli, ungoyena ongomnye wabantu abangunobangela wenxele lika khetsekile elithwaxa abantu phesheya kweNciba.
Silwa imfazwe, silwa amadabi’: Utsho oka Nkuhlu, uSobantu, kwenye yeencwadi zakhe. Ewe, akumnandanga ukulwa imfazwe. Kodwa asina kuba sajika. Ndiswele nje umnqayi, kuba ngendigweba iimbambo zincazelane. Ndiswele nje iqwili, ndiswele ingxam ngendibethelela, ngendibekela, ngendikhafula, ngendithsuthsuza, ndichile, ndithi: embo kuba umhlola thina siwukhombile. Iqwili, uMongameli ulithe thaca phambi kwethu.
Masileleze ke, sidomboze, ngendlela alikhokele ngalo uDlamini eli lizwe loo baw’ mkhulu. Izinja zikhonkotha inqwelo ehambayo, emileyo ziyayintsontsela, yaye nengasebenziyo ikholisa ukuzalela iinkuku.
Yiyo ke loo nto ndithe makhe ndimncacazele uMongameli kwezi zibongo zika Sobantu Nkuhlu ukuze akhe arhabule kuzo. Yena ke uwuchanile umhlola, neqwili unisinikile. Kushiyeke ukuba singxashe, sisonge imikhono, singene endimeni ngoba unyaka uwuvule ngokunxiba i-avarolo, wafaka ikepusi, wabonisa abantu abaphephezelisa amaqhina ukuba ayakhululwa amaqhina kusetyenzwe.
Kulo mbandela waseZimbabwe, xa ndivala, ndiyayibulela kakhulu mna indlela uMongameli awuphethe ngayo. Ubuchule nobunono awubambe ngawo lo mcimbi ugqwesa uhlobo iBrithane, iMelike kunye noManyano lwaseYurophu oluthe bona bawubamba ngayo. Ngelishwa, bayawugabangxa lo mcimbi. Ngumbandela lo ongafuni zindlongondlongo ezijonge inzuzo yexeshana. Ngumba ofuna umonde, ngumba ofuno unonophelo.
Inkani ayigotywa ngenkani. Abo ke abasebenzisa inkani yesele mabazi ukuba uxam wakholwa ngamantintinti. Mabakulumkele ke ukukhasela eziko, hata. [kwaqhwatywa] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Let me say to the hon the President that I would not be doing justice if I do not mention the fact that the opposition are cowards. This debate is turning into a yawn. So retards such as hon Bantu Holomisa are going to have a tough time.
I see him as a loose cannon. I think he is beyond redemption. I appeal to Dlamini not to allow himself to be worked up by nobodies such as Bantu. I think he is either sick, a psycho or is suffering from amnesia.
He had an opportunity, which he could have used, when he was at the helm in the former Transkei. The poverty prevalent in this country, especially in the former Transkei, is not a creation of the ANC, nor did it come about when the ANC came to power, neither did it arise from the President’s leadership. Hon Bantu Holomisa is one of the people whose actions caused poverty in the former Transkei.
``We are fighting wars and battles’’, so says Sobantu Nkuhlu in one of his books. Yes, it is not nice being involved in wars, but there is no turning back. I wish I had a stick, which I would have used to visit justice on someone. I wish I had herbs, which I would have used to drive away evil spirits, because we have pointed out the way. The President has provided us with the cure.
We must show our appreciation and be grateful to Dlamini for the manner in which he has led this country of our forefathers. Dogs bark at a moving car … [Interjections] … urinate … [Applause] … against a stationary one … [Laughter] … and the car which is no longer in working order becomes a nest for hens.
That is the reason I thought I should share with the President one of Sobantu Nkuhlu’s poems. He has hit the nail on the head, and has provided the cure. All that remains is for us to get ourselves ready, roll up our sleeves and start working, because he started off the year by putting on overalls and a cap and showing the people in ties that sometimes ties are taken off so that people can work.
In conclusion, regarding the issue of Zimbabwe, I personally am happy with the way the President has handled it. The skill and finesse with which he handled this matter far surpasses the manner in which Britain, America and the European Union handled it. Unfortunately they are mishandling the issue. This is a matter not for criminals looking for cheap gains. This is a matter that should be handled with patience and care.
One should not fight fire with fire. Those who go against advice should know that ``He who will not listen, will be made to feel.’’ They should be careful not to play with fire, for they will be burned. [Applause.]]
Debate Interrupted.
The House adjourned at 17:50. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
MONDAY, 19 NOVEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 19 November 2001 in terms
of Joint Rule 160(6), classified the following Bill as a money
Bill (section 77):
(i) Unemployment Insurance Contributions Bill [B 85 - 2001]
(National Assembly - sec 77).
TUESDAY, 20 NOVEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Treasury Memorandum on changes in the form of the 2002 Estimates
of National Expenditure.
(2) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Trade and Industry. The Reports of the Auditor-General contained
in the following papers are referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the National Gambling
Board for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 177-
2001].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Department of Trade
and Industry for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 32 - Trade
and Industry for 2000-2001.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Competition
Commission for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 150-
2001].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Competition
Tribunal for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 179-
2001].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of Ntsika Enterprise
Promotion Agency for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP
198-2001].
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the National Lotteries
Board for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(3) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance:
Report of the Registrar of Unit trust Companies for 1999.
(4) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Water Affairs and Forestry. The Reports of the Auditor-General
contained in the following papers are referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Department of Water
Affairs and Forestry for 2000-2001, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 34 -
Water Affairs and Forestry for 2000-2001 [RP 88-2001].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Water Research
Commission for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(5) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Health:
(a) Government Notice No R.691 published in the Government
Gazette No 22495 dated 27 July 2001, Regulations relating to
additives for use in food in general in accordance with good
manufacturing practice, made in terms of section 15(1) of the
Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act, 1972 (Act No 54
of 1972).
(b) Government Notice No R.723 published in the Government
Gazette No 22549 dated 10 August 2001, Regulations regarding
processed foodstuffs, made in terms of section 15(1) of the
Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act, 1972 (Act No 54
of 1972).
(c) Government Notice No R.747 published in the Government
Gazette No 22563 dated 17 August 2001, Amendment of
regulations governing microbiological standards for foodstuffs
and related matters, made in terms of section 15(1) of the
Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act, 1972 (Act No 54
of 1972).
(d) Government Notice No R.911 published in the Government
Gazette No 22694 dated 28 September 2001, Regulations
governing certain solvents in foodstuffs, made in terms of
section 15(1) of the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants
Act, 1972 (Act No 54 of 1972).
(e) Government Notice No R.765 published in the Government Gazette
No 22584 dated 24 August 2001, Regulations relating to the
conduct of enquiries into alleged unprofessional conduct, made
in terms of section 61(1)(h) read with section 61(4) of the
Health Professions Act, 1974 (Act No 56 of 1974).
(f) Government Notice No R.887 published in the Government
Gazette No 22673 dated 21 September 2001, Regulations relating
to the suspension of practitioners, made in terms of section
61(1) read with section 15B(1)(a) of the Health Professions
Act, 1974 (Act No 56 of 1974).
(6) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Safety and Security:
Government Notice No R.1044 published in the Government Gazette No
22750 dated 19 October 2001, Repeal of the South African Police
Service Grievance Procedure Regulations, 1995, made in terms of
section 24(1)(f) of the South African Police Service Act, 1995
(Act No 68 of 1995).
(7) The following paper is referred to the Joint Standing Committee
on Defence:
Report in terms of section 201(3) of the Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996) on the
employment of the South African National Defence Force in terms of
section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution, 1996 in fulfilment of an
international obligation towards the Organisation for African
Unity peace effort in the Comores.
(8) The Third Economic and Social Rights Report of the South African
Human Rights Commission for 1999-2000 is referred to the -
(a) Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
Development;
(b) Portfolio Committee on Social Development;
(c) Portfolio Committee on Education;
(d) Portfolio Committee on Health;
(e) Portfolio Committee on Housing;
(f) Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs;
(g) Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry;
(h) Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism;
(i) Portfolio Committee on Finance;
(j) Portfolio Committee on Correctional Services; and
(k) Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of
Life and Status of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons.
FRIDAY, 23 NOVEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Minister of Labour submitted the Wysigingswetsontwerp op
Basiese Diensvoorwaardes [W 70 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec
75) to the Speaker and the Chairperson on 21 November 2001. This
is the official translation of the Basic Conditions of Employment
Amendment Bill [B 70 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), which
was introduced in the National Assembly by the Minister on 18
September 2001.
(2) The Minister of Labour submitted the Wysigingswetsontwerp op
Arbeidsverhoudinge [W 77 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75) to
the Speaker and the Chairperson on 21 November 2001. This is the
official translation of the Labour Relations Amendment Bill [B 77
- 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), which was introduced in the
National Assembly by the Minister on 27 September 2001.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr M Gigaba vacating his seat with
effect from 19 November 2001, has been filled with effect from 20
November 2001 by the nomination of Mr L R R Reid.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Finance:
(1) Government Notice No R.1054 published in the Government Gazette
No 22768 dated 26 October 2001, Determination of amounts for
purposes of the Military Pensions Act, 1976, made in terms of
sections 1 and 5 of the Military Pensions Act, 1976 (Act No 84 of
1976).
(2) Government Notice No R.1100 published in the Government Gazette
No 22804 dated 9 November 2001, Correction Notice on Determination
of amounts for purposes of the Military Pensions Act, 1976, made
in terms of sections 1 and 5 of the Military Pensions Act, 1976
(Act No 84 of 1976).
(3) Government Notice No R.1095 published in the Government Gazette
No 22797 dated 30 October 2001, Regulations made under section
91(1)(b) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of
1999).
TUESDAY, 27 NOVEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
The Minister of Finance submitted the Tweede Wysigingswetsontwerp op
Inkomstewette [W 84 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 77) to the Speaker
and the Chairperson on 27 November 2001. This is the official
translation of the Revenue Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 84 - 2001]
(National Assembly - sec 77), which was introduced in the National
Assembly by the Minister on 7 November 2001. National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
(1) The following confidential documents have been placed in
Parliament's custody on the dates indicated for controlled access
exclusively by members of the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts:
1. From the Ministry of Defence (on 6 February 2001):
A. MINISTERIAL AND CABINET APPROVALS
(a) Special Ministerial Briefing dated 31 August 1998 -
Minutes and Presentation.
(b) Cabinet Presentation dated 21 October 1998 - Minutes and
Presentation.
(c) Cabinet Presentation dated 18 November 1998 - Government
Communication and Information System Statement and
Presentation.
(d) Ministers Committee dated 20 January 1999 - Minutes and
first report.
(e) Ministers Committee dated 26 May 1999 - Minutes and third
report "Defence and Countertrade Package Negotiations".
(f) Ministers Committee dated 31 August 1999 - Minutes and
Report containing macro-economic impact study.
(g) Cabinet presentation dated 15 September 1999 - Cabinet
minutes and Briefing documents.
(h) Cabinet Decision dated 1 December 1999 - Cabinet minutes
and Cabinet Memo 14/99.
B. CONTRACT DATA PACK FOR HAWK/GRIPEN
(a) Hawk/Gripen National Industrial Participation Terms.
C. INDUSTRIAL PARTICIPATION CONTRACTS
(a) Submarine National Industrial Participation Terms.
(b) Light Utility Helicopter National Industrial Participation
Terms.
(c) CORVETTE National Industrial Participation Terms.
D. WARBURG DILLON READ MODEL - Total cost estimation.
E. AFFORDABILITY STUDY (info to Cabinet Subcommittee) AND VARIOUS
EXPLANATIONS TO QUESTIONS.
2. From the Armaments Corporation of SA Ltd (on 6 February 2001):
(a) Hawk/Gripen Umbrella Agreement - Contract No 1118/1.
(b) Submarine Umbrella Agreement - Contract No 1119/1.
(c) Light Utility Helicopter Umbrella Agreement - Contract No
1120/1.
(d) Corvette Umbrella Agreement - Contract No 1121/1.
(e) Hawk/Gripen Defence Industrial Participation Terms -
Contract No 1118/3.
(f) Submarine Defence Industrial Participation Terms -
Contract No 1119/4.
(g) Light Utility Helicopter Defence Industrial Participation
Terms - Contract No 1120/4.
(h) Corvette Defence Industrial Participation Terms - Contract
No 1121/4.
3. From the Ministry of Defence (on 22 May 2001):
(a) Submarine Supply Terms - Contract 1119/2 (69 pages).
(b) Light Utility Helicopter Supply Terms - Contract 1120/2
(55 pages).
(c) Corvette Supply Terms - Contract 1121/2 (111 pages).
(d) Gripen Supply Terms - Contract 1115/4 (114 pages and
Annexes).
(e) Hawk Supply Terms - Contract 1118/5 (110 pages and
Annexes).
The list of documents is also available on Parliament's website
www.parliament.gov.za
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
Report and Financial Statements of the Municipal Demarcation Board for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General for 2000-2001.
- The Minister of Labour:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Chemical Industries
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-
2001.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Energy Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 99-
2001].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Mining Qualifications
Authority Sector Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Insurance Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-
2001.
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the Banking Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 173-
2001].
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the Manufacturing,
Engineering and Related Services Education and Training Authority
for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(g) Report and Financial Statements of the Food and Beverages
Manufacturing Sector Education and Training Authority for 2000-
2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 170-2001].
(h) Report and Financial Statements of the Clothing, Textile,
Footwear and Leather Sector Education and Training Authority for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the Media, Advertising,
Printing, Packaging and Publishing Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(j) Report and Financial Statements of the Policing, Private
Security, Legal Practice, Justice and Correctional Services Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-
2001 [RP 209-2001].
(k) Report and Financial Statements of the Education, Training and
Development Practices Sector Education and Training Authority for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 155-2001].
(l) Report and Financial Statements of the Local Government, Water
and Related Services Education and Training Authority for 2000-
2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
(m) Report and Financial Statements of the Services Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
FRIDAY, 30 NOVEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Speaker and the Chairperson directed the Secretary on 28
November 2001, notwithstanding the provision of Joint Rule 221, to
send the official text (English version) of the Telecommunications
Amendment Bill [B 65D - 2001] to the President for assent. The
official translation (Afrikaans version) was sent to the President
on 30 November 2001.
(2) The Minister in The Presidency on 26 November 2001 submitted a
draft of the Media Development and Diversity Agency Bill, 2001, as
well as the memorandum explaining the objects of the proposed
legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint
Rule 159. The draft has been referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Communications and the Select Committee on Labour and Public
Enterprises by the Speaker and the Chairperson, respectively, in
accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance and to the Portfolio Committee on Defence:
(a) Government Notice No R.1054 published in the Government
Gazette No 22768 dated 26 October 2001, Determination of
amounts for purposes of the Military Pensions Act, 1976, made
in terms of sections 1 and 5 of the Military Pensions Act,
1976 (Act No 84 of 1976).
(b) Government Notice No R.1100 published in the Government
Gazette No 22804 dated 9 November 2001, Correction Notice on
Determination of amounts for purposes of the Military Pensions
Act, 1976, made in terms of sections 1 and 5 of the Military
Pensions Act, 1976 (Act No 84 of 1976).
(2) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance:
Government Notice No R.1095 published in the Government Gazette No
22797 dated 30 October 2001, Regulations made under section
91(1)(b) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of
1999).
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Public Enterprises:
Report and Financial Statements of Transnet Limited for 2000-2001.
FRIDAY, 7 DECEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) Assent by the President of the Republic in respect of the
following Bills:
(a) National Land Transport Transition Amendment Bill [B 39B -
2001] - Act No 31 of 2001 (assented to and signed by
President on 22 November 2001);
(b) Postal Services Amendment Bill [B 63B - 2001]- Act No 33
of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4 December
2001);
(c) Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Amendment
Bill [B 68B - 2001] - Act No 34 of 2001 (assented to and
signed by President on 20 November 2001);
(d) Companies Amendment Bill [B 35B - 2001] - Act No 35 of
2001 (assented to and signed by President on 28 November
2001);
(e) Cultural Laws Amendment Bill [B 45B - 2000] - Act No 36 of
2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4 December
2001);
(f) Diplomatic Immunities and Privileges Bill [B 40B - 2001] -
Act No 37 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 22
November 2001);
(g) Financial Intelligence Centre Bill [B 1B - 2001] - Act No
38 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 28
November 2001);
(h) Pension Funds Second Amendment Bill [B 41D - 2001] - Act
No 39 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 29
November 2001);
(i) Stock Exchanges Control Amendment Bill [B 75 - 2001] - Act
No 40 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 29
November 2001);
(j) Interim Rationalisation of Jurisdiction of High Courts
Bill [B 44B - 2001] - Act No 41 of 2001 (assented to and
signed by President on 29 November 2001);
(k) Judicial Matters Amendment Bill [B 43B - 2001] - Act No 42
of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4 December
2001);
(l) Agricultural Debt Management Bill [B 54B - 2001] - Act No
45 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4
December 2001);
(m) Judges' Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Bill [B
83B - 2001] - Act No 47 of 2001 (assented to and signed by
President on 20 November 2001);
(n) Industrial Development Amendment Bill [B 32D - 2001] - Act
No 49 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4
December 2001);
(o) Land Affairs General Amendment Bill [B 71D - 2001] - Act
No 51 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 29
November 2001);
(p) Marketing of Agricultural Products Amendment Bill [B 26D - 2001]
- Act No 52 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on
4 December 2001);
(q) Provincial Tax Regulation Process Bill [B 51D - 2001] -
Act No 53 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4
December 2001);
(r) National Parks Amendment Bill [B 38 - 2001] - Act No 54 of
2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4 December
2001);
(s) Education Laws Amendment Bill [B 55B - 2001] - Act No 57
of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 29 November
2001);
(t) General and Further Education and Training Quality
Assurance Bill [B 57B - 2001] - Act No 58 of 2001 (assented
to and signed by President on 29 November 2001);
(u) Adjustments Appropriation Bill [B 82 - 2001] - Act No 59
of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 20 November
2001);
(v) Revenue Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 84 - 2001] - Act No
60 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 5
December 2001);
(w) Telecommunications Amendment Bill [B 65D - 2001] - Act No
64 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 29
November 2001);
(x) Pension Funds Amendment Bill [B 22B - 2001] - Act No 65 of
2001 (assented to and signed by President on 5 December
2001); and
(y) Cultural Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 46F - 2000] - Act
No 69 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 4
Desember 2001).
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Minister of Trade and Industry submitted the
Wysigingswetsontwerp op Outeursreg [W 73 - 2001] (Nasionale
Vergadering - art 75) to the Speaker and the Chairperson on 7
December 2001. This is the official translation of the Copyright
Amendment Bill [B 73 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), which
was introduced in the National Assembly by the Minister on 21
September 2001.
(2) The Minister of Trade and Industry submitted the
Wysigingswetsontwerp op die Beskerming van Voordraers [W 74 -
2001] (Nasionale Vergadering - art 75) to the Speaker and the
Chairperson on 7 December 2001. This is the official translation
of the Performers' Protection Amendment Bill [B 74 - 2001]
(National Assembly - sec 75), which was introduced in the National
Assembly by the Minister on 21 September 2001.
(3) The Minister of Safety and Security submitted the
Wysigingswetsontwerp op die Regulering van die Sekuriteitsbedryf
[W 12 - 2001] (Nasionale Vergadering - art 75) to the Speaker and
the Chairperson on 7 December 2001. This is the official
translation of the Security Industry Regulation Bill [B 12 - 2001]
(National Assembly - sec 75), which was introduced in the National
Assembly by the Minister on 23 February 2001.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
(1) Mr L I Maphoto vacated his seat with effect from 23 November
2001.
(2) The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
the relevant committees as mentioned below:
(a) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Minerals and Energy. The
Reports of the Auditor-General contained in the following papers
are referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the Chemical Industries
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
(ii) Report and Financial Statements of the Energy Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 99-2001].
(iii) Report and Financial Statements of the Mining
Qualifications Authority Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(b) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Finance. The Reports of
the Auditor-General contained in the following papers are referred
to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the Insurance Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
(ii) Report and Financial Statements of the Banking Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 173-2001].
(c) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry. The
Reports of the Auditor-General contained in the following papers
are referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the Manufacturing,
Engineering and Related Services Education and Training
Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(ii) Report and Financial Statements of the Food and Beverages
Manufacturing Sector Education and Training Authority for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 170-2001].
(iii) Report and Financial Statements of the Clothing, Textile,
Footwear and Leather Sector Education and Training Authority
for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(d) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Communications. The
Report of the Auditor-General contained in the following paper is
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Media, Advertising,
Printing, Packaging and Publishing: Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(e) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour, the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
Development, the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security and
the Portfolio Committee on Correctional Services. The Report of
the Auditor-General contained in the following paper is referred
to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Policing, Private Security,
Legal Practice, Justice and Correctional Services Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 209-
2001].
(f) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Education. The Report of
the Auditor-General contained in the following paper is referred
to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Education, Training and
Development Practices Sector Education and Training Authority for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 155-2001].
(g) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
Government. The Report of the Auditor-General contained in the
following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Local Government, Water and
Related Services Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
(h) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour. The Report of the Auditor-General contained in the
following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Services Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(i) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Provincial and Local Government. The Report of the Auditor-General
contained in the following paper is referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Municipal Demarcation Board
for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General for
2000-2001.
(j) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Enterprises:
Report and Financial Statements of Transnet Limited for 2000-2001.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Education:
(1) Government Notice No 735 published in the Government Gazette No
22559 dated 8 August 2001, Call for comments on the Draft National
Curriculum Statement Grades for R-9 to enable the Minister to
declare policy in terms of section 3(4)(1) of the National Policy
Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).
(2) Government Notice No 1043 published in the Government Gazette No
22756 dated 17 October 2001, Education White Paper Five (5) on
Early Childhood Development, made in terms of section 3(4)(1) of
the National Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).
(3) Government Notice No 1104 published in the Government Gazette No
22808 dated 2 November 2001, Publication of the Higher Education
Amendment Act (Act No 23 of 2001).
(4) Government Notice No 1136 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(5) Government Notice No 1137 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(6) Government Notice No 1138 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(7) Government Notice No 1139 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(8) Government Notice No 1140 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(9) Government Notice No 1141 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(10) Government Notice No 1142 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(11) Government Notice No 1143 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(12) Government Notice No 1144 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(13) Government Notice No 1145 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(14) Government Notice No 1146 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(15) Government Notice No 1147 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(16) Government Notice No 1148 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(17) Government Notice No 1149 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(18) Government Notice No 1150 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(19) Government Notice No 1151 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(20) Government Notice No 1152 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(21) Government Notice No 1153 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(22) Government Notice No 1154 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(23) Government Notice No 1155 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(24) Government Notice No 1156 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(25) Government Notice No 1157 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(26) Government Notice No 1158 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(27) Government Notice No 1159 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(28) Government Notice No 1160 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(29) Government Notice No 1161 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(30) Government Notice No 1162 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(31) Government Notice No 1163 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(32) Government Notice No 1164 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(33) Government Notice No 1165 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(34) Government Notice No 1166 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(35) Government Notice No 1167 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(36) Government Notice No 1168 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(37) Government Notice No 1169 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(38) Government Notice No 1170 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(39) Government Notice No 1171 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(40) Government Notice No 1172 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional registration
of a private higher education institution, made in terms of
section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997 (Act No 101 of
1997).
(41) Government Notice No 1186 published in the Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, National Policy regarding Further
Education and Training Programmes: Approval of the updated
schools' and technical colleges' policy documents, namely reports
550 (2001/08 and 191 (2001/08), made in terms of section 3(4)(1)
of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).
- The Minister of Transport:
(1) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom of
Sweden, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
(2) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom of
Denmark, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
(3) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom of
Norway, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
(4) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the United Arab Emirates for Air Services
between and beyond their respective territories, tabled in terms
of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(5) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the People's Republic of China relating to
Civil Air Transport, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(6) Air Transport Agreement between the Government of the Republic
of South Africa and the Government of the Islamic Republic of
Iran, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(7) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of
Cuba, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(8) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
of the People's Republic of China concerning Air Services, tabled
in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(9) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of
Yemen, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
MONDAY, 10 DECEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) Assent by the President of the Republic in respect of the
following Bills:
(a) Correctional Services Amendment Bill [B 8B - 2001] - Act
No 32 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 7
December 2001);
(b) Lotteries Amendment Bill [B 81B - 2001] - Act No 46 of
2001 (assented to and signed by President on 6 December
2001);
(c) Merchandise Marks Amendment Bill [B 33D - 2001] - Act No
50 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 7
December 2001);
(d) Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Second
Amendment Bill [B 78B - 2001] - Act No 61 of 2001 (assented
to and signed by President on 7 December 2001);
(e) Criminal Procedure Second Amendment Bill [B 45B - 2001] -
Act No 62 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on 7
December 2001); and
(f) "Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal" Act Repeal Bill [B
30B - 2001] - Act No 66 of 2001 (assented to and signed by
President on 7 December 2001).
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister for the Public Service and Administration:
Written Explanation, dated 6 December 2001, from the Minister for the
Public Service and Administration in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the
Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), setting out
reasons why the Annual Report and Financial Statements of State
Information Technology Agency for 2000-2001 could not be tabled in
time:
Dear Dr Frene Ginwala
DELAYED SUBMISSION OF STATE INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AGENCY (SITA) ANNUAL
REPORT 2000/2001 FINANCIAL YEAR
With reference to the above, the State Information Technology Agency
(SITA) has not been able to timeously submit its Annual Report for the
2000/2001 Financial Year because of the following reasons:
- Delays in the finalisation of the content of the report, especially
by external auditors. The Report was kept for at least two weeks
by each of the external auditors (PWC and MSGM), working on behalf
of the Auditor-General's Office.
- The Auditor-General took three weeks with the report before
authorising SITA to go ahead with its final printing.
- These delays outlined above, resulted in SITA not being able to meet
printer's deadlines.
However, the Annual Report has been printed and will be tabled to
Parliament on 7 December 2001.
Kind Regards
Ms Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi
Minister for the Public Service and Administration
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs:
Report and Financial Statements of the Land Bank for 2000, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000.
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
-
Report of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 5 December 2001:
The Joint Standing Committee on Defence, having considered the matters in the Report falling within the parameters of its portfolio, in particular Chapters 3-7 and 10-12, and having to report on the relevant findings and recommendations by 6 December 2001 (ATC No 153, p 1441), reports as follows:
A. Introduction
On 15 November 2001, the Joint Investigative Team (hereafter the Agencies), which investigated certain aspects of the Strategic Defence Packages, presented its report to Parliament. Although aspects of the investigation are still under way, the Agencies managed to complete most of the tasks within its mandate. We note the findings of the Report and congratulate the Agencies for their work in compiling the Report. This Report of the Committee strives to make concrete suggestions regarding the following: 1. Identifying the key strategic issues raised in the Report, which require consideration by both the executive and the parliamentary committees on defence. 2. Making various process recommendations as to how the findings of the Report can be taken forward.
B. Role of Parliament
According to the Defence Review (chapter on Acquisition), the Committee has a key role in monitoring and overseeing the Ministry of Defence, Armscor and the Department of Defence (DoD) on any acquisition process. This role should be strengthened through the institution of appropriate Standard Operating Procedures between the relevant parliamentary committees on defence and the Ministry regarding the management of any acquisition process. The rationale for involving the parliamentary committees on defence in these decisions is as follows: 1. All major procurement programmes are capital-intensive by nature and, as such, require substantial financial outlays from the fiscus. Parliament approves the defence budget and therefore has an interest in ensuring that any financial outlays are managed according to the budget. 2. The mandate of the parliamentary committees on defence is to provide oversight over the key policy processes and developments within both Armscor and the DoD, and as such any acquisition project represents a major policy position for both Armscor and the DoD. 3. All major procurement programmes are fundamentally strategic by nature, and as such the parliamentary committees on defence have a responsibility to oversee both Armscor and the DoD on the strategic implications of such packages. 4. Sub-optimal equipment will not only affect the SANDF's combat-readiness, but also the lives of those persons operating such equipment. Parliament and its committees, as the political custodians of the national defence function, have a moral and a political responsibility to ensure that all acquisition purchases conform to basic operational and security standards. The parliamentary committees on defence should play an important role in advising the Ministry, Armscor and the DoD on the strategic aspects of such packages and the political sensitivity of any proposed purchases. To perform these tasks adequately, it is critical that the parliamentary committees on defence in particular and other related parliamentary committees in general should develop the necessary capacity and planning schedules and receive the necessary resources to acquit themselves capably.
C. Security clearance
The status of security clearances within both Armscor and the DoD needs to be investigated as a matter of urgency. Updates of existing security clearances and vetting of non-security cleared personnel need to be effected as a matter of priority. In cases where there was a breach of security directives and/or legislation in the defence procurement process, necessary steps needs to be taken.
D. Record-keeping
Control over internal Armscor and DoD documentation and record- keeping needs to be improved in accordance with those procedures governing the control of classified information as set out by the counter-intelligence function of the DoD. An audit trail of all processes linked to procurement processes needs to be maintained and managed at all times.
E. Acquisition policy
Current Armscor and DoD procurement policy compares favourably with previous procurement policies that pertained within both Armscor and the DoD in the past. Aspects of the procurement policy do need to be fine-tuned, and personnel within both Armscor and the DoD need to be made conversant with the content and the importance of this policy. This will require the institution of appropriate training and workshops, as well as Standard Operating Procedures within Armscor and the DoD, to ensure that this is accomplished. Each phase of the procurement process should be concluded according to policy prescripts before proceeding to the next phase. Furthermore, proper authorisation should be obtained at each phase before continuing. Such authorisations should determine whether the next phase is embarked upon. Considerations such as the strategic objectives of the DoD that impact on the procurement process, should be weighted and form part of the value system. It must then be applied consistently throughout the process. Future defence procurement packages need to be critically assessed against the needs of the current strategic and global environment. The Defence Review states that procurement should, as far as possible, attempt to make use of local defence industry capabilities. The Report notes that foreign defence capabilities were privileged over domestic capabilities. The parliamentary committees believe that this situation needs to be avoided if local defence capabilities, an undisputed national strategic asset, are to be maintained.
F. Armscor Act
A Work Group that had to deal with the drafting of the Armscor Act, was established by the Ministry of Defence in January 2000. We are concerned that there was not sufficient feedback to Parliament. This should be attended to as a matter of urgency, given certain observations by the Agencies. The role of Armscor and the DoD with regard to subcontracting needs to be clarified. We understand in the Report that it is not the policy of Armscor and the DoD to interfere with subcontractors, yet numerous instances of interference are mentioned. Whilst Armscor has the right to interfere with subcontracting, it must do so within the framework of government policies vis-á-vis affirmative procurement, black empowerment and technical and strategic needs. Armscor as the procurement agency of the DoD, as mandated by law, should resume this responsibility when the DoD procures defence equipment.
G. Cheetah fighters
The Report observes that the SAAF indicated the lifespan of the Cheetah fighters to be up to around 2012. What will be the position of the Cheetah in the light of the acquisition of the Gripens?
H. Implications for SAAF’s operational budget The Chief of the SAAF allowed the amount of R176 million to be deducted from the budget of the SAAF, notwithstanding his awareness of the 30% shortfall with regard to the readiness of the Air Force. We will need to be briefed on this aspect, in particular with regard to the impact on the total budget of the SANDF.
I. Structures
We note with concern a plethora of structures and committees involved in the acquisition process. We refer, inter alia, to PCB, SOFCOM, JPT, IONT, AAB, AACB, Technical Team, etc. Furthermore, we observe the following with regard to these structures: 1. Individuals occupying a number of positions, thus blurring the lines of accountability and authority. 2. A lack of race and/or gender balance. 3. People are given incompatible functions to perform.
J. Conflict of interest
The issue relating to Conflict of Interest needs to be dealt with resolutely and decisively within the public service in general and by both the DoD and Armscor in particular. This will require institution and/or amendment of appropriate legislation to govern and control the activities of serving public servants. Persons named in the Report as having been involved in a Conflict of Interest and/or engaged in activities deemed unprofessional from the perspective of the procurement process, should be debarred from service in any civil service or parastatal. The Chief of Acquisition occupied a position of Chief Director within the DoD. Given the fundamentally political nature of procurement, it is felt that a person at that level should not have been given such incompatible function to perform. This also applies to other officials from, for example, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI). It is felt that in future a person with more political and institutional seniority should manage such processes. Real and apparent conflict of interest did emerge between various senior officials of the DoD, Armscor and the DTI (particularly those directly involved in the acquisition packages) and members of the bidding teams for the various equipment within the Strategic Defence Packages (SDP). The determination of responsibilities within the acquisition process needs to be rationalised and streamlined. It came to the attention of the parliamentary committees on defence that senior DoD and Armscor officials frequently "wore a number of hats", thereby limiting their ability to act impartially and to avoid a real or perceived conflict of interest. In our opinion, this impeded good governance. This is not only limited to the DoD and Armscor, but includes officials of other state departments. An investigation needs to be conducted by the DoD and Armscor of those individuals whose professional behaviour was queried in the Report.
K. Conclusion
Implementation framework To ensure that the mentioned and future recommendations are applied in a consistent and rational manner, the Joint Standing Committee on Defence will compile an implementation framework that will specify, amongst other things, the following: 1. The co-ordinating responsibility for the implementation of the diverse recommendations contained in this Report. 2. The Executing Authority/Authorities responsible for implementing those recommendations, which have been assigned to them within the context of this Report. 3. The ongoing oversight/monitoring of these responsibilities and their execution and the authorities responsible for this monitoring role.
Report to be considered. 2. Report of the Joint Committee on Ethics and Members' Interests on the
Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement
Packages, dated 6 December 2001:
On 14 November 2001 the Speaker of the National Assembly referred
the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence
Procurement Packages, in so far as it relates to Members of
Parliament, to the Joint Committee on Ethics and Members'
Interests for consideration.
The Committee met on the 16 November 2001 and agreed that the
Report only makes two references to Members, namely:
(1) The allegation that Mr Mashimbye and Mr M Scott received a
motor vehicle from prime contractors/bidders was found to be
without substance.
(2) Secondly, Chapter 1.3.1.2(4) in the table states that a
criminal case is pending against Mr Yengeni. The Committee
received opinion from the Chief Parliamentary Law Adviser that
in terms of the sub judice rule it would be prudent for the
Committee to wait for the conclusion of the criminal case
before the Committee considers the allegation of the non-
disclosure of the benefit by Mr Yengeni. The Committee will
therefore pursue the matter after the conclusion of the
criminal case against Mr Yengeni.
(3) The Report makes reference to the lack of rules to deal
with conflict of interests. In so far as Members of Parliament
are concerned the Committee is considering a Code of Conduct,
of which the draft proposals specifically deal with conflict
of interests and post tenure employment restrictions. The
Committee aims to complete the draft code in the first quarter
of next year.
(4) The Committee had received a complaint against Mr Msomi in
respect of the alleged receipt of discounts on motor vehicles
from a bidder/contractor, the Investigating Report makes no
reference to the allegations against Mr Msomi, and the
Committee therefore agreed that it will consider the
allegations against him through the normal procedures of the
Committee.
Report to be considered.
National Assembly:
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Report of the Portfolio Committee on Defence on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 5 December 2001:
The Portfolio Committee on Defence, having considered the matters in the Report falling within the parameters of its portfolio, in particular Chapters 3-7 and 10-12, and having to report on the relevant findings and recommendations by 6 December 2001 (ATC, 14 November 2001, No 152, p 1390), reports as follows:
A. Introduction
On 15 November 2001, the Joint Investigative Team (hereafter the Agencies), which investigated certain aspects of the Strategic Defence Packages, presented its report to Parliament. Although aspects of the investigation are still under way, the Agencies managed to complete most of the tasks within its mandate. We note the findings of the Report and congratulate the Agencies for their work in compiling the Report. This Report of the Committee strives to make concrete suggestions regarding the following: 1. Identifying the key strategic issues raised in the Report, which require consideration by both the executive and the parliamentary committees on defence. 2. Making various process recommendations as to how the findings of the Report can be taken forward.
B. Role of Parliament
According to the Defence Review (chapter on Acquisition), the Committee has a key role in monitoring and overseeing the Ministry of Defence, Armscor and the Department of Defence (DoD) on any acquisition process. This role should be strengthened through the institution of appropriate Standard Operating Procedures between the relevant parliamentary committees on defence and the Ministry regarding the management of any acquisition process. The rationale for involving the parliamentary committees on defence in these decisions is as follows: 1. All major procurement programmes are capital-intensive by nature and, as such, require substantial financial outlays from the fiscus. Parliament approves the defence budget and therefore has an interest in ensuring that any financial outlays are managed according to the budget. 2. The mandate of the parliamentary committees on defence is to provide oversight over the key policy processes and developments within both Armscor and the DoD, and as such any acquisition project represents a major policy position for both Armscor and the DoD. 3. All major procurement programmes are fundamentally strategic by nature, and as such the parliamentary committees on defence have a responsibility to oversee both Armscor and the DoD on the strategic implications of such packages. 4. Sub-optimal equipment will not only affect the SANDF's combat-readiness, but also the lives of those persons operating such equipment. Parliament and its committees, as the political custodians of the national defence function, have a moral and a political responsibility to ensure that all acquisition purchases conform to basic operational and security standards. The parliamentary committees on defence should play an important role in advising the Ministry, Armscor and the DoD on the strategic aspects of such packages and the political sensitivity of any proposed purchases. To perform these tasks adequately, it is critical that the parliamentary committees on defence in particular and other related parliamentary committees in general should develop the necessary capacity and planning schedules and receive the necessary resources to acquit themselves capably.
C. Security clearance
The status of security clearances within both Armscor and the DoD needs to be investigated as a matter of urgency. Updates of existing security clearances and vetting of non-security cleared personnel need to be effected as a matter of priority. In cases where there was a breach of security directives and/or legislation in the defence procurement process, necessary steps needs to be taken.
D. Record-keeping
Control over internal Armscor and DoD documentation and record- keeping needs to be improved in accordance with those procedures governing the control of classified information as set out by the counter-intelligence function of the DoD. An audit trail of all processes linked to procurement processes needs to be maintained and managed at all times.
E. Acquisition policy
Current Armscor and DoD procurement policy compares favourably with previous procurement policies that pertained within both Armscor and the DoD in the past. Aspects of the procurement policy do need to be fine-tuned, and personnel within both Armscor and the DoD need to be made conversant with the content and the importance of this policy. This will require the institution of appropriate training and workshops, as well as Standard Operating Procedures within Armscor and the DoD, to ensure that this is accomplished. Each phase of the procurement process should be concluded according to policy prescripts before proceeding to the next phase. Furthermore, proper authorisation should be obtained at each phase before continuing. Such authorisations should determine whether the next phase is embarked upon. Considerations such as the strategic objectives of the DoD that impact on the procurement process, should be weighted and form part of the value system. It must then be applied consistently throughout the process. Future defence procurement packages need to be critically assessed against the needs of the current strategic and global environment. The Defence Review states that procurement should, as far as possible, attempt to make use of local defence industry capabilities. The Report notes that foreign defence capabilities were privileged over domestic capabilities. The parliamentary committees believe that this situation needs to be avoided if local defence capabilities, an undisputed national strategic asset, are to be maintained.
F. Armscor Act
A Work Group that had to deal with the drafting of the Armscor Act, was established by the Ministry of Defence in January 2000. We are concerned that there was not sufficient feedback to Parliament. This should be attended to as a matter of urgency, given certain observations by the Agencies. The role of Armscor and the DoD with regard to subcontracting needs to be clarified. We understand in the Report that it is not the policy of Armscor and the DoD to interfere with subcontractors, yet numerous instances of interference are mentioned. Whilst Armscor has the right to interfere with subcontracting, it must do so within the framework of government policies vis-á-vis affirmative procurement, black empowerment and technical and strategic needs. Armscor as the procurement agency of the DoD, as mandated by law, should resume this responsibility when the DoD procures defence equipment.
G. Cheetah fighters
The Report observes that the SAAF indicated the lifespan of the Cheetah fighters to be up to around 2012. What will be the position of the Cheetah in the light of the acquisition of the Gripens?
H. Implications for SAAF’s operational budget
The Chief of the SAAF allowed the amount of R176 million to be deducted from the budget of the SAAF, notwithstanding his awareness of the 30% shortfall with regard to the readiness of the Air Force. We will need to be briefed on this aspect, in particular with regard to the impact on the total budget of the SANDF.
I. Structures
We note with concern a plethora of structures and committees involved in the acquisition process. We refer, inter alia, to PCB, SOFCOM, JPT, IONT, AAB, AACB, Technical Team, etc. Furthermore, we observe the following with regard to these structures: 1. Individuals occupying a number of positions, thus blurring the lines of accountability and authority. 2. A lack of race and/or gender balance. 3. People are given incompatible functions to perform.
J. Conflict of interest The issue relating to Conflict of Interest needs to be dealt with resolutely and decisively within the public service in general and by both the DoD and Armscor in particular. This will require institution and/or amendment of appropriate legislation to govern and control the activities of serving public servants. Persons named in the Report as having been involved in a Conflict of Interest and/or engaged in activities deemed unprofessional from the perspective of the procurement process, should be debarred from service in any civil service or parastatal.
The Chief of Acquisition occupied a position of Chief Director within the DoD. Given the fundamentally political nature of procurement, it is felt that a person at that level should not have been given such incompatible function to perform. This also applies to other officials from, for example, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI). It is felt that in future a person with more political and institutional seniority should manage such processes. Real and apparent conflict of interest did emerge between various senior officials of the DoD, Armscor and the DTI (particularly those directly involved in the acquisition packages) and members of the bidding teams for the various equipment within the Strategic Defence Packages (SDP). The determination of responsibilities within the acquisition process needs to be rationalised and streamlined. It came to the attention of the parliamentary committees on defence that senior DoD and Armscor officials frequently "wore a number of hats", thereby limiting their ability to act impartially and to avoid a real or perceived conflict of interest. In our opinion, this impeded good governance. This is not only limited to the DoD and Armscor, but includes officials of other state departments. An investigation needs to be conducted by the DoD and Armscor of those individuals whose professional behaviour was queried in the Report.
K. Conclusion
Implementation framework To ensure that the mentioned and future recommendations are applied in a consistent and rational manner, the Portfolio Committee on Defence will compile an implementation framework that will specify, amongst other things, the following: 1. The co-ordinating responsibility for the implementation of the diverse recommendations contained in this Report. 2. The Executing Authority/Authorities responsible for implementing those recommendations, which have been assigned to them within the context of this Report. 3. The ongoing oversight/monitoring of these responsibilities and their execution and the authorities responsible for this monitoring role.
Report to be considered.
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Report of the Portfolio Committee on Finance on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 6 December 2001:
On 18 November 1998 the Cabinet approved an amount of R29 773,13 million for the acquisition of armaments for the South African National Defence Force. The finding of the Special Investigation is that 49% of the financing costs of this purchase was excluded from this amount. (Finding 1, p 263 - Financing Costs is defined as the “value of the total financing costs payable over the financing period, i.e. interest, management fees, export credit fees, etc, expressed in million US$” (Annexure A Point 10)).
The Report also states that the “figures did not include a number of items such as freight insurance, taxes, project management costs, financing costs and loan premiums” (par 9.1.2.1).
The Cabinet mandated the Departments of Defence (DoD), of Finance, of Public Enterprises and of Trade (DTI) and Industry to engage with detailed negotiations with the preferred bidders so as to achieve affordable agreements. The International Offers Negotiating Team (IONT) was set up to do the negotiations, which would result in a final contract for the offered equipment (Chapter 8).
On 31 August 1999, the Affordability Report compiled by the IONT stated that the total cost of the package, at an estimated forward exchange rate, was R36 482 million, “consequently the total full cost is substantially higher than that originally presented to Cabinet” (par 9.2.3.6 (b)). One of the most significant increases was the rise in the purchase of the LIFT & ALFA from R15 603 million to R19 620 million (par 4.6.15, p 103).
The new total figure included all procurement costs, viz. the contract price (the actual military equipment), statutory costs (freight insurance and taxes incurred by the Department of Defence and Armscor in managing the procurements), financing costs for deferring payments to suppliers, ECA premiums payable on all ECA- backed loans, and escalation of all of the preceding amounts. The amount was calculated on an estimated forward exchange rate and excluded financing costs (par 4.6.15).
On 25 November 1999, the Cabinet approved an amount of R30 285 million for the entire package, exclusive of financing costs. These expenditures will be carried via transfers to the Strategic Defence Account of the Department of Defence. The contracts were signed on 3 December 1999. Certain cost-containing changes were made that differed from the original Cabinet decision of 25 November 1998. These changes were necessitated by the escalation of the costs identified by the Affordability Report, due partly to the omission of certain costs at the initial presentation to the Cabinet. Some of the significant changes included the following:
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The number of Light Utility Helicopters (LUH) to be purchased, was decreased from 40 to 30 (par 8.11.3.2). This resulted in a decrease in total costs from R2 446 million to R1 965 million (par 8.11.3.7).
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The implementation costs of R176,3 million for the LUH will now have to be incorporated into the SAAF budget, as this amount was not included in the presentation to the Cabinet on 15 September 1999 (par 8.11.3.6).
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The omission of the purchase of Maritime Helicopters was estimated by the Affordability Team to amount to R967 million. It appears, from an answer given by the Minister of Defence in Parliament, that the SANDF will purchase these helicopters and that delivery will be at the same time as that of the Corvettes (evidence given at parliamentary hearings of the Joint Investigating Team (JIT) (4/12/2001)). It would appear that the cost would have to be carried by the budget of the SANDF outside of the amount agreed by the Cabinet that is attributable to the Special Defence Account. It is uncertain where the costs of such a transaction would be incurred in the budget.
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The purchase of the LIFT & ALFA was separated into three phases, called Tranches, with the option to cancel Tranches 2 and 3 at a later date. This decision was made because of the unpredictability of foreign exchange rates and economic growth over a 10- to 15-year period (par 8.8.3.2). The government is committed to an amount of R15 916 million for the total LIFT & ALFA package, with Tranche 1 amounting to approximately R7 830 million. The total cost of the entire arms acquisition of Tranche 1 stands at R22 199 million. The Chief of the SAAF has stated that there is a risk involved in reducing the number of aircraft that would be available to train pilots. Furthermore, because the dual-seater Gripen does not have the full operational capacity of the single-seater, it does not have the same deterrent value, and without the purchase of the second and third Tranches, the operational fighter capability of the SANDF will be severely limited after 2010 (par 4.7.8.6).
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Some of the essential functionalities of the aircraft in the LIFT & ALFA packages had been removed during the negotiation phase, and their cost will have to be accommodated outside the Cabinet-approved package (par 8.11.2.4 and par 4.7.9), as these costs were not submitted to the Cabinet (Finding 4.12.7). The Chief of the SAAF has indicated that “the LIFT & ALFA aircraft is a system in terms of the total systems management approach. This means that any scenario that does not include all the components of the system, cannot be supported” (par 4.7.8.6). The JIT estimates that the inclusion of these functionalities would amount to R1 169 million. It is uncertain whether these functionalities are to be reincorporated or not. The costs will have to be carried outside of the Strategic Defence Account.
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The leasing of the simulator equipment for the Hawk and Gripen had been transferred from Tranches 2 and 3 to a full purchase agreement in Tranche 1. The costs of the Hawk and Gripen in Tranche 1 are therefore respectively 35% and 34% higher than the average cost. This would represent an implicit cost of about R1 736 million, should government exercise its option to cancel (par 4.7.8.4).
Due to these cost-cutting measures, the JIT found that they were unable to make a conclusive finding on the total impact of the IONT on the value of the total costs. Finding 8.12.4. reads:
"However, it is not possible to make a conclusive finding on the total impact of IONT, because: * Some functionalities of the packages were removed. * The quantity of equipment for the LUH programme was reduced. * Certain costs, for example management and statutory costs, had not been included in the presentation to Cabinet".
In view of the fact that certain cost-containing measures had to be introduced once the Affordability Report found that not all costs had been submitted to the Cabinet in November 1998, and that some of these costs might have to be funded outside of the package finally approved by the Cabinet in 1999, the JIT has made two key recommendations which are fully endorsed by the Committee:
Par 4.13.5: "Detailed and accurate information, including all possible costs, should be submitted to Cabinet. All currency risk implications regarding international armaments acquisitions should be disclosed to Cabinet. Such information is necessary to ensure that essential functionalities are not removed from aircraft during negotiations due to budget constraints". Par 8.13.4: "Proper consultation and an impact study should be done before equipment types or functionalities are reduced".
The Committee further recommends that amendments be introduced to the Public Financial Management Act that will ensure that not only the cost implications of legislation brought before the Cabinet and Parliament be fully spelt out, but that the affordability of all major purchases by the government, including all financing costs and potential risks, be made known prior to any formal decisions being taken. The role of Parliament in this case needs to be clearly specified.
Furthermore, the Committee recommends that affordability reports are finalised prior to the finalisation of purchase negotiations.
The Committee also wishes to endorse the following further recommendations of the JIT:
Par 8.13.1: "It should be prescribed that all procurement processes, including negotiations with preferred bidders, are properly documented to ensure a proper audit trail". Par 8.13.2: "DoD should take steps to ensure that good procurement practices are adhered to and that compliance with the prescribed tender procedures is strictly controlled".
In addition, the Committee also endorses the recommendation of the JIT in par 3.4, which states, inter alia, that “the staff of DoD and Armscor involved in procurement should be properly trained to ensure that they assimilate and fully understand the policy with a view to its effective implementation”.
Par 8.13.3: "An approved negotiation strategy and terms of reference should be in place prior to the commencement of negotiations".
The Committee is aware that the government is preparing to overhaul its entire procurement policies and practices, and recommends that the shortcomings of this particular arms procurement process be fully identified and analysed with a view to rectifying them in the reforms that are to be adopted.
The Committee takes note that the government has an option to cancel Tranches 2 and 3, should it so wish. The Committee recommends that the Cabinet continue to review the advantages and disadvantages of exercising these options on a regular basis. In this regard, the Committee notes with increasing concern the rapidly increasing exchange rate risk posed by the recent dramatic decline in the value of the Rand. It is common knowledge that this was entirely unanticipated by all analysts and could not have been taken into account at the time of the signing of the contracts. It is, however, a serious factor that must be taken into consideration. Furthermore, it is regrettable that the Affordability Model that was drawn up, did not take opportunity costs into consideration (p 263, par J). It is recommended that in future all affordability models should include such a component.
From a macro-economic point of view, the Committee takes note of the statements made by the Director-General of Finance, to the effect that although the loans are mainly in foreign currency denominations, the total foreign debt exposure of South Africa is still very low and does not exceed 10% of total debt. There is therefore hardly any risk of severe foreign debt exposure. Secondly, the projected fiscal deficit of 2,6% is still scheduled to remain on track at that same level.
The Committee notes that there are a number of provisions for the regular update of the revised figures of the costs of the arms procurement. These will be made available each year with the tabling of the Budget in February and with the monthly and quarterly revenue and expenditure reports that the National Treasury issues. The Committee recommends that a standard reporting format for expenditures on arms acquisition be utilised so as to eliminate misinterpretations and confusion.
18/11/98 31/08/99 31/08/99 15/09/99 25/11/98 Cabinet Affordability Min. Com Cabinet Cabinet
Submarines 5 212 6 088 (2) 5 354 (5) 5 531 (8)
Corvettes 6 001 7 361 (3) 6 917 (6) 6 873 (9)
Maritime Helicopter 967
L U Helicopter 2 169 2 446 (4) 1 949 (7) 1 965 (10)
LIFT & ALFA Tranche 1 (1) 8 502 7 830?
LIFT & ALFA Untranched 15 603
Total Untranched 29 773
Total Tranche 1 25 364 21 330 22 199
Total Tranch 1,2 & 3 (16) 36 482 29 900 29 992 (11) 30 285 (12)
LIFT 4 728
ALFA 10 785
Total - LIFT & ALFA 15 603
LIFT & ALFA 1 Tranched 8 502 7 830? (14)
LIFT & ALFA 2 & 3 11 118? 8 086?
Total LIFT & ALFA 1, 2 & 3 19 620 (13) 15 772 15 916 (15)
(1) On 25/11, Cabinet approved a staggered (tranched) combination purchase of LIFT & ALFA, unlike on 18/11 when it was agreed to purchase 24 Hawk and 28 Gripen as one package.
(2) Increase in cost from 18/11 presumed to be the omission of certain cost elements - p 239.
(3) Increase in cost from 18/11 presumed to be due to omission of certain cost elements - p 239.
(4) Increase in cost from 18/11 presumed due to omission of certain cost elements - p 239.
(5) Increase in cost from 18/11 due to omission of certain cost elements - p 243. Decrease in cost from 31/08 unknown.
(6) Decrease in cost from 31/08 unknown. (7) Decrease in cost from 31/08 due to reduction in purchase of LUH from 40 to 30 - p 242, par 8.11.3.7. The implementation cost of R176,3 million not included in programme cost presented on 15/09. Cost must be incorporated into SAAF budget - p 243, par 8.11.3.6.
(8) Increased costs from 15/11 due to increased financing cash flows, statutory and project management costs and the ECA premium (p 244). The actual contract price same as tender price for both dates, viz. R4 226 million
(9) Decrease in price from 15/09 due to negotiated reduction in tender price from R5 469 million to R5 412 million - p 240.
(10) Increase in price from 15/09 due to increase in statutory cost and project management, financing preferred cash flow and ECA premium. Contract price is R1 249 million - p 243. (11) Decrease in cost from 31/08 (see footnote 15).
(12) Increase in cost from 15/09 mainly due to the transfer of the leasing of the simulator equipment for the Hawk and Gripen from Tranche 2 and 3 to a full purchase agreement in Tranche 1 - p 258 & p 106.
(13) Difference with 18/11 due to omission of certain cost elements such as statutory and project management costs, ECA premiums and financing costs, amounting to R4 017 million more than was approved - p 103.
(14) The leasing of the simulator equipment for the Hawk and Gripen has been transferred from Tranche 2 & 3 to a full purchase agreement in Tranche 1. The costs for the Hawk and Gripen in Tranche 1 are 35% and 34% higher than the average cost - par 4.7.8.4. (15) The increase from 15/09 is due to increased statutory and project management costs and training equipment. The contract price is R13 359 million. The difference with 31/08 (large decrease) is due to the fact that some of the essential functionalities of the aircraft in the LIFT and ALFA packages have been excluded, thereby causing a reduction of the programme cost. The cost of these items will have to funded outside the Strategic Defence Programme - par 4.7.9, p 107.
(16) The final cost at contract price amounted to R30,05 billion was somewhat lower than the total cost approved by Cabinet on 5 November 1999. This was due to a reduction in the negotiated contract prices of the trainer and fighter aircraft. The 2001 Budget estimates of the total cash flow expenditure on the strategic defence procurements excluded the export credit premiums, which are part of the financing costs, of which the total expenditure would be R43,0 billion.
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Report to be considered.
- Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 5 December 2001:
In accordance with the directive of the Speaker, published in the
Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports of 14 November 2001, the
Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry met to consider "matters
falling within its portfolio, and in particular Chapter 12" of the
report, and reports as follows:
The Committee met with Mr Bahle Sibisi, Deputy Director-General,
and Mr Lionel October, Chief Director in the Industrial
Participation division of the Department of Trade and Industry
(DTI), on 21 November and 4 December. Members of the Committee
also had an opportunity to clarify certain matters with members of
the Joint Investigating Team at a joint committee meeting on 4
December 2001.
The DTI team gave the Committee their response to the
recommendation in par 12.4, p 370, of the report. They indicated
that the Minister of Trade and Industry had already stated that
this recommendation would be implemented. They also indicated that
steps were being taken to upgrade administrative and monitoring
capacities in the Industrial Participation Secretariat and to deal
with a number of procedural shortcomings highlighted in various
chapters of the report. These include the appointment of dedicated
portfolio managers to manage and monitor each of the companies
that have large obligations; biannual review meetings and monthly
assessment meetings; improved procedures for the approval of
projects and awarding of credits; and improved administrative and
record-keeping systems.
The DTI indicated that the Industrial Participation (IP) contracts
came into effect in April/May 2000, and that the third biannual
review is in the process of being completed. While the DTI was not
in a position to provide a full report at this stage, they did
provide the Committee with a preliminary overview of the
performance of the National Industrial Participation (NIP)
projects that fall under the DTI. The total NIP obligations
arising from the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages (SDPP)
(value of investment in projects and export earnings generated by
them) amount to US$ 13 410,69 million. The first "milestones" are
due in 2003 and 2004, by which time obligors are required to meet
investment and export targets of US$ 3,998 million. The Committee
was told that projects to the value of US$ 5,008 million have, in
fact, already been approved and are active, meaning that the
implementation of the NIPs "exceeds the contractual milestone by a
safe margin". The DTI undertook to table a fuller progress report
for the Committee early next year.
The Committee is strongly of the view that the implementation of
both the NIPS and DIPS is of major importance to the country and
an integral part of the "value for money" of the Strategic Defence
Procurement Packages.
The Committee accepts the "Findings" in section 12.3, and notes in
particular the concern expressed in par 12.3.8.
The Committee also notes the report by the DTI, indicating that
certain measures are in place to improve procedures and conduct
regular performance reviews. The Committee further notes the DTI's
view that the implementation of IP projects to date is broadly on
track and exceeds contractual milestones, and that there are no
indications at present that any of the prime contractors are
preparing to take advantage of the "opt out" provisions of the
contracts.
The Committee endorses the following recommendations:
1. Par 4.13.6: Proper evaluation of IP offers should take place at
the RFO stage of a procurement process in order to ensure that
only feasible projects are selected and that the need to
negotiate with bidders to replace projects at a later stage is
consequently minimised. At the same time, it needs to be
recognised that market conditions can change in ways that make
some adaptation unavoidable or desirable. A delicate balance
needs to be struck between the need for clarity and certainty
as a basis for monitoring implementation and the need for
flexibility to allow adjustment as new market conditions
arise.
2. Par 12.2.9.5(e): Credits towards the discharge of IP
obligations based on signed contracts with local suppliers
rather than the presentation of invoices could be open to the
abuse indicated in the report. The DTI team told us that the
latter was already established practice.
3. Par 12.4: In the interaction with the Joint Investigating Team
on 4 December, it became clear that a major concern in this
regard was the sharp drop in the value of the penalty charge
that would arise from non-completion, as distinct from non-
implementation of an obligation (a reduction from 10% to 5% of
the contract price). The Committee hopes that the legal
opinion will contribute to identifying ways in which the
closure of this and other possible loopholes can contribute to
ensure compliance with, rather than opting out of, IP
obligations.
At the same time, we believe that ensuring effective
implementation of IP projects (both those related to the SDP and
those arising from other procurements) is a function of much more
than tight controls in contracts. It depends also, and perhaps
even more critically, on follow-up actions by the government, and
the DTI in particular, interacting with the contractors and
creating the conditions for IP projects to go ahead. This includes
working together with contractors to identify locations for
projects, generate infrastructure services and provide other
services on a similar basis as those provided to other investors.
All of this relates to broader issues of investment policy and
industrial strategy.
It is, moreover, of critical importance that the lessons of
administrative and procedural shortcomings in respect of the IP
projects arising from the SDP are translated into more effective
processes of negotiating IP projects in respect of future
procurements. The fact that the DTI has identified the need for
improvements and implemented some reforms, is to be welcomed.
All of the above are matters that fall well within the overall
oversight responsibilities of the Committee. We note and welcome
the DTI's commitment to providing us with a fuller report early
next year. This, the Committee has indicated to the DTI, needs to
be broken down project by project, with the benefits to be derived
from each project also disaggregated into clear categories -
investment, export earnings, direct and indirect jobs. We need
also to receive timely and regular reports from the Industrial
Participation Secretariat on IP projects arising from other
procurements.
The Committee, finally, welcomes the indication by the Auditor-
General that monitoring of implementation of IP projects will form
part of the regular audits of the DTI, carried out by his Office.
Report to be considered.
- Report of the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 6 December 2001:
A. Introduction
The report being considered relates to the investigation into the
Strategic Defence packages for the acquisition of armaments for
the South African National Defence Force, which was conducted
jointly by the Offices of the Public Protector, the Auditor-
General and the National Director of Public Prosecutions.
The investigation came about after it was established by the
Auditor-General, during November 1998, that the procurement
process was a high-risk area that warranted a review.
Subsequently, a special review by the Auditor-General was
conducted and signed on 15 September 2000, which recommended that
certain areas of the procurement process needed attention. The
matter was handled by the Standing Committee on Public Accounts of
the National Assembly, which recommended that a multi-agency probe
into the matter be conducted, hence Parliament's approval for such
an investigation on 2 November 2000.
The three agencies conducted the investigation, and focused on
cost to State, the selection of prime contractors, the selection
of subcontractors and the contracts themselves. After thorough
investigation of these issues, the agencies established that,
despite certain anomalies and technical inadequacies at various
stages of the procurement process, there was no evidence of
improper or unlawful conduct by the government. They made
recommendations on areas in respect of which particular attention
needed to be drawn by the Executive or the Prosecuting Authority,
with a view to taking action.
Upon receipt of this report from the three agencies, Parliament
instructed eight Committees to interact with the aforementioned,
and the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration
was accordingly charged to deal with issues falling within its
scope, particularly Chapter 10.
B. Background
1. Chapter 10 deals with anomalies related to the selection of
subcontractors in the procurement process, and particularly
the fact that the reports indicates that there has been a
conflict of interest in the selection process, and that the
process was not managed according to stipulated processes.
2. The facts in this regard are that -
(a) the Chief of Acquisitions had a conflict of interest in
the process, arising from the fact that he had a brother
who had an interest in subcontractors that were also
bidding for the contracts. He declared that conflict of
interest, and yet did not recuse himself from activities
of the PCB meetings, which were to decide on the
allocation of such contracts.
(b) The main contractors did not follow a formal process for
the selection of subcontractors in all instances, as they
only embarked on teaming arrangements and joint ventures
with the local defence industry.
(c) Despite the fact that it is a requirement of the Defence
Review and the Department of Defence's Procurement Policy
that role-players should have security clearance, the
Chief of Acquisitions did not accordingly secure
clearance.
It should be noted that the agencies found the facts mentioned
above to be a serious violation of the expected conducted of
people charged with responsibilities of public duty, and that
they (the agencies) declared the Chief of Acquisitions'
declaration of interest to be null and void.
As we deal with this report, we should not lose sight of the
fact that there are policies we may employ to address some of
the negative tendencies highlighted above. The Public Service
Act and the Public Financial Management Act (PFMA) are, for
instance, useful tools to deal with questions of conflict of
interest, financial management and procurement.
C. Recommendations
1. The Committee supports the recommendations of the agencies, and
believes that, as they are implemented, existing policies
should be taken into account so as to avoid possible
duplication.
2. In strengthening this position, we request the Public Service
Commission to closely monitor the process of policy
implementation on an ongoing basis, and report thereon to the
Committee.
3. We call on the Department of Defence and the Department of the
Public Service and Administration to work closely with each
other in addressing, in particular, the urgent personnel
audit, in order to ensure that all staff members of the
Department of Defence comply with the prescribed security
clearance requirements, within a period of 12 months.
4. Portfolio Committees of the National Assembly should
accordingly exercise stricter oversight on policy
implementation, as the situation requires.
Report to be considered.
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages (the Procurement packages), dated 3 December 2001:
The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development, having considered the matters in the Report falling within the parameters of its portfolio, and in particular Chapter 13, and having to report on the relevant findings and recommendations before 6 December 2001 (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, p. 1390-1), reports as follows:
-
The Portfolio Committee noted the contents of the Report, in particular Chapter 13 and the finding in paragraphs 13.4 and 14.1.15, in response to the view expressed by the Committee on Public Accounts that the main (prime) contracts did not appear to be well prepared, namely that the drafting of the prime contracts was of a high standard and that such contracts were found to be well defined and understandable, without any instance of particularly clumsy language having been found to have been used.
-
The Portfolio Committee noted that the National Director of Public Prosecutions has initiated certain public prosecutions, which may be linked to the Procurement packages.
-
The Portfolio Committee noted that the National Director of Public Prosecutions has publicly indicated that investigations into possible criminal charges in connection with the Procurement packages are continuing, which may lead to further public prosecutions in this regard.
-
The Portfolio Committee noted that the Report does not contain any specific recommendations relating to matters falling within the parameters of its portfolio, including Chapter 13.
-
The Portfolio Committee recommends that-
(a) the draft Prevention of Corruption Bill, presently being processed by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development and the relevant Interministerial Committee, be introduced into Parliament, as a matter of priority, in order to address possible loopholes in our law identified in the Report, in particular those relating to various conflict of interest situations and to extend the current laws pertaining to corruption and related offences of dishonesty; and
(b) the National Director of Public Prosecutions, on a mutually agreed to date in February, submit a progress report to the Portfolio Committee, regarding further possible criminal investigations and public prosecutions emanating from the Procurement packages.
-
Report to be considered.
-
Interim Report of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 6 December 2001:
The Joint Investigation Team’s report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages was submitted to Parliament on 14 November
- This report was thereafter referred to eight Committees of Parliament, including the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, for consideration.
The Committee agreed that political parties would independently prepare their own questions for clarity on the report of the three investigating agencies.
The process of interaction with the Joint Investigation Team on questions for clarity about the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages occurred on 4 and 5 December 2001.
The Committee envisages that it will adopt its Report on the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages to the House on Wednesday, 12 December 2001, and therefore requests that it be granted an extension until that date.
Report to be considered.
TUESDAY, 11 DECEMBER 2001
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly and Council of Provinces:
- Report of the Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons on Visit to Eastern Cape, dated 3 October 2001:
The Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and
Status of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons visited the Eastern Cape
from 2 to 4 May 2001 as guest of the Standing Committee on Youth,
Gender and Disabled of the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature.
The Committee reports as follows:
A. Introduction
1. Background
Pursuing its parliamentary oversight function, in accordance
with Joint Rule 132D of the Joint Rules of Parliament, the
Committee visited the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature (the
Legislature).
The Eastern Cape was identified as the first province to be
visited, based on the following motivation:
(a) It is one of the provinces that has established a similar
committee.
(b) It is also one of the rural and poverty-stricken
provinces.
2. Objectives
(a) To monitor the status of children, youth and disabled
people in the province.
(b) To establish a working relationship with the Standing
Committee on Youth, Gender and Disabled People of the
Legislature (the Standing Committee).
(c) To meet with members of the Office on the Status of
Disabled People (OSDP), the Provincial Youth Commission
(PYC) and the Provincial Plan of Action for Children
(PPA).
(d) To monitor programme and policy implementation.
(e) To evaluate provincial progress with implementing the
Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the
establishment and location of the PPA.
(f) To monitor the PYC's progress since inception.
(g) To monitor progress of the Office on the Status of
Disabled People with implementation of the Integrated
National Disability Strategy (INDS).
(h) To look at the different responsibilites and co-ordination
of work between the Office of the Premier and the
programmers based in that Office.
(i) To look at the co-ordination of work between the Premier
and the Standing Committee.
Ms Bogopane, our chairperson, initiated the visit to the
province on behalf of the Committee. The Committee therefore
mandated some of its members to undertake this provincial
study tour.
3. Composition of delegation
National Assembly: Ms H I Bogopane (ANC); Ms S Maine (ANC); Ms
N Cindi (ANC); Mrs L R Mbuyazi (IFP); Ms M Rajbally (MF).
National Council of Provinces: Mr B Willem (ANC); Mr P D M
Maloyi (ANC); Mr N Raju (DP); Ms C Nkuna (ANC); Mrs J Witbooi
(New NP).
4. Procedure
The Committee undertook a three-day visit to the province,
held meetings and went on sightseeing visits to various
places.
B. Findings
1. Welcoming by Standing Committee
Mr Chris Motsilili, chairperson of the Standing Committee,
welcomed the Committee, expressed his sincere appreciation to
the Committee for electing to visit the Eastern Cape, and
expressed the hope that the Committee and the Standing
Committee would learn from one another.
He outlined the programme for the three days.
2. Official opening by Deputy Speaker
The Deputy Speaker of the Legislature welcomed the Committee
on behalf of the Speaker, Mr M Matomela. She gave a brief
background on the establishment of the Standing Committee, as
well as its roles and functions. She wished the Committees
success on their deliberations.
3. Joint meeting
The joint meeting was co-chaired by Ms Bogopane and Mr
Motsilili.
Ms Bogopane outlined the aims and objectives of the visit. She
also outlined the rules establishing our Committee, and its
role, functions and powers in terms of Joint Rules 132A to
132D.
Mr Motsilili took the Committee through the terms of reference
of the Standing Committee (as stated by the Deputy Speaker),
and said that the Standing Committee was established in July
1999, before the establishment of the Joint Monitoring
Committee.
The following differences between the committees were
identified, which would require attention in order to
facilitate smooth working relations:
Joint Monitoring Committee Standing Committee
Deals with Youth, Children and Disabled Persons Deals with
Youth, Children and Disabled Persons
It is a Joint Monitoring Committee, It is a Standing Committee
– they function
different from a portfolio committee like other standing
committees, despite not being linked to a department. Does not
consider legislation unless Considers legislation referred to
it by Speaker
Can liase with all portfolio committees.The Standing Committee
status is a barrier – unable and government departments to
liase with other standing committees and government
departments
Liases directly with Heads of Liases with junior officials
Departments and Ministers
Deals with political and social Deals more with administration
aspects of sectors, including
policy and programme implementation
Responsible for ratification of Responsible for implementation
of international international agreements agreements
provincially Monitors country's obligations Monitors
provincial obligations and submits reports and submit reports
Considers reports at national level Considers reports at
provincial level - deals with - deals with children, not
gender gender, not children.
4. Presentation by OSDP
The OSDP was established on 1 April 1999, and up to now only
one official has been employed.
(a) Questions asked
* How does the OSDP interact with the Standing Committee?
* What has been done to make public buildings accessible
to disabled people?
* How many buildings are still inaccessible?
* Which criteria were used to make public buildings
accessible, and how were they identified?
* How many special schools are in the province?
* What role has the OSDP played in solving disability
grant problems?
* What kind of leadership has the OSDP provided in policy
development for disabled people?
* Has the OSDP benefitted from being placed in the
Premier's Office?
* Why has there been only one employee in the Office?
* What are the barriers that make it difficult for that
employee to play a co-ordinating role?
* Has the Premier been informed about the lack of co-
operation from departments?
(b) Problems identified (which hinders delivery)
* A lack of capacity in the Office to co-ordinate and
monitor policies
* A lack of provincial strategy to implement the INDS
* Delays at the departments of education and of health to
establish disability unit
* Non-availability of sufficient funds.
(c) Weaknesses identified
* No effective interaction with the Premier
* No co-ordination of rural development
* No disability audits have been conducted within
government departments
* Disability projects have not been monitored, as a
result of financial constraints
* No clear understanding as to why the Office is situated
in the Premier's Office.
5. Presentation by PPA
The delegation was briefed by Ms K Scott, co-ordinator of the
PPA, located in the provincial department of welfare.
(a) Questions asked
* How was the PPA established, who constitutes it and
when was it established?
* What programme have they implemented since inception?
* Where is the PPA located at present?
* What role has the PPA played in child support grants?
* What has been the nature of the division of work
between the PPA, the Office of the Premier and the
Standing Committee?
* Has the PPA audited legislation regarding children?
* What are the frustrations of the PPA?
(b) Problems identified (which hinders service delivery)
* Non-attendance of senior officials in workshops
organised by the PPA
* A lack of resources to co-ordinate and monitor
policy/programmes relating to children in all
departments
* Programmes and activities are not the responsibility of
the PPA, but of the department of welfare
* The location of the PPA in the department of welfare
leads to a lack of budgeted funds and of recognition
* The present formation of the PPA excludes civil society
* Due to the above, the effectiveness and visibility of
the PPA has been non-existent - it has not been able to
respond to the needs of children in the province.
(c) Weaknesses identified (which hinders service delivery)
* No budget
* No staff
* No status
* It is not located in a position that empowers the
programme to perform its functions
* Mobilisation and co-ordination, as well as partnerships
between the government and civil society, do not exist.
6. Presentation by PYC
The delegation was briefed by Mr Thembisile Macelesi,
chairperson of the PYC.
(a) Questions asked
* Does the PYC have statistics on youth who are infected
with HIV/AIDS?
* What is the relationship between the PYC and the
Standing Committee?
* Why in the Provincial Youth Commission Act is the PYC
proposing the appointment of three full-time provincial
commissioners?
* What are the PYC's expectations of the Standing
Committee?
* Why does the PYC want to implement or start pilot
projects?
* How is the relationship between the PYC and the
National Youth Commission?
* Is the Premier aware of the dissolution of the
Interdepartmental Youth Committee?
(b) Problems identified (which hinders service delivery)
* There is no provision for the creation of Provincial
Youth Commissions in the National Youth Commission Act
* The National Youth Commission Act also does not outline
the relationship between the NYC and PYC
* The National Youth Commission Act fails to define the
role of provincial governments in funding the
operations and programmes of the PYC.
(c) Weaknesses identified
* Lack of clearly defined powers of the NYC over the PYC
* Lack of monitoring of projects
* Lack of database on status of youth in the province
* Lack of co-ordination of youth programmes in the
province
* Shortcomings of the NYC are allowed to influence their
work.
7. Outreach visit
The Committee was divided into two groups, because of the
vastness of the province, and to award members an opportunity
to see different things at the same time. The one group would
report to the other.
Places to be visited
(a) Multi-Purpose Youth Centre in Cradock
(b) Makana Primary School, Day-Care Hospital and Welfare
Offices in Grahamstown
(c) Special School for Mentally Disabled Children in Tsolo
(d) Fabkomp factory in Sweetwater's
Group 1
This group went to Grahamstown and Cradock, and consisted of:
* Ms Bogopane, leader of the delegation
* Mr C Motsilili
* Mr T Macelesi
* Mr D P N Maloyi, Committee member
* Mr M I Moss, Committee member
* Mr N M Raju, Committee member
* Ms S Rajbally, Committee member.
The aim was to evaluate the accessibility project, which is a
partnership between the PYC, the OSDP and the Department of
Public Works.
(a) Accessibility project
The project has benefitted young people and will benefit
disabled people in the future. The following weaknesses
were identified:
* Before identifying and prioritising buildings, there
was not proper consultation with and agreement by the
stakeholders, which, for example, led to buildings not
in urgent need of renovations being renovated.
The deputy director of the OSDP herself is physically
disabled. She has been in an inaccessible office for
the past two years - she could hardly identify her own
office for renovation. Also, there is no sign for
parking for people with disability at the legislature,
where she parks every day. Instead, a primary school in
a community in Grahamstown was renovated, where there
is no disabled child enrolled.
* Lack of consultation with people working in or heading
the different institutions identified to be made
accessible.
For example: The Grahamstown Day Hospital used a ramp
for stretchers when ambulances brought patients there.
The ramp can now not be used for that purpose anymore,
as walls have been built to make it longer so as to
enable a person in a wheelchair to use it without
assistance. So now the clinic is inaccessible, as it
has no ramp for severely ill patients.
When we enquired how such a mistake can happen, the
sisters and doctors indicated that they were neither
consulted nor informed of the renovations - they were
not even aware of what else would be happening to the
clinic. All they knew, was that people had come to take
measurements; they never saw the plans or charts.
* The project is not supervised by anybody to ensure that
it meets the required accessibility standards, neither
is anybody checking structure quality.
At the Department of Welfare, a toilet had to be
renovated by fitting a slightly wider sliding door.
However, all that was done, was to change the door to
open from the outside instead of the inside, which made
it difficult for a person in a wheelchair to open it,
as it would open towards that person.
At Makana Primary School, ramps were built, but the
classroom was still inaccessible. A child would go up
the ramp, but would not be able to enter the classroom.
* The project was not planned; the stakeholders did not
agree to the duration of the contract (the commission
indicated that the department had said the money was
finished, but the contractors did not complete the
work).
* The OSDP indicated that it is the South African Federal
Council on Disability (SAFCD) that had handled the
project. They provided the list of buildings and
accessibility guidelines, and they entered into the
partnership, not the OSDP.
* The PYC indicated that they were responsible for
identifying young people for training as well as for
the institutions that trained young people. They were
further responsible for facilitating a way of
integrating these young people at the end of the
project. The employers have taken some of the young
people permanently.
(c) Visit to Mayor's office
We met the Mayor and his councillors, but we were unable
to hold a meaningful meeting - the lift was not working,
so we could not reach his office. We were introduced, and
the purpose of the visit to Grahamstown was explained.
(d) Visit to Youth Multi-Purpose Centre in Cradock
This Centre is one of those built by the PCY. The manager
gave a brief background and took us on a tour around the
building. He indicated that he would no longer be able to
manage the Centre, as he was going back to the
Department.
The purpose of the Centre was for departments to use it
for their youth programmes. Unfortunately that has not
happened yet, as it is a well-developed structure, but
under-utilised at present.
Group 2
This group went to the Tsolo Special School for Mentally
Disabled Children, and consisted of:
* Mr B Willem, leader of the delegation
* Ms Hobongwana, Standing Committee member
* Ms M S Maine, Committee member
* Ms N Cindi, Committee member
* Mrs J Witbooi, Committee member
* Ms C Nkuna, Committee member.
(a) The principal of the school welcomed the delegation:
* In 1977, the School started catering for mentally
disabled children only. The vision of this School is to
develop and raise the level of self-esteem of mentally
disabled children through education, training and
practical skills. Through its mission statement, the
School is committed to work in partnership with all
stakeholders, so as to ensure that each learner receive
the best education.
* At present, the School has an enrolment figure of 70,
and three teachers employed by the government, plus two
volunteers and nine non-teachers.
* The government, grants and school fees of R100 per
learner per month fund the school.
* The school governing body consists of a social worker,
a psychiatric nurse, four parents, two community
members and the school principal.
(b) Constraints
The principal mentioned the following problems hindering
the effectiveness of the school:
* Lack of access to telephones
* Lack of access to electricity
* Lack of accommodation
* Lack of beds and bedding.
(c) Meeting with Premier
The Committee met with the Premier before they left the
province on 4 May. Introductions were done by both
chairpersons.
The background to the visit was set out by the
chairperson of the Committee. The provincial programme
was outlined by the chairperson of the Standing
Committee.
The Premier welcomed the Committee to his Office (not to
the province, as that had already been done by the deputy
speaker). He also thanked us for visiting the Eastern
Cape.
Ms Bogopane highlighted our findings and recommendations
to be considered by the province, and referred to
presentations, questions asked and weaknesses identified.
Findings and recommendations in this Report are the
issues raised with the Premier, recommendations made to
him and his response to questions.
C. Conclusion
This visit was long overdue - the province required guidance on a
number of areas, and we were in a position to assist. Committee
members were exposed to the challenges faced by provinces, the
interpretation of some of the legislation passed by the National
Assembly and how this impacts on the lives of people in the
province.
Lack of exposure to a number of activities, and to documents,
impedes smooth functioning and interpretation of issues by the
province. The impact of poverty is a reality in the province.
There is a high level of illiteracy, and officials in the
Premier's Office lack a general understanding of the political
clout and status of their programme in relation to other
departments.
Due to the vast needs of the province, institutions such as the
PYC, which is supposed to be co-ordinating programmes, end up
implementing programmes in order to try and meet the needs of
young people in the province. This leads to misunderstanding of
the role of these programmes, and the chances of it being
corrected, are very slim.
D. Recommendations
The Committee recommends that:
(a) the name and status of the Standing Committee on Youth,
Gender and Disabled be changed
(b) the Provincial Plan of Action for children be relocated to
the Premier's Office
(c) budgets be allocated to programmes, so as to enable it to
function properly
(d) the OSDP be staffed immediately to ensure that it is well-
equipped to respond to the needs of disabled people
(e) the Integrated National Disability Strategy be
provincialised to ensure that it responds to the
immediate needs of disabled people
(f) an awareness campaign on inclusive education be
established, led by the Standing Committee
(g) amendments to the promotion of youth affairs be fast-
tracked
(h) the amendments in paragraph (g) above also include a
reduction in the number of commissioners and in their
terms of office
(i) the restructuring of the Provincial Youth Commission be
accelerated
(j) the role of the Premier's Office be re-emphasised to
public servants serving in that Office, and that the
Standing Committee explain their political responsibility
to them
(k) the Standing Committee concentrate on the implementation
and allocation of budgets to the programmes it is
responsible for
(l) the Standing Committee no longer deal with junior
officials but with heads of department
(m) the Standing Committee monitor all departments, not only
ones closely linked to it.
Report to be considered.
National Assembly:
- Report of the Portfolio Committee on Social Development on Eastern Cape study tour from 14 to 16 August 2001, dated 17 October 2001:
Contents
1. Terms of reference
2. Background information
3. Summary
4. Paypoints
5. Welfare and non-governmental organisations
6. Poverty relief and departmental pilot projects
7. Welfare offices
8. Meeting with MEC
9. Acknowledgements
1. Terms of reference
The Committee undertook a study tour to the Eastern Cape to
investigate:
* levels of service delivery
* conditions under which officials were working
* interaction between civil society and the government
at provincial and national level
* management of poverty relief and other projects
* extent of poverty in the province
2. Background information
The Committee resolved to undertake this visit as a result of
several reports in the media and from members of Parliament from
that province about the conditions of social service delivery in
the province. This decision was reinforced after a meeting with
the MEC for Welfare in the Eastern Cape on 28 March 2001 about the
provincial budget. It became apparent from reports that the
conditions are worse in the rural areas of the former Ciskei and
Transkei. It was consequently decided to concentrate on those
areas.
The delegation was led by the Chairperson, Mr E Saloojee (ANC),
and comprised of Mr F Bhengu (ANC), Ms X C Makasi (ANC), Ms J
Chalmers (ANC), Ms S Kalyan (DP), Mr A Z A Van Jaarsveld (New NP),
Prof L M Mbadi (UDM), Ms Z Adhikari (Committee Secretary) and Ms A
Kakaza (Committee Assistant).
3. Summary
The multiparty delegation spent three days in the Eastern Cape in
an attempt to understand the conditions of the people on the
ground and to investigate the levels of service delivery. They
visited paypoints and met with officials, non-governmental
organisations (NGOs), special projects and the MEC for Welfare.
4. Paypoints
A. Findings
Diya Store, Butterworth
The journey to this paypoint took about 45 minutes on very bad
gravel roads. Officials, who have to cover three main
paypoints, leave Butterworth at 08:00 in the morning and reach
the furthest paypoint an hour later. They start the payouts
here and then begin to work their way back to Butterworth.
Officials use Ford bakkies that are quite old and need to be
replaced.
Payment of grants takes place in a dark sparsely stocked shop.
There is a single table with an official on either side. The
one official checks the identity document while the other then
fingerprint the beneficiary and hands over the cheque. A third
official oversees the process. Beneficiaries generally stand
or sit on the floor. There are no chairs or restrooms. The
delegation met several individuals who have applied for grants
several months ago and were simply told to keep coming to the
paypoints every month to see if their grants had come through.
The delegation met a boy who did not have the use of both
hands and had applied for a disability grant last year but was
still waiting for a response from the Department of Social
Development.
After receiving their cheques, the beneficiaries rely on the
shop owner to cash them. This is done for a fee of R20 per
cheque and they generally get their money within a day or two
after handing over the cheques. Transport to town costs R24
return and involves walking quite a distance to the point from
which taxis operate, so most beneficiaries rely on the shop
owner. The Community Welfare Forum in the area exists but is
not functioning. The Department of Welfare has offered to
advise the forum when it meets. These forums are voluntary
bodies.
Esingeni Store, Tsolo
This paypoint is situated about 50 minutes from Tsolo and the
roads are extremely poor, with narrow crossings over dried
riverbeds. As at Butterworth, officials started at the
furthest point and worked their way back through six
paypoints. There are 78 paypoints in the district and two
teams over three weeks are responsible for payment of grants.
This paypoint consists of a table outside a shop with no
shelter. The beneficiaries crowd around the officials and wait
for their names to be called. One official calls out names,
the second identifies the beneficiary using the identity
document and the third sitting at the table fingerprints the
person and hands over the cheque. They often deal with up to
6 000 persons per paypoint. There is no running water or
toilets and beneficiaries have to go to the river for those
facilities.
As at Butterworth, the shop owner cashes the cheques. At this
place it is done for a fee of 14% commission on the groceries
that they had bought on credit for that month. Beneficiaries
are given their money after the shop owner has taken what was
owing to him. Beneficiaries at this paypoint also had the
option of cashing their cheques at J H Security, a security
company, for a fee.
Officials use a Ford Bantam bakkie, which often breaks down.
In order to complete all the payments the officials leave
Tsolo at 5am and return at nine pm. Officials are accompanied
by the police due to the violence and robberies in the Tsolo
area. A problem identified was that many of the elderly get
beaten and robbed by the youths in the area on the days that
the payouts have been made.
At this paypoint, members found an aged lady lying on a
mattress on the ground waiting for her pension payout. Her
daughters brought her to the paypoint, as she was too frail to
walk there herself. In order for one of them to become the
procurator, she would have to travel to Umtata with them to
make the changes. A member of the Community Welfare Forum said
that there were many people who had applied for disability in
November 2000 but who have not received anything yet. He
undertook to forward the list of names to the Committee.
East London Post Office
The post office is contracted by the Department to disburse
grants on their behalf. Security at the post office was very
strict and the delegation was not allowed to enter the payment
halls until the Postmaster-General gave permission. The
security company only let beneficiaries with valid identity
documents into the hall, which is attached to the post office.
A member of the welfare committee was present outside the hall
to ensure that the process ran smoothly. The post office is
insured against robberies and is able to get money within two
hours if it is stolen.
The current hall is very small and the payment point was to be
moved to another larger hall in the building by the end of
August to ensure that people did not have to wait in queues
outside.
Payment is in the form of cash. Grants were paid in the hall
on the main payout day and paid out at the post office next
door for the rest of the month. Vouchers are issued to
beneficiaries after their identity document were checked.
These vouchers are then handed into another counter and
redeemed for cash. If vouchers were not claimed by the end of
the month, then it would be returned. If the beneficiary
collected the following month, they would be given the
outstanding vouchers for up to three months.
The post office works on a computerised system called
Postlink, which records the vouchers issued. The computer
system is linked to the national mainframe. A paper backup is
created at the same time. Any problems encountered are
referred to Deals House, where the regional office of the
Department of Welfare is situated. There are no departmental
officials present at this paypoint and the post office staff
handles all the transactions. There is currently no help desk
at the post office, but they envision having one when the
payments move over to the larger hall.
B. Conclusions
* As a result of the advanced infrastructure of the post
office that operates in the urban areas, the system of
payment works better than in the rural areas.
* Beneficiaries in the rural areas who are paid out by the
Department of Welfare, are at the mercy of the local shop
owners and private companies to cash their cheques.
* The voluntary welfare committees in the rural areas are not
working effectively due to a lack of information and
incentive.
* The vehicles used by the officials are clearly inadequate
for the terrain that they have to cover.
* Information does not reach people in the rural areas about
the categories of grants that they are able to access and
the requirement that they would need to meet.
* The long and difficult distances that potential
beneficiaries have to travel hamper accessing grants and
information. Travelling these distances are also relatively
expensive per trip.
* Many people have been unable to access grants due to not
having the correct documentation. Those who have applied for
documents often have to wait long periods before getting
their documents. It is a struggle to rectify mistakes such
as incorrect identity numbers, incorrect ages, duplicate
identity numbers and persons who have been summarily
declared dead.
* The crime situation in the rural areas intensifies the
already unfortunate position of the poor. People in these
areas are very poor and are thus dependent on the grants in
order to survive.
C. Recommendations
* Social workers should be encouraged to go to the rural areas
at least once a month to inform and educate the community
about the various grants and the processes of accessing it.
* Welfare committees should be empowered and developed to play
a more active role in the communities that they serve.
* A transport allowance should be made available for members
of the welfare committee so that there is some incentive to
take responsibility.
* Officials should pay house visits to those beneficiaries who
are too infirm to travel to the urban centres to register
procurators or make any other changes. Alternatively,
officials who come out to make payments should bring the
relevant forms with them and set some time aside for
processing and dealing with problems.
* The Department of Public Works must be persuaded to
intensify its programme of providing proper infrastructure
in terms of roads to the rural areas.
* The Department of Home Affairs needs to address the problem
with regard to the slow processing of identity documents and
birth and death certificates.
5. Welfare and non-governmental organisations
A. Findings
Thembalethu Professional Foster Care Programme
This programme is part of the Butterworth Child and Family
Welfare Society. The Society was started in 1995 as a
voluntary organisation and was formally launched in 1996. The
foster care programme was started in 1995 to deal with street
children and other vulnerable groups. About 10 mothers and
helpers were trained during this time. Children are placed in
foster care while their families were being traced and re-
unification was co-ordinated. Natural parents are involved in
the programme as far as possible.
In order to raise funds for the foster parents and to
encourage the natural families to function normally, the
programme has started the Zenzile programme. This programme
produces pottery, clothes, embroidered cushions and bread so
that parents are able to generate an income with which to
maintain their children. They have also started the Fumaneka
crop production programme, with 25 men and women producing
crops for income. In addition to training parents, many of the
children are empowered with the same skills in order to assist
in generating an income. The programme, however, noted that it
was having difficulty selling and marketing its products.
When the programme started, it did not have a social worker
and only employed a childcare worker in 1999. It found,
however, that it was unable to place children through the
court system and was forced to employ a social worker. In
April 2001 they were allocated a subsidy for a social worker
but are unable to afford a childcare worker as well. The Child
and Family Welfare Society is experiencing a problem with
retaining the services of their social workers because they
invariably leave for employment opportunities in the
government, where the pay is better and there are greater
benefits.
The organisation is committed to an integrated developmental
approach. They work closely with the Siyakhana street children
shelter. As regards foster care, they incorporated the family
preservation programme and do preventative work in the form of
awareness programmes with parents and children. This approach
extends to child-headed households and foster parents who have
been trained to look after HIV-infected children.
Non-governmental organisations: Umtata
* Umtata Child Abuse Resource Centre
This is a non-profit organisation that was established in
October 1996 as a result of the enormous need in the
community. It was set up by various organisations and is
multi-sectoral in its approach. It has assisted in the
formation of the Child Protection Units that are attached to
the SAPS. It has looked at adding another unit, which will
have psychologists, doctors and social workers. They have
submitted their request for funding of this unit to the
department 13 months ago but have not received any response
to date, not even a letter of acknowledgement.
The main aim of the organisation is the prevention of child
abuse. It does this through campaigns at schools, churches
and other community centres. In addition, it does research
into issues of child abuse in order to assist with its work.
They have a good relationship with the Child Protection
Unit, the regional welfare office and the provincial
department of welfare.
It is finding it increasingly difficult to operate due to a
shortage of funding and human resources. Due to time
constraints set by funders, they are often in a position
where they are unable to spend the money granted within the
specified period resulting in them losing the continued
support from those funders.
They experience difficulty assisting beneficiaries to access
the child support grants. Many do not have birth
certificates and the process of obtaining them is difficult.
They are also finding it difficult to access grants for HIV-
positive persons who are no longer able to work.
* Action Group for Children in Distress
This organisation was started in June 2001 and deals with
relieving distress of children that have been abandoned as a
result of HIV/AIDS. They designed referral forms for NGOs
who refer the children to the Action Group. These forms are
used for statistical purposes and to get background
information on children before placing them with foster
parents. The organisation also gives children grants of R300
in the form of vouchers or payment of school fees.
They are dealing with increasing numbers of orphans and
child-headed households. Their working radius currently
covers an area of 20 km and they only have one field worker.
* SOS Children's village
They are affiliated to an international child welfare
organisation that seeks to help children who are in need of
care because they have lost their parents. The organisation
provides a home for these children in small, family-type
groups. Children are placed in the care of a foster mother
and other abandoned children become their brothers and
sisters.
Children come into the care of the SOS children's villages
through a statutory process. One of the problems
experienced, is the lack of response or long delays from the
provincial office. In addition, it has not received any
feedback on its service plans submitted over the past two
years in line with the current financing policy.
* Siyakhana Youth Outreach and Education Programme
This NPO's mission is to provide professional services in
the rehabilitation of street children by providing shelter,
skills training and assisting other similar organisations
with skills development. They were formed in 1998 after
consulting with a wide range of social forces and approached
the Presidential Projects Trust for funding. Rehabilitation
Day Care Centres have been established in Umtata, Engcobo,
Butterworth, Lusikisiki and Mt Frere, as these areas were
identified as having serious problems with street children.
Children on the street are persuaded to go to the centre,
where they are cleaned and fed. They are encouraged to talk
about their families and interact with a social worker
during their stay at the centre. Files are opened for each
child and their families are traced in an effort at re-
unification. Children are also enrolled in school in an
effort to normalise their lives.
The Umtata and Engcobo centres are funded by the Department
of Welfare. Efforts to get funding from the provincial
government for the other three centres have proven to be
futile as there has been no proper response to applications
made. The future of these centres is uncertain, as the funds
received from the Presidential Projects Trust are about to
be exhausted. An additional problem experienced is the
unavailability of social workers in some districts.
Experience has shown that they achieved the most success in
the areas where they were able to actively involve the
social workers.
* Eluxolweni Child Care Centre
This centre operates within a Christian framework where they
reintegrate street children back into society as empowered
young people. This is done by working both with the family
and the child. They provide short- to medium-term physical,
emotional, educational and spiritual care. At their night
shelter, they run a skills training centre for the street
children and the community.
One of the main problems experienced by the organisation is
the shortage of funding which impacts on the manner in which
they are able to operate. The funding problem has also
resulted in a situation where they have been unable to make
provision for the girl child.
* Sinawe Referral Centre
This centre is situated at the Umtata General Hospital and
is a multi-disciplinary service established for the
management of victims of violence. They provide legal,
medical, psychological and social services to victims of
violence. This is done in conjunction with other NGOs and
CBOs. They also run awareness programmes within the
community about crime prevention. Their services extend to
children affected by crime and violence as well.
The SAPS had not been deployed in the centre yet and this
creates problems with regard to the protection of children.
They are also experiencing problems with setting up a place
of safety and their own transport.
* Tembelihle Home
This is an undertaking of the Umtata Child and Family
Welfare society and is a place of safety for abandoned and
abused children between the ages of two and 14 years. The
children are admitted through the Child Protection Unit
(CPU) or social workers. The children are cared for while
the CPU and social workers complete their investigation.
Children are generally returned to their families. The home
was started in September 1997 and has since begun to employ
a teacher for the children.
Non-governmental organisations: East London
* Advancement of Disadvantaged Project Training Centre
This is a computer-based training centre that was launched
by the Anglican Church at Mdantsane in 1995. They offer
three-month courses in the fields of administration,
financial management and computer skills. They are committed
to empowering the disadvantaged unemployed people,
especially the youth.
One of their main challenges is being able to secure
adequate funding, as overseas funders were beginning to
focus on other African countries. Funding from the
Department of Labour has been cancelled because of their
expectation of 70% placement after training.
* Institute of training and education for capacity building
This organisation was originally an educational NGO whose
focus was extended to the broader community with issues such
as HIV/AIDS awareness and social development. They assist
communities to access grants and are involved in a crime
reduction project. They work closely with the police and
Child Protection Forums to reduce crime. They have launched
AIDS awareness programmes in schools and at community
centres.
Their challenges include the growing unemployment crisis,
children who are starving and dying in the former Transkei
and the escalation of the AIDS problem.
* Masimanyane Women's Support Centre
This organisation is aimed at the empowering of women. They
deal with issues of domestic violence, maintenance and child
support, HIV/AIDS awareness and educating and empowering
women about their rights.
Besides highlighting the problem with funding, they
indicated that they too are experiencing difficulties with
regard to the inadequate justice system and court officials
who were not taking the issue of maintenance seriously
enough. They feel very strongly that the position of women
has not improved, and noted that the problem of poverty
impacted very strongly on the plight of women.
* Rural Support Services
The Rural Support Services focuses on water, sanitation and
health issues. They respond to the needs of the community by
trying to get funding for projects. They also assist by
setting up projects and programmes around health and
hygiene.
They are faced with challenges of lack of access to
information about processes and rights. Expectations of the
community are very high but the delivery of services is very
slow and people tend to get disillusioned. As a development
agency, they are experiencing difficulty getting funding and
have had to resort to charge consultant's fees for their
services.
* East London Family and Children Welfare Society.
There are about 40 organisations that are involved in a
social development focus form of welfare. They are forming a
platform with which to engage with the government about
legislation and policy. They tend to focus on family
preservation and social development.
B. Conclusions
* Welfare and non-governmental organisations are unable to
retain staff due to better opportunities in the government.
Although subsidies are received regularly, they have not
been increased for a few years.
* Organisations are having increasing difficulty accessing
funding as most of it goes directly to government.
* Organisations need training with regard to business
management skills.
C. Recommendations
* Organisations must be encouraged to look into the idea of
extended families when dealing with orphaned children.
* The funding proposals with regard to subsidies must be re-
evaluated. The subsidisation of non-profit organisations and
non-governmental organisations must be improved.
* Lotto funds must become available for organisations to tap
into, as many have lost their funding as a result of this
process.
* Government departments at all levels should interact with
each other to deal with issues of poverty, infrastructure,
water, sanitation and access to grants. Legislation in this
regard should be encouraged.
* Civil society must be encouraged to engage their public
representatives on issues of concern to them. This type of
interaction should cut across party lines to ensure
effective delivery.
6. Poverty relief and departmental pilot projects
A. Findings
Masiphatisane Club
A group of five women decided to fight poverty by starting a
sewing project in 1997. They initially started with their own
sewing machine and contributed R60 per month to build up
capital. After hearing about the government assistance, they
successfully applied through the local welfare office. At this
stage they were reduced to four members. The initial
disbursement was R10 000 in July 1999. This money was used to
buy an electric sewing machine, an overlocker and fabric from
East London. In March 2000 they were given a second tranche of
R12 000.
They are experiencing difficulty with selling their products.
They have decided not to use any of the money that they were
given by the government, and are attempting to use only the
profits of their sales. They are currently not drawing a
salary from the business. They are aspiring to sell their
products in Butterworth and East London and are hoping to get
a contract to produce tracksuits and school uniforms. The
local social worker has been monitoring the project and
attempting to help them with regard to their business
management, but with very little success.
The project is currently being run from the home of one of the
women, who gets a small payment to cover the costs of
electricity used. There is no real form of security, as
members indicate that they trust each other. The chairperson
and treasurer are the signatories of the bank account and
decisions are made by consensus.
Mhlakulo HIV/Aids home based care project
This project is attached to a clinic outside Tsolo and is a
joint integrated project run by the Departments of Social
Development and of Health. It was started in June 2000 and has
recruited about 55 volunteers. The volunteers were selected
from people who worked at the clinic. The project was started
after consultation with traditional leaders, faith healers,
Unitra and other community members. The volunteers were
identified and placed into different categories after a
process of screening. The volunteers have been trained in home-
based care but still need training in professional foster
care. Volunteers interact with the families of the ill and
coach them in caring methods. Families are identified as being
in need if they meet the requirements set out by the project.
Transnet has donated containers which will be used as offices
and counselling centres. They hope to be fully operational by
December 2001. Volunteers are given a small transport
allowance in order to visit the critically ill and take them
to hospital. The project has applied to the national
Department for cars in order to conduct home visits. They were
relying on NGOs in the area to assist. The project has
initiated smaller projects in order to produce an income for
the volunteers. They are hoping to give volunteers a small
monthly cash payment.
The home-care packs have not been made available yet but they
were relying on the clinic to supply them with the necessary
resources in this regard. Testing is being done in Umtata and
there is often a long waiting period for results. They are
hoping to start testing at the project by September 2001.
The project also addresses the plight of children in distress
by placing them in foster care. As far as possible, children
are placed within their families. The process of placing
children gets delayed as a result of some children not having
the correct documentation.
Kidds Beach Development Association
This project was established as a non-profit organisation and
was given funding of R138 000 by the national Department for a
three-month period from March to June 2001. The aim of the
project is to help the community by providing home-based care,
to help the community access grants, setting up SMMEs and
placing orphaned children. They have formed partnerships with
the regional and district offices of the Department of
Welfare, the Department of Labour for training, the Department
of Home Affairs for identity documents and the Kidds Beach
Post Office. The project has trained caregivers from all 35
villages that they service. Monthly reports of their progress
have been submitted to the national Department.
The MEC for Welfare, Ms N Kondlo, had some reservations about
the project, as she felt that it extended beyond its mandate
of home-based care for people with HIV/AIDS. She also
indicated that the provincial government had only been
informed about the existence of the project two months after
it had been set up. She had not seen the business plans or any
of the reports that had been submitted on the progress made.
B. Conclusions
* There seems to be very little monitoring of projects on the
ground by the disbursing agency or the national Department.
* Although applications are handed in to the provincial
authorities, the decision lies with the national Department
to award funding.
* The social workers are unsure of their role in the
monitoring of poverty relief projects.
* Members running the projects are not very clear on the
objectives of the business plans. Within the poverty relief
project, the women were starving themselves in order to
succeed.
C. Recommendations
* Projects must be assessed for viability before being
approved. Sufficient time must be spent on the process of
evaluating a project before funding is approved.
* Communities must be given training in developing their
business and marketing skills. This type of guidance and
education must be ongoing and its effectiveness must be
measured.
* Projects that are approved, must be able to benefit the
community and not only enrich a few individuals. They must
be designed so that it is able to expand to incorporate more
people.
* The relationship between the disbursing agency, national and
provincial governments must be clearly indicated so that
each level is aware of its responsibility and there are
clear lines of communication between them.
* The Department must ensure that projects are properly
resourced if they are to succeed. The HIV/AIDS home-based
care project's lack of transport makes meeting their
objectives extremely difficult.
* The relationships and co-operation between various
government departments such as Home Affairs, Public Works
and Social Development must be strengthened in order to
assist with the realisation of these projects.
* Comprehensive mechanisms for monitoring must be put in
place, with responsibilities clearly defined.
7. Welfare Offices
A. Findings
Butterworth District Offices
The district offices are housed in a run-down house that is
being rented by the provincial Department of Education for R24
000 a month. The contract expires at the end of August 2001
and they will then share premises with the regional office.
The property has not been maintained and there is a clear lack
of resources. Files are generally stored on open shelves or in
boxes. The cupboards in the kitchen are full of old files that
have not been stored properly.
The regional office occupies a small house, which desperately
needs to be fixed and renovated. The walls and ceilings are
unpainted and the floor tiles are loose in several places,
making it dangerous to walk on. The office, which processes
applications, is very small, resulting in applicants being
forced to wait outside and be exposed to the elements. These
offices are slightly better resourced, as there are
functioning computers loaded with recent software and they
have filing cabinets.
B. Conclusions
* The conditions under which the departmental officials are
expected to work, are not conducive to motivating them and
thus affecting their productivity.
* The shortage of resources negatively affects the time it
takes to process applications.
C. Recommendations
* The Department of Public works must be urged to renovate and
possibly extend the property at the Butterworth regional
office.
* The provincial budget should take into account the better
resourcing of regional and district offices.
* The offices dealing with members of the public must be
adequately resourced in order to accommodate the elderly and
disabled.
8. Meeting with MEC
The MEC responded to the following issues that were raised:
* Grant payouts.
There are cases of backpay dating from 1996, when the department
ran out of funds and a moratorium was placed on the processing
of applications. Some officials, however, continued to accept
applications and as result these were not processed. Many of
these files have since disappeared. This has become a problem
with the new regulation that stipulates that backpay must be
backdated to the date of application.
* Class action court case
The East London court decided that the administrative action has
disadvantaged the group of beneficiaries and ordered that they
be reinstated. The Department of Welfare has contested the
group's status as a class as it comprised of both permanent and
temporary disability beneficiaries. The temporary beneficiaries
simply had their grant cancelled. The department is in the
process of locating some of the permanent beneficiaries in order
to reinstate them.
* Roads
The condition of the roads is terrible but it cannot be solved
instantly. The Department of Public Works has an ongoing
infrastructure programme. An amount of R140 million has been
allocated for the Eastern Cape from the R6 billion that the
President has set aside over three years.
* Cashing of cheques
The shopkeepers who are charging beneficiaries exorbitant
amounts for cashing cheques, are not involved in an illegal
activity and it is therefore difficult to stop this practice. It
is hoped that a decision to change the payment system will occur
within the next few months.
* Social workers
In terms of the disparity between private and state social
workers, it is hoped that the subsidy will be increased by next
year in order to close the gap.
* Vehicles
The province has not had any money allocated to it for the last
five years for vehicles. The initial amount of R20 million voted
for vehicles for the current financial year was reduced to R4
million during the budget review process.
* Welfare forums
The department is in the process of putting together a framework
policy document for welfare forums. The legislature has had
public hearings on the policy, and it is hoped that it be
finalised soon.
* Liaison between provincial and national departments
Although business plans are processed provincially, the decision
to award funding is done nationally and funds are deposited
directly from the national Department. The province has very
little involvement and is not informed about disbursements and
monitoring.
* Panels
It has been agreed that panels should be operational by 1
December 2001, but there is a need to identify infrastructure
and budgets. Panels are supposed to replace district surgeons.
* Identity documents
There are many identity documents that clash in the province,
and in certain cases people are "made" younger than they are.
This is a difficult problem to solve - the Department of Home
Affairs needs to address these issues.
9. Acknowledgements
The Committee would like to thank:
* Officials of the regional and district offices in Butterworth,
Idutywa, Tsolo, Umtata and East London, for their time and
hospitality.
* NGOs for their frank explanations and discussions about the
position they found themselves in.
* Members of the poverty relief and departmental pilot projects
for taking the time to show us the work that they have done.
* Drivers of Imperial Car Hire for their skill in getting us to
the remote areas and back safely.
* The MEC for taking time out of her busy schedule to talk to the
delegation.
- Report of the Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry on Study Tour to Santiago, Chile, dated 17 October 2001:
The Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry, having conducted
a study tour to Santiago, Chile, reports as follows:
A. Terms of reference
A multiparty delegation undertook the tour from 1 to 8 July 2001,
and compiled a report on the experience of Chile with regard to
water services management.
The delegation consisted of Ms B P Sonjica (chairperson, ANC), Ms
R Ndzanga (ANC), Mr M Masala (ANC), Mr G B D McIntosh (DP), Mr M S
M Sibiya (IFP), Ms C Dudley (ACDP) and Mr A B Myeni (Committee
Secretary).
The delegation met with the:
1. Ministry of Public Works.
2. National Bureau of Hydraulic Works.
3. Company Management System.
4. Superintendence of Sanitary Services.
5. EMOS (Metropolitan Company of Sanitary Works).
6. United Nations Economic Commission for Latin-America and the
Caribbean (ECLAC).
7. Sen Eduardo Frei R-T (Former President of Chile).
8. Municipality of Maipu.
9. Rural Community.
B. Background
1. Amanzi ayimpilo - Water is life. Water is perceived to be a
public good, but South Africa is currently facing many
challenges in respect of the provision of water services
management.
2. Many poor people are unable to pay for water; as a result, the
South African government introduced a new policy in February
2000.
3. This policy stipulates that a basic amount of 6 000 liters of
clean water per month be provided to each household.
4. The Committee felt that it was helpful to undertake a trip to
Chile.
* The key objectives of the study tour to Chile were to gain
an international perspective on the Provision of Basic Water
Services and Sanitation.
* Observe the interaction amongst spheres of government.
* Observe and evaluate challenges to service providers and
national, provincial and local governments, arising from the
provision of these services.
* Observe and evaluate Public and Private Sector Partnerships.
* Provide the delegation with an opportunity to visit sites
(projects) that provide these services.
5. Water management and service delivery in Chile
(a) Chile has a water code that governs the use of water.
(b) The rights in the water code include water as a national
property for use by the public.
(c) These rights are also protected by the Constitution.
(d) Legislation is in place to ensure effective, beneficial
and equitable use of water.
(e) Legislation also covers the protection of the resource
base in terms of quantity and quality.
6. Superintendency of sanitary services
(a) It is a government agency, whose functions include:
* establishing water rights
* controlling and planning the utilisation of those
rights
* investigating and assessing water resources.
(b) It is part of the Ministry of Public Works under the
General Department of Water Resources.
(c) The SSS is a non-sectoral entity - independent of user
sectors - and does not carry out development work.
(d) The CEO of the SSS is appointed by the President and
remains in that position as long as he or she enjoys the
confidence of the President.
C. Privatisation of water in Chile
1. Privatisation of water services in Chile started in 1999. The
decision to privatise water was very difficult and complex.
2. It was observed that the provision of water to communities was
becoming expensive for the government, and financial resources
were limited. The following was also observed:
(a) A lack of coverage in Waste Water Treatment.
(b) State resources would be liberated for other priorities
(c) Permanent professional development or empowerment.
(d) Worldwide management experience.
(e) Continuous investigation and development.
3. The government engaged private sector companies from France,
the United Kingdom and Spain.
4. Privatisation is twofold:
(a) Thirty-year contract.
(b) Evergreen contract.
5. There is a national independent regulator, established by the
government, to regulate these partnerships and quality
continuity of services and to set up tariffs.
6. The government is the biggest shareholder in these
partnerships.
The need for regulation is underlined by the fact that water
utilities are suppliers of essential and indispensable services to
society and industry, and their operation has far-reaching
economic and social effects, beyond those typical of most other
economic activities.
The Chilean experience has shown that the private sector is
reluctant to provide services in rural communities. When Chile
privatised its water services, approximately 30% of the workers
were laid off. Secondly, workers were appointed for short periods.
We also observed that the government has a policy to provide free
basic services to the poor.
* MAIPU - the municipality implements the policy and delivers
sanitation services to the poorest of the poor.
* Government - through Public Works it negotiates the
cancellation of debts owed by people living in extreme poverty.
Municipalities have a wide degree of flexibility in the
selection of contractual arrangements for the provision of water
supply and sewerage services.
D. Rural communities in Chile
1. They have their own community structure and their members work
on a voluntary basis.
2. The government provides funding for infrastructure, while the
private sector is not involved in these areas.
3. Households that cannot afford to pay their tariffs, are
subsidised.
4. The "enviro-loo" is piloted as an alternative for the provision
of sanitation services in rural areas.
E. Summary of findings
1. Chile is a country where treatment of water as an economic good
has been undertaken most prominently.
2. Chile has a public and private partnership in respect of the
provision of water services.
3. The State is the biggest shareholder, with 44%, and 56% is
divided amongst a number of smaller companies.
4. The partnerships are regulated by an independent agency
controlled by the government.
5. The poor who live under a certain standard, get free basic
services; there is a policy to follow and declare their socio-
economic status.
6. People participate in the provision of services in rural/urban
areas - they are organised in water users' organisations.
7. With a view to sanitation, an "enviro-loo" in rural areas is
being tested as an alternative.
F. Concluding remarks
1. Following South Africa's adoption of a new water policy, it has
been useful for the Committee to examine the water resources
management system in Chile.
2. Water distribution in Chile is characterised by broad private
sector involvement, which is reinforced by the Water Code of
1981, whereby market transactions are encouraged to distribute
water and sanitation.
3. In the past, the management of multiple water uses was
centralised in State hands.
4. Hence, private participation implies changes in respect of the
State's role.
5. The State has had to give up some activities and take on
others, exercising greater regulatory power and promoting the
establishment of more participatory systems for multiple water
use management.
6. After the local government elections in South Africa,
municipalities have been assigned new roles (previously played
by the central government). Many of these are directly related
to water management services.
G. Recommendations
1. The Chilean experience in privatising water has shown that
there are two policy options open to governments regarding
natural monopolies in public utility industries: Public
ownership, as has traditionally been the case in most
countries, or private ownership, in which case government
intervention in the form of regulation is necessary to provide
incentives for productive and allocative efficiency, which
competition cannot provide in this naturally monopolistic
industry.
2. The need for regulation is underlined by the fact that water
utilities are suppliers of essential and indispensable
services to society and the industry, and their operation has
far-reaching economic and social effects, beyond those typical
of most other economic activities.
3. The Committee believes that an appropriate regulatory framework
must therefore be in place before private sector participation
is introduced in the provision of water supply and sewerage
services.
4. The Committee would not support evergreen contracts or even 30-
year contracts.
H. Acknowledgements
On behalf of the Committee, the delegation would like to thank his
Excellency the Ambassador to Chile, Mr Maseko, and the Hon Sen
Eduardo Frei R -T (former President of Chile) for their
heartwarming welcome and hospitality, support and guidance.
WEDNESDAY, 12 DECEMBER 2001
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly:
- Fifteenth Report of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts on the Joint Investigation Report into the Strategic Defence Procurement Packages, dated 11 December 2001:
A. Introduction
1. In its Fourteenth Report of 2000 to the National Assembly, the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts (the Committee) raised
certain concerns regarding some aspects of the Strategic
Defence Package procurement process.
2. The Committee recommended an independent and expert forensic
investigation to, "prove or disprove once and for all", the
allegations of corruption relating to the procurement process.
3. The Joint Investigation Report (the Report) was tabled in
Parliament on 14 November 2001 and referred to eight
Committees. This Report of the Committee must therefore be
read in conjunction with the reports of the Committees on
Defence, Ethics, Finance, Justice, Public Service and
Administration and Trade and Industry.
B. The Committee, having considered the matters in the Report
falling within its competence, reports as follows:
1. Joint Investigation Team
(a) The Committee expresses its appreciation to the Joint
Investigation Team (JIT) for the painstaking, diligent
and thorough manner in which it had conducted its
investigations.
(b) It further wishes to thank the JIT for the open and
cordial manner in which it interacted with this and other
committees of Parliament.
(c) The Committee affirms its confidence in the capacity,
integrity and independence of the three agencies involved
in the investigation.
(d) The Committee believes that the manner in which the JIT
has conducted itself, has contributed to further
strengthening accountability, transparency and respect
for the Constitution and the institutions it creates to
support democracy.
C. Findings and recommendations
1. The Committee accepts the findings and recommendations
contained in the Report of the JIT, in particular the finding
that "No evidence was found of any improper or unlawful
conduct by the government. The irregularities and
improprieties referred to in the findings as contained in this
report, point to the conduct of certain officials of the
government departments involved and cannot, in our view, be
ascribed to the President or the Ministers involved in their
capacity as members of the Ministers' Committee or Cabinet.
There are therefore no grounds to suggest that the
Government's contracting position is flawed".
2. The Committee notes that the government has accepted the
findings and recommendations made by the JIT in the Report
without reservation.
3. The Committee further notes and supports the ongoing criminal
investigations that are being conducted, and urges that they
be concluded speedily.
4. The Committee commits itself to monitor, through its ongoing
oversight role, the implementation of recommendations falling
within its area of competence. In this regard, the Committee
wishes to draw particular attention to the following
recommendations:
(a) With regard to acquisition policy, the Committee notes
ACQ1/98, and suggests further refinement in line with the
recommendations contained in paragraphs 14.2.1, 14.2.2,
14.2.4, 14.2.9, 14.2.10 and 14.2.11 of the Report.
(b) The Department of Defence, Armscor, the National Treasury
and the Department of Public Service and Administration
(DPSA), in conjunction with the Public Service
Commission, should take the necessary steps to develop
the rules and guidelines, referred to in paragraph
14.2.12 of the Report, to address the issues brought
about by conflicts of interest. The DPSA and the National
Treasury should ensure that these rules and guidelines
are implemented in acquisition/procurement processes at
all government departments and state-funded institutions.
(c) In supporting the recommendation contained in paragraph
14.2.15 of the Report, the Committee recommends that the
DPSA give consideration to, and explore the development
mechanisms to ensure, the declaration of interests by
senior officials of the government and state-funded
institutions.
(d) The Report of the JIT makes mention of instances where
officials failed to comply with established guidelines or
deviated from prescribed frameworks. The Committee
recommends that the conduct of these officials be
subjected to internal investigations to establish whether
disciplinary action is necessary. The Committee further
recommends that the relevant departments should report to
Parliament in this regard by March 2002.
(e) The Department of Trade and Industry should expedite
implementation of the recommendations contained in
paragraph 14.2.14 of the Report, and should take urgent
measures to comply with the recommendation contained in
paragraph 14.2.5 of the Report. The Committee further
recommends that these measures be extended to all
industrial participation offers submitted to the
department.
(f) The Committee further recommends that matters of internal
controls, proper financial management and accountability
be followed up urgently and implemented by the
departments or parastatals concerned. Procurement
processes have to be clearly defined and properly
implemented. With this in mind, the Committee recommends
that the refined policy (as referred to above) should be
supported by detailed control measures and procedures,
which should give effect to the recommendations made in
paragraphs 14.2.3, 14.2.6, 14.2.7, 14.2.8 and 14.2.13 of
the Report. The Committee draws attention to the fact
that the Public Finance Management Act, 1999, requires
Accounting Officers and officials of departments to
ensure that proper financial and accountability
arrangements are in place, and where these are lacking,
they must ensure that appropriate corrective measures are
taken as a matter of urgency.
D. Concluding comments
1. The Committee, in accepting the Report of the JIT, concludes
one aspect of the process initiated in its Fourteenth Report
of 2000.
2. The Committee, together with other committees of Parliament,
will now interact, on an ongoing basis, with the relevant
departments and parastatals to monitor proper implementation
of the recommendations made in the Report of the JIT.
3. Ongoing criminal investigative work is being conducted by the
relevant agencies that will report to Parliament in this
regard in terms of their legal mandates and through their
normal lines of accountability.
4. The Standing Committee on Public Accounts recommends that the
National Assembly accept the report of the Joint Investigating
Team.
Report to be considered.
THURSDAY, 13 DECEMBER 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) Assent by the Acting President of the Republic in respect of the
following Bills:
(i) Demobilisation Amendment Bill [B 5B - 2001] - Act No 43 of
2001 (assented to and signed by Acting President on 11
December 2001);
(ii) Termination of Integration Intake Bill [B 6B - 2001] - Act
No 44 of 2001 (assented to and signed by Acting President
on 11 December 2001); and
(iii) Medical Schemes Amendment Bill [B 80B - 2001] - Act No 55
of 2001 (assented to and signed by Acting President on 11
December 2001).
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The Minister of Finance on 23 November 2001 submitted drafts of the
Development Bank of Southern Africa Amendment Bill, 2001, and the
Financial Services Ombudschemes Bill, 2001, as well as the memoranda
explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker in
terms of Joint Rule 159. The drafts have been referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Finance by the Speaker in accordance with Joint Rule
159(2).
- The Speaker:
(1) Ms N N Mapisa-Nqakula was appointed as Chief Whip of the
Majority Party with effect from 1 December 2001.
(2) The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr M A Mangena vacating his
seat with effect from 30 November 2001, has been filled with
effect from 1 December 2001 by the nomination of Mr P J
Nefolovhodwe.
(3) The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr H A Smit vacating his
seat with effect from 5 December 2001, has been filled with effect
from 5 December 2001 by the nomination of Mr C B Herandien.
(4) The vacancy which occurred owing to Adv A H Gaum vacating his
seat with effect from 5 December 2001, has been filled with effect
from 5 December 2001 by the nomination of Mr P Uys.
(5) The vacancy which occurred owing to Dr R T Rhoda vacating his
seat with effect from 5 December 2001, has been filled with effect
from 5 December 2001 by the nomination of Mr C R Redcliffe.
(6) The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr T L Makunyane vacating
his seat, has been filled with effect from 4 December 2001 by the
nomination of Ms N F Mathibela.
(7) The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr I L Maphoto vacating his
seat, has been filled with effect from 4 December 2001 by the
nomination of Mr M G Phadagi.
(8) Mr G E Baloi will vacate his seat with effect from 1 January
2002 and his seat will be filled with effect from 1 January 2002
by the nomination of Ms M A Seeco.
(9) Ms N E Hangana vacated her seat with effect from 7 December
2001.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
-
The Speaker and the Chairperson: Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the Reinsurance Fund for Export Credit and Foreign Investments for 2000- 2001 [RP 194-2001].
-
The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:
(1) Report and Financial Statements of the South African Heritage
Resources Agency for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(2) Report and Financial Statements of the National Film and Video
Foundation for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 196-2001].
(3) Report of the National Advisory Council on Innovation for 2000-
2001.
- The Minister of Public Enterprises: (1) Report and Financial Statements of South African Forestry Company Limited for 1998-99.
(2) Report and Financial Statements of South African Forestry
Company Limited for 1999-2000.
- The Minister of Trade and Industry:
Report and Financial Statements of the Industrial Development
Corporation of South Africa Limited for 2000-2001.
- The Minister for the Public Service and Administration:
Report and Financial Statements of State Information Technology Agency
for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 127-2001].
COMMITTEE REPORTS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- Report of the Constitutional Review Committee, dated 14 November 2001:
The Constitutional Review Committee reports as follows:
1. As a result of a very full parliamentary programme and members'
many other duties and commitments, the Committee met only three
times. The subgroup, whose task it was to consider the submissions
received and to plan the Constitutional Literacy Campaign, met
twice only. The result was that the Committee did not have the
time to consider the submissions it had received, as it would have
liked to.
2. The Committee received 328 submissions. Because no due date had
been indicated in the advertisement, submissions were received
throughout the year.
3. Issues raised in the submissions included the following, in
order of numbers:
(a) Right to possess, bear and use firearms.
(b) Death penalty.
(c) Rule of Law and fitting punishment for criminals.
(d) Electoral system.
(e) Chapter Nine bodies - appointment of members, size,
performance and efficacy.
(f) Multilingualism.
(g) Rights and powers of local, traditional and indigenous
leaders.
(h) Bill of Rights.
(i) Accountability of public representatives.
(j) Separation of powers.
4. It was apparent from the submissions received that most members
of the public did not have a clear understanding of what should be
enshrined in the Constitution, and what should be provided for in
legislation. The Committee was very aware of this fact, and tasked
its subgroup to investigate the possibility to initiate a
Constitutional Literacy Campaign, to be run countrywide, before
the next general election.
5. The Committee realised that, when formulating advertisements in
future, it would be wise to focus on certain issues each year,
without precluding submissions from the public on general issues.
Political parties should submit representations on constitutional
matters which they regard in need of attention.
6. The Committee is of the view that there is a need to clarify its
role in relation to other parliamentary committees, which propose
and effect amendments to the Constitution. The Committee further
deems it desirable that all envisaged amendments to the
Constitution also be referred to it for input. The Committee deems
it important that there should be a clear understanding among
parliamentary committees about their individual functions and
powers. This matter needs to be pursued in 2002.
Report to be considered.
National Assembly:
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises on Report of Ad Hoc Committee on Report 13 of Public Protector, dated 3 October 2001: A. Preamble
The government has a significant investment in State-owned enterprises (SOEs), some of which are of a significantly strategic nature. Shareholding and corporate governance matters in these enterprises are critical for the government, especially in the global and competitive environment in which these entities operate. It is essential for the government to develop a focused approach in managing its shareholding portfolio in a consistent manner for it to realise maximum value on its investment.
Report 13 of the Public Protector, as contained in the Report of the Ad Hoc Committee’s Report, which is the subject matter of this Report to the House, highlights pertinent corporate governance issues which demand urgent government attention.
The government’s approach to corporate governance is reflected in the protocol on corporate governance for public entities, published in October 1997. This protocol encapsulates global and international corporate governance principles consolidated in the King Report of 1994. The intention of government in adopting the protocol was to provide for an appropriate corporate governance framework to be applicable within all SOEs, entities, bodies and organs. What the protocol did not accomplish, however, was the operationalisation and compliance mechanisms of the principles contained therein. Equally, the protocol does not provide a vehicle for a uniform, consistent, co-ordinated and non-fragmented approach towards the management of government shareholding interest in SOEs.
The direct consequence of this deficiency in the protocol is the divergent approach by different government shareholding departments in the implementation of corporate governance principles and management of shareholding matters.
Whilst the Public Protector’s Report highlights corporate governance shortcomings within a specific context of the CEF and SFF, in essence it calls for remedial actions on the part of government to avoid a recurrence of these and of some of the corporate governance transgressions within the general body of SOEs. The purpose of this Report therefore is to attempt to address the questions the Public Protector’s Report poses.
B. Purpose
The purpose of this Report is to report to National Assembly on
the following:
1. Issues of corporate governance in State-owned enterprises.
2. An integrated approach to the management of the State
shareholding in State-owned enterprises.
3. To respond within a broad framework to questions arising from
the Public Protector's Report and possible responses thereto.
C. Background
The need for this Report arises from a report referred to our
Committee by the Ad Hoc Committee on Report 13 of the Public
Protector, indicating corporate governance breaches and requiring
that these be addressed. In view of that Report, this Committee
was entrusted with a responsibility to consider certain matters
and report to the National Assembly.
D. Summary
The current situation is that shareholding in the SOEs is located
in different government departments, and that governance matters
are handled in a diverse, varied and fragmented manner from
department to department. This leads to uncertainties in both SOEs
and the departments themselves, and ultimately results in
difficulties in managing governance issues.
The fragmented approach in handling governance matters is also
experienced with other public entities at national and provincial
level. To this end, some of the responsible departments at all
levels of government, it is submitted, have not even had sight of
the Protocol on Corporate Governance.
E. Discussion
Report 13 of the Public Protector and the Ad Hoc Committee'd
subsequent Report clearly indicate the following issues relating
to Corporate Governance within the SOEs, public entities and
government:
1. The need for a board with a balance of Executive and non-
executive directors (refer to point 9, page 153, of that
Report). The Report also indicates that reference should be
made to the King Report on Corporate Governance for guidance
in addressing these matters.
2. The Report indicates a need for a uniform approach when
addressing corporate governance matters within the government.
It indicates that ..."the State Institutions should form the
model for good Corporate Governance" (point 10, page 153, of
the Report).
The Report imposes an obligation on those entrusted with the
custodianship of State assets to manage those in a manner that is
in compliance with the principles of corporate governance as
espoused in the Corporate Governance Protocol for use in Public
Entities, published in October 1997.
These principles include:
(a) Criteria for the appointment of boards, such as
appointments, remuneration, accountability, ethics, probity
and overall performance of the board and public entities.
(b) Roles of shareholders in relation to clarifying the
multifaceted roles of the Government as a shareholder. This
includes clarifying reporting by public entities to the
respective government departments.
(c) Financial reporting, transparency and auditing, both
internal and external. Financial reporting presupposes having
proper business plans, strategic plans and restructuring
plans. Financial reporting also includes a report on tax,
dividends, recapitalisation and other financial matters.
(d) Communication and participation by all stakeholders.
(e) Technology, risk management and fraud detection plans.
(f) Compliance with instruments of good governance, which
include legislation, memoranda and Articles of Association,
the Protocol on Corporate Governance, Shareholder Compacts,
Internal Business Policies and Procedures.
In giving effect to the Protocol and the Treasury Regulations,
shareholder compacts have been developed for use in the SOEs. The
shareholder compact is an annual performance agreement entered
into between the boards and the shareholder. It seeks to clarify
the roles and responsibilities of the parties and to set the
performance targets to be attained by SOEs annually in an attempt
to achieve long-term targets set out in corporate plans. If the
objectives and goals are set out in the shareholder compacts and
their supporting documents, as well as in the corporate plans, it
is anticipated that there could be real maximisation of the
shareholder value, as envisaged in the Restructuring Policy
Framework of Government.
F. Recommendations
In the light of the above, the House is requested to consider the
following recommendations as a way forward in handling the State's
shareholding and governance matters:
1. That government departments entrusted with responsibility of
managing shareholder matters, attend to these matters in a
uniform manner. This can be achieved by adopting the same
processes in implementing the principles on corporate
governance as reflected in the Protocol, the King Report and
in paragraph E above. There has to be strict compliance with
these policies as soon as they are adopted. This will assist
in eliminating the fragmented approach in handling corporate
governance matters.
2. The shareholding of SOEs should be handled in a manner that
allows for growth and prosperity, by defining the mandate of
SOEs and allowing the management to give SOEs strategic
direction that will maximise their potential in business. This
can be achieved by removing the uncertainties that the
management of SOEs encounter on a regular basis. These
uncertainties generally arise from the multifaceted role of
government as a shareholder, regulator and stakeholder through
various departments and at times one department performing
most, if not all, of these roles.
3. A shareholding model will have to be considered by the
government. This model will assist the government in
addressing the fragmentation and unco-ordinated approach in
handling the shareholding issues.
4. While the government is restructuring its SOEs, it is
understood that this is done to achieve maximum efficiencies.
It has, however, to be understood that whatever asset has not
been restructured such asset, should also attain the same
level of efficiency. This can be achieved where all these
assets are managed through one system of shareholding, which
will consider the investment possibilities and a full
realisation of the shareholder value.
Various models exist in various countries, where they are
being used successfully. In Ghana, for example, a Commission
called the State Enterprises Commission is responsible for all
state businesses and manages government shareholding therein.
In Singapore, a "Holding Company Model" known as Temasek is
the shareholding company used, whilst in Australia the
Treasury and the Auditor-General's Office are used to manage
government shareholding. In New Zealand the vehicle used is
known as the Crown Company Monitoring and Advisory Unit. India
has a model akin to our Department of Public Enterprises as a
vehicle for managing all State-owned Enterprises' shareholding
interests. These models have to be investigated further with a
view to finding a model that will be able to address the South
African socio-economic requirements.
5. In the meantime, extensive workshops for departments, provinces
and even Parliament are necessary to enhance the level of
awareness and to entrench a culture of good governance, both
in government and in business. These workshops should also aim
at clarifying the responsibilities of the government as a sole
or major shareholder, and how it relates to other shareholders
where it is not the sole shareholder. The workshops should
also be extended to all public entities, popularising good
governance ethos within the entities.
6. Those departments that have made significant progress in
developing a culture of corporate governance, should take a
lead in driving these issues to avoid reinventing the wheel,
whilst others need to be fully capacitated to address these
issues as a matter of urgency.
7. Some systems are already in place and others are being
developed to ensure that shareholding of governance matters
are given effect to. These systems include the database of all
Public Entities, the database of non-executive directors,
board appointments and remuneration policies and board
selection processes (including the induction, training and
monitoring of performance of board members). There is always a
scope for learning as the processes unfold, and departments
can learn from each other and can improve on what has been
done.
8. Parliament should take a keen interest and play an active role
in promoting corporate governance. In this regard, a
Parliamentary Committee on Corporate Governance could be
established. Such a step will contribute significantly in the
development of a culture of corporate governance in the
country and in line with international trends, namely the
promotion of the role of Parliament in corporate governance.
Report to be considered.
TUESDAY, 15 JANUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development on 7
December 2001 submitted a draft of the Insolvency Amendment Bill,
2001, as well as the memorandum explaining the objects of the
proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms
of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development and the Select
Committee on Security and Constitutional Affairs by the Speaker
and the Chairperson, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule
159(2).
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
Interim Report of the Special Investigating Unit for 2001.
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs:
Report and Financial Statements of the Department of Agriculture for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements of Vote 3 - Agriculture for 2000-2001 [RP 83-2001]. 3. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Albany Coast Water Board for
2000-2001.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of Amatola Water Board for 2000-
2001.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of Ikangala Water Board for 2000-
2001.
(d) Report and Financial Statements of Kalahari East Water Board for
2000-2001.
(e) Report and Financial Statements of Kalahari West Water Board for
2000-2001.
(f) Report and Financial Statements of Mhlatuze Water Board for 2000-
2001.
(g) Report and Financial Statements of North West Water Supply
Authority Board for 2000-2001.
(h) Report and Financial Statements of Overberg Water Board for 2000-
2001.
(i) Report and Financial Statements of Rand Water Board for 2000-
2001.
(j) Report and Financial Statements of Umgeni Water Board for 2000-
2001.
(k) Environment, Health and Safety Report of Umgeni Water Board for
2000-2001.
(l) Technical and Scientific Statistics Report of Umgeni Water Board
for 2000-2001.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The President of the Republic submitted the following letter, dated 4
January 2002, to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing
Parliament of the employment of the South African National Defence
Force:
Dear Madam Speaker,
EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN
COMPLIANCE WITH THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF
SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE ORGANISATION OF AFRICAN UNITY
This serves to inform the National Assembly that I authorised the
employment of South African National Defence Force (SANDF)
personnel to fulfil the international obligations of the Republic
of South Africa towards the OAU Mission in the Federal Islamic
Republic of Comoros (FIRC).
This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions
of Section 82(4)(b)(ii) read with Section 227(1)(b) and (c) of the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993 (Act No. 200 of
1993), [which Sections continue to be in force in terms of item
24(1) of Schedule 6 to the Constitution of the Republic of South
Africa, 1996 (Act No. 108 of 1996)], read further with Section
3(2)(a)(v) of the Defence Act, 1957 (Act No. 44 of 1957).
A total of 4 personnel has been deployed to the Federal Islamic
Republic of the Comoros (FIRC) to act as military observers as
part of the OAU Military Observer Mission to the Comoros to
oversee the operation of arms collection on the island of Anjouan.
The deployment is made up of:
(a) 1X Colonel - Small arms expert to lead the mission
(b) 1X Major - Small arms expert
(c) 1X Warrant Officer - Secretary
(d) 1X Warrant Officer - Small arms expert
The SANDF members have been deployed for a total of 21 days with
the possibility that members may be required to deploy for a
maximum period of up to six months to cover possible extension of
the mission.
The expected costs for the deployment of personnel for 21 days up
to a maximum of 180 days (6 months) to the mission area are as
follows:
(a) Deployment of 4 personnel for 21 days (accommodation in
tents)R34 740,30
(b) Deployment of 4 personnel for 21 days (accommodation in
hotelR30 064,86
(c) Deployment of 4 personnel for 180 days (accommodation in
tents)R222 059,69
(d) Deployment of 4 personnel for 21 days (accommodation in
tents)R181 984,49
(e) Transport and accommodation for mobilisation (two members
to mobilise from Cape Town - costs already included in
the above totals)R10 000,00
The total cost may thus amount to a total of between R30 064,86
and R222 059,69.
The Department of Defence is responsible for the costs of this
deployment.
I will also communicate this report to the Members of the National
Council of Provinces, and wish to request that you bring the
contents of this report to the notice of the National Assembly.
Regards
TM MBEKI
THURSDAY, 17 JANUARY 2002
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
Report and Financial Statements of the Pan South African Language Board
for 2000-2001.
- The Minister of Finance:
(1) Resolutions of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
2001 and replies thereto obtained by the National Treasury -
Third, Fourth and Sixth Reports, 2001.
(2) Government Notice No 1045 published in the Government Gazette No
22757 dated 17 October 2001, Determination of interest rate for
purposes of Paragraph (a) of the definition of "official rate of
interest" in Paragraph 1 of the Seventh Schedule to the Income Tax
Act, 1962, made in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
1962).
(3) Government Notice No R.1176 published in the Government Gazette
No 22822 dated 16 November 2001, Repeal of the Debt Standstill
Regulations, made in terms of section 9 of the Currency and
Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of 1933).
(4) Government Notice No R.1227 published in the Government Gazette
No 21 November 2001, Regulations made in terms of section 12G(7)
of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(5) Proclamation No R.61 published in the Government Gazette No
22814 dated 6 November 2001, Transfer of the administration of the
National Development Agency Act, 1998 (Act No 108 of 1998) and
power or function from the Minister of Finance to the Minister of
Social Development, made in terms of section 97 of the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of
1996).
- The Minister of Labour:
(1) Report and Financial Statements of the Wholesale and Retail
Sector Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2000-2001 [RP 192-2001].
(2) Report and Financial Statements of the Diplomacy, Intelligence,
Defence and Trade Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001.
(3) Report and Financial Statements of the Sector Education and
Training Authority for Secondary Agriculture for 2000-2001,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 210-2001].
(4) Report and Financial Statements of the Information Systems,
Electronics and Telecommunication Technologies Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
- The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry: (1) Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies Water Board for 2000-2001.
(2) Report and Financial Statements of the Pelladrift Water Board
for 2000-2001.
WEDNESDAY, 23 JANUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) Assent by the President of the Republic in respect of the
following Bills:
(i) Private Security Industry Regulation Bill [B 12B - 2001] -
Act No 56 of 2001 (assented to and signed by President on
15 January 2002); and
(ii) Unemployment Insurance Bill [B 3D - 2001] - Act No 63 of
2001 (assented to and signed by President on 13 January
2002).
(2) The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs submitted the
Wetsontwerp op die Identifikasie van Diere [W 49 - 2001] (National
Assembly - sec 75) to the Speaker and the Chairperson on 22
January 2002. This is the official translation of the Animal
Identification Bill [B 49 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75),
which was introduced in the National Assembly by the Minister on
27 August 2001.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following members have been appointed to serve on the Working Group
mentioned, namely:
Working Group to Consider the Implementation of the Constitutive Act of
the African Union:
Ginwala, F N (Speaker); Mbete, B (Deputy Speaker).
African National Congress:
Davies, R H; De Lange, J H; Hajaig, F; Jordan, P Z.
Democratic Party:
Eglin, C W.
Inkatha Freedom Party:
Cassim, F M.
New National Party:
Geldenhuys, B L.
United Democratic Movement:
Makanda, W G.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Public Enterprises:
(1) Annual Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Forestry Company Limited (SAFCOL) for 2000-2001.
- The Minister of Labour:
(1) Convention concerning Tripartite Consultations to Promote the
Implementation of International Labour Standards, 1976 (Convention
No 144), tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution,
1996.
(2) Convention concerning Occupational Safety and Health and the
Working Environment, 1983 (Convention No 155), tabled in terms of
section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(3) Explanatory Memorandum to the Conventions.
(4) Report and Financial Statements of the Primary Agricultural
Sector Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2000-2001 [RP 213-2001].
(5) Report and Financial Statements of the Financial and Accounting
Services Sector Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 185-2001].
(6) Report and Financial Statements of the Transport Education and
Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
FRIDAY, 25 JANUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development on 13 December
2001 submitted drafts of the Restoration of Enrolment of Certain Legal
Practitioners Bill, 2001, and the Child Justice Bill, 2001, as well as
the memorandums explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, to
the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The drafts
have been referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and
Constitutional Development and the Select Committee on Security and
Constitutional Affairs by the Speaker and the Chairperson,
respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Transport:
(a) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of
the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom
of Sweden, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(b) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of
the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom
of Denmark, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(c) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of
the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom
of Norway, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(d) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the United Arab Emirates for Air
Services between and beyond their respective territories,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(e) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the People's Republic of China
relating to Civil Air Transport, tabled in terms of section
231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(f) Air Transport Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(g) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of
the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the
Republic of Cuba, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(h) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China
concerning Air Services, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(i) Bilateral Air Service Agreement between the Government of
the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the
Republic of Yemen, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(2) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Report of the Auditor-General is
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Land Bank for 2000,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000.
(3) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Education:
(1) Government Notice No 735 published in Government Gazette
No 22559 dated 8 August 2001, Call for comments on the Draft
National Curriculum Statement Grades for R-9 to enable the
Minister to declare policy in terms of section 3(4)(1) of the
National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).
(2) Government Notice No 1043 published in Government Gazette
No 22756 dated 17 October 2001, Education White Paper Five (5)
on Early Childhood Development, made in terms of section
3(4)(1) of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27
of 1996).
(3) Government Notice No 1104 published in Government Gazette
No 22808 dated 2 November 2001, Publication of the Higher
Education Amendment Act (Act No 23 of 2001).
(4) Government Notice No 1136 published in Government Gazette
No 22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(5) Government Notice No 1137 published in Government Gazette
No 22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(6) Government Notice No 1138 published in Government Gazette
No 22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(7) Government Notice No 1139 published in Government Gazette
No 22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(8) Government Notice No 1140 published in Government Gazette
No 22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(9) Government Notice No 1141 published in Government Gazette
No 22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(10) Government Notice No 1142 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(11) Government Notice No 1143 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(12) Government Notice No 1144 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(13) Government Notice No 1145 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(14) Government Notice No 1146 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(15) Government Notice No 1147 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(16) Government Notice No 1148 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(17) Government Notice No 1149 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(18) Government Notice No 1150 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(19) Government Notice No 1151 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(20) Government Notice No 1152 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(21) Government Notice No 1153 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(22) Government Notice No 1154 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(23) Government Notice No 1155 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(24) Government Notice No 1156 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(25) Government Notice No 1157 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(26) Government Notice No 1158 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(27) Government Notice No 1159 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(28) Government Notice No 1160 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(29) Government Notice No 1161 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(30) Government Notice No 1162 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(31) Government Notice No 1163 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(32) Government Notice No 1164 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(33) Government Notice No 1165 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(34) Government Notice No 1166 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(35) Government Notice No 1167 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(36) Government Notice No 1168 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(37) Government Notice No 1169 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(38) Government Notice No 1170 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(39) Government Notice No 1171 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(40) Government Notice No 1172 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, Notice of conditional
registration of a private higher education institution, made
in terms of section 54(2)(a) of the Higher Education Act, 1997
(Act No 101 of 1997).
(41) Government Notice No 1186 published in Government Gazette No
22819 dated 16 November 2001, National Policy regarding
Further Education and Training Programmes: Approval of the
updated schools' and technical colleges' policy documents,
namely reports 550 (2001/08 and 191 (2001/08), made in terms
of section 3(4)(1) of the National Education Policy Act, 1996
(Act No 27 of 1996).
(4) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Arts, Culture, Science and Technology. The Reports of the Auditor-
General are referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Heritage Resources Agency for 2000-2001, including the Report
of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-
2001.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the National Film and
Video Foundation for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP
196-2001].
(5) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:
Report of the National Advisory Council on Innovation for 2000-
2001.
(6) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Service and Administration and to the Portfolio Committee
on Communications. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred
to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of State Information Technology
Agency for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 127-2001].
(7) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Trade and Industry:
Report and Financial Statements of the Industrial Development
Corporation of South Africa Limited for 2000-2001.
(8) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Enterprises:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of South African Forestry
Company Limited for 1998-99.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of South African Forestry
Company Limited for 1999-2000.
(9) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report and to the Portfolio
Committee on Trade and Industry for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
Reinsurance Fund for Export Credit and Foreign Investments for
2000-2001 [RP 194-2001].
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
The Report of the Auditor-General on the Annual Financial Statements of
the Universal Service Agency and the Universal Service Fund for 2000-
2001 [RP 215-2001].
- The Minister of Minerals and Energy:
Report and Financial Statements of the Council for Geoscience for 2000-
2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
Letter from the Chief Executive of the Pan South African Language
Board, dated 10 December 2001, addressed to the Speaker explaining that
the tabling of the report and financial statements of the Pan South
African Language Board for 2000-2001 is delayed due to the fact that
the Auditor-General's office is going to submit a report on the Board's
financial statements for the past four years, tabled in terms of
section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1
of 1999).
- The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:
(a) Letter from the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology, dated 12 December 2001, addressed to the Speaker
explaining that the tabling of the report and financial statements
of the National Advisory Council for Innovation for 2000-2001 was
delayed due to the late arrival of information from the Auditor-
General's office, tabled in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the
Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
(b) Letter from the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology, dated 12 December 2001, addressed to the Speaker
explaining that the tabling of the report and financial statements
of the National Monument Council (SAHRA) for 2000-2001 was delayed
due to the late arrival of information from the Auditor-General's
office, tabled in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance
Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
(c) Letter from the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology, dated 12 December 2001, addressed to the Speaker
explaining that the tabling of the report and financial statements
of the National Film and Video Foundation for 2000-2001 was
delayed due to the late arrival of information from the Auditor-
General's office, tabled in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the
Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
- The Minister of Communications:
(a) Written explanation, dated 19 January 2002, from the Minister of
Communications in terms of section 65(2)(a) the Public Finance
Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), setting out reasons why
the Annual Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Telecommunications Regulatory Authority for 2000-2001 could not be
tabled in time:
Dear Colleague
ICASA TABLING OF ANNUAL REPORT AND FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR 2000-
2001
The 2000 ICASA Act provided for the merger of the South African
Telecommunications Regulatory Authority (SATRA) and the
Independent Broadcasting Authority. These institutions were
established under the 1996 Telecommunications Act and the 1993
Independent Broadcasting Act respectively.
ICASA was established on 1 July 2000 in terms of the 2000 ICASA
Act. The ICASA Annual Report for 2000-2001 was tabled in
Parliament in August 2001.
The Annual Report for SATRA (1999-2000) was not tabled due to the
delay in the finalisation of the report by the newly merged
regulation and the integration challenges. I regret that my letter
of explanation was not filed at the same time the report was
filed.
I trust that the above explanation is satisfactory. Please let me
know if you would like additional information.
Yours sincerely
Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri
MINISTER
(b) Written explanation, dated 19 January 2002, from the Minister of
Communications in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance
Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), setting out reasons why
the Annual Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Post Office for 2000-2001 could not be tabled in time:
Dear Madam Speaker
TABLING OF SAPO FINANCIAL STATEMENTS FOR 2000/2001
I sincerely apologise that the Annual Report and Financial
Statements for 2000/2001 of the South African Post Office were not
tabled in Parliament within six months after the end of the
financial year as required by the Public Finance Management Act,
1999 (Act No 1 of 1999). There are a number of reasons why these
financial statements were not tabled timeously.
First, there was a senior management vacuum in the Post Office.
The Chief Executive Officer was appointed in August 2000. He had
to focus on recruiting his executive management including the
Chief Financial Officer who was only appointed late 2001.
Secondly, a new Board was appointed in January 2001 with a new
Chairperson. They found the state of affairs not acceptable and
hence had to scrutinise the finances thoroughly.
Thirdly, in the same financial year, new auditors had to be
appointed. This process added to the delays.
Fourthly, the Strategic Management Partnership with the New
Zealand Post entered into in 1999 had not been able to solve the
above-mentioned problems. This partnership had to be terminated.
This process added its fair share in taking energies of the new
management and the Board away from its day to day
responsibilities.
We now have a full compliment of Executive management who are
skilled, and an enthusiastic Board with a range of expertise.
I would like to assure you that we will endeavour to ensure that
the South African Post Office reports be tabled on time.
Meantimee, I have received the statements for the financial year
under discussion and they will be tabled accordingly.
Yours sincerely
Dr Ivy Matsepe-Casaburri
MINISTER
- The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry:
Letter from the Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry to the Speaker
explaining the late tabling of the reports and financial statements of
the following Water Boards as follows: the report of the Bloem Water
Board is still with the printers; the report of the Bushbuckridge Water
Board is still with the printers; the report of the Lepelle Northern
Water Board is not ready because the Chief Executive Officer retired
before the report could be finalised; the report of the Namakwa Water
Board will only be forwarded to the Department after the Acting Chief
Executive Officer is discharged from hospital; and the report of the
Sedibeng Water Board is still with the printers, tabled in terms of
section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1
of 1999).
WEDNESDAY, 30 JANUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
(1) The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
the relevant committees as mentioned below:
(a) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Justice and Constitutional Development:
Interim Report of the Special Investigating Unit for 2001.
(b) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Report of the Auditor-
General contained in the following paper is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Department of
Agriculture for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements of Vote 3 - Agriculture
for 2000-2001 [RP 83-2001].
(c) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry:
(i) Report and Financial Statements of Albany Water Board for
2000-2001.
(ii) Report and Financial Statements of Amatola Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(iii) Report and Financial Statements of Ikangala Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(iv) Report and Financial Statements of Kalahari East
Water Board for 2000-2001.
(v) Report and Financial Statements of Kalahari West Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(vi) Report and Financial Statements of Mhlatuze Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(vii) Report and Financial Statements of North West Water
Supply Authority Board for 2000-2001.
(viii) Report and Financial Statements of Overberg Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(ix) Report and Financial Statements of Rand Water Board
for 2000-2001.
(x) Report and Financial Statements of Umgeni Water Board for
2000-2001.
(xi) Environment, Health and Safety Report of Umgeni Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(xii) Technical and Scientific Statistics of Umgeni Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(xiii) Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies Water
Board for 2000-2001.
(xiv) Report and Financial Statements of the Pelladrift
Water Board for 2000-2001.
(d) The following paper is referred to the Joint Standing
Committee on Defence:
Letter from the President, dated 4 January 2002, informing
Parliament of the employment of the South African National
Defence Force in compliance with the international obligations
of the Republic of South Africa towards the organisation of
African Unity.
(e) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Arts, Culture, Science and Technology and to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts:
(i) Letter from the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and
Technology, dated 12 December 2001, addressed to the
Speaker explaining the late tabling of the report and
financial statements of the National Advisory Council
for Innovation for 2000-2001 were delayed due to the
late arrival of information from the Auditor-General's
office.
(ii) Letter from the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science
and Technology, dated 12 December 2001, addressed to
the Speaker explaining the late tabling of the report
and financial statements of the National Monument
Council (SAHRA) for 2000-2001 were delayed due to the
late arrival of information from the Auditor-General's
office.
(iii) Letter from the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science
and Technology, dated 12 December 2001, addressed to
the Speaker explaining the late tabling of the report
and financial statements of the National Film and
Video Foundation for 2000-2001 were delayed due to the
late arrival of information from the Auditor-General's
office.
(iv) Letter from the Chief Executive of the Pan South
African Language Board, dated 10 December 2001,
addressed to the Speaker explaining the late tabling
of the report and financial statements of the Pan
South African Language Board for 2000-2001 is delayed
due to the fact that the Auditor-General's office is
going to submit a report on the Board's financial
statements for the past four years.
(f) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
on Public Accounts:
Resolutions of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
2001 and replies thereto obtained by the National Treasury -
Third, Fourth and Sixth Reports, 2001.
(g) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Finance:
(i) Government Notice No 1045 published in Government Gazette
No 22757 dated 17 October 2001, Determination of
interest rate for purposes of Paragraph (a) of the
definition of "official rate of interest" in Paragraph
1 of the Seventh Schedule to the Income Tax Act, 1962,
made in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58
of 1962).
(ii) Government Notice No R.1176 published in Government
Gazette No 22822 dated 16 November 2001, Repeal of the
Debt Standstill Regulations, made in terms of section
9 of the Currency and Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of
1933).
(iii) Government Notice No R.1227 published in Government
Gazette No 22848 dated 21 November 2001, Regulations
made in terms of section 12G(7) of the Income Tax Act,
1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(h) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Finance and to the Select Committee on Social Services:
Proclamation No R.61 published in Government Gazette No 22814
dated 6 November 2001, Transfer of the administration of the
National Development Agency Act, 1998 (Act No 108 of 1998) and
power or function from the Minister of Finance to the Minister
of Social Development, made in terms of section 97 of the
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108
of 1996).
(i) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:
Report and Financial Statements of the Pan South African
Language Board for 2000-2001.
(j) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and
Industry. The Report of the Auditor-General contained in the
following report is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Wholesale and Retail
Sector Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 192-2001].
(k) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Report of the Auditor-
General contained in the following report is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the Sector Education
and Training Authority for Secondary Agriculture for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 210-2001].
(ii) Report and Financial Statements of the Primary
Agricultural Sector Education and Training Authority for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 213-2001].
(l) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Communications. The
Report of the Auditor-General contained in the following
report is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Information Systems,
Electronics and Telecommunication Technologies Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2000-2001.
(m) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Finance. The Report
of the Auditor-General contained in the following report is
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Financial and
Accounting Services Sector Education and Training Authority
for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 185-2001].
(n) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Transport. The Report
of the Auditor-General contained in the following report is
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Transport Education and
Training Authority for 2000-2001, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(o) The following papers is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Communications and to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts:
(i) Letter from the Minister of Communications, dated 19
January 2002, addressed to the Speaker explaining the
late tabling of the report and financial statements of
the South African Post Office for 2000-2001 were
delayed due to the vacuum in senior management, the
appointment of the new Board, the appointment of the
new auditors and the termination of the Strategic
Management Partnership with the New Zealand Post.
(ii) Written explanation, dated 19 January 2002, from the
Minister of Communications in terms of section
65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
(Act No 1 of 1999), setting out reasons why the Annual
Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Telecommunications Regulatory Authority for 2000-2001
could not be tabled in time.
(p) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Water Affairs and Forestry and to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts:
Letter from the Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry to the
Speaker explaining the late tabling of the reports and
financial statements of the following Water Boards as follows:
the report of the Bloem Water Board is still with the
printers; the report of the Bushbuckridge Water Board is still
with the printers; the report of the Lepelle Northern Water
Board is not ready because the Chief Executive Officer retired
before the report could be finalised; the report of the
Namakwa Water Board will only be forwarded to the Department
after the Acting Chief Executive Officer is discharged from
hospital; and the report of the Sedibeng Water Board is still
with the printers.
(2) Mr M E Mabeta vacated his seat with effect from 17 January 2002.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the South African National
Parks Board for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Marine Living Resources
Fund for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 215-2001].
MONDAY, 4 FEBRUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Minister of Finance on 29 January 2002 submitted a draft of
the Local Government: Municipal Finance Management Bill, 2002, as
well as the memorandum explaining the objects of the proposed
legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint
Rule 159. The draft has been referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Finance and the Select Committee on Finance by the Speaker and
the Chairperson, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule
159(2).
(2) The following Bill was introduced by the Minister of Finance in
the National Assembly on 1 February 2002 and referred to the Joint
Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule
160:
(i) Local Government: Municipal Finance Management Bill [B 1 -
2002] (National Assembly - sec 75) [Bill and prior notice of
its introduction published in Government Gazette No 22645 of
31 August 2001.]
The Bill has been referred to the Portfolio Committee on Finance
of the National Assembly.
NOTE:
The Portfolio Committee on Finance has been instructed by the
Speaker in terms of National Assembly Rule 249(3)(c) to
consult the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
Government on the Bill.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
within three parliamentary working days.
(3) The following Bill was introduced by the Minister in The
Presidency in the National Assembly on 4 February 2002 and
referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification
in terms of Joint Rule 160:
(i) Media Development and Diversity Agency Bill [B 2 - 2002]
(National Assembly - sec 75) [Bill and prior notice of its
introduction published in Government Gazette No 23090 of 4
February 2002.]
The Bill has been referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Communications of the National Assembly.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
within three parliamentary working days.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:
(1) Proclamation No R.56 published in Government Gazette No 22811
dated 2 November 2001, Referral of matter to existing Special
Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, made in terms of section
2(1) of the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunal Act,
1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).
(2) Proclamation No R.57 published in Government Gazette No 22811
dated 2 November 2001, Referral of matter to existing Special
Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, made in terms of section
2(1) of the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunal Act,
1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).
(3) Government Notice No R.957 published in Government Gazette No
22741 dated 5 October 2001, Amendment of regulations relating to
Sheriffs, 1990, made in terms of section 62 of the Sheriffs Act,
1986 (Act No 90 of 1986).
(4) Government Notice No R.1002 published in Government Gazette No
22734 dated 12 October 2001, Regulations in terms of section 103
of the Administration of Estates Act, 1965 (Act No 66 of 1965).
(5) Legal Aid Guide, 2001 from the Legal Aid Board.
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs:
Report and Financial Statements of the Department of Land Affairs for
2000-2001, including the Reports of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements of Vote 20 - Land Affairs for 2000-2001 and on the
Financial Statements of the Registration of Deeds Trading Account for
2000-2001 [RP 180-2001].
- The Minister of Minerals and Energy:
Report and Financial Statements of the National Nuclear Regulator for
2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
TUESDAY, 5 FEBRUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and Chairperson:
The following changes have been made to the membership of Joint
Committees, viz:
Joint Budget Committee:
Appointed: Koornhof, G W.
Joint Monitoring Committee on Children, Youth and Persons with
Disability:
Appointed: Morkel, C M; Witbooi, J.
Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement on Quality of Life and Status
of Women:
Appointed: Camerer, S M; Witbooi, J; Nel, P J C (Alt); Mndende, N.
Joint Standing Committee on Defence:
Appointed: Blaas, A; Horne, J; Smit, H A (Alt).
Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence:
Appointed: Matthee, P A; Olckers, M E.
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees,
viz:
Agriculture and Land Affairs:
Appointed: Van der Merwe, A S; Le Roux, J W (Alt).
Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:
Appointed: Van Wyk, A; Rhoda, R T (Alt).
Communications:
Appointed: Dowry, J J; Van Wyk, A.
Constitutional Review Committee:
Appointed: Beukman, F; Camerer, S M; Gaum, A H; Bakker, D M (Alt); Van
Deventer, F J (Alt); Maseka, J; Sogoni, H T.
Discharged: Abrahams, T; Qokweni, P G.
Correctional Services:
Appointed: Mabeta, M; Van Wyk, A (Alt); Smit, H A; Durand, J (Alt).
Resigned: Mzimela S.
Defence:
Appointed: Blaas, A; Pretorius, I J (Alt); Mabeta, M.
Education:
Appointed: Geldenhuys, B L; Gaum, A H (Alt); Abrahams T; Mbadi, L M
(Alt).
Discharged: Frolick, C T.
Environmental Affairs and Tourism:
Appointed: Le Roux, J W; Olckers, M E (Alt); Frolick, C T (Alt)
Discharged: Holomisa, B H.
Finance:
Appointed: Rabie, P J; Blaas, A (Alt).
Foreign Affairs:
Appointed: Geldenhuys, B L; Schoeman, R S (Alt); Makanda, W, Mabeta, M
(Alt).
Discharged: Holomisa, B H.
Justice and Constitutional Development:
Appointed: Camerer, S M; Bakker, D M (Alt).
Health:
Appointed: Gous, S J; Rhoda, R T (Alt).
Home Affairs:
Appointed: Pretorius, I J; Beukman, F (Alt).
Housing:
Appointed: Herandien, C B; Durand, J (Alt); Mkono, D G; Mothiba, L
(Alt).
Discharged: Mbadi, L M.
Labour:
Appointed: Durand, J; Blaas, A (Alt); Abrahams, T.
Discharged: Holomisa, B H.
Minerals and Energy:
Appointed: Nel, A H; Odendaal, W A (Alt); Makanda, W (Alt).
Discharged: Mothiba, L.
Pan African Parliament:
Appointed: Geldenhuys, B L; Schoeman, R S (Alt).
Private Members' Legislative Proposals and Special Petitions:
Appointed: Niemann, J J; Odendaal, W A (Alt); Maseka, J T.
Discharged: Abrahams, T.
Provincial and Local Government:
Appointed: Uys, P; Van Deventer, F J (Alt); Mothiba, L; Mkono, D G
(Alt).
Discharged: Mzimela, S.
Public Accounts:
Appointed: Blaas, A; Uys, P (Alt); Koornhof, G W; Holomisa, H B (Alt).
Public Enterprises:
Appointed: Odendaal, W A; Van Jaarsveld, A Z A (Alt); Ramodike, N
(Alt).
Discharged: Mndende, N.
Public Service and Administration:
Appointed: Van Jaarsveld, A Z A; Van der Merwe, A S (Alt); Makanda, W
(Alt).
Discharged: Frolick, C T.
Public Works:
Appointed: Schippers, J; Van der Merwe, A S (Alt); Makanda, W.
Discharged: Mothiba, L.
Report on Public Protector:
Appointed: Bakker, D M; Beukman, F (Alt).
Safety and Security:
Appointed: Gaum, A H; Geldenhuys, B L (Alt); Maseka, J (Alt).
Social Development:
Appointed: Van Jaarsveld, A Z A; Olckers, M E (Alt); Mndende, N (Alt).
Sport and Recreation:
Appointed: Morkel, C M; Mbadi, L (Alt).
Trade and Industry:
Appointed: Rhoda, R T; Van Deventer, F J (Alt); Abrahams, T (alt).
Transport:
Appointed: Niemann, J J; Odendaal, W A (Alt); Mkono, D.
Discharged: Abrahams, T.
Water Affairs and Forestry:
Appointed: Simmons, S; Van der Merwe, A S (Alt); Mkono, D (Alt).
- The Speaker:
The following changes have been made to the membership of Ad Hoc
Subcommittees, viz:
Ad Hoc Committee on Human Rights Commission:
Appointed: Durand, J.
Ad Hoc Committee on Pan-African-Parliament:
Appointed: Makanda, W (Alt).
Ad Hoc Joint Budget Committee:
Appointed: Rabie, P J.
Ad Hoc Committee to Nominate Persons to fill Vacancies on Commission
for Gender Equality:
Appointed: Camerer, S M; Mndende, N; Van Wyk, A (Alt).
WEDNESDAY, 6 FEBRUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
(1) The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
the relevant committees as mentioned below:
(a) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
on Public Accounts for consideration and report and to the
Portfolio Committee on Communications for information:
The Report of the Auditor-General on the Annual Financial
Statements of the Universal Service Agency and the Universal
Service Fund for 2000-2001 [RP 215-2001].
(b) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Minerals and Energy. The Report of the Auditor-General
contained in the following paper is referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Council for Geoscience
for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(c) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism. The Reports of
the Auditor-General contained in the following papers are
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
National Parks Board for 2000-2001, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2000-2001.
(ii) Report and Financial Statements of the Marine Living
Resources Fund for 2000-2001, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2000-2001 [RP 215-2001].
(d) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Labour, the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, the
Portfolio Committee on Defence and to the Joint Standing
Committee on Intelligence:
Report and Financial Statements of the Diplomacy,
Intelligence, Defence and Trade Education and Training
Authority for 2000-2001.
(2) Mr J Nkeli gave notice that he will resign from the Human Rights
Commission with effect from 31 March 2002.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Transport:
(a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the French Republic for the Co-ordination of
Search and Rescue Services, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
- The Minister of Education:
Report and Financial Statements of the Forest Industry Education and
Training Authority, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP 18-2002].
National Assembly:
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs:
Written explanation, dated 22 January 2002, from the Minister for
Agriculture and Land Affairs in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public
Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), setting out reasons
why the Annual Report and Financial Statements of the Bala Farms (Pty)
Ltd for 2000-2001 could not be tabled in time:
THURSDAY, 7 FEBRUARY 2002
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism: (1) Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(2) Explanatory Memorandum to the Cartagena Protocol.
FRIDAY, 8 FEBRUARY 2002
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Sport and Recreation:
Report and Financial Statements of the South African Institute for Drug-
Free Sport for 2000-2001.
COMMITTEE REPORTS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- Report of the Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women on How best can South Africa address the horrific impact of HIV/Aids on Women and Girls?, dated 14 November 2001:
The Report is available from Parliament's website
http://www.parliament.gov.za/committees/improv.asp
MONDAY, 11 FEBRUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
(1) In order to give effect to the National Assembly resolution of
14 November 2001 for the House to hold public hearings on child
rape and abuse, the Speaker has after consultation decided -
1. to appoint a task group of 14 members, 2 from each of the
committees that have a direct interest in the subject, viz:
Portfolio Committee on Education
Portfolio Committee on Health
Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
Development
Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security
Portfolio Committee on Social Development
Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality
of Life and Status of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons
Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life
and Status of Women;
2. that the task group must conduct public hearings and, with
reference to paragraph (4) of the resolution, report to the
House by Friday, 15 March 2002;
3. that the task group may exercise those powers identified in
National Assembly Rule 138(b) to (g) that may assist it in
carrying out its task.
(2) The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
the relevant committees as mentioned below:
(a) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Reports of the Auditor-
General contained in the following paper are referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Department of Land
Affairs for 2000-2001, including the Reports of the Auditor-
General on Financial Statements of Vote 20 - Land Affairs for
2000-2001 and on the Financial Statements of the Registration
of Deeds Trading Account for 2000-2001 [RP 180-2001].
(b) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Minerals and Energy. The Report of the Auditor-General
contained in the following paper is referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the National Nuclear
Regulator for 2000-2001, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001.
(c) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development:
(i) Proclamation No R.56 published in the Government Gazette
No 22811 dated 2 November 2001, Referral of matter to
existing Special Investigating Unit and Special
Tribunal, made in terms of section 2(1) of the Special
Investigating Units and Special Tribunal Act, 1996
(Act No 74 of 1996).
(ii) Proclamation No R.57 published in the Government
Gazette No 22811 dated 2 November 2001, Referral of
matter to existing Special Investigating Unit and
Special Tribunal, made in terms of section 2(1) of the
Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunal Act,
1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).
(iii) Government Notice No R.957 published in the
Government Gazette No 22741 dated 5 October 2001,
Amendment of regulations relating to Sheriffs, 1990,
made in terms of section 62 of the Sheriffs Act, 1986
(Act No 90 of 1986).
(iv) Government Notice No R. 1002 published in the
Government Gazette No 22734 dated 12 October 2001,
Regulations in terms of section 103 of the
Administration of Estates Act, 1965 (Act No 66 of
1965).
(d) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Justice and Constitutional Development for consideration
and report:
Legal Aid Guide, 2001 from the Legal Aid Board.
(e) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Transport:
(i) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the French Republic for
the Co-ordination of Search and Rescue Services,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
(ii) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
(f) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Labour and to the Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and
Forestry. The Report of the Auditor-General contained in the
following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Forest Industry
Education and Training Authority, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2000-2001 [RP
18-2002].
(g) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Agriculture and Land Affairs and to the Standing Committee
on Public Accounts:
Written explanation, dated 22 January 2002, from the Minister
for Agriculture and Land Affairs in terms of section 65(2)(a)
of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999),
setting out reasons why the Annual Report and Financial
Statements of the Bala Farms (Pty) Ltd for 2000-2001 could not
be tabled in time.
(h) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism and to the
Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry for consideration
and report. The committees must confer and the Portfolio
Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism must report:
(i) Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on
Biological Diversity, tabled in terms of section 231(2)
of the Constitution, 1996.
(ii) Explanatory Memorandum to the Cartagena Protocol.
TUESDAY, 12 FEBRUARY 2002
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
(1) The following member took the oath in the Speaker's office on 13
December 2001:
Azanian People's Organisation:
Mr P J Nefolovhodwe.
(2) The following members took the oath or solemn affirmation in the
Speaker's office on 15 January 2002:
African National Congress:
Ms N F Mathibela; Mr M G Phadagi; Mr L R R Reid.
New National Party:
Mr C B Herandien; Mr C R Redcliffe; Mr P Uys.
United Christian Democratic Party:
Ms M A Seeco. TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Finance:
(1) Report of the Registrar of Friendly Societies for 1999.
(2) Report of the Registrar of Friendly Societies for 2000.
(3) Report of the Registrar of Pension Funds for 2000.
(4) Report of the Registrar of Short-Term Insurance for 2000.
(5) Report of the Registrar of Long-Term Insurance for 2000.
- The Minister of Transport:
(1) Air Services Agreement between the Government of the Republic of
South Africa and the Government of the Kingdom of Belgium, tabled
in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(2) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
(3) Undertaking between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Netherlands concerning the
recognition of Certificates under Regulation 1/10 of the
Standards, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers (STCW)
Convention, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
(4) Explanatory Memorandum to the Undertaking.
(5) Air Services Agreement between the Government of the Republic of
South Africa and the Government of Macau, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(6) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
(7) Air Transport Agreement between the Government of the Republic
of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of Portugal,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(8) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
(9) Bilateral Air Services Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Democratic
People's Republic of Algeria, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(10) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement.
- The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism:
(1) Government Notice No 1399 published in Government Gazette No
22960 dated 21 December 2001, Regulations in terms of the National
Environment Management Act, 1998: Control of vehicles in the
coastal zone, made in terms of section 44 of the National
Environment Management Act, 1998 (Act No 107 of 1998).
(2) Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(3) Explanatory Memorandum on the Kyoto Protocol.
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly:
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the Copyright Amendment Bill [B 73 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 17 January 2002:
The Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having considered the subject of the Copyright Amendment Bill [B 73 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 73A - 2001].
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the Performers’ Protection Amendment Bill [B 74 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 17 January 2002:
The Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having considered the subject of the Performers’ Protection Amendment Bill [B 74 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 74A - 2001].
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Labour on the Unemployment Insurance Contributions Bill [B 85 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 77), dated 12 February 2002:
The Portfolio Committee on Labour, having considered the subject of the Unemployment Insurance Contributions Bill [B 85 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 77), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 77 Bill, reports that it has agreed to the Bill.