National Assembly - 23 September 2003
TUESDAY, 23 SEPTEMBER 2003 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:02.
The Deputy Chairperson of Committees took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.
NOTICE OF MOTION
Mrs S V KALYAN: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that I shall move at the next sitting of the House:
That the House-
(1) notes -
(a) the growing frustration amongst doctors over the chronic
underfunding of hospitals;
(b) the deteriorating pay and working conditions; and
(c) the impact of the Medicines and Related Substances Control
Amendment Act on patients' access to prescription drugs;
(3) therefore resolves to discuss -
(a) the deteriorating quality of health care being provided to
patients who are dependent on the state health care system;
(b) the consequent impact of that on the morale of doctors and
nurses; and
(c) the state's ability to retain the services of health care
professionals.
SUBJECT OF FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION OF PARLIAMENT TO BE CONSIDERED WITH A VIEW TO INTRODUCING BILL
(Draft Resolution)
Mr L J MODISENYANE: Chairperson, on behalf of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party, I move the draft resolution printed in his name on the Order Paper, as follows:
That the House instructs the Portfolio Committee on Finance to -
(1) consider the subject of the financial administration of Parliament with a view to introducing a bill dealing with the matter, in accordance with the Assembly Rules;
(2) report to the House by no later than the end of November 2003; and
(3) subject to the concurrence of the National Council of Provinces, confer with the Select Committee on Finance of the National Council of Provinces.
Agreed to.
CALL FOR CARE OF THE ELDERLY
(Member's Statement)
Ms M P MENTOR (ANC): Chair, the 22nd to the 28th September 2003 marks Old Persons’ Awareness Week. During this focus week in aid of the elderly, the ANC reaffirms its commitment to improving the social and economic conditions of the elderly in our society by improving their social grants, access to health care facilities and protection.
We remain acutely aware of the many challenges that elderly people continue to face, including neglect and abuse by even those who are supposed to assist them, such as corrupt officials and microlenders.
The ANC calls on all the people of our country to commit themselves to working towards the creation of a caring environment for the elderly. [Applause.]
UNEMPLOYMENT FIGURES ACCORDING TO STATISTICS SA
(Member's Statement)
Mr C M LOWE (DA): Mr Chairman, the latest unemployment figures released by Statistics SA this morning are cold comfort for South Africa’s jobless, and confirm the devastating unemployment situation after 10 years of ANC rule. Once again, the figures underline South Africa’s mounting jobs crisis, and show the unwillingness and inability of Government to grasp job creation as our most urgent national priority. As at March 2003, nearly 8 million South Africans - 42,1% - were unemployed, which is up from 41,8% six months ago and 2% more than a year ago when the figure stood at 40,9%.
South Africa is not working. More than a million jobs have been lost since
- Nearly 8 million South Africans are either out of work, looking for a job or have given up hope of ever finding one. June’s Growth and Development Summit remains a summit of good intentions with very little else to show for it. To face down the jobs crisis, the ANC must nurture small business, which is the only generator of new jobs.
The DA has repeatedly called for amendments to current labour legislation, that will encourage job creation, rather than kowtowing to organised labour. The DA has called for better access to finance for small businesses and for a black economic empowerment policy that is equitable, transparent and measurable and not open to abuse, and, of course, for the widespread skills training we so desperately need.
Until Government gets serious about everything that it does and measures that against the impact on job creation, we will never make a significant dent in unemployment, and the unemployment queues will only get longer. [Applause.]
TRIBUTE TO CLEMENTS KADALIE
(Member's Statement)
Prince N E ZULU (IFP): Hon Chairperson, as it is still Heritage Month I rise to pay tribute to the late Clements Kadalie. During the time of the repressive labour laws in mines and industry, he became the sole voice of workers and formed the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union of SA in 1919 here in Cape Town.
In later years the ICU developed into a massive workers’ movement which attracted over 100 000 members spread over present-day Gauteng, the Free State and KwaZulu-Natal. Clements Kadalie became the general secretary of the federation, working tirelessly to organise and educate his members about their rights on the docks, the mines and the railways, and in commerce and municipal services.
Kadalie consistently sought to win international recognition and support for his union by frequent overseas missions, but the regime was too oppressive to allow this to happen. By 1929 the ICU showed signs of decline because of infiltration by the then state agents and because of internal conflicts among its own members. Despite the virtual collapse of the ICU, Clements Kadalie remained the workers’ icon and will be remembered for having given many workers a brief taste of freedom in the workplace. Thank you. [Applause.]
PROGRAMME TO MAINTAIN GOVERNMENT FACILITIES AND FIGHT POVERTY IN THE
WESTERN CAPE
(Member's Statement)
Ms S C VAN DER MERWE (ANC): Chairperson, the department of transport and public works in the Western Cape is establishing a programme called ``Saamstaan’’ aimed at maintaining government facilities while contributing to the fight against poverty.
The programme is in line with the resolution emanating from the Growth and Development Summit relating to the roll-out of extended Public Works programmes. Participants in the programme receive training designed to equip them with skills which they can use even when the programme is complete.
The ANC commends the Western Cape provincial government on its continued commitment to pushing back the frontiers of poverty. I thank you. [Applause.]
NEW NP-ANC CO-OPERATION AGREEMENT
(Member's Statement)
Dr B L GELDENHUYS (New NP): Chairperson, the leader of the New NP in the Northern Cape was sworn in as a member of this House last Friday, and, in terms of the co-operation agreement between the ANC and the New NP, he was also sworn in as Deputy Minister of Correctional Services.
Allow me to point out once again that this co-operation agreement between the ANC and the New NP is not so much about posts and positions as the DA wants the electorate to believe. [Interjections.] It is much more about demonstrating that political reconciliation is possible in this country. It is about showing that former political adversaries can work together in the best interests of this country. [Applause.]
I am convinced that the hon Minister and the hon Deputy Minister will be a formidable team.
Dis ook die eerste keer sedert 1994 dat ‘n enkele staatsdepartement bestuur word deur ‘n Minister en ‘n Adjunkminister wat nie lede van die regeringsparty is nie. En dít demonstreer dat veelpartydemokrasie in Suid- Afrika werk, en dat Suid-Afrika nie op pad is om ‘n eenpartystaat te word soos die opposisie beweer nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[It is also the first time since 1994 that a single state department is managed by both a Minister and a Deputy Minister who are not members of the ruling party. And this demonstrates that multiparty democracy is working in South Africa, and that South Africa is not on its way to becoming a one- party state as alleged by the opposition. [Interjections.] [Applause.]]
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Order! Hon members, may I have some order in the House please? The UDM? Order! Does the UDM not have a statement? No. Then we proceed to the ANC.
TRAINING INITIATIVE FOR TAXI INDUSTRY
(Member's Statement)
Mr G D SCHNEEMAN (ANC): Chairperson, the Transport Education and Training Authority is to give taxi drivers, owners and rank administrative staff training on road safety, the Road Traffic Act, and parts of the Constitution.
This initiative is funded through the National Skills Fund of the Department of Labour and provincial transport departments. This is a fine example of the ANC-led Government’s commitment to saving and improving the lives of our people.
Such a project will assist in lowering the casualty rates on our roads, and has a positive contribution towards the overall improvement of the taxi industry. This is yet again another proud effort by our Government and people to change our lives for the better. I thank you. [Applause.]
COMBATING OF CRIME
(Member's Statement)
Mr R P ZONDO (ANC): Chairperson, last Friday the editorial of The Star newspaper commended the SA Police Service on progress being made in the fight against cash-in-transit robberies. In a related development, Business Against Crime chairperson James Fitzgerald said last week that the country’s crime statistics were completely up to date and that the picture created by the statistics was a positive one.
The clear message is that the tide against crime has turned. It is heartening that the Police Service is registering successes and particularly against cash-in-transit heists, as this heinous crime results in loss of life of even ordinary people who often find themselves caught in the crossfire. Heists also contribute much to tarnishing South Africa’s image both locally and internationally.
The ANC adds its voice in commending the SA Police Service on its untiring effort to protect and secure all the inhabitants of our country. Thank you. [Applause.]
CONDITION OF DIRT ROADS
(Member's Statement)
Mnr A H NEL (DA): Mnr die Voorsitter, die skokkende toestand van die grondpaaie in die Noord-Kaap en veral in die Namakwa-distriksmunisipaliteit raak nou onuithoudbaar. Die begroting van die Namakwa- distriksmunisipaliteit is tussen sewe en agt miljoen rand. Hiervan word 70% gebruik vir salarisse en lone - duidelik ‘n teken van die gebrekkige bestuursvermoë van dié ANC-beheerde raad.
Die afdanking en ignorering van kundige amptenare met kennis en ondervinding het bygedra tot dié toestand. Selfs die goeie insette van ander raadslede word eenvoudig net verwerp, bloot omdat dit deur politieke opponente voorgestel is. Die verval van paaie het tot gevolg dat die ekonomie van die hele streek daaronder ly. Die koste van die vervoer van landbouprodukte op hierdie paaie het die hoogte ingeskiet, en toerisme word negatief geraak.
Padongelukke en sterftes neem toe. In ‘n ondersoek deur die Namakwaland Boere-unie is gevind dat daar oor die laaste twee jaar 456 ongelukke plaasgevind het, waarin 179 mense beseer is, en waarin daar 26 ongevalle was. Dié toestand is onaanvaarbaar en daar word geen ag geslaan op herhaalde versoeke en voorstelle nie. Die enigste blywende oplossing is om ons stemkrag te gebruik om ontslae te raak van dié raad, waarin die meeste lede net in hulle eie en hul vriende se belange geïnteresseerd is. Baie dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr A H NEL (DA): Mr Chairman, the shocking condition of the dirt roads in the Northern Cape and especially in the Namaqua district municipality is becoming unbearable. The budget of the Namaqua district municipality is between seven and eight million rands. Seventy per cent of this is being used for salaries and wages - clearly a sign of the poor management ability of this ANC-controlled council.
Dismissing and ignoring competent officials with knowledge and experience has contributed to this condition. Even the good inputs of other council members are simply being rejected, just because they have not been proposed by political opponents. The deterioration of the roads has affected the economy of the entire region. The cost of transport of agricultural products on these roads has escalated, and tourism is affected detrimentally.
Road accidents and deaths are increasing. In an investigation by the Namaqualand Farmers’ Union it was found that 456 accidents had taken place in the last two years, with 179 people being injured, and with 26 casualties. This state of affairs is unacceptable, and repeated requests and proposals are being ignored. The only lasting solution is for us to use our voting power in order to get rid of the council, most members of which are interested only in their own interests and in those of their friends. Thank you very much.]
BLACK ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT
(Member's Statement)
Ms M M MDLALOSE (IFP): Deputy Speaker, in November 2000, an empowerment charter for the liquid fuels industry was agreed to by the role-players from industry and Government. Among others, the charter provided for black economic empowerment through equity ownership and management participation for historically disadvantaged South Africans in the liquid fuel sector. The implementation of the charter has gone well in certain instances but in others a lot of work remains to be done. One of the cornerstones of the charter is that BEE companies should receive preference when it comes to the awarding of service and supply tenders in the industry.
By all accounts, much progress has been made by all companies in meeting this commitment. Yet, this does not seem to be the case where state tenders are concerned. Just recently, industry players complained that Government departments were not awarding state contracts to BEE companies. This goes against the objectives of the empowerment charter.
Government is a signatory to the charter and it has just recently piloted broad-based BEE legislation through this House. Preferential procurement legislation was adopted in 1998. It is, therefore, disconcerting that the state itself is not adhering to preferential procurement policies in the liquid fuels industry.
This might be indicative of a fragmented approach to BEE within Government departments, and we sincerely hope that the relevant Ministers will rectify this situation as soon as possible. Only then will truly broad-based BEE become a reality. Thank you.
ALLEGED RAPE AT THE UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA HOSTEL
(Member's Statement)
Mr S D MONTSISI (ANC): Chairperson, as a society, South Africans view the alleged rape incident at the University of Pretoria hostel in a very serious light. Despite considerable progress made by this country in terms of addressing the centuries-old patriarchal attitudes, exploitation and abuse of women, the violation of women’s rights continue to undermine our quest to create a humane society.
Such incidents which occur mainly amongst young people, indeed, inflict great harm on the victim at both physical and psychological levels. Furthermore, our moral standing as a people is demeaned by these cruel acts. Shocked as we all are, this calls for intensification of the struggle on all fronts against the abuse of women and children.
We should continue to sharpen our criminal justice system to better handle all aspects of such cases, and strengthen our moral regeneration campaign and work to ensure that our young people are made aware, even at an earlier age, of our society’s commitment to human rights and human dignity. I thank you. [Applause.]
LATEST CRIME STATISTICS
(Member's Statement)
Mnr J SCHIPPERS (Nuwe NP): Voorsitter, ten spyte van die jongste misdaadsyfers wat daarop dui dat geweldsmisdaad afneem, is die Nuwe NP steeds bekommerd oor die voorkoms van geweldsmisdade in ons land. Die brutale aard van die geweld het ‘n kenmerk van misdaad in Suid-Afrika geword en moet dringend aangespreek word. Die Nuwe NP doen ‘n beroep op die Minister om onmiddellik ‘n wetenskaplike ondersoek in te stel na die redes vir die brutale geweld by die pleeg van misdade.
Waarom maak motorkapers motoriste dood, selfs al verset hulle hul nie teen die kapings nie? Waarom word vroue op ‘n gewelddadige wyse aangerand en verkrag as die motivering slegs diefstal is? Waarom word boere en hul vrouens met warm strykysters gebrand en wreedaardig aangerand alvorens hulle goedere gesteel word?
Ondanks ‘n afname in sommige misdade voel die publiek nie veilig nie. Die Nuwe NP doen daarom ‘n beroep op die Minister om die statistiek van misdaad op plaaslike polisiekantoorvlak aan die plaaslike polisieforums beskikbaar te stel. Nasionale statistiek gee nie die volle prentjie nie, omdat 50% van alle misdade in net 21 polisiegebiede plaasvind. Die publiek wil weet hoe veilig of onveilig hulle in die omgewing is waar hulle ‘n huis gaan koop of hulle kinders skool toe gaan stuur.
Hierdie statistieke moet kwartaalliks bekend gemaak word. As die publiek meer gereeld statistiek kry, kan hulle hul plaaslike polisiehoof daaraan meet, en betyds ingryp as misdaad styg. Baie dankie. [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr J SCHIPPERS (New NP): Chairperson, despite the latest crime statistics which indicate that violent crime is decreasing, the New NP is still worried about the prevalence of violent crimes in our country. The brutal nature of the violence has become a characteristic of crime in South Africa and needs to be addressed urgently. The New NP calls on the Minister to start immediately with a scientific investigation into the reasons for this brutal violence during crime.
Why do hijackers kill motorists, even if they do not resist the hijacking? Why are women brutally attacked and raped if the reason for the crime is mere robbery? Why are farmers and their wives burnt with hot irons and brutally assaulted, before their possessions are stolen? Despite a decrease in some crimes members of the public do not feel safe. The New NP therefore calls on the Minister to make the crime statistics at local police station level available to the local police forums. National statistics do not give us the whole picture, since 50% of all crimes occur in only 21 police areas. The public want to know how safe or unsafe they will be in a particular area where they are going to buy a house or send their children to school.
These statistics need to be made available on a quarterly basis. If the public receive statistics more regularly, they can measure the local police chief’s performance against them, and act timeously should crime increase. Thank you very much. [Time expired.]]
DISRUPTION OF CLASSES AT SOME SCHOOLS IN KWAZULU-NATAL
(Member's Statement)
Nksz J E SOSIBO (ANC): Sihlalo, ngesonto eledlule sethule isitatimende kule Ndlu mayelana nesimo sokuphazamiseka kwezifundo kwezinye zezikole KwaZulu- Natali. Ephendula leyo nkulumo, kuyo le Ndlu, uNgqongqoshe wezeMfundo uthe, ``Kukho konke esikwenzayo, kufanele sibeke phambili ikusasa labantwana bethu.’’
Kuyasithokozisa-ke ukuthi emva kwemizamo ephuthumayo kaNgqongqoshe wezeMfundo, uKader Asmal, iNelson Mandela Foundation seyelule isandla sosizo lokubiyela lezi zikole, kanti kubikwa nokuthi umphakathi namaphoyisa sebelusukumele lolu daba.
I-ANC ikushayela ihlombe lokhu kubambisana okukhona phakathi komNyango wezeMfundo, iNelson Mandela Foundation, amaphoyisa kanye nomphakathi waseLadysmith. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu member’s statement follows.)
[Miss J E SOSIBO (ANC): Chairperson, last week we made a statement in this House with regard to the disruption of education in some of the schools in KwaZulu-Natal. Responding to that statement in this House, the Minister of Education said: ``In everything we do, we must put our children’s future first.’’
We are very happy that after the speedy efforts of the Minister of Education, Kader Asmal, the Nelson Mandela Foundation has lent a hand to fence these schools. There are also reports that the community and the police are addressing this issue.
The ANC applauds this co-operation between the Department of Education, the Nelson Mandela Foundation, the police and the community of Ladysmith. Thank you. [Applause.]]
SITUATION IN THE SUDAN
(Member's Statement)
Mr G B D McINTOSH (DA): Mr Chairman, we believe that this House should recognise the situation that prevails in the Sudan, and in southern Sudan in particular, where there is a 20-year war which started in 1983. The potential for the issues in the Sudan to create international instability around issues such as Sharia law, allegations of ongoing slavery, the 1929 Nile Agreement, racism against the people of the south, all have the potential to inflict serious damage on the African Union, on Nepad, as well as on international relations.
Three members of Parliament from this House visited southern Sudan and Kenya last week. They were able to see that real progress is made in recognising the legitimate demands and quest of the people of southern Sudan, and that the people of northern Sudan are coming to some sort of an agreement in terms of the Machacos Protocol. We also particularly commend the involvement of other international countries, such as the United States, Norway, Italy, Canada and the United Kingdom, as well as the important role that a South African, Mr Fink Haysom, is playing in facilitating the talks at Naivasha in Kenya. [Applause.]
RIGHTS OF WORKERS
(Minister's Response)
UMPHATHISWA WEZABASENZI: Mhlalingaphambili, bonke abantu beli lizwe banamalungelo ngokoMgaqo-siseko weli lizwe. Neculo lamaRhabe litsho ukuba osityebi nolihlwempu, bonke bakulala ngcwabeni linye. Ngoko ke intlupheko, ubuhlwempu nokunqongophala kwemisebenzi makungenziwa ityholo lokuxhaphaza amalungelo abasebenzi. Naxa bengenayo imisebenzi, behluphekile, mabaxatyiswe bahlonitshwe. Imithetho ke yezabasebenzi ikholo ukuphumeza loo malungelo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)
[The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Chairperson, all the citizens of this country’s rights are enshrined in the Constitution of this country. One hymn sung in the United Congregational Church of South Africa asserts that the rich and the poor will go into the same grave. Therefore, poverty and scarcity of jobs should not be used as a weapon to abuse workers’ rights. Even though some people may not be employed and are poor, they should be respected and valued. Labour laws are there to ensure that those rights are respected. It is culture that we are celebrating here today. It is natural for each and every person on earth to know where they come from, and where they are going to.]
The ANC will continue to promote the rights of workers. The ANC will promote the right of workers to form trade unions. The ANC will promote the right of workers to join trade unions, the right of workers to strike and the right of workers to bargain for their wages. The ANC will strengthen the CCMA. The ANC will strengthen, and resource accordingly, the Nedlac. The ANC will see to it that agreements that have been reached at the Growth and Development Summit are implemented.
The ANC will continue to defend the rights of domestic workers. The ANC will continue to defend the rights of farm workers. The ANC will make sure that employers, whether they are members of the DA or not, comply with the Basic Conditions of Employment Act. [Applause.]
The ANC will make sure that employers comply with the Labour Relations Act. The ANC will make sure that we root out racism in the workplace by making sure that employers comply with the Employment Equity Act.
We will make sure that workers, together with their employers, implement the Skills Plans and we will make sure that the Skills Development Act is complied with. We will make sure that all employers register their domestic workers in this country and that is precisely the reason the people of this country will continue to vote for the ANC … [Applause.] … because they know exactly where their home is. [Applause.] [Time expired.]
MINIBUS TAXI INDUSTRY
(Minister's Response)
The MINISTER OF TRANSPORT: Thank you, Chair. Hon members, I want to express my appreciation to the hon Schneeman for raising the question of the Transport Education Authority.
The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon Minister, can you give us a minute? Hon members, can we have some order in the House, please? Please proceed, hon Minister.
The MINISTER OF TRANSPORT: Thank you, Chair. The Transport Education and Training Authority, which is the issue upon which the question was raised, has been one of the successful Setas of which we can be proud. Now I know that my comrade and colleague, the Minister of Labour, has reported that there are a number of Setas that are not doing their work or have not done their work well, or about whom there were problems. I can safely say that such problems did not exist and do not exist with regard to Teta, that is, the Transport Education and Training Authority.
Teta has done well in that it set up a number of chambers, in which both employers and employees are represented. One of the last of the chambers which we established is the minibus taxi chamber. The minibus taxi industry operators are represented and the trade unions are also represented in that chamber. Together they have been able to plan training programmes, as the hon member pointed out, which will be of great benefit not only to the industry and to drivers, but also to commuters. The training involves driver training, understanding the vehicle and making sure that vehicles are safe and in a roadworthy condition.
Training also relates to management; how to manage the business that you are running. And then there are also negotiations going on with the team under the Minister of Labour to determine hours of work for taxi drivers, their conditions of service and minimum conditions of service, including remuneration. These are all matters around which the parties are talking and coming to an agreement. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
CRIME
(Minister's Response)
The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Thank you, Chairperson. Am I audible? The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Yes, please proceed, hon Minister.
The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: They say not yet. Is it working? Oh! There it is.
Thank you very much, Chairperson. A newspaper such as The Star and other media in this country are part and parcel of those forces, together with Business Against Crime, that have made it their business to join the SA Police Service in a partnership to fight against crime. Even today The Star’s banner headlines are very positive, and so are the stories they have done on the annual report that we released yesterday.
But they are not the only ones. Many people out there who are giving us information and helping us are part and parcel of the resources that we are deploying against criminals in this country. And because of their involvement, we have been able to reduce the crime levels in this country. Fortunately for us, all of these people laugh at the whining and whingeing that some of the political organisations we have in this country proffer as a political programme.
You know, the other day I participated in a seminar, together with the hon Douglas Gibson, at Pretoria University. The matter of the nature of some of the violent and serious attacks against our people was raised, and I said that where we stand we cannot produce a thesis on the causes of these horrendous crimes, but that there are others who should be doing this. I know that it is very easy for people to throw these matters at our feet all the time. But the fact of the matter is that there are other people who should be investigating and interrogating this question to check why our people are committing these horrendous crimes.
The matter of statistics is a matter that guides police officials in order for them to mount operations against criminals. That is what statistics are for. I know that during this period of democracy in South Africa every Tom, Dick and Harry wants access to statistics. In fact, when you talk about statistics and you talk about local areas, you are talking about the villages where some of our people are, and they know who commits crimes and what types of crimes are committed where they live. They don’t require statistics in order for them to understand these things. If you require statistics for you to know whether crime is happening in your area, or not, it means that you are not alive to what is happening in your area and you do not deserve the trust of people who, among others, have put you in this House. Thank you. [Time expired.]
The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, hon Minister! There were two statements. Do you need a second slot to respond any further? There were two statements on safety and security. Are you happy with your response to the statement? Okay. Thank you, Minister.
FIREARMS CONTROL AMENDMENT BILL
(Second Reading debate)
There was no debate. Bill read a second time.
PROVINCIAL VISITS
(Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs)
There was no debate.
Mr S K Louw moved: That the report be adopted.
Motion agreed to.
Report accordingly adopted.
HERITAGE DAY: CELEBRATING OUR FREEDOM
(Subject for Discussion)
Mrs M A A NJOBE: Chairperson and hon members, fundamental to our struggle for liberation was the element of restoring the dignity and respect of the indigenous people of South Africa and the peoples of Africa as a whole. It therefore follows that celebrating our freedom should be a celebration of the restoration of our identity as a people and, more so, a South African identity. There are many and varied examples that all of us can enumerate to illustrate our achievements in areas such as the economy, education, sport, women and youth empowerment. The list is long.
As this is the month of heritage, I thought it would be important for me to focus on the South African heritage landscape and how it has contributed and continues to contribute to the attainment of our freedom. The Collins Mini Dictionary gives a very simple definition of heritage and it says: ``Possessions, traditions, conditions passed from one generation to another.’’
One of the consequences of colonialism and apartheid was the erasure and marginalisation of cultural heritage and intellectual contributions of noncolonial systems. After centuries of cultural deprivation and oppression we are, after almost ten years of freedom, confidently advancing towards the stated goal of the Freedom Charter, namely, that the doors of learning and of culture shall be open for all. This situation is being corrected by providing access to the arts, museums and symbols for all our citizens to have a common cultural heritage and consciousness.
In this context we will have to ensure that every South African takes full advantage of and are exposed to the projects which the Government has started. Thus we are once more afforded the opportunity today to reflect on the evolution of culture, arts and heritage under our cherished, democratic dispensation led by the ANC. In arts and culture, since 1994, the key challenge facing the Department of Arts and Culture has been to shift funding away from serving only a minority and to explore the previously neglected areas of culture and heritage of the majority. Greater efficiency and exploitation of the economic potential of the arts were required. It is against this background that we are proud to recall today that several Acts and measures which passed through this House set the framework and established the institutions for transformation, in particular the Cultural Institutions Act of 1998 and the National Heritage Resources Act of 1999.
Central to these challenges was, and still is, the task of giving expression to our cultural linguistic diversity. One instrument that will in no small measure demonstrate our commitment to our linguistic diversity is the National South African Languages Bill, which is still in the pipeline. To us in the ANC language is the bedrock of cultural heritage. Moreover, we believe that language is the one instrument through which culture is communicated from generation to generation. Now, because of the influences of globalisation, we live in an era where there is little progress towards recognising and embracing diversity and a growing lack of emphasis on developing indigenous languages and multilingualism.
Therefore, given that our Constitution guarantees equality of 11 official languages through the National South African Languages Bill we hope to intensify our efforts to develop and elevate even other previously disadvantaged languages, for example the San language which we are afraid is actually facing the real prospect of extinction. Furthermore, our commitment to the challenges of multilingualism was given added credence at the National Multilingualism Conference that was held on 12 and 13 June this year.
Some of the resolutions taken at that conference include the alignment of a uniform language policy in the education sector and support of mechanisms that engender economic value to South African indigenous languages. It encourages cohesion and synergy in the implementation of the National Language Policy Framework and it encourages the study of indigenous languages in higher education as a vital tool in career development. In respect of the latter it is encouraging to know that Cabinet has approved a task team to advise the Minister of Education on the development of indigenous languages as a medium of instruction. Indeed we have cause to celebrate our national languages.
South Africa, in a postliberation stage, has made tremendous strides in shaping the nature and character of the society in which we live, and also through the philosophy of reinvention. Critical to this process of reinvention was the objective to find new national symbols and orders which reflect, on the one hand, our unity in diversity and, on the other, a unity of purpose - these strides started with the hoisting of our flag on 27 April 1994. Symbolically this moment represents one of the decisive breaks from the past. It was indeed a moment of reconciliation. Our national anthem also strives to achieve this across all the language groups. This is another example of reconciliation.
The Department of Arts and Culture, in co-operation with the Government Communication and Information System, commissioned the designing of symbols and national orders to further affirm our rebirth as a people, and these are the new Coat of Arms and three different new national orders namely, the Order of Mapungubwe which has been bestowed on former president Nelson Mandela and that former giant of the struggle Xhamela, Walter Sisulu; the Order of the Silver Baobab to Noria Mabasa; and the Order of the Companions of O.R. Tambo to Mahatma Gandhi and Olof Palme, both posthumously, and former Zambian President Kenneth David Kaunda.
It goes without saying that previously we, the majority of South Africans, neither identified with nor understood the relevance of the previous coats of arms. To us they were meaningless, but now we are making a tireless effort to engender the new patriotism our President consistently speaks of. We therefore trust that a new popular South African history, as envisaged by the Department of Education, will ensure the capturing of these achievements. Similarly through this history we hope to remind young South Africans not only about their immediate past, but also about their more distant past, and to develop an understanding of the liberties and values which enrich the struggle for freedom, dignity and independence by former generations of South Africans.
In building on these foundations and affirming our commitment to ensure a legacy that would inspire both reflection and teaching, the Department of Arts and Culture has embarked on a project that would be the embodiment of our collective struggles as a people - the Freedom Park Project. Freedom Park will serve as a one-stop heritage precinct and would strive to accommodate all the emerging experiences and symbols which unfold to tell one coherent story of the struggle of humanity in South Africa. It will be a place to balance and indeed engage the fragmented inclination of our multicultural, multiclass and multi-ethnic society. Therefore there are also intergrating processes in which Freedom Park must engage such as celebrations and commemorations of nationally significant days which are a feature of any people who share, however differently perceived, their history, their territory, their economy, educational as well as cultural institutions in a unitary state.
At the heart of Freedom Park’s conception is the noble human condition of spiritual fulfilment derived from the willingness to cleanse and heal. Central to this is the issue of moral regeneration which, needless to say, is premised on the age-old African philosophy of ubuntu. Moreover, it appeals to the hearts and minds of South Africans to rededicate themselves to the celebration of our common humanity and value systems, and these are the values that our ANC-led Government continues to highlight. It is also the values that we will never abandon.
In this regard we have had contributions and requests for participation in the activities of Freedom Park by various formations, both from friend and foe, dating back to the apartheid era and beyond. More significant is the close proximity of Freedom Park to the Voortrekker Monument, and we are encouraged to know that the Voortrekker Monument has been transformed from a formerly exclusive and divisive institution to the extent where it is now being visited by more than 200 000 people annually from different cultures both domestic and overseas. Having said that, we trust that this symbolic act and indeed sincere gesture of reconciliation is appreciated by the Afrikaner community.
In order to achieve its objectives, wide and exhaustive consultation took place between the Freedom Park Trust and faith-based organisations, special interest groups and cultural bodies to ensure that the physical manifestations of Freedom Park represent the wide cultural diversity of South Africa. This is thanks to the ANC’s vision of a united nation. Workshops have been held with traditional healers, youth and women’s organisations. The cleansing, healing and symbolic reparations ceremonies have introduced a shift from a philosophical discussion to both consultation processes and practical ways of creating the context for the emergence of Freedom Park. In this respect Freedom Park has claimed its place on the national agenda and in the hearts and minds of the people.
The declaration of certain places as heritage sites has aroused a lot of interest with regard to heritage among South Africans. More and more people are beginning to identify places of historical significance, the latest being a burial site in Prestwich Street here in Cape Town. This has added to the already rich heritage of the Western Cape. As another example, the hon member Mzwandile Masala spent last weekend searching for the remains of one of the famous Xhosa Chiefs, Chief Maqoma, who fought against land invasion by colonialists, because the family who happen to be part of his constituency would like to have the Chief’s remains buried with the dignity deserving his noble deeds. It is a long list of heroes and heroines of South Africa.
In conclusion, on the eve of the 9th anniversary of Heritage Day we would like to earnestly call on all South Africans, regardless of race, colour or social background, to seize the moment tomorrow and celebrate with us the beginning of our first decade of freedom - a freedom that has endowed all South Africans with a new set of values. So while it is time for unbridled celebration and thanksgiving, it is also time for renewed commitment to the vision of a better life for all South Africans on a continent reborn in a better world. Let us go out in our numbers and celebrate our freedom. I thank you. [Applause.] Mr R S NTULI: Chairperson, hon Ministers and hon members, the word ``heritage’’ means many things to many people. To those who live in the Western Cape it might revolve around homes with leafy vineyards and wheat lands. To others, it might revolve around the sea together with the small harbours and fishing boats. If you are from the deep interior, heritage could mean the solitude of the bushveld or the towering majesty of our mountain ranges.
So, what are we celebrating here today? In the understanding of the DA, we are celebrating not just a narrow sectional heritage of any race or linguistic, religious or cultural group, we are celebrating the totality of what it is that has caused us to be labelled ``the rainbow nation’’. There is a tendency, when talking about heritage, to think in terms of cultural heritage only. If we think in that mode, we are moving along fairly restricted lines of language only. This can easily lead to the politicisation of heritage. Heritage then becomes a rallying call for polarisation around a narrowly defined set of values which include some and exclude others. That bodes no good for the rainbow nation.
We should accept the fact that we are all sons and daughters of Africa. When we come to accept and celebrate that, then everything else that we have contributed by way of culture, language and religion can be seen as enriching our heritage. It is then, and then only, that we will, with justification, be able to call ourselves the rainbow nation. It is this unity in diversity that binds us together and creates a national bond that is unmovable and unbreakable. It is this South Africanness that caused us to transcend all bonds, fears and prejudice and assisted us to find one another and reach a negotiated political settlement without an external facilitator. Because political freedom is a priceless asset. We should jealously protect and nurture it by being vigilant at all times through ensuring that the organs that were created by our Constitution in order to protect it function effectively and efficiently.
On the eve of Heritage Day, we are also celebrating the achievements of all our people as they continue to make a difference towards creating a transformed society that is free from hunger, fear and ignorance, and based on the basic principles of nonracism and democracy. It is in this context that the noble words of the former President, Nelson Mandela, resonated so powerfully in his inauguration address on 27th April 1994 and I quote:
Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud. We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free. Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward.
The struggle for liberation has been the single most powerful theme throughout 20th century Africa. In South Africa our own political struggle against colonialism has a long history: from the early 17th century when the Khoi and slaves rose against their masters through to land struggles, worker resistance and exploitation, as well as the resilience shown by the Afrikaner women and children in concentration camps when they fought against British imperialism. They are all heroes and heroines in our liberation struggle.
In conclusion, I would like to commend the Government and all South
Africans for the establishment of the Freedom Park in Pretoria which the
former speaker alluded to. The central theme and objective is captured in
this message: Motho ke motho ka batho,'' which means I am because we
are and because we are, I am.’’
Freedom Park shall strive to accommodate and narrate all of South African humanity’s experiences. It will be an international icon for humanity and freedom, and it will serve to inspire people all over the world to rediscover their humanity. Freedom Park should strive to accommodate all emerging experiences and symbols which unfold to tell one coherent story of the struggle for humanity in South Africa, namely the struggle for survival, land and resources and how they shape the social, economic, political and cultural landscape of our country.
Finally, Freedom Park must address the gaps, distortions and biases in our history, and provide a new perspective of South Africa’s heritage. We believe that the ideas and the visions behind the establishment of Freedom Park are the best way to acknowledge and celebrate the contributions of all our heroes and heroines in the liberation struggle. It is also the best legacy we can offer our children and grandchildren so that they can know where we come from, the pain and the joys of the past and our common destiny. I thank you. [Applause.]
Prof H NGUBANE: Chairperson, on Heritage Day our focus is on who we are as a people, and what sectors promote our identity as a nation compared to other nations. This takes into consideration a wide range of issues, including our historical inheritance, our creative expression, our language and various aspects of our culture.
The Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology must be commended for giving guidance and leadership in the development of our new identity within the new democracy. The department is taking bold steps to promote our languages and to produce various symbols that express our unity in diversity. My favourite symbol is the national coat of arms. Its multilayered significance is profound, enabling us to express our past history, our unity in diversity and our aspirations.
I’ve just said that my favourite symbol is the coat of arms, which we all see. [Applause.] And I like it especially because it puts forward the Khoisan people, the people who were marginalised over a period of history. When we come together to strengthen our nation, we need to give them a special place and, therefore, the logo says in a Khoisan language, ``Diverse people unite’’. The oval shapes on top of one another indicate unity in diversity and also represent femalehood and motherhood.
This symbol is bringing together all the various strands of the peoples of this country. The elephant tusks represent power and peace, because an elephant is a huge animal, but it will never attack you unless provoked. Two people greeting each other mark friendship and harmony. The spear and knobkierrie symbolise defence, protection and feeling of security. They also represent malehood. Corn ears represent sufficience in food, security and land. I can go on and on, but it is absolutely full of symbolism, which is very interesting.
Chairperson, what is still a cause for concern is that there is no visible campaign to promote a full understanding of the meaning of some of our very important national symbols, such as the national flag and the coat of arms. Few people know what the colours and design of our national flag and coat of arms signify. This means that subtle and intricate messages that are conveyed by such symbols are often missed. Perhaps in celebrating our freedom on this Heritage Day, we should also consider the best ways of handling communication so that our symbols of nationalism could be better understood by all people, in order to foster a comprehensive feeling of patriotism. Establishing and promoting firm patriotic values is especially difficult in our country because of our unfortunate history of racism and sexism over a long period of time.
In spite of difficulties, we need to continue to look for solutions. It is perhaps instructive that this Heritage Day that we celebrate every year on 24 September originates from commemoration of the day when one of the greatest sons of Africa passed away. I refer to King Shaka, ``Ilembe eleqa amanye amalembe ngokukhalipha’’ [he whose intelligence outstrips that of all others in his rank]. The very first sentence of his praises, as just quoted, indicates that he was regarded as an exceptional person, even unique in the depth of his intelligence.
Translated into English it means, ``he whose intelligence outstripped that of all others in his rank’’. A young Shaka realised that unless the indigenous peoples came together to form a strong force, they would never be able to cope with the new settlers. The people he sought to bring together constituted various strong groupings that shared clanship ties. Such units of people were self-sufficient, occupying defined stretches of land, and independent in their economic and political structures.
Their identity with their clan’s social structure was so strong that most of the clans had visible physical marks, thus wearing their identity with pride. Yet King Shaka found a way of persuading so many people who did not belong together to cast in their lot with his efforts of building a new nation. What is even more impressive is that such nation-building was achieved within a period of only eight years, between 1820 and 1828. When he died at KwaDukuza, the nationhood he had produced continued to flourish, the demolition of which was the main reason behind the attacks of the British armies in 1879.
What we learn from this particular history of that section of our new nation is that it is possible to contain diversity within the umbrella of nationhood. The Zulu nation forged by King Shaka was made up of diverse people, who retained, nevertheless, their particular individual clanship ties, as expressed in the leadership of their amakhosi up to today.
The amakhosi, in turn, found expression in the monarchical structure that symbolises the apex of the Zulu nation. What we further learn is that it is wise to build around what is already in existence and enhance it rather than destroy it, only to start all over again. It is therefore gratifying to realise that practically, all efforts at inclusive nation-building have come out of Government’s efforts, and most specially through the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology.
However, we must not be complacent. There is still a lot of work to be done to realise a singular and identifiable South Africanness in all citizens of our country. One of the ways of keeping the efforts growing strong could come out of well-designed researches to examine how some of our great heroes, such as King Shaka and King Moshweshwe of Lesotho, managed to foster the spirit of nationhood.
Research programmes of this type could identify some of the main stumbling blocks that frustrate nation-building and could also come up with measures to accelerate the efforts. My party and I wish you all a happy Heritage Day. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M J PHALA: Hon Chairperson, colleagues, hon members of Parliament, today we are celebrating Heritage Day.
Ke setšo seo re se ketekago mo lehono. Ke tlhago ya motho yo mongwe le yo mongwe mo lefaseng go tseba gore o tšwa kae, o ya kae. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.) [It is culture that we are celebrating here today. It is natural for every person to know where he/she comes from and where he/she is going.]
Since its inception, the ANC has been committed to eliminating racism, oppression and exploitation. In order to do so, the emancipation of the blacks has been the theme of the day. That means that since 1912 the aim of black people, who were oppressed, was to get freedom.
When we met in Kliptown in 1955, it was clear that we needed to chart a way forward. Hence, we came up with a clause that says: ``All national groups shall have equal rights.’’ This means that all people shall have equal rights to use their own languages, and to develop their own folk culture and customs. That is what we are doing today.
Heritage Day for us in South Africa means that we need to nurture the day because, in order for us to go ahead, we need to graciously look at the resources that we have in our country. You know, when we talk about heritage, especially in South Africa, it is customarily we, the black people all over the provinces, who have a really wonderful heritage. In the olden days, nature was very useful to us and we need to go back to our roots and use what is provided for us by nature efficiently and effectively.
Kgale re be re na le dipapadi tša ditšo tša gaborena. Bao ba tsebago, ba tseba gore re be re bapala bjang. E be e le go laetša setšo sa gaborena. Tše dingwe tša dipapadi tšeo e be e le merabaraba, meruba, diketo le masiba. Bao ba bego ba diša dikgomo ba tseba gore lesiba re be re le dira bjang. Ge re bitšana go ya dikgorong, boNgwato, boKgolokwe Ngwato le boMathebe, ba be ba tiya diphalafala gomme setšhaba se tseba gore se bitšwa kgorong, se tlile go botšwa tša masa. [Legofsi.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[In the past we had our traditional games. Those who know, are aware of how we used to play. It was to showcase our culture. Some of the games were merabaraba, meruba, diketo and masiba. Those who were once herdboys know how we used to make lesiba. When we called each other to the chief’s kraals, the Ngwatos, the Kgolokwe Ngwatos and the Mathebes, they would blow the trumpets and the community would know that they were being called to the chief’s kraal, to be updated about the latest developments. [Applause.]]
As Africans in Africa, we need to share our natural resources and value
them, and utilise what we have towards economic development. The Freedom
Charter says: The people shall share in the country's wealth!'' It
further says:The national wealth of our country, the heritage of South
Africans, shall be restored to the people.’’
Celebrating Heritage Day contributes to the local economy and therefore it is critical to implement recreation. A nation that does not celebrate of its culture does not know where it comes from. Really, we have many people who do not know …
… setlogo sa bona gore ba tšwa kae, ba ya kae. Ba bona ge ba wet še mo Afrika Borwa gomme ba re kgorometša. Ga e sa le letšatši leo gobane le fetile. [… their place of origin and where they are going. They found themselves in South Africa by sheer luck and pushed us around. Gone are those days.]
We are a country with diverse dialects that we are proud of.
Kgale re be re kgona go bolela le ditšhaba tše dingwe tša lefase. Re be re tseba dipolelo tša tšona le ditšo tša tšona gomme re kgona go sepela ka mošito wo tee. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[In the past we were able to communicate with people in other countries. We knew their languages and their cultures and we were able to agree with one another.]
We are proud South Africans, and we do not regret being who we are because we are unique. That makes us Africans. When Comrade President says he is an African and further says - I owe my being to the hills and the valleys, the mountains and the glades, the rivers, the deserts, the trees, the flowers, the seas and the ever-changing seasons that define the face of our native land,
he refers to the Heritage Day we have today.
The ANC must protect its own cultural heritage, including history, as part of our major contribution to South Africa. African national identity ensures ways to keep that history alive and pass it from generation to generation.
Se, se ra gore re tlogetše setšo sa gaborena, gagologolo lena boNgwato. [Nako e fedile.] [Legofsi.] [This means that we have neglected our cultures, especially you, the Ngwatos. [Time expired.] [Applause.]]
Dr S J GOUS: Voorsitter, erfenis'' is volgens die Verklarende Woordeboek,
die somtotaal van die regte en pligte van ‘n oorledene’’. Erf en erfenis
word in die reël geassosieer met iets wat ‘n mens verniet kry, en miskien
is dit die rede waarom sekere mense argeloos staan teenoor ons nasionale
erfenis. Hulle is soos bedorwe kinders wat hul erfporsie verkwis het.
Alhoewel ons erfenis oënskynlik verniet is, is dit by nadere ondersoek nie heeltemal die waarheid nie. Feit is, iemand het die een of ander tyd daarvoor betaal; net soos ons nou besig is om by te dra tot die nalatenskap van ons kinders. ‘n Tweede waarheid wat duidelik na vore tree, is dat ons nasionale erfenis veel meer as net fauna en flora behels. Dit sluit in ons gene, ons kultuur, ja, al die verskillende kulture, monumente, geboue, kunswerke, musiek, ensovoorts.
Onder andere sluit dit ook ons sogenaamde vryheid in. Net soos met erfenis aanvaar sekere Suid-Afrikaners vandag hulle vryheid baie maklik en as vanselfsprekend. Ons land is een van die min suksesverhale van vryheid en geregtigheid in die wêreld, maar ons wat vandag hier bly, is geneig om te gou te vergeet waar dit vandaan kom. Ons hanteer dikwels ons vryheid onverskillig en waardeer dit nie genoeg nie, omdat dit oënskynlik verniet was. Feit is, miskien voel dit net vir ons asof dit verniet was, maar dit beteken glad nie dat daar nie ‘n duur prys voor betaal is nie. Ons vryheid is met bloed gekoop - met die bloed van mense wat bereid was om te sterf - en daarom kan ons vandag vry wees. Elke enkele mens in Suid-Afrika staan in die skuld by hierdie mense wat hul lewe gegee het vir dit wat ons vandag het. Ons moet dus onthou waar ons vandaan kom. Ons moet ons erfenis vertroetel en nooit afskeep omdat dit sogenaamd verniet bekom is nie.
Die grootste fout wat ons kan maak, is om dit as vanselfsprekend te aanvaar. Ons moet nooit vergeet dat dit jare geneem het om te kom waar ons vandag is nie. Dit het ‘n oorlog en ‘n jare lange struggle gekos, wat duisende mense se lewe gekos het, voordat Suid-Afrikaners vandag kan sê: ons is werklik vry. Eers was dit die Anglo-Boereoorlog wat Suid-Afrika vry moes maak van Britse kolonialisme; toe die jare lange struggle teen apartheid wat die vryheid van alle Suid-Afrikaners, en nie net ‘n uitgesoekte groepie mense nie, moes verseker. Dit is eers oor die laaste tien jaar dat almal in Suid-Afrika werklik kan sê: ons is vry.
Ons moet net onthou dat vryheid met niks anders as bloed gekoop word nie. Dit is die duurste vorm van betaling wat daar is. Erfenis en vryheid is dus nooit verniet nie. Alle oorloë, oor die wêreld deur die eeue heen, is net met een rede geveg, naamlik om vryheid. Mens en dier het ‘n ingeboude strewe na vryheid. Dit is een van die min dinge waarvoor hy bereid sal wees om te sterf. Dit kan dus onder geen omstandighede geringgeskat word nie. In Suid-Afrika is ons in die posisie dat vryheid amper tasbaar in ons Grondwet en Handves van Menseregte weerspieël word. Vryheid kom egter nie sonder verantwoordelikheid nie. ‘n Bekende Nobelpryswenner, Albert Camus, het eenmaal gesê:
Freedom is nothing else than a chance to better oneself.
Die vraag is dus: Wat maak Suid-Afrikaners met hulle vryheid? Hoe wend ons ons vryheid aan om onsself en ons land te verbeter? Hoe suksesvol het ons ons vryheid oor die afgelope tien jaar gebruik om van Suid-Afrika ‘n beter plek te maak? ‘n Mens kan nooit oor vryheid praat sonder om van geykte clichés en abstrakte beeldspraak gebruik te maak nie. Vryheid is iets abstraks, wanneer ‘n mens dit het. Maar, wanneer mens dit nie het nie, dan besef jy die praktiese implikasies daarvan. Wanneer vryheid vir ons as Suid- Afrikaners ‘n abstrakte konsep raak wat nie meer gewig dra nie, moet ons net kyk na streke soos Zimbabwe, die Midde-Ooste, Sentraal-Afrika, Indië en Pakistan waar mense vandag nog veg vir vryheid, want dan besef jy hoe bevoorreg ons in Suid-Afrika is om te bly waar die praktiese implikasies van vryheid so alledaags is dat ons dit as vanselfsprekend aanvaar. Die enigste manier waarop Suid-Afrika dit as erfenis kan vier, is om ons daartoe te verbind en ons vryheid daagliks tot voordeel van die land en sy mense te gebruik; om verantwoordelik daarmee om te gaan en altyd te besef aan wie ons dit te danke het. Ons moet ook onderneem om ons vryheid ten alle koste te beskerm, want ‘n mens waardeer eers jou vryheid wanneer jy dit die dag nie meer het nie. Kahlil Gibran het gesê: Life without liberty is like a body without spirit.
In Suid-Afrika het elkeen die geleentheid om liggaam en siel te wees. Laat ons dit nie misbruik nie. Dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Dr S J GOUS: Chairperson, according to the Verklarende Woordeboek,
heritage'' isdie somtotaal van die regte en pligte van ‘n oorledene’’
[the sum of the rights and duties of a deceased person]. Inherit and
heritage are generally associated with something one gets for free, and
that is perhaps the reason that certain people are indifferent to our
national heritage. They are like spoilt children who have squandered their
share of the inheritance.
Although our heritage is apparently for free, on closer investigation this is not entirely true. The fact is that at some time someone paid for it; just as we are now in the process of contributing to the heritage of our children. A second truth that emerges quite clearly is that our national heritage entails much more than just fauna and flora. It comprises our genes, our culture, yes, all the different cultures, monuments, buildings, artworks, music, etc.
It also includes, amongst other things, our so-called freedom. Just as with our heritage, certain South Africans nowadays take their freedom very much in their stride and they also take it for granted. Our country is one of the few success stories of freedom and justice in the world, but those of us who live here at present tend to forget too quickly where it came from. We often deal with our freedom carelessly and don’t appreciate it enough, because apparently it was for free. The fact is, maybe we just think it was for free, but that does not mean that it wasn’t paid for dearly. Our freedom was bought with blood - the blood of people who were prepared to die - and that is why we can be free today. Every single person in South Africa is indebted to these people who sacrificed their lives for what we have today. We need to cherish our heritage and never neglect it because it was presumably gained for nothing.
Our biggest mistake would be to take it for granted. We should never forget that it took us years to get where we are today. It cost us a war and a struggle that continued for years and claimed thousands of lives before South Africans can say today: We are truly free. First we had the Anglo Boer War that was supposed to free South Africa from British colonialism; then the struggle against apartheid lasting for years in order to secure the freedom of all South Africans, and not just a select little group of people. It is only for the past ten years that all of us in South Africa can truly say: We are free.
We should just remember that freedom is bought with nothing but blood. It is the most costly form of payment that there is. Therefore, heritage and freedom are never free of charge. All wars, across the world and over centuries, have been fought for one reason only, namely for freedom. Human beings and animals have an innate drive to be free. It is one of the few things he is prepared to die for. This should not, therefore, be underestimated under any circumstances. We in South Africa are in a position that freedom is reflected almost tangibly in our Constitution and Bill of Rights. However, freedom does not come without responsibility. The well-known Nobel Prize winner, Albert Camus, once said:
Freedom is nothing else than a chance to better oneself.
Therefore, the question is: What do South Africans do with their freedom? How do we harness our freedom in order to improve ourselves and our country? How successfully have we used our freedom over the past ten years to make South Africa a better place? One can never talk about freedom without having to resort to stereotyped clichés and abstract figurative speech. Freedom is something abstract, when one has it. But when you don’t have it, you realise what the practical implications are as a result of that. When freedom becomes an abstract concept that no longer carries any weight for us as South Africans, we simply have to look at regions like Zimbabwe, the Middle East, Central Africa, India and Pakistan, where, to this day, people are fighting for freedom, because then one realises how privileged we are in South Africa to live in a country where the practical implications of freedom are so common that we are taking it for granted. The only way South Africa could celebrate this as heritage, is to commit ourselves to it, and to use our freedom every day to the benefit of the country and its people; to deal with it in a responsible manner and to remind ourselves always whom we owe it to. We also have to resolve to guard our freedom at all costs, because one only cherishes one’s freedom the day one no longer has it. Kahlil Gibran said:
Life without liberty is like a body without spirit.
In South Africa everyone has the opportunity to be body and spirit. Let us not abuse that. Thank you. [Applause.]]
Ms C DUDLEY: Chairman, the ACDP celebrates Heritage Day conscious of the rich heritage passed on to us by people like William Wilberforce, who spearheaded movements to fight for the abolition of slavery, and Florence Nigthingale, who started the nursing profession. Christian character, sacrificial giving and faith inspired ordinary people to leave behind an extraordinary heritage for which we are grateful.
This is as good a time as any to consider exactly what heritage or legacy we will in fact pass on to future generations. Of course, the whole concept of future generations is itself at stake with fertility rates in the entire developed world being below replacement levels.
Contrary to widespread perceptions of overpopulation, humans are in fact endangered species. Yet, policies of contraception and legislation like abortion on demand continue to target population growth. The impact of international law on South African law is evident as new norms are used to destroy innocent lives and deconstruct long-standing concepts of marriage and family.
Until relatively recently the concepts of marriage, family and even children’s rights were not commonly linked with international law. However, human rights issues have taken a centre stage at international conferences as the UN has assumed the role of world policy-maker.
International law has clearly become hostile to long-standing notions of marriage and natural family and the rearing of children, presenting marriage, motherhood, fatherhood and childhood as cultural and economic problems that demand immediate solutions.
Prior to the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, no legal system in the world granted autonomy rights to children. In fact, the world limited children’s autonomy in the short run in order to maximise their development of actual autonomy in the long run. This short-circuited this process by legally granting rather than actually teaching autonomous capacity to children and ignores the realities of education and child development to the point of abandoning children to a mere illusion of real autonomy.
There are many potentially harmful autonomy provisions contained in the Convention, including the right to privacy and the right to free speech and association. Legislation currently being considered at Parliament in South Africa promises to accelerate this international agenda. Firstly, the criminal law or Sexual Offences Amendment Bill, which surreptitiously lowers the age of consent for heterosexual and homosexual sexual acts; and secondly, the proposed Children’s Bill which will make anyone who refuses to give condoms to 12-year-olds a criminal, and outlaws parental corporal punishment.
In South Africa homosexual rights do not only have protection over and above the rights of other citizens through the Constitution, legislation and now court judgements, but homosexual lifestyles are also promoted with taxpayers’ money. New legislation giving relationships of all descriptions the same status as marriage is presently being dealt with by the SA Law Commission and will proceed to Parliament in due course. Research confirms that natural family structures benefit nearly every aspect of a child’s wellbeing, including greater education opportunities, better emotional and physical health, less substance abuse, lower incidences of early sexual activity for girls, less deliquency for boys and reduced poverty.
If we want our children and their children to celebrate Heritage Day in the years to come and not live in the nightmare emerging we must refute and resist the lies that undermine family, marriage, motherhood, fatherhood and childhood. In South Africa this will necessitate a government uncompromisingly based on biblical principles to untangle the legislative mess we are in.
Children are to be nurtured, protected, educated, disciplined and loved. Family values must be forcefully defended and promoted. Respect for parenthood is key in building stable families. We must ensure that children are allowed to enjoy the benefits of growing up in a safe and secure environment.
Not only has our history of apartheid been responsible, but now South Africa’s humanist Constitution has taken over and places itself above God’s law, and that is responsible for the decline in moral values. It is time for change. [Time expired.]
Dr G W KOORNHOF: Madam Deputy Speaker and hon members, the most important heritage of South Africa is not our minerals, our land or our businesses, but our people. In our heritage of human capital we have a history of diversity, creativity and transformation. This makes us a rich nation.
As a nation we should be proud of our rainbow heritage which was contributed to by different cultures and many histories over thousands of years. One such heritage, for example, is found in our mountains, especially the Drakensberg range and the Cape mountains. Here the art of people of ancient cultures, who roamed our country thousands of years ago, tells the stories of their everyday life. The San people left a priceless and unique collection of Stone Age paintings and engravings to the people of South Africa. Their rock art shows hunting expeditions with hunters and animals, their observation of new cultures and people entering their world, and important events in society.
This ancient rock art also captures visions of the spiritual world of the San. Complex symbols and metaphors illustrate the supernatural powers they received from nature. The oldest rock art in South Africa is over 10 200 years old, namely an engraved stone discovered in a cave near Kuruman in the Northern Cape.
The Cradle of Humankind World Heritage Site on the border of Gauteng tells us even more about the history of our ancestors than any place of comparable size elsewhere in the world. Evidence of an early African Homo erectus, known as the first easily identifiable true human ancestor capable of controlling the use of fire, was found in the Cradle of Humankind site in our country. This particular heritage dates back to between 1 and 1,5 million years ago.
It was at the Sterkfontein caves that Mrs Ples, the fossil remains of an adult apeman - please note it is not a woman - were discovered in 1947. This 2,5 million year-old fossil proved that humanity’s roots were in fact African.
Over the centuries many changes have taken place in South Africa, and our diversified cultural groups have adjusted to these changes and transformations. Our nation was involved in many wars, adversities and conflicts. In most cases transformation and change was a painful and a long process, and yet each time the peoples of South Africa succeeded in transforming, surviving and becoming stronger and more resilient.
In 1994 we elected our first democratically elected government through a peaceful process. International countries described the political transformation as a miracle. Yet, the transformation process is not complete, and some people have difficulty in accepting transformation.
In hierdie verband wil ek graag ‘n woord rig aan minderheidsgroepe in die transformasieproses, en in die besonder aan Afrikaanssprekende mense; om hierdie rede praat ek nou in Afrikaans.
Ons land staan in erfenismaand aan die vooraand van die tiende herdenking van ons vryheid. Ons kan met trots terugkyk op wat ons bereik het sedert die einde van apartheid. Ten spyte van uitdagings wat deurlopend aangespreek moet word, soos armoede, werkloosheid en misdaad, is Suid- Afrika vandag ‘n beter land om in te bly as onder apartheid. Ons het ‘n volhoubare groeiende ekonomie, ‘n stabiele politieke stelsel, ‘n onafhanklike regstelsel, ‘n toonaangewende Grondwet, en ‘n land wat internasionaal aanvaar en erken word. Ons land presteer op talle terreine. Op die Afrika-kontinent is ons ‘n leier, wat in inisiatiewe soos die Nepad weerspieël word. Wanneer ek egter artikels en briewe in koerante lees oor Afrikaanssprekende mense sien ek begrippe soos onsekerheid, in gevoel van in verlies van mag, onwelkom, moedeloos, onttrekking, apatie, besluiteloosheid, emigrasie, ensovoorts. In erfenismaand is dit dan miskien gerade om vir ‘n oomblik te besin en te reflekteer. Het minderheidsgroepe ‘n toekoms in hierdie land, en kan minderheidsgroepe ‘n bydrae maak? Die antwoord is ‘n besliste ja.
Ek wil graag aan lede van minderheidsgroepe, en spesifiek Afrikaanssprekendes, vra: Kom word saam met ander Suid-Afrikaners deel van die transformasieproses, want daar is plek aan die tafel vir ons almal. Kweek ‘n positiewe gesindheid teenoor ons land en medeburgers, en laat dit weerspieël word in ons ingesteldheid teenoor mense. Afrikaanssprekendes is deel van die nuwe gemeenskap. Kom met selfvertroue na vore, en help werk aan oplossings vir die uitdagings wat die land in die gesig staar.
Die politieke leierskap van ons land wil ervaar dat Afrikaanssprekendes, soos ander landsburgers, deel moet wees van die rekonsiliasie- en nasiebouproses in ons land. Die meerderheid van die kiesers in ons land sal dit verwelkom dat ook Afrikaanssprekendes met vertroue en hoop vir die toekoms sal deelneem aan die heropbou en ontwikkeling van ons land. Ons kan ‘n waardevolle en kosbare bydrae lewer tot die uitbou en versterking van ons nuwe demokratiese bestel. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[In this respect I would like to address the minority groups that are part of the the transformation process, and in particular the Afrikaans-speaking people. That is why I am now speaking in Afrikaans.
In this heritage month our country is on the eve of the tenth anniversary of our freedom. We can look back with pride on what we have achieved since the end of apartheid. Despite challenges that have to be addressed continuously, such as poverty, unemployment and crime, South Africa today is a better country to live in than under apartheid. We have a sustainable and growing economy, a stable political system, an independent judiciary, a leading constitution and a country that is internationally accepted and acknowledged. Our country is achieving in all fields. We are a leader on the African continent, as reflected in initiatives such as Nepad.
When I read articles and letters in the press about Afrikaans-speaking people, however, I note concepts such as uncertainty, a feeling of loss of power, unwelcome, disheartened, withdrawal, apathy, indecision, emigration, etc. It may be advisable then, in heritage month, to meditate and reflect on this. Do minority groups have a future in this country, and can minority groups make a contribution? The answer is a definite yes.
I would like to say to members of minority groups, and specifically to the Afrikaans-speaking people: Let’s become part of the transformation process with other South Africans, because there is enough space at the table for all of us. Foster a positive attitude towards our country and fellow citizens, and let this be reflected in our attitude towards people. Come forward self-confidently and assist in finding solutions to the challenges that are facing the country.
The political leadership of our country wants to feel that Afrikaans- speaking people, like other citizens, are part of the process of reconciliation and nation-building in our land. The majority of our country’s voters will welcome the participation of the Afrikaans-speaking people in our reconstruction and development, trusting in and hopeful for the future.]
As indicated in the beginning of my speech, the most important heritage in South Africa is our people. On Heritage Day we should also remember the high quality of African human capital which existed in South Africa in the early 1900s, whose life contributions are not well documented unfortunately. This is an opportunity to reflect on their contributions to our nation.
These quality people include for instance the Rev John Dube, leader of the Dube deputation to England in 1914, to present to the King of England the grievances of the African people in South Africa and the injustices of racial laws. Rev Dube was educated in America and was the first president of the ANC.
Other African contributors to our heritage of excellent human capital include: Firstly, Mr Davidson Don Tengo Jabavu who obtained a BA degree from London University and an education diploma from Birmingham University. He returned to South Africa in 1914 to play an important role in developing the teaching profession. Secondly, Nurse Mangena was one of the first qualified African nurses in South Africa in 1910. Thirdly, Mrs Charlotte Maxeke, born in 1874 in South Africa, who was an exceptionally talented singer and musician, and who obtained a BSc degree at the Wilberforce University in Ohio, USA. She returned to South Africa and made an outstanding contribution in the interest of our people. Fourthly, there was Dr D S Moleme who obtained his degree at the Medical School of the Glasgow University. He commenced his practice in Mafikeng and distinguished himself as a medical practitioner of exceptional quality in the early 1920s.
It also includes Dr Walter Rubusana, educated at Lovedale from 1876 to 1882, who wrote ``History of SA from the African standpoint’’ and received a honorary degree of Doctor of Philosophy from the Mckinley University. Then there was Dr P ka I Seme who studied law in the USA and England. He returned to South Africa in 1910 and established a law practice. In 1928 Columbia University, in the United States of America, conferred on him the degree LLD. His brother graduated with a Doctor of Science from the New York University. Finally, there was Dr A B Xuma who was born in Engcobo and who obtained a number of international degrees in medicine, surgery, midwifery and gynaecology in the early 1920s.
These are examples of world class citizens from South Africa, people who were recognised internationally at the turn of the previous century, but who are not well documented in our history books and therefore not accordingly acknowledged. The list is not complete, and you may add to this list of quality people. Let us celebrate and honour the contributions of our people in celebrating our freedom.
In conclusion, let me acknowledge in the gallery two young visitors from India, Bejush Selat and Mano Sohan, who are cycling around the world, carrying out the message of Mahatma Gandhi’s peace mission. We wish you all of the best … [Applause.] We wish you all of the best on your journey. Thank you for visiting Parliament. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr G T MADIKIZA: Hon Madam Deputy Speaker and hon members, under democracy we have taken significant constitutional and legislative strides towards protecting and promoting our physical heritage in terms of the artefacts as well as our national splendour. These measures are not necessarily the be- all and end-all of preserving our heritage because heritage does not reside solely in certain artefacts, places or institutions and cannot be advanced solely with legislative measures.
It is my firm belief that heritage in its deepest, most significant sense, is that vital component of identity that resides within the hearts and minds of the people. When we celebrate and seek to promote heritage, our actions should focus on the people, each and every single South African who is the true custodian of heritage. We should seek to address this and have it captured in our national Constitution as part of our mission statement which should read as follows: We are united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our country, mobilising the creative spirit inherent in our rich diversity towards transformation into a winning nation.
If we as a nation want to celebrate our freedom and promote our heritage, our success will depend not so much on how many museums and monuments we build, but on how all South Africans live and share their heritage on a daily basis with each other. Do we reach out to each other and learn each other’s cultures, languages and traditions? Do we discover the many commonalities and revel in the fresh perspectives revealed by our differences? If in our places of work, our schools and neighbourhoods we can answer these questions positively, then we would have protected and promoted our heritage far better. I thank you. [Applause.]
Dr C P MULDER: Geagte mevrou die Adjunkspeaker, ek het ‘n toespraak voorberei, maar ek dink nie ek gaan by hom uitkom nie. Ek wil graag reageer op die agb lid dr Koornhof se toespraak van nou net.
Dr Koornhof het spesifiek verwys na minderhede in Suid-Afrika en het spesifiek verwys na die Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskap. Hy’t die punt aangevoer dat Afrikaanssprekendes moet dankbaar wees vir die positiewe veranderinge in Suid-Afrika en hy het gewys op ‘n wye reeks van veranderinge en verbeteringe wat die afgelope 10 jaar ingetree het. Hy het ook verwys na die werklikheid. Briewe verskyn van mense wat sê hulle voel uitgesluit in Suid-Afrika. Hulle voel dat hulle nie deel is nie en dat hulle nie welkom is nie en hulle nie ‘n bydrae het om te maak nie. Ek verstaan dit is dr Koornhof se standpunt en dit is hoekom hy dit sê.
My probleem spruit voort uit my eie ervaring. Dis die ervaring wat die Vryheidsfront gehad het die afgelope 10 jaar in hierdie Parlement met die regerende party, die ANC.
Die probleem van die regerende party, die ANC, was nog deurlopend gewees
dat hul uitgangspunt en filosofie is, om aan ander gemeenskappe en aan
ander partye te sê: Be reasonable, see it our way.''Be reasonable, see
it our way.’’, want die meerderheid kan nooit begrip hê en hy het nooit
begrip vir die standpunte van minderhede nie. Hy het nooit begrip vir dít
wat belangrik is vir ander gemeenskappe nie. En daarom was die hele
benadering van die regerende party, wat die meerderheid is, nog altyd: Kom
maak ‘n bydrae. Julle is baie welkom. Kom help ons om dit beter te maak.
Maar kom leef dit uit deur middel van die meerderheid. Ek wil nie met dr
Koornhof baklei nie, want dit is klaarblyklik hoekom hy ook in die ANC is.
Die ANC het nog nooit … Ek wil vir die ANC of dr Koornhof vra, noem vir my een voorbeeld van ‘n gemeenskap, enige minderheidsgemeenskap, wat in hierdie land die reg het om ‘n besluit van sy eie te neem oor ‘n saak wat vir daardie gemeenskap van wesenlike belang is. Daar is nie een nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Nee, dit probeer julle ook keer. Dit het julle ook probeer keer.
Mnr D V BLOEM: Orania!
Dr C P MULDER: Mnr Bloem, jy verstaan nie die goed nie. Nou wil ek vir u sê, die probleem is dat ‘n minderheidsgemeenskap die reg moet hê om homself te wees. Hy kan homself nie net eenvoudig uitleef deur die meerderheid nie. Ek het nie uitgekom waar ek wil nie; en tien teen een kan ek dit nie doen nie.
Natuurlik is daar begrip en plek vir ons almal in hierdie land. Maar dan moet daar werklike begrip wees dat minderhede hulleself kan uitleef. Dan is daar ‘n rol en ‘n plek vir elkeen. Maar nie deur die meerderheid nie. Die opsie van … (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.) [Dr C P MULDER: Hon Madam Deputy Speaker, I prepared a speech, but I do not think I am going to get to it. I would like to respond to the speech of the hon member Dr Koornhof, of a moment ago.
Dr Koornhof specifically referred to minorities in South Africa and referred to the Afrikaans-speaking community in particular. He made the point that Afrikaans speakers should be grateful for the positive changes in South Africa and he pointed out a broad range of changes and improvements which have taken place during the past 10 years. He also referred to reality. Letters appear from people who say they feel excluded in South Africa. They feel that they are not involved and that they are not welcome and do not have a contribution to make. I understand that that is Dr Koornhof’s position and that is why he says that.
My problem arises from my own experience. This is the experience which the Freedom Front has had during the past 10 years with the ruling party, the ANC, in this Parliament.
The problem of the ruling party, the ANC, has consistently been that their
point of departure and philosophy was to say to other communities and other
parties: Be reasonable, see it our way.'' Be reasonable, see it our
way’’, because the majority can never understand and never does understand
the views of minorities. It never understands what is important to other
communities. Therefore the entire approach of the ruling party, which is
the majority, has always been: Come and make a contribution. You are very
welcome. Come and help us make it better. But come and give expression to
that by way of the majority. I do not want to argue with Dr Koornhof,
because that is clearly why he is also in the ANC.
The ANC has never … I want to ask the ANC or Dr Koornhof to name one example of a community, any minority community, which has the right in this country to make a decision of its own about a matter which is of fundamental importance to that community. There is not one. [Interjections.] No, you are also trying to stop that. That you also tried to stop. Mr D V BLOEM: Orania!
Dr C P MULDER: Mr Bloem, you do not understand these things. Now I want to tell you that the problem is: A minority community must have the right to be itself. It cannot simply realise its full potential through the majority. I did not reach the point I wanted to reach; and ten to one I cannot do it.
Of course there is understanding and place for all of us in this country. But then there must be real understanding that minorities can reach their full potential. Then there is a role and a place for each one; but not through the majority. The option of …]
… ``Be reasonable, see it my way’’ is no solution whatsoever. It’s the wrong option. Forget it. [Interjections.]
Mrs M A SEECO: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, as we celebrate September as heritage month in South Africa, we are reminded about our past as we plan for our future.
Despite our ugly past South Africa remains one of the most exciting countries in the world with its diverse cultures, rich natural resources, wildlife, unique artworks and distinct political history. It is this reason, namely our history and our culture, that is the cause for our celebration. We are therefore challenged to promote unity in diversity, recognising that we may come from different religions and cultural backgrounds, but we are first South Africans. We are proud to be Africans on our continent. It is with this connection with our continent that we are truly a born-again nation. We owe it to ourselves to forge a national unity that is aimed at creating a nonracial society committed to the eradication of poverty and inequality.
It is heartwarming to witness that South Africa’s top corporate companies are now flying our national flag high on their office premises. It is a promising sign that almost 10 years into our democracy, the private sector has taken initiative in participating at this level of embracing the spirit of unity. This does not suggest that they did not contribute to our nation- building initiative. They have, but not on the scale that we expected them to.
We should also take this opportunity to remind both the public and private television broadcasters that South Africa is not part of Europe. It is part of Africa. Our children are constantly exposed to foreign cultural products. Our culture is threatened by television products. The impression is created that the American lifestyle is superior and better compared to our way of doing things. And this is far from the truth.
The other major challenge is that our people know little about our own country’s rich history. This calls for the Government to devise means and strategies which will link our institutions to work in a manner that promotes our heritage from manufacturing to education. This means that heritage programmes must promote all aspects of our lives as being proudly South African. I thank you. [Applause.]
Ms M M RATSOMA: Thank you, Deputy Speaker. Ministers, Deputy Ministers and members of Parliament, we are in the middle of a very special and significant month in our country’s history. We are celebrating Heritage Month in recognition of our roots.
As we all know, you cannot have a future without a past. So, no matter how good or bad it is, it is still our own. We must not lament our past, we must embrace it because it is our future guidebook. As we all know, some bad mistakes were made subsequent to our first democratic election, which can now be rectified so that we can all see how important our past is to us.
Deputy Speaker, please allow me to mention a few of our heroes - Chief Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Mahatma Gandhi, Lilian Ngoyi, Elias Motswaledi, Chris Hani, Dr G M Naicker, Walter Sisulu, Dorothy Nyembe, Alfred Nzo, Govan Mbeki, Steve Tshwete to mention but a few, and not forgetting many more heroes and heroines. Finally, but also importantly, let us not forget Sara Baartman, an icon of South African history. These people dedicated their lives to the ANC and sacrificed their lives for it in order to better our lives, and we will not forget them. Because of them, we are who we are today.
These very people made it possible for us to have free and fair elections. It is thanks to them that we now have a say in the running of our country. It is thanks to the ANC that people are receiving services such as houses - estimated at more than 1,5 million people; water; electricity - estimated at more than 1,4 billion households; health; and education without the racial discrimination they had to endure before.
Even in the light of our bad past, our Government is trying to provide reparations to the people who were harmed during this horrific era. The ANC has tried to do so through the Truth and Reconciliation programme. This process may be taking a long time. We are trying to speed it up so as not to inconvenience the victims. These people have suffered enough.
This Heritage Day reminds us of many things, such as our tradition and traditional leaders, such as King Shaka, King Sekhukhuni, King Moshoeshoe, King Sobhuza, King Makhado, and so forth. We must not forget these people, because they were real leaders of the past. They guided us to where we are today. They showed great leadership where it was needed. Therefore, it is thanks to them that we have a well-respected history on the African continent.
It is thanks, also, to the culture of Africa that we have been given Mr Sontonga, the composer of our famous national anthem Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrica. It is a beautiful anthem no matter what people say. Our other most prized possession of a true patriotic South Africa is our national flag. Yes, we are proud, because everywhere you turn you find T-shirts, caps, stickers, toys, and so forth. Having the national emblem on these things shows that we are heading in the right direction. The reconciliation and transformation process has brought happiness to our people. Thanks to all the people who made this possible. I say to the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, that we recognise the good job you have been doing in uplifting our arts and culture.
I hope that from this day onwards we will celebrate and not moan or suffer any oppression, and that there is no more racist action and only improvement in our lives. Long live Heritage Day, long live! I dedicate this poem to our heroes:
Aowi lehu mohlakudi Lehu ke phiri le tla bosego batho ba robetse le a tsatsela Lehu ga lena pelo hlomogi Lehu ke moradia Lehu masenyeletsa o hlokile le go gaugela bagale ba rena Ke ra ba lwela tokologo bao lehono re lego seo re lego ka bona Ba lehono re tsebilego go dula moo ba bangwe ba rena ba bego ba ka se tsoge ba fihlile Ke ra Ntlong Kgolo moo melao e ahlaahlwago elego Kapa. Lehu o tsere bagale ba rena re sa ba nyaka. O tsere banna le basadi bohle Bona bao ba bego ba lwela tokologo ya rena Lehu o sehlogo ga kaakang.
This poem I dedicate to Heritage Day:
Letsatsi, Le hlabile letsatsi la mahlomola le lethabo, letsatsi la dikgopotso, letsatsi le le bohlokwa, ke lona leo le kgethilwego ke bagale ba rena bao ba hlokometsego naga ya ga bo rena ya Afrika Borwa. Letsatsi la go gopola bagale ba rena dintweng tseo di fetilego Letsatsi la go homotsa le go fodisa dintho tsa mmeleng le monaganong. Letsatsi la mehlolo moo re bolelago ka ngalaba ya taba Ke ra yeo re ka se tsogego re e lebetse Ke ra bagageso, a re openg matsogo re lebogele letsatsi la lehono. Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Deputy Speaker, national heritage is an important national possession. It is everything a nation has materially, spiritually and morally. Heritage includes the entire epistemology of a nation: its culture, its language, its history, its philosophy of life, its way of conducting its economic and political affairs. But the foundation of a nation’s heritage is land. All over the world land is a critical and sensitive issue, because there is a connection between land and economic power.
A nation must have land to be a nation. Nationhood is land and sovereignty. No people can be a sovereign nation, unless they possess land of their own and control its riches. It is erroneous to claim that the problem in South Africa is not landlessness, but homelessness. The fact is that no homes can be built in the air or in the sky. Homes are built on the land, therefore homelessness is a consequence of landlessness and land is the possession of the people. Land is national power and dignity. It gives its people national independence and freedom from economic domination and servitude. Land is the source of life. Food, water, homes, agriculture, domestic animals, mineral wealth, medicines and all raw materials come from the land.
Land is the source of food and life. Without land there would be no life, no heritage. There can be no meaningful talk of heritage when over ten million of our people live in unhealthy squatter camps that are unsuitable for human habitation. Land is also critical in the creation of jobs, wealth, decent houses and resources for education. Too many African children cannot afford education today because of poverty stemming from land dispossession. Let us not forget this important national asset and heritage on this Heritage Day.
It is unacceptable to the PAC that Africans in South Africa should let land for homes, farming, mining of minerals and live like the third class in a country that is endowed with so much wealth and a country that is four times the size of Britain and Northern Ireland combined. There can be no talk of heritage without land and celebration of freedom without equitable distribution of land.
The foundation of a nation’s heritage is land. Celebration of freedom without land repossession by the dispossessed is incomplete. Izwelethu! [It is our country!]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. It is amazing how fast time flies. I remember addressing the House not so long ago in celebration of our heritage. Either way, returning today does not minimise that celebration, but makes it greater. Our greatest heritage marks the ten years of democracy, freedom and togetherness. Thank you ANC for bringing back our country from total segregation to one united rainbow nation. [Applause.]
Heritage - no matter where our roots have stemmed from, each and every one is as much South African as the next. We are proudly undertaking this in our national Constitution that proudly spells out the South African heritage, its composition and preservation. One of our greatest accomplishments as part of our heritage is our national Constitution and the democracy it has given birth to. But our heritage extends far beyond our national Constitution and the people that make up South Africa. We have national symbols that make us unique in our diversity and say ``This is South Africa’’.
The many colours and shapes of our national flag all symbolise a characteristic of our nation. The MF is proud to have it hoisted as a national symbol of heritage. To sing our national anthem that marks our past, present and future is respected from the heart. Our national flower, the protea; our national tree, the real yellowwood; our national fish; our national bird, the blue crane; the national animal, the springbok, we salute you and celebrate your existence in making us truly South African.
The MF celebrates the national emblems that symbolise our rich heritage and sees these symbols with their content of yesterday, today and tomorrow as a token of a transformed society, and takes the opportunity to wish all South Africans a very enjoyable, happy Heritage Day. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.
Mnr C AUCAMP: Agb Adjunkspeaker, in my boekrak by die huis staan daar ‘n boek met die titel, My erfenis is vir my mooi, ‘n aanhaling uit Dawid se woorde in Psalm 16. Buite-op is die afbeelding van ‘n goue kandelaar met sy sewe fakkels. Hierdie boek is ‘n boek oor die ontstaan en die geskiedenis van die Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys. Voorin is die universiteitslied, die alma mater, wat begin met die woorde, ``Gebore uit die nag van smaad, sien ons jou staan as wonderdaad.’’ My erfenis is vir my mooi.
Vandag is daardie naam weg. Die kandelaar as wapen - net ‘n kwessie van tyd. Die karakter van daardie inrigting is voortdurend in die spervuur, en dan vra u vir my om opgewonde te raak oor Erfenisdag, oor die wyse waarop ons erfenis in Suid-Afrika bewaar word.
Vir die meeste mense het Erfenisdag bloot geword om toeskouers te wees by ‘n hengse party eenmaal ‘n jaar. Gewoonlik met ‘n slagspreuk soos ``Celebrating our diversity’’. Intussen word ons erfenis daagliks stukkend getrap onder die voete van dit wat gewoonlik genoem word transformasie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Mr C AUCAMP: Hon Deputy Speaker, in my book-case at home there is a book entitled My erfenis is vir my mooi [I have a delightful inheritance], a quotation from David’s words in Psalm 16. On the cover there is the depiction of a golden candlestick with its seven flares. This book is a book about the origin and the history of the Potchefstroom Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys. On the front page there is the university song, the alma mater, which begins with the words, ``Gebore uit die nag van smaad, sien ons jou staan as die wonderdaad’’ [Born from the night of content, we see you standing as a miraculous deed]. I have a delightful inheritance.
Today that name no longer exists. The candlestick as badge - merely a question of time. The character of that institution is in the ceaseless cross-fire and then you ask me to become excited about Heritage Day, about the way in which our heritage in South Africa is being preserved.
To most people Heritage Day has become merely being spectators at a great big party once a year. Usually with a slogan such as ``Celebrating our diversity’’. In the meantime our heritage is being trodden on daily under the feet of what is normally referred to as transformation.]
The moral of the story: Heritage is not about a once-off happening and a diversity ``babelas’’ [hangover.]. Heritage is not about the President doing some tiekiedraai waltz once in a decade. Heritage is not about a museum at the outskirts of the city. It is first and foremost about our daily life, about our institutions, our society, about the way we live, about the scent of a place that is dear to us in our everyday life. I used the Potchefstroom University as an example, but the list has no end.
In ons skole moes jare lange tradisies wyk, om van bo af getransformeer te word. Ons monumente en standbeelde word bedreig met verskuiwing en verwydering. Wat plekname betref, die hele Tswane moet nou oor Pretoria se naam besluit. Daar is die kwessie van 5 000 plekname wat in die Vrystaat op een dag op die agenda is. Hulle het skoonskip gemaak in die Noordelike provinsie - behalwe die dorp wat na die duiwel vernoem is.
Ons het in 1994 geweet dinge gaan verander. Politieke verandering beteken nie net nuwe gesigte in die Uniegebou en die res van die land bly onveranderd nie. Afrikaners het in groot mate daarmee vrede gemaak dat hulle in ‘n tydperk van verandering leef. Benewens dit wat gesê is deur die geagte Koornhof, dra Afrikaners positief by tot verandering wat die lewe van almal in die land verbeter.
Ek kan nie dink aan ‘n ander gemeenskap in die wêreld wat hulle so positief by radikale veranderinge aangepas het nie. Ons het geweet dat veranderings ook sal neerslag vind in gemeenskapstrukture en -instellings, maar ons het gehoop dat dit sal geskied langs die weg van vennootskap en voortgesette gesprek en nie langs die weg van dekreet nie. Nie by wyse van Big Brother wat besluit oor hoe elke instelling moet lyk nie.
Die NA sê vir ons mense: Jou toekoms is hier. Ons is hier om te bly''.
Ons sê,Suid-Afrika eerste’’. Hierdie selfde nuwe Suid-Afrika, dis al een
wat ons het. Maar die NA sê die voorwaarde daarvoor is die erkenning van en
eerbied vir die regte, die strukture en die instellings van die
verskillende gemeenskappe van hierdie land. Ons sê ook unity in
diversity'', maar dan moet die Grondwet toegepas word. Die Regering
verstaan onderunity in diversity’’ blykbaar iets totaal anders as ons.
Vir die ANC beteken unity in diversity'' dat elke instelling die
demografiese profiel van die land moet weerspieël.
Dan bly daar mos niks van verskeidenheid oor nie, want dan lyk elke
instelling ook eenderste. Geendiversity’’ nie. Dit faal, want alles lyk
dieselfde. Afrikaners wil deel wees van hierdie land. Ons wil voluit deel
wees. Nie daar ver, eenkant, iewers afgesonder om ons eie dingetjie in
privaatheid op ons eie plekkie te doen in ‘n geïsoleerde gemeenskap of om
ons eie braaivleisvuurtjie nie. Ons wil nie emigreer nie. Ons wil nie
eenkant toe ry om ‘n beeldedorp by die monument te aanskou van al die
beelde wat uit hulle plekke verwyder is nie. Ons wil deel wees van hierdie
land en sy ryke geskiedenis, maar nie as die voortdurende skurk in die
storie nie. Ons wil ook Erfenisdag vier, maar dan wil ons sê ons kinders en
ons kleinkinders moet kan sien en beleef wat ons bedoel as ons sê, ``My
erfenis is vir my mooi’’. Hulle moet nie net eendag daarvan in boeke lees
nie. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[In our schools traditions of many years had to give way, to be transformed from the top. Our monuments and statues are under threat of replacement and removal. With regards to place names, the entire Tswane now has to decide about Pretoria’s name. There is the question of 5 000 place names in the Free State being on the agenda on one day. Everything has been removed in the Northern Province, except the town which was named after the devil.
We knew in 1994 that things would change. Political change does not only mean new faces in the Union Building, leaving the rest of the country unchanged. Afrikaners have to a large extent accepted the fact that they are living in a period of change. In addition to what has been said by the hon Koornhof, Afrikaners are making an active contribution to change that will improve the lives of everyone in South Afria.
I cannot think of another community in the world which had adapted itself so positively to radical changes. We knew that there would also be changes in community structures and institutions, but we hoped that these would come about by way of partnerships and on-going debates and not by way of decree. Not by way of Big Brother who decides how every institution should look.
The NA says to our people: Jou toekoms is hier. Ons is hier om te bly.''
[Your future is here. We are here to stay.] We say, Suid-Afrika eerste’’
[South Africa first]. This selfsame new South Africa is the only one we
have. But the NA says that the condition for it is the recognition of and
the respect for the rights, the structures and the institutions of the
various communities of this country. We also say unity in diversity'',
but then the Constitution must be applied. By unity in diversity’’ the
Government apparently understands something totally different from what we
do. To the ANC ``unity in diversity’’ means that every institution should
reflect the demographic profile of the country.
In that case nothing of diversity would be left, because then all
institutions look the same. No diversity''. It fails, because everything
looks the same. Afrikaners want to be part of this country. We want to be
totally part of it. Not somewhere far away and isolated to do our own thing
in privacy in our own place in an isolated community or around our own camp
fire. We do not want to emigrate. We do not want to ride in one direction
to look at a town of statues at the monument comprising all the statues
that have been removed from their places. We want to be part of this
country and its rich history, but not as the proverbial villain in the
piece. We, too, want to celebrate Heritage Day, but then we want to say
that our children and our grandchildren must be able to see and experience
what we mean when we say, My erfenis is vir my mooi.’’ [I have a
delightful inheritance.] They must not only read about that in books one
day. I thank you.]]
Miss T E ḼISHIVHA: Madam Speaker, members of Parliament …
… ndi thoma nga u livhuwa Muvhuso wa ANC, we wa ita uri muthu muṅwe na muṅwe a ḓiphine nga mvelele ya hawe Afurika Tshipembe. Ngoho ndi ya uri vhathu roṱhe ri na mvelele dzo fhambananaho. Vhaṅwe na vhaṅwe vha na maitele a havho, vha dovha vha vha na zwithu zwine vha zwi ita nga zwifhinga zwo teaho. Hu dovha ha vha na fhethu hune ha pfi afha a hu dzheni vho-nnyi nahone hu tendelwa vhafhio.
Ro fhambanana zwi tshi ya nga nyambo dzashu. Muthu muṅwe na muṅwe u ḓiṱongisa nga luambo lwawe lwa ḓamuni, ngauri ndi lwone mvelele yawe. Heino mvelele ndi ifa ḽa muṅwe na muṅwe. A hu na muthu ane a nga ḓi shandukisa a tama mvelele ya luṅwe lushaka. Vha ḓo vhona zwithu zwi sa vha tshimbileli. Zwa zwino vhathu vha vho tendelwa u dzhena hune ha vha zwifhoni zwa havho. Ndi tshanduko dzo ḓiswaho nga ANC. Ri na zwifho zwashu zwine muthu arali a si wa hone, a sa dzhena, sa tsumbo, dzivha ḽa Fundudzi, ḽine ḽa wanala Tshiheni. Hezwi vhathu vha tshi ya Fundudzi, vha ya na vhakololo vha henefho. Musi vha tshi swika hone, vhone vha mutsinda vha ḓo vhudzwa uri vha gwadame nahone vha vale maṱo u swikela musi vha tshi ḓo vhudzwa uri zwo luga. Ndi hone vha tshi ḓo swikiswa dzivhani vha kona u ḽi vhona.
Ri dovha hafhu ra vha na dungu-dzivha ḽine ḽa wanala Ha-Lambani na bakoni ḽa Makonde he Ṅwali a vha a tshi fhira hone. Ri dovha hafhu ra vha na zwipise zwa maḓi a fhisaho, zwine zwa alafha malwadze a marambo, nga murahu ha musi muthu o ṱamba ngao. Henefho zwipise, ho vha hu sa tendelwi muthu murema nga muvhuso wo fhiraho. Hone ngoho i ya uri, fhethu afho ndi zwifhoni. Hezwi zwithu zwoṱhe zwine zwa vha zwa mvelele, zwi fanela u vhulungwa na u khwiniswa sa ifa ḽe ra ṋewa nga mupo. Ri fanela u vhona zwauri zwifho izwo, zwi a ṱhogomelwa u itela uri lushaka lu ḓaho – vhaḓuhulu vhashu na vhone vha ḓivhe vhubvo hashu.
Hu ḓi nga musi hu tshifhinga tsha u ya u luvha mvula, vhathu vha a bva vha yo ita zwo fanelaho, u itela uri mvula i ne nahone vhathu vha lime. Na zwenezwo-vho, zwi na zwifhinga zwazwo. Ndi zwiṅwe zwa zwithu zwine zwa fanela u vusuludzwa ngauri zwa zwino na mvula a i tsha tou fana na ya miṅwaha yo fhiraho. Zwiṅwe ndi zwauri, vhathu vha na mitshino ya ngudo na ya u ḓimvumvusa. Mitshino ine ya vha ya u ḓimvumvusa, ndi ine ya nga sa tshigombela, malende na visa. Mitshino ya ngudo yone, ndi ine ya nga sa misevhetho, vhusha, mirundu na madomba. Hezwi zwoṱhe, ndi zwine vhathu vha ḓihudza ngazwo sa mvelele ya havho, sa vhadzulapo vha Afurika Tshipembe.
Ri na ngano dze nga madekwana, vho makhulu musi vho dzula mililoni na vhaḓuhulu, vha vha vha tshi vha gudisa dzone. Ngano na dzone, dzi na ngudo. U fana na lungano lwa Sankambe na Tshibode. Ri a zwi ḓivha zwauri Sankambe ndi muthu wa vhuṱali ha u fhura tshifhinga tshoṱhe. Zwino Sankambe na Tshibode, zwa pfana uri zwi khou ya u ita mbambe ya u gidima nahone hu ḓo vha na pfufho. Tshibode tsha mbo ḓi dzhia mufumakadzi watsho tsha mu vhea hune ha ḓo swikelwa hone, uri tshi kone u bvelela kha mbambo iyo. Tsho vha tshi tshi zwi ḓivha zwauri tshi nga si fhire Sankambe nga luvhilo. Musi vha tshi khou gidima nga nḓila dzo fhambananaho, vho pfana uri vha ḓo ṱangana thamboni. Vho ḓo takuwa, musi Sankambe tshi tshi swika, Tshibode tsha mbo di ri: Ndo no ḓi swika phanḓa. Hafha ndi hone he tsha kundwa na vhuṱali hatsho! A tshi ngo kona u zwi vhona zwauri Tshibode ndi tsha mufumakadzi.
Hezwi zwithu zwoṱhe, nga zwi vhuiswe, zwi dovhe zwi gudiswe u fana na kale, u itela uri vhaswa na vhone, vha songo salela murahu kha mvelele dza tshakha dza havho. Ri ḓo dovha ra wana hu na zwithu zwine zwa nga sa zwilidzo. Zwilidzo na zwone, zwo vha zwo fhambanana. Ri na tshihwana na dende, zwine zwa vha zwa vhanna; lugube, lwone ndi lwa vhafumakadzi na vhasidzana; tshihwana, tshone ndi tsha munna a si na musadzi; ra vha na mafhuwe; one ndi a vhafumakadzi musi vha tshi khou shuma. Kha dzi ḓirama, ho vha hu na zwithu zwine zwa pfi maḓaganana. Heyo mitambo, i itwa musi hu tshi tou nga ho vha hu na mirundu nahone i tshi khou swa. Vhathu vha mvumvuswa ngazwo. Zwi dovha hafhu zwa shuma na kha misevhetho. Masiari nga Migivhela, vhathu vha a ya u vhona mitambo ine ya itwa, musi haya maḓaganana a tshi khou tshina. Vhathu vha vha vha sa zwi ḓivhi zwauri ndi zwithu zwine zwa bva ngafhi, ngauri vha zwi vhonela kule musi zwi tshi khou tshina.
Vhutshilo ha mahayani ndi ha khwine, ngauri ano maḓuvha na vhone vho no vhofholowa kha vhupuli. Muvhuso une wa khou vhusa, wo ita zwauri na vhone vha ḓiphine nga mvelele dzavho, vha sa ofhi tshithu. Vha vha kona u bvisela zwithu zwavho khagala, sa tsumbo, ri na ṋanga dza sialala, dzine dza fana na Vho-Mushwana vhane vha vha wanala Tzaneen. Vha na ṋowa dzavho dzine vha shuma ngadzo musi vha tshi amba na vhadzimu. Zwa zwino, nga Muvhuso wa ANC, ho no vha fhethu ha vhuendela-mashango. Vhaendela-mashango vha badela R20 ya u dzhena na R50 ya u ya u vhona ṋowa heyo ya vhadzimu. Ṋaṅwaha ho no ya vhathu vhane vha lingana 100 u ya u vhona heyo ṋowa ya vhadzimu.
Mahayani vhari: Muthu ndi muthu nga vhathu. Vha kha ḓi itisana madavha, sa tsumbo, u ṱahulisana tsimuni, u reḓisana khuni na zwiṅwe-vho. Ndi nga vha fha tsumbo nga zwo iteaho Ha-Davhana zwino nga September. Ho ḓo swa Luvhola Cultural Village. Ndi fhethu hune vha ṱanwa zwithu zwa mvelele. Vhathu vho mbo ḓi pfana zwauri u bva nga dzi 15 u swikela dzi 20 dza September, vha ḓo vha vhe kha davha ḽa u vusulusa hafho fhethu na zwauri vha fanela u vha vho fhedza. Zwi a sumbedza uri havha vhathu vho ḓiimesela u shumisana. Mahayani na hone, ho no vha na dzi tshanduko. Ho no vha na miḓagasi na maḓi zwiṱaraṱani.
Ri wana zwauri matshilele avho, o no vha khwine. Na uri muthu u ita zwine a funa nga tshifhinga tshine a funa. Vhathu vha mahayani vha ita zwidzimu, vha imba vhusiku hoṱhe, kana maḓuvha mararu, hu si na u thithiswa. Ndi zwiṅwe zwine zwa ita uri vhathu vha mahayani vha pfe vho dzula zwavhuḓi. Zwino riṋe ri khou livhuwa Muvhuso wa ANC, nge wa kona u zwi ita zwauri muthu muṅwe na muṅwe a kone u ḓiphina nga mvelele yawe, o vhofholowa nahone a sa ofhi tshithu. Na u dovha hafhu u ita uri vhathu ri kone u ḓi ita tshithu tshithihi, ri tshi shuma roṱhe, ro vhofhana sa ṅanda nthihi, ri tshi ḓivha hune ra bva hone, nahone ri sa hu hangwi.
Ndi dovha hafhu nda sumbedza na zwa uri, mvelele yashu ndi ifa na vhutshilo hashu. Ndo livhuwa. [Applause.] (Translation of Venḓa paragraphs follows.)
[… I start by thanking the ANC-led Government for making it possible for all South Africans to enjoy their cultures. People have different cultures. They all have their ways of living and things they do at different times. There are places that other people are not allowed to enter.
We differ in terms of languages. Everybody is proud of his mother tongue because it is part of his or her culture. Culture is everyone’s heritage. No one can change himself when he is in envy of another nationality’s culture. Things won’t go right for that person. Nowadays people are allowed to enter places that have been sacred to them through the years. These changes were brought about by the ANC. We have sacred places which if you don’t belong there, you are not allowed to enter. One such an example is Lake Fundudzi, which is in Tshiheni. When people visit Fundudzi, they must be accompanied by royal people from that place. When you reach that place, as an outsider, you will be told to kneel down and close your eyes until you are told to open them. It is then that you will be taken to see the lake. We also have a small lake at Ha-Lambani and the Makonde cave where Nwali used to pass. We also have hot springs with hot water, which are responsible for curing bone diseases after one has bathed in the hot springs. The former apartheid government did not allow blacks in those hot springs. The truth was that those were sacred places. All these cultural things must be preserved and upgraded because they are our heritage given to us by nature. We must make it a point that those sacred places are taken care of, for the sake of the next generation. Our grandchildren must know our roots.
When we are supposed to go and ask for the rain, people go out and do what they are supposed to do, so that it can rain and they can plough. Those things must be revived because nowadays it no longer rains like it used to in the past. There are different dances which they used to perform - educational and entertainment dances. Entertainment dances were tshigombela, malende and visa. Educational dances were misevhetho, vhusha, mirundu and madomba. As South Africans, we are very proud of our heritage. We have folklore tales which our grandparents used to tell their grandchildren in the evenings when sitting around the fire. Folklore is also educational. Just like the story of Bugs Bunny and a Tortoise. We are aware that Bugs Bunny had the wisdom of always leading astray. Bugs Bunny and the tortoise made an agreement that they were going to race against each other and there was going to be a prize. The tortoise took his wife and placed her at the finishing point so that he could be the winner of that race. He knew that he could not run faster than Bugs Bunny. As they were running different routes, they agreed that they would meet at the finishing point. The race began. When Bugs Bunny arrived, the tortoise said: I arrived before you. This is where Bugs Bunny was defeated, irrespective of his wisdom. He was unable to see that it was a female tortoise.
All these things must be brought back and taught like before, so that the youth must not forget their own culture. We also have various musical instruments. We have tshihwana and dende, which are specifically for men; lugube is for women and girls; tshihwana is for bachelors; and we also have mafhuwe, which is for women when they are working.
As far as dramas are concerned, we have things like madaganana. Those games were played only after circumcision and when people were graduating. They were for entertaining people. They were also used in misevhetho. On Saturdays, in the afternoon, people used to go there and watch the madaganana dancing. They never knew where the dancers came from, because they used to watch them dancing from a distance.
Rural life is better because nowadays people are also free from slavery. The present Government made it possible for them to enjoy their cultures without fear of anything. They are now able to show their particular abilities, for example, we have traditional healers like Mr Mushwana from Tzaneen. He has always used snakes to communicate with his ancestors. But now, because of the ANC-led Government, he is a tourist attraction. The tourists pay a R20 entrance fee and R50 to see the ancestral snake. In rural areas they say no man is an island. They are still doing madavha, for example, ploughing the fields together, gathering wood and so on. I can give you an example of what happened at Ha-Davhana in September. Luvhola Cultural Village burnt down. This is a cultural exhibition centre. People agreed that with effect from 15 September, they would all be involved in rebuilding the place and that they must finish. There are a lot of changes in rural areas. They now have electricity and water.
We find that their lifestyle is now better and that people do as they wish at any time. Rural people worship their ancestors. They sing all night long or for three days, without any disturbances. That is one of the reasons why rural people feel comfortable. We thank the ANC-led Government for making it possible for everybody to enjoy his culture, freely and without fear. It should also be possible for people to do similar things - working together as one. They must not forget their roots.
Our culture is our heritage and life. I thank you. [Applause.]] Mr S E OPPERMAN: Hon members, my theme this afternoon is ``Celebrating our freedom as repairers of the bridge.’’
Deputy Speaker, although the launch of the new South African Coat of Arms on 27 April 2000 with the Quena or the Khoi representation in the form of two human figures depicting an attitude of greeting and symbolising unity and with the motto, !ke e: /xarra //ke was a powerful declaration and an acknowledgement of the indigenous peoples of our country, very little is still known about the Quena people by the majority of South Africans including the descendants of the Quena or Khoi on the Cape Flats and in the small dorpies of our country.
In his book Repairers of the Bridge Vernon Oosthuizen reflects on the prophetic destiny of the Quena people as follows:
The biggest obstacle to discovering the Quena identity is not the obliteration of facts, or the distortions of the Khoi history, but the Khoi denying and devaluating his own roots. We have denied where we come from, yet looking in the mirror tells me where I come from. There may have been influence and European or Indian tints, but the Khoi base is nevertheless there.
He continues by saying:
I am not what I used to be I can never be, but I must step out of denial and come home by making peace with where I come from and who I am.
Anders as wat baie historici glo, het nie net die wit Afrikaners ‘n Groot Trek beleef nie. Met die trek van 1838 het wit Afrikaners hulle bande losgemaak, en weggetrek uit die Kaapkolonie na die ruimtes waar dit oop is, en mens baie ver kan sien. Talle bruin Afrikaners het ook ‘n groot trek binne die land van hulle geboorte, in hulle woonbuurte, in hul huise en in hulself beleef. Toe hulle die vernedering, die verguising en die miskenning nie langer kon verduur nie, het hulle hul sielsbande losgemaak van die land waarin die Quenabloed vir die eerste keer in 1488 by Mosselbaai aan die hand van die Europeërs gevloei het. Vir baie was, en is, die pyn steeds so intens dat hulle nog nie huis toe gekom het nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Contrary to what many historians believe, not only white Afrikaners experienced a Great Trek. With the trek of 1838 white Afrikaners severed their ties, and moved out of the Cape colony to the wide expanses where it is open, and where one can see a very long way. Many coloured Afrikaners also experienced a great trek inside the country of their birth, in their townships, in their homes and in themselves. When they could not stand the humiliation, the denigration and the disregard any longer, they loosened their souls’ ties from the country in which the Quena blood flowed for the first time in 1488 at Mossel Bay at the hand of the Europeans. For many the pain was, and still is, so intense that they have not come home yet.]
So my speech this afternoon is also a home calling to all the descendants of the Quena to leave behind those shackles, to take their rightful place and, in so doing, endorse their freedom. It is a pity that there is a striking absence of any historical and archeological sites attributed to the Quena, the Hautitou people on the historical, archeological and tourist routes in South Africa. Is this part of a deliberate attempt to corrupt the history once again?
The indigenous people owned much of South Africa, Quenaku, before the Europeans set foot on its soil in 1488. They lost it all; recent academics even took away their name. They dubbed them as herders as opposed to the hunting gathering Kung or Bushmen, implying that the Quena were primitive cattle or sheepkeepers without any linkage with the civilised Vedic and Biblical world outside the continent. Yet their country, Quenaku, is littered with stonebuilt shrines, temples and astronomical observatories, built on the pattern of Indian temples which formed an integral part of the cosmological religion with sophisticated theology, astronomy, geometry and social and religious ethics. The stone structures of this culture called Litaku, are found in Komatiland while others litter the veld of the Karoo. Toe Da Gama in Mosselbaai kontak met die Quenakhoi maak, was sy kommentaar, nadat hy die harmonie en ritme van hulle musiek gehoor het: ``Hulle behoort die ware God te ken’’. Toe ek Vrydagmiddag, laatmiddag, 19 September 2003, in die Moordenaarskaroo tussen die eenvoudige klipstrukture van ‘n Quenatempel en sterrewag staan, het ek met Da Gama saamgestem. Die afstammelinge van die Quena, met hulle ritme en harmonie in sang en musiek, behoort die ware God te ken.
Die tempel waarin ek was, waarskynlik gebou 500 jaar na Christus - dit is in die eerste millennium na Christus - het duidelik getoon dat hulle op die skepping gefokus het in hulle aanbidding. Binne die tempel het ons groep ons vryheid gebruik om ons knieë voor die Skepper te buig. Met die sjofars het ons vrylating uitgeroep, en in die geloof ‘n vlag geplant vir die Quena, vir ons land, vir Afrika. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[When Da Gama made contact with the Quena-Khoi in Mossel Bay, his comment was, after he had heard the harmony and rhythm of their music:’’ They ought to know the real God.’’ Late Friday afternoon, 19 September 2003, when I stood in the Moordenaarskaroo between the simple stone structures of a Quena temple and observatory, I agreed with Da Gama. The descendants of the Quena, with their rhythm and harmony in song and music, ought to know the real God.
The temple in which I was, probably built 500 years after Christ - that is, in the first millennium after Christ - clearly showed that they focused on the creation in their worshipping. Inside the temple our group used our freedom to bend our knees before the Creator. With the shofars we shouted out our liberation, and in the faith planted a flag for the Quena, for our country, for Africa.]
That declaration was part of the building of the highway from Africa to Assyria, for the Assyrians to come into Africa and for the Africans to come into Assyria. We will be preparing the way for that day when Israel shall be the third, with Africa and with Assyria, a blessing in the midst of the earth. That day will come as the beginning of the true renaissance in Africa, and the Quena descendants will play the role as the repairers of the bridge. I so proclaim. I thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF ARTS, CULTURE, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker. I want to express my appreciation to the ANC for allowing me to participate in this very important debate, which is, more often than not, undermined; yet, this debate is central to our transformation.
I want to make a few comments on the points that were raised by some of the hon members here. Firstly, I will address myself to the comments that were made by the hon Mulder. I think he himself does not believe that what he said here is the truth, because I think he knows for a fact that the ANC has an inclusive approach and the ANC is very accommodating.
I think that at times we are too humble, to the point of being naive, in terms of asserting ourselves as the majority party. However, it is because we are interested in nation-building. If we were to conduct research, the world over, there would never be a democracy in which the majority party listens to anybody’s and everybody’s views. It is only the ANC that can do that. [Applause.]
I think Dr Mulder misses the point that we have a responsibility to act in the interests of the majority of South Africans who voted us into power. Unfortunately, that’s what democracy is all about. From his input, we could clearly hear or pick up that he is dearly clinging onto the past. He really is yearning for apartheid. However, we must tell Dr Mulder that those days are gone. Apartheid will never come back. [Applause.]
I also want to make a comment on the points that were raised by the hon Pheko. I think we all appreciate the passion that the hon Pheko has for land. The majority of the people share that sentiment to a very great extent but, of course, we differ with regard to the approach of giving the land back to its rightful owners. We believe that we need to do it in a responsible manner, we need to do it in an orderly manner and we need to do it in an organised manner. I also think that we are doing well, as far as rolling out that programme is concerned.
To the hon Gous, I could not agree more about the need to pass this heritage on to our children, but we must ensure that what we pass on is positive, that it is characterised by the culture of human rights, equality, nonracialism and nonsexism, so that we know that when we pass on, we will be leaving a legacy that is good and that guarantees prosperity for our country.
The significance of this debate that we are holding today serves as a forerunner for the tenth anniversary of our democracy. As it’s already been alluded to, it serves as a celebration of our cultural heritage. Perhaps we need to move back and respond to the following question: Why do we have to celebrate our cultural heritage? To answer this question, I will refer to a statement that was made by Madiba on the occasion of declaring 24 September as Heritage Day. He said, and I quote:
When our first democratically elected Government decided to make Heritage Day one of our national holidays, we did so because we knew that our rich cultural heritage has a profound power to help build our new nation.
We did so, knowing that the struggles against the inequities of the past are part of our national identity. They are part of our culture. We knew that if, indeed, our nation has to rise like a proverbial phoenix from the ashes of division and conflict, we had to acknowledge those whose selfless efforts and talents were dedicated to this goal of a nonracial democracy.
This particular statement, in itself, is inclusive and reconciliatory, echoing the voice and the commitment of the ANC-led Government to nation- building. Surely, Mr Aucamp, you will agree that we have gone a long way in preserving heritage, especially if you look at the national anthem. Some of us never thought we would be able to sing Die Stem, but because we were committed to reconciliation, we included Die Stem in our national anthem. [Applause.]
Also, I’m sure you are not really following world procedures, because we have what is called an apartheid museum. There was a lot of debate within the ANC. Not everybody was agreeable to the idea of establishing such a museum, but it is there and, in essence, it captures the very heritage that we have alluded to. Surely, this is a process and all of us must continue to participate to ensure that everybody is on board.
Kaloku kwangaphambili umbutho we-ANC owawukhokela idabi lenkululeko wawungalwi nabemi okanye abantu beli lizwe, wawusilwa inkqubo yolawulo olwalucinezele isininzi kweli lizwe. Yiyo loo nto ke ekuthe xa loo rhulumente wobandlululo esiwa, yakuthabatha iintambo zolawulo i-ANC, yaqalisa ukudibanisa isizwe ngokomgaqo wayo okwimiqulu emininzi yalo mbutho, uMqulu wamaLungelo (Freedom Charter) ngomnye waloo miqulu. Kungoko ke namhlanje, xa sitshayelela usuku lwangomso esivuyisana ngalo sisithi `sinelifa esizenzele lona’, sibiza wonke ubani abe yinxenye yokwakha esi sizwe soMzantsi Afrika. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)
[The ANC, which led the liberation struggle since the beginning, was not fighting against the citizens or inhabitants of this country. That is why, when the apartheid regime fell, when the ANC took the reigns of power, it started by uniting the nation in accordance with its policies expressed in many documents of the organisation, one of which is the Freedom Charter. It is on that basis that, when we preliminary rejoice in preparation for tomorrow and we say ``we have created for ourselves a legacy’’, we call on every individual to be part of building this nation of South Africa.]
Madiba’s statement alludes to the character of our society, a legacy that the democratic state inherited: a country fraught with racial divisions, racial conflict, cultural dominance of a minority section of our society and an environment that surpassed the culture of the majority. We were, indeed, a nation reeling from the effects of the cultural bomb, the effects which are defined by Ngugi wa Thiong’o in his book, Decolonising the Mind.
The cultural bomb …
… he says,
was unleashed by colonisation and its effect to alienate a people’s belief in their names, in their languages, in their environment, in their heritage, in their unity and, ultimately, in themselves.
Hence the ANC has never separated the struggle for cultural liberation from the struggle for national liberation.
The theme of our heritage month, which we launched on 28 August, is celebrating our national symbols and orders. Why do we celebrate these symbols and orders? Our symbols are defined in terms of the Constitution and they are meant to promote reconciliation and nation-building. That is the message that the ANC is emphasising today, tomorrow, yesterday and every other day. We are preaching reconciliation and nation-building because we believe in it. We believe that we can only prosper if we are a united nation.
These symbols express the values on which the democratic state is founded. It is founded on the values of human dignity, achievement of equality, advancement of human rights and freedoms, nonracialism, nonsexism, the supremacy of the Constitution, universal adult suffrage, a national common voters roll, regular elections, accountability, responsiveness and openness. All of these values are really foreign. They are only 10 years old, and were never there before.
As we celebrate heritage month and our freedom, we reiterate our call for South Africans to unite and, together, face the challenges that confront us as a nation, united in our diversity. It is a message that runs through all our symbols. Perhaps I should take the liberty to explain the symbolism in our national symbols, clarify certain points of confusion and also explain how the symbolism speaks to me, what it says to you and what it says to all of us as South Africans.
The aim is to ensure that we all understand and, ultimately embrace our national symbols and orders. Perhaps, before I explain each of these three symbols, I should remind the House that the process of deciding on these symbols was inclusive and all in the spirit of building our nation. It is encouraging to see that South Africans, especially the majority, have accepted and are identifying with these symbols.
Firstly, the national anthem is a combination of two anthems from previously opposing parties, Nkosi Sikelela and Die Stem. It has been modified to express the values that I have already alluded to. More importantly, the anthem is multilingual and composed of four languages. South Africans have accepted the national anthem in the same spirit, although some still struggle to sing Die Stem because of our attitudes or our stereotypes from the past, especially towards Afrikaans, which, at the time, was a language of the oppressor. However, we are all making an attempt to embrace all those languages. That does not come as a miracle, but it is because of the efforts and the beliefs of the ANC-led Government.
A lot of people have requested that we translate the anthem into various languages. We express our appreciation for this request and this sentiment, because we see it as an indication of positiveness that strives for a vision on the part of South Africans to make ours a workable nation. [Interjections.] It’s disturbing me.
We are researching international practices regarding the translation of the national anthem, but what the department is working on is a brief explanation of the lyrics of our national anthem, so that people can understand what the meaning and the message contained in those lyrics is.
At this point, I want to pay tribute to Amabhokobhoko, our national rugby team, for going the extra mile in learning how to sing the national anthem, thanks to the efforts of the late Mrs Mxhadana who taught them.
Regarding the flag, the emphasis of the flag is the symbolism of the many
colours that appear on it. These very different colours are designed from
divergence to convergence, because if you look at the flag, in the middle,
it tapers into a V''. It moves from a wider design to a tapering design,
which forms aV’’ in the middle. What the emphasised message in the
design says is that we are united in our diversity, which is the same
message as the one contained in the coat of arms: united in diversity.
These are gazetted as a position of the Government and that of the state.
I’m not going to say anything about the coat of arms because the hon Ngubane dealt with that very adequately, except to say that the provinces have, by definition, their own coat of arms. The coat of arms for provinces are not necessarily replacing or competing with the national coat of arms as national symbols, but the actual use is only for branding and marketing the respective provinces.
However, there is already a misinterpretation that the provincial coat of arms reflect a federal system of governance. Let us be reminded that this is a wrong interpretation of our provincial coat of arms and that, as a department, we have started discussions and we are looking at the implications of this perception. We hope that people will be watching this debate and will participate in it.
The history of the people of South Africa is fundamental to the process of restoring our heritage and consolidating our freedom. It constitutes a wealth that needs to be recorded, lest we lose the basis of our identity. The history that the hon Mr Opperman has alluded to and the process of recognising and honouring significant role-players in our history has not been closed. We look forward to all contributions from all members.
The legacy projects that the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology has been mandated to embark on are also another vehicle of restoring and reconstructing our historical heritage, our human dignity and our freedom. The department has, to date, delivered six of the nine legacy projects that were approved by Cabinet.
We will yet roll out another legacy project of significance to the majority of South Africans, and this is scheduled for March next year. That is the Chief Albert Luthuli Centenary Commemoration Project. While we write this history, the participation of all the people of South Africa is necessary, especially of those in the rural areas, as they hold a wealth of intangible heritage, which is oral history.
The challenge for all of us is that we who are knowledgeable about our real history do not have formal education in the traditional western sense. Therefore, the promotion of multilingualism, which is the core of our language policy, becomes critically important.
Lastly, I was invited to appear on a television programme that seeks to get South Africa talking, Asikhulume. Xolani Gwala, the host, was presenting a talk show on the Proudly South African campaign and was examining the level of patriotism. I was most encouraged to hear that 89% of the people of South Africa voted as being proud to be South Africans, against 11% of people who had reasons not to be proud. This is an overwhelming majority and a clear vote of confidence in the Government of the day, the ANC-led Government. [Applause.]
I just want to say that in spite of your … [Interjections.] Whatever it is that you are saying, hon … I don’t know what your name is … Yes.
I just want to say that, in spite of the fact that we have a day dedicated to celebrating our cultural heritage, we need and we must treat each day and every day as cultural heritage day, where we will, every day of our lives, work towards embracing each other, work towards achieving reconciliation, because it is only when we have achieved these that we can direct our energies towards the economic development of our country. I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
REFERRAL OF THE ELECTORAL LAWS AMENDMENT BILL BACK TO PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON HOME AFFAIRS
(Draft Resolution)
Mr L J MODISENYANE: Madam Deputy Speaker, I shall move without notice, on behalf of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party:
That the House refers the Electoral Laws Amendment Bill [B 54B - 2003] back to the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs for further consideration of clause 9.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, will you please put the question, and I will proceed from there. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! You know, motions without notice are usually discussed and only brought to the House precisely on the basis of them having been agreed to. Now, I would like to know, in this particular case, whether the objection is, in factÿ …
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Sorry, Madam Deputy Speaker, I’d like to withdraw my objection.
Mr L J MODISENYANE: Thanks.
Agreed to.
The House adjourned at 16:33. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- Bills passed by Houses - to be submitted to President for assent:
(1) Bills passed by National Council of Provinces on 23 September
2003:
(i) Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Bill [B 27B - 2003]
(National Assembly - sec 75).
(ii) Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Amendment
Bill [B 34B - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75).
- Introduction of Bills:
(1) The Minister of Health:
(i) Dental Technicians Amendment Bill [B 63 - 2003] (National
Assembly - sec 76) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
24869 of 19 May 2003.]
Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Health of
the National Assembly, as well as referral to the Joint Tagging
Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on
25 September 2003.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bills may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
within three parliamentary working days.
National Assembly:
Bills:
- The Speaker:
The Financial and Fiscal Commission Amendment Bill [B 21D - 2003]
(National Assembly - sec 76), has, in terms of Rule 274(1)(a), been
placed on the Order Paper of the National Assembly for debate and
decision.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Education:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Education Labour
Relations Council for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
185-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the National Student
Financial Aid Scheme for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 162-
2003]. 2. The Minister of Correctional Services:
Report and Financial Statements of Vote 20 - Department of Correctional
Services for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 170-2003].
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Onderstepoort Biological
Products Limited for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the National Agricultural
Marketing Council for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 6-
2003].
- The Minister of Minerals and Energy:
Group Annual Financial Statements of the Central Energy Fund for 2001-
2002, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2001-2002.
National Assembly:
Papers:
- The Speaker:
Ninth Report of the Working Group on the African Union:
Following its Eighth Report, which was published on 8 September 2003,
the Working Group would like to report as follows:
1. Draft Rules for the Pan African Parliament (PAP)
During 2002, the Working Group commissioned research on draft rules
for the PAP with a view to submitting recommendations to the
African Union Commission through the PAP Steering Committee. The
research report was submitted to the Working Group in February
2003. During August 2003, the Speaker, in her capacity as the
Chairperson of the Steering Committee, also received a set of
draft rules of procedure for submission to the Steering Committee
from the Deputy Clerk of the Kenyan National Assembly.
On 9 September 2003, the Working Group established a Task Team on
the Rules of the PAP to consider priority areas on which rules of
procedure for the Inaugural Session of the PAP needed to be
formulated; to identify rules of procedure for the general
functioning of the PAP and to conduct a comparative analysis of
the draft rules emanating from the commissioned research, those
drafted by the Deputy Clerk of the Kenyan National Assembly and
rules of procedure of other regional Parliamentary bodies.
The Working Group identified the following issues for immediate
consideration by the Task Team: (i) Oath of office or solemn
declaration; (ii) Election of office Bearers; (iii) Rules for
decision-making; (iv) Rules of Debate; (v) Regional caucuses; and
(vi) Committees.
The Task Team met on 18 September 2003 and its views are
incorporated in this report which, inter alia, contains broad
principles around the Rules of Procedure.
(1) Oath of office or solemn declaration
Article 13 of the PAP Protocol provides that at its first
sitting, after election and before proceeding with any other
matter, the Pan African Parliamentarians shall take an oath or
make a solemn declaration which shall be set out as an
addendum to this Protocol.
Various options in respect of who would administer the oath
could be considered, amongst which would be the Chairperson of
the Assembly of the AU or the Chairperson of the AU
Commission. The Working Group recommends that the Chairperson
of the Assembly administers the initial taking of the oath or
making of a solemn declaration, as the inauguration would be a
continental ceremony. However, a Rule must provide for the
administering of the oath or declaration thereafter with
regard to new members as it would be a continuous process. The
swearing-in process does not require a Rule. The manner for
conducting the swearing-in would be a logistical matter.
Members could be called up in groups of five or ten, with an
acknowledgement of the countries from which they come.
(2) Election of Office Bearers
Article 12(2) of the Protocol provides that the Pan African
Parliament shall elect, at its first sitting following its
election, by secret ballot, from among its members and in
accordance with its Rules of Procedure, a President and four
(4) Vice Presidents representing the Regions of Africa as
determined by the OAU. The election shall, in each case, be by
simple majority of the members present and voting.
The Working Group expressed the view that the AU Commission
could facilitate the administration of the election of Office
Bearers.
(a) Procedures of Nominating
The Working Group recommends that the Steering Committee
should, once sufficient ratifications are deposited with
the AU, request regions to start the process of
nominating candidates for both the Presidency and Vice
Presidency of the PAP.
The AU Commission would be the suitable central body to
monitor nominations by regions. There was general
consensus on the need for time limits regarding
submission of nominations, as ballot papers would have to
be prepared timeously. However, time limits should be
flexible to allow for the smooth running of democratic
processes within regions. It would be important to record
on the nomination form whether the candidate accepted
his/her nomination. Consideration should be given to
whether there should be a fixed number of persons
supporting the nomination of a candidate.
The Working Group felt that the Steering Committee should
not be prescriptive in regard to regions concerning
procedures for nominations, but it may wish to provide
guidelines as regards the process and timeframes.
The Rules should also provide for a situation where a
region was unable to forward a nomination. The Working
Group, however, felt that in the absence of a regional
nomination, other regions should be free to make
nominations from the defaulting region.
Parliament would need guidance from the Department of
Foreign Affairs as to what the position was as regards a
host country wishing to nominate a candidate or being
nominated by another country.
(b) Method of Voting
Rules would need to be formulated on the following:
(i) Ballot for election of President and Vice
Presidents;
(ii) Results of Voting;
(iii) Reporting of Results;
(iv) Procedure if there is no successful candidate; and
(v) Taking of Chair by President.
Consideration should be given to a situation that could
arise should there be a query regarding the election
results. The Working Group felt that there might not be a
need for a specific Rule covering this aspect.
(3) Rules for decision making
According to Article 12 (11) of the Protocol, the quorum for
a meeting of the Pan African Parliament shall be constituted
by a simple majority. Article 12 (12) states that each Pan
African Parliamentarian shall have one vote. Decisions shall
be made by consensus or, failing which, by a two-thirds
majority of all the Members present and voting. However,
procedural matters, including the question of whether a matter
is one of procedure or not, shall be decided by a simple
majority of those present and voting, unless otherwise
stipulated in the Rules of Procedure. In the event of an equal
number of votes, the person presiding shall have a casting
vote.
Voting Procedure
Apart from the election of Office Bearers of the Parliament
for which an election procedure was prescribed in the
Protocol, a situation might arise which would require certain
decisions to be taken during the first session, e.g. adoption
of rules of procedure.
In this regard, Rules would need to be formulated on areas
such as (i) Declaration of Vote; (ii) the Manner of Voting on
Specific Questions; and (iii) What happens should there not be
consensus.
(4) Rules Of Debate
Rules should also be formulated on the following:(i) Address
of Chair by Members; (ii) Calling of Members; (iii) Time
Limits for Speeches; (iv) Reference to Member by name; (v)
Offensive Language; (vi)Explanations; (vii) Points of
Order/Interruption of Debates and Speeches; (viii) Rights of
Members to Speak/Freedom of speech; (ix) Closure of Debate;
(x) Scope of Debate; (xi) Conduct of Members during Debate;
(xii) Role of President in Debate; and (xiii) Disciplinary
measures.
(5) Regional caucuses
Article 18 of the Protocol states that the Pan-African
Parliament shall work in close co-operation with the
Parliaments of the Regional Economic Communities and the
National Parliaments or other deliberative organs of Member
States. To this effect, the Pan African Parliament may, in
accordance with its Rules of Procedure, convene annual
consultative meetings fora with the Parliaments of the
Regional Economic Communities and the National Parliaments or
other deliberative organs to discuss matters of common
interest.
Regions would play a vital role in the Pan African
Parliament. The Working Group was of the view that it was not
necessary to formulate a Rule detailing the functioning of
regional caucuses within the PAP. However, there ought to be
an arrangement for regional caucuses to meet and discuss
issues, inter alia, with a view to formulating regional
positions on specific matters.
(6) Committees
Article 12(13) of the Protocol provides that the Pan African
Parliament may establish such committees as it deems fit for
the proper discharge of its functions and in accordance with
its Rules of Procedure.
The Working Group felt that particular in-house committees
would need to be established during the first session of the
PAP to facilitate the smooth running of the institution. These
committees could deal with issues such as
i) Rules of the PAP;
ii) the budget; and
iii) programming of business. The Working Group has
requested the Task Team to consider further the
specific functions of the proposed committees.
Rules would therefore be necessary to provide for the (i)
types of PAP committees ("In-house" and "Portfolio"); (ii)
Composition; (iii) Terms of Reference; (iv) Terms of Office;
(v) Quorums; (vi) Decision-making; (vii) Meetings; (viii)
Reporting (ix) Powers and Functions; and (x) Publication or
Disclosure of Proceedings, Evidence, Reports, etc.
A political management structure should be in place after the
election of the Bureau to ensure that the necessary support
was given to the new institution. It would be vital for the
Commission to give consideration to this question.
(7) Appointment of staff
The process of appointment of the Clerk and Deputy Clerk of
the PAP would need to be discussed at the Inaugural Session.
It was noted that as per the Protocol, the staff of the AU
Commission would support the Bureau until such time as the PAP
staff were appointed.
(8) Languages
Article 25 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union
states that the working languages of the Union and all its
institutions shall be, if possible, African languages, Arabic,
English, French and Portuguese.
Consideration should be given to the use at the PAP of Sign-
Language and Braille.
2. Fourth Seminar on the African Union
In its Eighth Report, the Working Group recommended that a
seminar be held before the end of the 2003 Parliamentary
session. To this end, the Working Group has agreed on the
following key objectives for the Seminar:
(i) To enhance the understanding of the Pan African Parliament
amongst Members of the South African Parliament;
(ii) To foster institutional engagement on the African Union
with particular reference to the Pan African Parliament;
and
(iii) To empower Members to have ongoing dialogue with the
people of South Africa and embark on public awareness
activities with respect to the Pan African Parliament.
The Working Group recommends that the Seminar be scheduled for 20
October 2003. Further, consideration should be given to inviting
certain individuals to participate in the Seminar as resource
people.
Report to be considered.
- The Speaker:
Correspondence from The Presidency dated 10 September 2003 addressed to
the Speaker of the National Assembly for the filling of vacancies in
the Public Service Commission:
Madame Speaker,
Public Service Commission: Filling of current and impending
vacancies
Five commissioners on the Public Service Commission are appointed
by the President in terms of section 196(7)(a) of the Constitution
of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996),
following the approval of the National Assembly after a public
notice process and a recommendation by a committee of the National
Assembly (herein referred to as national commissioners).
The terms of office of two national commissioners Mr J H Erntstzen
(Deputy Chairperson) and Dr E G Bain will expire on 31 December
2003 and the term of office of Prof S S Sangweni (Chairperson)
will expire on 30 June 2004. Currently there also exist two
vacancies in the Public Service Commission for national
commissioners.
In terms of section 4(1) of the Public Service Commission Act,
1997 (Act No 46 of 1997), I hereby request that five fit and
proper persons, as contemplated in section 196(10) of the
Constitution, be approved as soon as may be practicable by the
National Assembly in accordance with section 196(8)(a) of the
Constitution to enable the filling of -
(a) the two current vacancies for national commissioners;
(b) with effect from 1 January 2004, the two vacancies for
national commissioners, which will arise when the term of
office of commissioners, Mr J H Erntstzen (Deputy Chairperson)
and Dr E G Bain expires on 31 December 2003;
(c) with effect from 1 July 2004, the vacancy for a national
commissioner, which will arise when the term of office of
commissioner, Prof S S Sangweni (Chairperson), expires on 30
June 2004.
In view of the likely limited sittings in 2004 of the National
Assembly and the 2004 elections, it seems advisable that the
process in the National Assembly regarding the above-mentioned
vacancies be finalised before the end of the 2003 Parliamentary
session. I request that the names of the persons approved by the
National Assembly be forwarded to me by the end of November 2003.
If further information or assistance is required from the national
executive in this regard, please contact the Minister for the
Public Service and Administration, Ms G J Fraser-Moleketi.
Yours faithfully
THABO MBEKI
Referred to Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration
for consideration and report.
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
CREDA INSERT PAGES 1157-1173 - Insert ATK2309e
National Assembly:
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs on Petition of Royal Swazi Families, dated 17 September 2003:
The Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, having considered a Petition of the Royal Swazi Families (Bantfwabenkhosi) and Swazi Chiefs/Nation presiding in Traditional Swazi Areas, praying for Parliament to urge and encourage the South African Government to expedite the final determination of a border issue, is of the view that it has no locus standi or authority to consider the issues raised by the petitioners.
The Committee wishes also to draw attention the 1964 Cairo Resolution, adopted by the Organisation of African Unity’s Heads of State and Government meeting of that year. It is the opinion of the Committee that it would be preferable for the Executive to honour the letter and spirit of that resolution.
The Committee is further of the view that any consideration of the issues raised in the Petition must be preceded by transparent and full consultation of all South African citizens likely to be affected by it. While the Committee recognises the constitutional standing of traditional authorities, including the Swazi Royal Families, it recognises also that the constitutional rights to citizenship of South African citizens of Swazi ethnic origin take precedence.
In view of the above the Committee recommends that the petitioners be referred to the Executive, which has both the authority and the power to respond to the issues raised in the petition.
Report to be considered.
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