National Assembly - 25 September 2003
THURSDAY, 25 SEPTEMBER 2003 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:02.
The Chairperson of Committees took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.
The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! The Ministers for the first two questions are not in the House yet. I believe they are on their way. Could we proceed with the questions to the Economics Cluster. That is the Minister of Transport.
QUESTIONS AND REPLIES - see that book.
NOTICE OF MOTION Mr I J PRETORIUS: Deputy Chair, I hereby give notice that I shall move on behalf of the DA:
That the House -
(1) expresses its severe disapproval of the illegal and unethical practice by some in the ANC of purposely arranging for voters to register at addresses at which they are not permanently resident for purposes of inflating support during by-elections.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Thank you. Are there any further notices of motion?
Mrs R M SOUTHGATE: Sorry, Chairperson. I just want a point of clarity. Are we doing motions and statements now or after the debate?
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: The statements will be taken after the debate. Are there any motions without notice?
Mr S K LOUW: Sorry, Deputy Chairperson. The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Are you rising on a point of order?
Mr S K LOUW: Yes. In fact, we want to raise our objection to that motion of the DA.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: The question of the notice will be … It is a matter of notice, but the actual substance of it will be given consideration through the team, the technical team.
Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Chairman, this is a query to the ANC. On what grounds are they objecting? To stand up and say, ``We object to it,’’ without giving any reason for it doesn’t make any sense at all.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: In the normal course of events the notices that are given here are given further consideration. If, on a technical issue, any matter that is there does not pass muster then it is attended to. So that would be the normal course of events.
Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Chairman, I am not sure if the hon member from the ANC - the Whip from the ANC - thinks that we gave a motion without notice, or whether he is aware of the fact that it was just a motion that we were proposing today.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Yes, I think it is accepted that it was just a notice of motion. Thank you.
Are there any motions without notice? None.
PREPARING TO PARTICIPATE IN THE PAN-AFRICAN PARLIAMENT
(Subject for Discussion)
The SPEAKER: Deputy Chair, hon members, the Pan-African Parliament is no longer a matter for the distant future. It is no longer simply a concept or an idea about which Africa dreams and to which our people aspire. It is an immediate reality.
The Pan-African Parliament may very well be in session in four months’ time, namely in the first month of 2004 - in January. Now that is what the summit decided, and, as I will be reporting, there is a very strong possibility that that intention will actually be realised. Therefore this House can no longer afford to talk about it in the abstract - the debates can no longer be abstract. We will have to be taking decisions about important issues in the very immediate future, certainly in November if we are to meet in January.
As we are all aware, South Africa has offered to host the seat of the Pan- African Parliament. The African Union has not yet taken a decision on this, and I will come back to this later. The summit in Maputo accepted the recommendations of the meeting of African Parliaments that was held here in Cape Town on 30 June and 1 July. The summit underscored, firstly, the urgency of the entry into force of the protocol on the Pan-African Parliament and the importance of setting up this organ, which will ensure the effective and full participation of African peoples in the development and integration of the continent.
Secondly, it urged countries that had not done so to ratify the protocol before the end of this year in order to allow the parliament to meet before 31 January 2004. Last, but not least, it mandated the chairperson of the union, in consultation with the commission, to determine the beginning of the first term of the Pan-African Parliament. This mandate was given so that there would be no need to wait for the next summit in order to bring the parliament into being.
The pace of ratification has now speeded up considerably, and the required number is likely to be reached well before the end of October. The steering committee will be meeting on 9 October and 10 October, in other words in two weeks’ time, to assess the situation and to begin to discuss with the commission the feasibility of, and plans for, the inaugural session.
As hon members are aware, the members of the commission were agreed upon by the heads of state in Maputo and were sworn in at that time. Five of the 10 commissioners who were elected were women, as had been agreed. And I must say, on a personal level, that I was glad to see such targets actually achieved.
The former president of Mali, President Konare, was elected as the chairperson, and the honourable Julia Joiner was appointed as the African Union Commissioner for Political Affairs and will be directly responsible for the Pan-African Parliament. They took office last week and already each of them has separately indicated support for the early establishment of the Pan-African Parliament. I hope this House will congratulate them on their appointment.
Now, as I indicated, there has been no decision on the final seat, but in my view it would be very appropriate if the inaugural session of the Pan- African Parliament were held in Addis Ababa. It is where the organisation of the African Union was founded. It has been the headquarters of African unity in its broadest sense for nearly half a century and, of course, it is the headquarters of the African Union. But that is not something that will be determined by me or the steering committee. It will have to be determined under the mandate that has been given to President Chissano.
We have a tendency in this Parliament to defer decisions and await party caucus decisions, etc. The reality is that the Pan-African Parliament is not going to wait for us. It will be meeting whether we are ready or not. I want to stress this, because we are not going into a ready-made organisation, such as the IPU or any other association, which is already established, has its rules and where we go in and, while we influence changes, we have to accept what exists. We are going into an institution that is being shaped now, and we would be going in as foundation members. Therefore we have the opportunity to, and the challenge of, shaping that new institution.
Now it is not enough for people to say - and I’ve heard this said by our members - that we have the most marvellous Constitution. We are not going to be able to impose it on anybody. If we want any part of that Constitution to be reflected in the Pan-African Parliament and the way it functions, we are going to have to argue, to discuss, to promote those ideas and win support.
The question is: Are we ready; are we able to do that? I am really posing this as a serious question, because we have to make those very, very important decisions. For example, regarding the inaugural session - if it happens in January - we will have to elect five members from this Parliament. This means that in November, if not in October, we have to elect five members,
Have we decided on the criteria? Have we considered how those members will be chosen; and how we see them managing the process of spending two months of the year in the Pan-African Parliament while simultaneously carrying out their duties in this House? Has this been considered and worked out? On day one, members will have to take an oath. Have we agreed on an oath? What sorts of things do we believe should those members swear loyalty to? Again, this is a question on which we have to decide.
On that first day, there will be an election for five presiding officers, one from each of the regions. This means SADC will have to elect one person, which means that we have to caucus with SADC to see who our choice will be; and, more importantly also, but simultaneously, to consider with all the other regions who the five Africans are that we want to put in place as the president and the four vice presidents of the African Union. That is a decision that will be taken on day one.
The inaugural session will have to decide how it continues. What issues will it debate? Is it going to set up committees? All of these matters have to be decided. Are we going to have our members accountable, or are we going to get five members there to make the decisions?
Chairperson, may I appeal to you please that there are too many meetings. I know I am not up there, but as somebody standing here I appeal to you that if members wish not to pay attention, they should leave.
The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, please hon members! If you wish to participate in this, please be here, or, alternatively, you may want to take your business outside the Chamber.
The SPEAKER: As I indicated, these are extremely important issues. Are these five members whom we elect, however we elect them, going to make those decisions on their own? What mechanism are we setting up to give them mandates? How will we determine what those mandates will be? What structures are we setting up to hold them accountable? Because my understanding, when we agreed to the protocol, was that the South African Parliament, certainly, wanted its members to be accountable to it because Parliament would be electing the members.
The terms of office of these members will be until the election so that the new Parliament will have to elect five members anew. But this has implications for the type of parliament that is being set up. It will be a perpetual parliament; a self-generating parliament, because once it comes into being there will be no end of the term. New members will come in from different countries when members whose terms have expired have left. So those first months will be very, very crucial in terms of making decisions, because that will continue - that shape, that framework that is being set up there. Later on it will be much more difficult to change. Therefore, again, we need to be clear that we have a say in that.
Now the parliament will not immediately be a law-making body, but then what is it going to do? It needs, in my view, to foster regional integration, it needs to consolidate democracy, it needs to and must play a role in bringing peace and resolving conflicts on this continent. So these are amongst the things that one would have to do. Again, how is it going to do that? We have Nepad, which has been agreed. Is that new parliament going to have any role in it? A number of organs that will be established will be accountable and report to the Pan-African Parliament.
Therefore we need to be sure when we constitute the Pan-African Parliament that there will be a way, a mechanism in place, for these different organs to report and be held accountable, otherwise their reports will simply be rhetoric, or just tabled not for consideration.
I want to end by making reference to our offer to host the seat. As I indicated, that has not been determined yet, and it would await a meeting of the summit. But I want to express the view which we discussed in the working group that, firstly, we do not believe the Pan-African Parliament, wherever it is, should function in the shadow of a national parliament, and that includes us. If the Pan-African Parliament is in South Africa, it has got to be an institution that is accountable to Africa. It is not to be monitored or stewarded by this institution. I personally want to suggest, again in terms of the proposal that has been put forward, that it should meet once in each of the five regions of the continent in the first few years. This is so that there is an ownership across the board, regardless of where the seat is. The protocol allows that.
Then, it needs also, in my view, to be an African building. All the parliaments of this continent that I have seen have imitated other parliaments, mostly West European. I would suggest that we consider things, such as a competition of African architects in order to have a building that has this vision of the Renaissance and unity that we all talk about. If we walk in this building, different parts of it have been constructed increasingly of South African materials. Originally they were all British. This last building has one foreign component - maybe members will identify it. All the others are South African.
The Pan-African Parliament must be constructed of African material. It must, in its gardens and its ambience, reflect the diversity of the continent. But that’s not enough - that will be a physical environment. What fills that building will be shaped, in part, by what we do. I think that is the kind of challenge that we face in the next few months. I know we are all focused on the challenges of the elections we are facing, but I would put it to you - and this may sound like heresy - that another election will come in five years, but another opportunity to create a totally new parliament for our continent will not come in five years. It is taking place, certainly, in under five months. I thank you. [Applause.]
Ms F HAJAIG: Deputy Chair, comrades and colleagues, yesterday we celebrated Heritage Day in South Africa. With our vision of an African Renaissance we hope to see, in the not-too-distant future, the celebration of the heritage of Africa in all its diversity, right across every country in Africa.
The reason for this debate today is to familiarise ourselves, as members of Parliament and as representatives of the people of South Africa, with what the issues are and report back to our constituencies so that the people at grass roots can be part and parcel of the process in the establishment of various organs of the African Union.
Despite the good work of the Organisation for African Unity one of the glaring mistakes was the top-down approach, namely the absence of participation of parliaments and civil society in all deliberations of the OAU. We need to know what the African Union is, what it seeks to do and why we need the Pan-African Parliament. What is the role of the Pan-African Parliament? How will the Pan-African Parliament contribute towards the realisation of the aspirations of the African peoples for greater unity, solidarity and cohesion that transcends the gender, cultural, ideological, ethnic, religious and national diversities of Africa?
As you know, the Pan-African Parliament is one of the organs that need to be established according to the Constitutive Act of the African Union. The protocol relating to the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament will soon have sufficient ratifications from member states so that the Pan- African Parliament can, indeed, be established. As the Speaker has mentioned, the probable date for the inaugural plenary is expected to be sometime in January 2004.
We need the Pan-African Parliament so that the voice of the African people can be heard. We come from different traditions so we need to hear each other, take decisions according to what is best practice and take them back to our national parliaments for debate.
The preamble of the protocol says in one of its articles that the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament needs to be informed by a vision to provide a common platform for African peoples, and their grass- roots organisations need to be involved in discussions and decision-making on the problems and challenges facing our continent.
Article 3 of the protocol outlines nine objectives. These objectives are: to facilitate the effective implementation of the policies and objectives of the African Union; to promote the principles of human rights and democracy in Africa; to encourage good governance, transparency and accountability in member states; to familiarise the peoples of Africa with objectives and policies aimed at integrating the African continent within the framework of the establishment of the African Union; to promote peace, security and stability; to contribute to a more prosperous future for the peoples of Africa by promoting collective self-reliance and economic recovery; to facilitate co-operation and development in Africa; to strengthen continental solidarity and build a sense of common destiny among the peoples of Africa; and lastly, but not least, to facilitate co- operation among regional economic communities and the parliamentary fora.
To fulfil the above objectives is no mean task but a long-term vision is necessary. Prof Cyril Ndebele, in this regard, says the following:
The Pan-African Parliament should provide a common platform for these ideals and for agreeing on strategies for development. It should also play a significant role in the harmonisation of laws and codes for Africa. This will prove a major challenge because parliamentarians will first have to build trust among themselves, a process that cannot take place overnight. It is important that the process through which consensus is reached builds on what unites Africans, rather than on the differences among us.
The Pan-African Parliament can play a meaningful role in promoting and consolidating democracy. The Universal Declaration on Democracy urges parliaments to be guided by certain principles. I would like to quote principles 3 and 4 in this regard. Principle 3 says:
As an ideal, democracy aims essentially to preserve and promote the dignity and fundamental rights of the individual; to achieve social justice; foster the economic and social development of the community; strengthen the cohesion of society and enhance social tranquility …
Principle 4 continues to say:
The achievement of democracy presupposes a genuine partnership between men and women in the conduct of affairs of society in which they work in equality and complementarity, drawing mutual enrichment from their differences.
This brings us back to the protocol where one of the articles there says that at least one out of five parliamentarians should be a woman. But I think that after the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament, we need to revisit this article. South Africa has taken a particularly courageous stand in ensuring that three out of five of the delegation will be women. But I do think that we need to do a lot of work in the rest of Africa to promote this. The PAP can play a meaningful role in elections in member states and can assist countries to resolve differences. In this regard, the Peer Review Mechanism and the Pan-African Parliament should have a linkage.
Article 3(5) requires the Pan-African Parliament to promote peace, security and stability. But, neither the protocol nor the Constitutive Act provides the enabling means for the Pan-African Parliament to, indeed, do this. I think that article 11 as a whole should be revisited. However, the Pan- African Parliament, as a representative of all African peoples, will be better positioned to make a positive impact in terms of influencing various national parliamentary programmes of member states and promoting respect for human rights; spare no efforts to prevent armed conflicts by identifying and analysing the causes with a view to finding solutions; secure contributions for humanitarian relief in cases of emergency; and will use parliamentary diplomacy to promote peace on an ongoing basis.
According to Prof Bathily, the vision of the Pan-African Parliament must define the future and vision for Africa. Various countries and regions have set their own development visions. The vision for Africa includes increased political, economic and cultural integration. The fruits of development should be shared more equally among all African peoples.
The Pan-African Parliament will have to evaluate the various value systems and rework some of these systems, and thus reconcile this diversity which, ideally, is needed for a unified continent. Once agreement has been reached, these agreements must be translated into legislation - which can only happen after five years - which will ensure that the changes that the Pan-African Parliament seeks to effect can be enforced.
Members of the Pan-African Parliament should take these values back to their national parliaments and ensure that, through their own parliamentary work, the needs and opinions of their own people are heard at the level of the Pan-African Parliament. This interaction will be important to ensure the broad participation of the ordinary African in the Pan-African Parliament. I would like, very briefly, to examine the role of the Pan-African Parliament in defining positions taken at multilateral fora such as the World Trade Organisation, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The Pan-African Parliament must discuss how globalisation affects the livelihoods of the people and the quality of their lives. How will the Pan- African Parliament promote Nepad? How can the programmes of PAP improve the quality of life and push back the frontiers of poverty?
President Thabo Mbeki, at a meeting of the African Central Bank Governors in 2001, summed it up very nicely when he said:
When we speak of an African Renaissance, we speak of ending poverty and underdevelopment on our continent and redefining the building of a better life for the ordinary people of South Africa, especially the poor.
I think that the question of funding the Pan-African Parliament is a very important one. It needs adequate funding to carry out its mandate successfully. To be truly independent, the Pan-African Parliament has to be self-sufficient. There are a number of options that need to be examined in the light of the diverse economies of Africa.
Lastly, this is an appeal: We have a wealth of expertise from Africa sitting in other countries all over the world. These experts need to join hands with governments, parliaments and nongovernmental organisations to assist us to reach our millennium goals and in, indeed, make this an African century. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr C W EGLIN: Mr Deputy Chairperson, I think it was well that the Speaker introduced this debate, because she gave us an insight, not only as a Speaker but as the Chairperson of the steering committee set up by the commission to see that when we meet, whenever we do meet, that body is going to be able to function properly. So, if she seemed unduly nervous today about the progress that is being made, it was not as the Speaker but as chairperson of the steering committee.
Of course, what we have been talking about for so long is actually going to happen. I think it’s important that we should look at the Pan-African Parliament because, in the first instance, it’s not going to meet in its final form. It’s going to commence in a substantial form, but with certain interim arrangements, and it’s important that we should understand this and the vision for the longer-term future.
There are two distinct features of this particular phase. It says, in Article 2 of the protocol that the Pan-African Parliament shall have consultative and advisory powers only. So, at this stage, that is a feature. Secondly, it says that during the interim period member states shall be represented by an equal number of five parliamentarians, at least one of whom must be a woman appointed by parliament.
In the final phase, article 2 says that the ultimate aim of the Pan-African Parliament shall be to evolve into an institution with full legislative powers, and whose members are elected by universal adult suffrage. So, we are entering under interim conditions, but I think we must have before us the vision of the future as defined in the protocol in Article 2. There is another interesting provision in the protocol which will have a bearing on the nature of the debates that take place and, indeed, on the character of the Pan-African Parliament.
Article 6 says that the parliamentarians shall have their vote in their personal and independent capacity. That raises an issue which Madam Speaker raised also, of the question of mandates, performance and recall. However, as we are about to enter this critical formative period of that Parliament, I think we should understand the primary role that that Pan-African Parliament is required to play.
To see this final role, we have got to go back to article 17 of the
Constitutive Act of the African Union. In order to ensure the full
participation of African peoples'', and I underline
of African peoples’’,
``in the economic integration of the continent, a Pan-African Parliament
shall be established’’.
Article 2 says that the Pan-African Parliamentarians shall represent not only states, but all the peoples of Africa. It’s further emphasised in the preamble to the protocol, which says:
Further noting that the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament is informed by the vision to provide a common platform for the African people and their grassroots organisations to be more involved in the discussions and the decision-making on the problems and the challenges of the continent.
Thus I believe that the primary responsibility of this new Parliament has to do with people, not with regions, not with states, not with governments and not with political parties, but with the people of Africa.
Amongst the hierarchy of organisations that exists in the AU, I believe that this Pan-African Parliament is the organ that is specifically mandated to provide, at the moment, the missing link between the African Union and people, on the one hand, and conversely, the people of Africa with the African Union.
We will soon be participating in the Pan-African Parliament during the interim period of its existence. How we conduct ourselves during this formative phase will impact on whether the Pan-African Parliament turns out to be an instrument serving the people of Africa or whether it evolves into a congenial talk-shop pandering to the whims of the continent’s political elite.
It will be pointed out that the Pan-African Parliament has no executive power and that, at this stage, it has no legislative power, but this does not preclude the members of the Pan-African Parliament from using that Parliament provided by the protocol to speak out against corruption, against injustice, against the abuse of power and against the disregard of human rights. Neither does it require members of that Parliament from calling for action against governments that violate the very principles to which all member states of the African Union are bound. Nor does it prevent the Pan-African Parliament from putting forward constructive proposals for dealing with the problems and promoting the welfare of the people of the continent.
When the power of the Pan-African Parliament is defined in a formalistic way, it’s true that this power is limited. However, when one considers the reality of power in a holistic way, and by this I mean the power to influence, the power to persuade, the power to mobilise and the power to lead, then one realises that the potential power in the hands of the Pan- African Parliament and its members is very great indeed.
I believe that if regionalism, nationalism, party loyalty or personalities are put first, the Pan-African Parliament will fail in its historic mission, but if the interests of the people are put first, courageously and, may I say, caringly, the Pan-African Parliament will play a meaningful role in the future of our continent.
Regrettably, at the moment, the African Union and even Nepad seem to be somewhat remote from the people. Both of these organisations and this programme have acquired a top-down character. To ordinary citizens, the AU consists of some bureaucrats in Addis Ababa and a periodic summit of presidents at some venue in Africa. I believe that the Pan-African Parliament can do much to change this, but that can only happen when the people see that the members of the Pan-African Parliament are championing their cause, dealing with their needs and articulating their hopes and their aspirations. It can only happen when the AU and its organs are seen by the people of Africa to be relevant to their lives and to their wellbeing.
In a few months’ time, Madam Speaker said probably in January, five members of our Parliament will become members of the Pan-African Parliament. I believe it’s going to be an onerous task. How you are going to be a member of Parliament and fulfil your functions in this House and your mandate from your people here, and also be a member of the Pan-African Parliament and do justice to that particular demand is something that I don’t quite know how it is going to happen and how it’s going to work.
However, for all that, I believe that whatever happens elsewhere, the members of Parliament who go and become members of the Pan-African Parliament that we nominate will lead by example. By furiously putting the interests of the people first, they will help to fashion the Pan-African Parliament into an organisation which can make a difference to the lives of the people on our continent.
Mrs L R MBUYAZI: Thank you, Chairperson. Firstly, I want to examine the African Union and Pan-African Parliament, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, or Nepad, and the African Peer Review Mechanism. What and where are they interconnecting?
I’ll start off with the AU and the PAP. The Constitutive Act of 11 July 2000 proclaimed the establishment of the African Union and proceeded to set out the constitution. It then identified the objectives of the Union, 14 in all, and 16 principles. It identified the nine organs of the Union. One of them, and third on the list, is the Pan-African Parliament, which ranks behind the Assembly of the Union and the Executive Council. The Pan-African Parliament is a necessary and crucial organ of the Union.
Before I further on the Pan-African Parliament, I just want to remind hon members that members of the European Parliament were initially chosen by the national parliaments, but in 1979 the first direct elections were held allowing the citizens of the member states to vote for candidates of their choice. Since then elections have been held every five years. They have one single currency. The European Parliament has 626 members. The number of members per state is laid down in the treaty.
With regard to the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament, as the Speaker has rightly said, the summit in Maputo has urged all countries to ratify the protocol and deposit the instruments of ratification by 31 December 2003. What does this mean to us? The Speaker has also asked if we were ready. I’m saying we need to prepare ourselves thoroughly in advance. Here I just want to thank the Speaker and her office and the Deputy Speaker for spearheading the working group and also for starting to popularise the Pan-African Parliament. That is why we are having this debate today.
Caucuses must then keep the Pan-African Parliament on their agendas. We need to look into the composition of the delegation and also the election of delegates. Parties should now consider the process regarding the nomination of candidates and whether the process should be a secret ballot. About the mandate, who will give the mandates to these people who will be representing us in the Pan-African Parliament? With regard to the oath, as the Speaker has rightly asked, are we supposed to amend the oath or not, because if we decide to take a second oath it means we will be minimising the oath that we normally take when becoming members of this Parliament.
Coming to the process regarding the recall of delegates, article 5(4) of the protocol provides that the seat of a member of the PAP shall become vacant if he or she is recalled by his or her national parliament or other deliberative organ. It means that if we get started with the PAP in January, those members who are elected to it will only serve for two months before being recalled because of the general election, but the other members of the Pan-African Parliament will continue.
How will the PAP assist the communities and Africa as a continent? Any vision of the PAP has to be relevant to Africa’s problems and the role of the African Union and Nepad in addressing those problems. It must play a meaningful role in addressing Africa’s problems.
Regarding the regional caucuses, the draft PAP rules formally establish the regional caucuses as a mechanism. If multinational, cross-border parties develop in the Pan-African Parliament as they have in the European Parliament, could they compete with the formalised regional caucus for power and influence? If this happened, it would be necessary to reconsider this aspect and possibly amend the relevant rules.
The Pan-African Parliament will play an important role in providing a forum for African people to make their views known through their parliamentary representatives. The PAP should also include an oversight function. It should also make more effective use of various radio station and television broadcasts to popularise its work and to disseminate the relevant information.
The PAP would therefore have to translate its oversight role into the monitoring of African governments individually or collectively addressing poverty. A vision of the PAP has to be relevant, practical and implementable through a set of mission objectives that would include providing a forum for the voice of the people to be heard and for the real monitoring of poverty relief projects and programmes.
Let me briefly touch on the Nepad and the African Peer Review Mechanism. The Nepad initiative has been successfully marketed outside the African continent, especially with the G8 countries. Today it is recognised that the vision contained in the Nepad initiative stands no chance of succeeding unless the popular masses in their diversity truly appreciate it, going beyond governments, bureaucrats, institutions and foreign partners.
We need a mechanism to popularise Nepad. We cannot deny the fact that Nepad is not known. It is a big term, but it has not yet gone down to the people so that they could interpret in their own way what it really is. What does this mean to the ordinary person on the ground?
The African Peer Review Mechanism is an entirely voluntary process. The AU member states are free to decide whether or not to accede to it. The African Peer Review Mechanism will assist all participating countries to measure their success in implementing the priorities and programmes of Nepad by being focused on mutually agreed objectives and through compliance with best practice in each of the following areas: democracy and political governance, economic governance and management, corporate governance and socioeconomic development.
The APRM can no doubt make a significant contribution to defending the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the African Union member states, and contribute towards achieving greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and African people. Those are the objectives stated in article 3(a) and (b) of the Constitutive Act.
The IFP wishes to see the popularisation of the following: the Nepad, the African Union, the Pan-African Parliament and the African Peer Review Mechanism. Civil society needs this information and there is no need for us to withhold it from the masses. [Time expired.]
Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Chairperson, I agree fully with the previous speaker; thanks to the able leadership of our Speaker and Deputy Speaker we are, in my view, as ready as can be to participate in the Pan-African Parliament, despite the issues raised by our Speaker when she addressed the House. Without their tireless efforts the Pan-African Parliament would have remained nothing more than a concept in a protocol gathering dust somewhere in obscurity, and both of them deserve a statue in the entrance hall of the Pan-African Parliament-to-be.
Five members of this Parliament, three of whom will be women, will represent South Africa in the Pan-African Parliament, but in order to enhance multiparty democracy on the continent it would be a good idea if two members could come from opposition parties.
There is only one obstacle regarding our participation in the Pan-African Parliament. Now, I have been a bit out of touch with the business of the working group owing to other obligations, but to the best of my knowledge the protocol establishing the Pan-African Parliament still needs to be ratified by five more parliaments before it can enter into force. As at 2 September 2003, only 22 out of 53 countries have ratified the protocol. Ratification by a simple majority, though, is required before the protocol can enter into force, and hopefully this will happen before the term of this Parliament expires next year.
I pin my hopes on the Pan-African Parliament to promote and strengthen the practice of democracy on this continent. Democracy entails much more than merely having elections every four or five years. I think the counting is just as important as the voting. What I’m saying is that many African countries present themselves as multiparty democracies, but unfortunately, only a few are worthy of the title.
Within the context of Nepad - and many other speakers have pointed it out - the African Union decided to monitor the state of governance amongst themselves with a view to promoting good governance on the continent, and that is exactly what the Pan-African Parliament should do. It should monitor the state of democracy amongst themselves with a view to strengthening democratic principles on the continent. This in turn necessitates the development of a measure by which the extent of democracy in a state can be evaluated, and I’m proud to say that the New NP has done precisely that.
Sourced from the United Nations Human Development Report, the New NP has identified indicators against which the extent of democracy in a country could be measured. You can read all about it in a booklet called Freedom in Africa - At a Glance. If you buy one you will also strengthen the funds of the New NP and it contains valuable information. [Interjections.] The aforesaid indicators are: regular elections that are free and fair; levels of literacy; women’s equality; freedom of association; freedom of the press; the extent of military involvement in politics; the extent of minority rights; the decentralisation of government; the freedoms enjoyed by political parties; and the separation of the powers of government.
Getoets aan hierdie maatstawwe vir demokrasie blyk dit dat slegs vier van Afrika se 53 state as ten volle vry en demokraties verklaar kan word, naamlik Namibië, Suid-Afrika, Zambië en Botswana. Elf state geniet ‘n redelike mate van vryheid. In 18 state word vryheid beperk. Daar is 11 state waarin vryheid aansienlik beperk word, en nege state waarin vryheid heeltemal onderdruk word.
Kan ek net vinnig twee lande met mekaar vergelyk. Zimbabwe kry nul uit 10 vir persvryheid, 38 uit 100 vir die algemene stand van die demokrasie en beklee die 42ste plek op die demokratiese ranglys in Afrika. Suid-Afrika kry 10 uit 10 vir persvryheid, 98 uit 100 vir die algemene stand van die demokrasie en beklee die eerste plek op die demokratiese ranglys in die kontinent. Demokrasie het nog ‘n lang pad om te loop op die kontinent en hopelik sal die Pan-Afrika-parlement die proses versnel. Dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Measured by these standards for democracy it is clear that only four of the 53 states of Africa can be declared as being fully free and democratic; namely Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Botswana. Eleven states enjoy a reasonable degree of freedom. Freedom is restricted in 18 states. There are 11 states in which freedom is considerably restricted and nine states in which freedom is completely repressed.
May I just quickly compare two states. Zimbabwe gets 0 out of 10 for press freedom, 38 out of 100 for the general state of democracy and holds 42nd place on the democratic rating list of Africa. South Africa gets 10 out of 10 for press freedom, 98 out of 100 for the general state of the democracy and holds first place on the democratic rating list of the continent. Democracy still has a long way to go on the continent and hopefully the Pan- African Parliament will accelerate the process. Thank you.] Mr O BAPELA: Chairperson, let me begin by quoting from some of the writings of some of our greatest leaders. In 1892, 111 years ago, one of the founders of the ANC, the Rev John Langalibalele Dube, in his published pamphlet entitled ``A Talk Upon My Native Land’’ said:
Oh! How I long for that day when darkness and gloom shall have passed
away, because the Sun of Righteousness has risen with healing in His
hand''. This shall be the dawning of a brighter day for the people of
Africa ... Then shall Africa take her place as a nation among nations,
then shall her sons and daughters sing aloud:
Let us arise and shine,
for our light has come. The glory of the Lord has arisen upon us.’’
In 1906, six years before the ANC was formed, yet another founder of the ANC, Pixley ka Isaka Seme, said:
I am an African, and I set my pride in my race over against a hostile public opinion. The brighter day is rising upon Africa. Already I seem to see her chains dissolved, her desert plains red with harvest, her Abyssinia and Zululand the seats of science and religion, reflecting the glory of the rising sun from the spires of their churches and universities. Her Congo and her Gambia whitened with commerce, her crowned cities sending forth the hum of business, and all her sons …
And daughters -
… employed in advancing the victories of peace, greater and more abiding than the spoils of war. Yes, the regeneration of Africa belongs to this new and powerful period!
The regeneration of Africa means that a new and unique civilisation is soon to be added to the world … The most essential departure of this new civilisation is that it will be thoroughly spiritual and humanistic - indeed a regeneration moral and eternal.
These prophetic words of wisdom from the two heroes of our revolution speak volumes as we witness the rebirth of the African continent and as it takes its rightful position among the nations of the world.
We witnessed the birth of the African Union in July 2002 in Durban which, coincidentally, is in the province of KwaZulu-Natal where Rev John Langalibalele Dube and Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme came from.
Other organs of the AU are being established and today we are, as South
Africa, preparing ourselves and our country to participate in the Pan-
African Parliament, the PAP, and not pap'' as others are already
referring to it, although not with bad insinuations.
Pap’’ is an
Afrikaans word for porridge, it is the staple food of Africa, and the PAP
will be a stable foundation of Africa. [Laughter.]
Today’s debate is aimed at educating members and the public, you the people of South Africa, about this new important institution, the Pan-African Parliament. The protocol of the PAP envisages the establishment of the Pan- African Parliament as one of the organs of the African Economic Community; but ultimately, it is an organ of the African Union.
As the vision was outlined by the hon Fatima Hajaig and Madam Speaker earlier, I would like to emphasise that the PAP provides a common platform for African people and their grass-roots organisations to be more involved in the discussions and decision-making on the problems and challenges facing Africa.
The process of the protocol of the Pan-African Parliament, which we have ratified as this Parliament, is part of a process to further consolidate the aspirations of the African people for greater unity, solidarity and cohesion in a larger community; transcending cultural, ideological, ethnic, religious and national differences. This is in line with article 14 of the treaty establishing the African Economic Community, which states that the objective of the Pan-African Parliament will be to ensure that the people of Africa are fully involved in the economic development and integration of the continent.
From the outset, the PAP will not have legislative powers or functions, but this will not reduce its influence, importance, strategic function and role in the affairs and challenges of the continent. In its first five years, after entry into force of the protocol on the Pan-African Parliament, it is envisaged that a conference of all states’ parties will be held to review its operation and effectiveness; and the system of representation in the Pan-African Parliament, including, its legislative powers thereafter. For example, the PAP can request the attendance and ask questions of the African Union officials, but it will not have the power to subpoena them.
Whilst the protocol on the Pan-African Parliament does confer specific oversight, it could possibly exercise powers through the instruments relating to these institutions. For example, it is significant to note that the protocol relating to the establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union requires the council to maintain close working relations with the Pan-African Parliament.
Further, the Peace and Security Council must, when the Pan-African Parliament so requests, submit reports to the PAP in order to facilitate the discharge by the Pan-African Parliament of its responsibilities relating to the maintenance of peace, security and stability in Africa.
Without boring you with all the technicalities, I will point out the importance of the institution and the progress made thus far. As the hon Geldenhuys indicated, already the parliaments of 22 countries - you are definitely correct, hon Geldenhuys - have ratified and deposited their protocols with the AU. Many informed us during the recent workshop held here in Cape Town in the July recess that they would ratify by the end of September, while others have informed us that they will ratify by December
- We only need 25 to 27 ratifications in order to achieve our simple majority of countries that will have ratified in their respective parliaments.
I must say that progress was achieved, and we will certainly be ready to launch the Pan-African Parliament in the first half of 2004. We can say with certainty here that by the time the third session of the AU meets in July 2004, the PAP will be up and running.
Regarding current challenges, as indicated and will be indicated by other speakers and also as elaborated in the eighth and ninth reports of the African Union Working Group which are in circulation, there are a number of challenges with which we still need to deal. Members have alluded to the appointment of members to serve in the Pan-African Parliament. How are we going to be doing that? The procedures need to be developed. Also, the African Working Group has already drafted rules for the Pan-African Parliament which, we hope, will be in circulation soon so that members can familiarise themselves with those particular rules. These are the rules that we will be sharing with the other parliaments.
Article 3 also says that at least one of the representatives of a member state’s delegation to the Pan-African Parliament must be a woman. Note - and I repeat - one of the delegates appointed by a respective national parliament must be a woman. They only speak of one. However, as South Africa we have made a proposal, which was accepted by all the parliaments in Africa, that instead of one woman, we should have two within the delegations. However, we informed other national parliaments in Africa that as South Africa we had taken a decision that out of the five delegates we would be selecting, three would be women. So, we have gone a step further.
The rules, as in draft form, must exist in terms of article 12 and the rules of procedure on the basis of the two-thirds majority of all members. We need, therefore, to familiarise ourselves with those particular rules.
With the existence of the Pan-African Parliament, the new challenges that come with it will be the regional caucuses and the establishment of regional parliaments. Already there is reference to that effect - East Africa has an assembly which is a regional parliament. Research is being undertaken to look at their model and also to start discussion in the SADC region to convert, if this is agreed to, the SADC Parliamentary Forum or Parliament into a new regional parliament. Soon after the PAP is launched and established, these regional parliaments will be important building blocks to strengthen the PAP.
As I conclude my input, I would like to urge members to be knowledgeable about these continental developments, such as the African Union, its decisions and all its organs; the role of organs such as the PAP that we are debating today; the African Peer Review Mechanism; the Peace and Security Council; Nepad; and soon-to-be-established organs such as the African Development Bank; the African Justice Court; the Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the AU, etc. Africa has its own challenges and, as all of you know, a number of conflicts still exist in some parts of Africa in this 21st century, which has been declared the African Century. I was one of those who recently visited southern Sudan courtesy of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation and I interacted with the people who are affected by the longest war. Currently, there is a ceasefire fortunately and resumption of negotiations, in the hope that those negotiations will yield results.
The Chairman of the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement, Dr John Garang, whom we met for an hour, said that southern Sudan, since creation, has never had an asphalt or tar road. It is exactly like that, and that is what we saw - no tar roads, underdevelopment, no electricity, a 94% illiteracy rate, harsh poverty conditions, and children walking around naked without clothes.
Other conflict areas would include the Great Lakes Region and what is referred to as ``the conflict belt’’, that is the DRC, Burundi, Somalia, the Ivory Coast, Liberia, etc. This year, 2003, we have witnessed three coup d’états in the Central African Republic, Sao Tomé e Principe, and about two weeks ago, in Guinea-Bissau.
Other challenges remain - that is underdevelopment, lack of development, poor infrastructure, weak economies, debt, poverty, disease and malnutrition, most of which are not of their own making. Our task is to see and realise, through the PAP, the noble goals of Nepad and the unity of our people on the continent for a better life.
For the Pan-African Parliament to be relevant to the people of the continent, it must become the voice of the people. It should not shy away from raising, boldly, issues affecting our people, obviously backed up with facts and on behalf of the people, and it should deal with them. A failure to rise to this challenge will mean the PAP being seen as irrelevant, unimportant and failing in its obligations.
Africa must, through the PAP, build democracy, have good governance, and ensure respect for human rights and that all governments respect their people’s enshrined rights. We are looking forward to the birth of the Pan- African Parliament and, as public representatives, we should pronounce on this institution and popularise it amongst our people. However, in order for this to happen, we must equip ourselves as members with the African Renaissance philosophy and vision, embrace African unity and take pride in ourselves as Africans. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs R M SOUTHGATE: Mr Chairman, every effort must be made to have the protocol ratified by all member states as soon as possible.
The ACDP suggests that delegates elected for representation within the Pan- African Parliament should not be determined by majority party representation within respective national parliaments. This will allow for greater accountability and openness within the AU structures.
We also suggest that only delegates who have been duly elected by their people should hold office within the PAP. Further, we suggest that no member of a political party should enjoy representation within the PAP when representation in a respective country was acquired through a military coup, despotic governance or a one-party state.
The provision that members will have a limited period to serve in the PAP should be welcomed. This further endorses our position that members in the PAP will be drawn from elected members whose membership was attained through the process of elections within member states. In other words, where countries do not hold free and fair elections, membership in the PAP should not be allowed.
The authority of delegates within the PAP should be exercised with reasonable freedom, without undue influence from their individual countries. However, where the decisions of the PAP are in contradiction with the interests of member states, delegates should be given the opportunity to express this through the various mechanisms provided within the PAP. In other words, country delegates serving on the PAP should be able to petition on behalf of their respective countries in cases of disputes with either the PAP or a neighbouring country. However, the deliberations and powers of the PAP should remain independent of any member state.
It is not necessary that members of Parliament should be required to take an oath in their national parliaments showing support for the AU. Only those delegates who serve on the PAP will be required to do so. The reason for this is that South Africa should, at all times, be both supportive and vigilant of the deliberations that go on within the PAP. Therefore, the Houses of the member states of the AU will be able to operate with an agreed amount of independence.
The ACDP will support further deliberations on these issues. Thank you. [Time expired.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Chairperson, as other members including the Speaker, have already said, there is a whole range of matters around which this House, this Parliament and the country have to take positions on in order that our inputs should be very clear in terms of the creation of the Pan- African Parliament, possibly in January 2004.
I’d like to just take the opportunity in the time I have to tease out some of them or add to any that would already have been raised. This is because we need to use the opportunity we have, through the Speaker being the chairperson of the steering committee which is assisting the AU commission, to lead the preparations. We also need to inform, or to make our inputs to our Department of Foreign Affairs so that, as it participates in the processes at all levels, it is informed, also, by our own views on these matters.
The first issue I’d like to raise is the one that has already been raised about party representation in our own delegation of five. If you look at the eighth report, which is before us, there are certain options which have been put before us on how to approach this matter. I just want to propose that as parties are expected to be considering these matters between now and when we come back - and as this Parliament puts these matters before a committee and finally brings them to a plenary to take firm positions - they must be very clear what it is that they are proposing. So there are options which are in the eighth report, and I hope that members have looked at those.
The next issue is one on the representation of the two Houses. With regard to that, I want to point out that there are two difficult issues that we need to reconcile. The first one is an approach we got from a legal opinion which said that given the fact that foreign affairs is a national competency, the National Council of Provinces, being a House of provinces, would therefore not have a role to play in this regard. So that is one issue.
The second issue - and we got the latest legal opinion last Tuesday - points out that according to the protocol, it is, in fact, parliaments of the member states which are expected to decide on their members who are going to sit as Pan-African parliamentarians. In the case of South Africa, Parliament consists of the two Houses. We need to sort out this issue of how we approach this particular matter so that by the time we have to decide on our delegation - and I want to venture to say that this can’t be later than November because that would be the last session of this Parliament this year - we are clear on how we deal with that.
The next issue is the question of the election of South African members of the Pan-African Parliament. The issue has already been raised by speakers before me, but I just want to raise, specifically, the actual process in each of the Houses. Let’s say, for instance, that we decide that both Houses are going to be represented. [Interjections.] Don’t disturb me, Colin.
Now, chapter four of our Constitution, in relation to joint sittings, says that the President may summon a joint sitting for any business. There is such a provision in the Constitution. So, for instance, we could ask the President to summon such a joint sitting so that we, as a Parliament, can deal with the issue of who we are sending to represent us at the Pan- African Parliament.
However, the challenge that we face is contained in our own Rules, as well as in the Constitution, actually. This is because the Rules, in fact, say that we cannot have a decision or a vote at a joint sitting. A joint sitting is not allowed to take a vote or a decision. So, how can we have a joint sitting where we collectively decide on the delegation?
Now, there are thoughts about how we could do that. One of the thoughts that has been put forward is that perhaps we could have a joint sitting where each of the Houses separately, one after the other, takes the decision to send the delegation consisting of the same names. Those are the things that we have to look at before we actually deal with this matter.
The other issue that has already been raised is one relating to the election of the office bearers of the Pan-African Parliament - one who would be president and the four who would be the vice presidents, coming from each of the five regions of Africa.
Now the questions are: How do we start the processes at a national level? Who determines whether, in fact, as a country we are putting forward a nominee - what determines that? We have actually asked Foreign Affairs to please guide us on these matters, as they have more experience on how these processes normally get initiated and how they unfold.
The other issue is: Within the region, what is the process and who co- ordinates that process? Is there a role for the two members of the steering committee that come from the regions? This is because the steering committee consists of 10 people - two from each of the five regions of Africa. At the SADC level we have South Africa and Botswana as the two members of the steering committee from SADC. Is there a role for them in terms of co-ordinating this process that must unfold? This is because, if you look at the time we have, we are only left with three months before these processes have to be sorted out.
At the same time, there is a concern that the process should be as tidy as possible politically. We are all politicians and we know how sensitive the issue of elections is. I’m quite sure that for this side of the House especially, with the list processes that are unfolding, it is a very, very sensitive time.
This is just as sensitive even at regional and continental levels. In fact, if people tell you about the election of the commissioners who have now been appointed by the Maputo Summit, you will know how sensitive these issues are. This is because there is competition - everybody wants to be the successful candidate, every country wants to make sure that its own nominee is the one that is successful. So the question is: How do you co- ordinate and manage that process in a manner that is the least bruising? Competitions in politics are the most bruising and nightmarish processes I know in my own limited experience. The other question is whether, in that process, there is a role for the regional parliaments. Of course, in our case, we only have the parliamentary forum. We don’t have a regional parliament. Is there a role for them in co-ordinating this issue?
Finally, when our people get to the venue of the inaugural session - that is the last phase of this election process - what happens there? There definitely is a role for regional caucuses, because within each region there must be an agreement on the one name that is going to be forwarded, either as the president or one of the deputy presidents.
The other question that arises is: Where do we determine which region is going to give us the president, or which regions are going to give us the first, second, third and fourth vice presidents? These are all very sensitive issues which look technical, but are highly political and very, very sensitive. [Interjections.] I agree - Frene for president!
Lastly, I want to deal with the issue of committees of the Pan-African Parliament - as part of what we have been dealing with as a task team, tasked by the AU working group to look at the priority issues that the inaugural session would have to look at and, in particular, issues around which, possibly, rules have to be determined. It is very important for us to look at the question of committees, because, as the Speaker said in her opening speech, we are dealing with an institution that does not exist. There is simply nothing in place, and we have the opportunity to determine and to shape what should happen. Which committees do we propose the Pan- African Parliament should have, and on what basis should that be determined?
The task team has put forward an approach to the AU working group in that there have to be committees that deal with the business aspects of what the Pan-African Parliament will be dealing with. As soon as the office bearers have been elected, we would suggest that a rules committee, or a committee that will deal with looking at rules - certainly as soon as is possible - would have to be created.
Secondly, we propose that a committee that would look at the budget of the Pan-African Parliament would have to be created quite early, even at the inaugural session. Thirdly, we believe that there should be a committee that would deal with the programme of the Pan-African Parliament, in other words, projecting forward in terms of what the programme of the Pan-African Parliament should be and how to shape it, and what structures need to be put in place to determine this on an ongoing basis. So we suggest that some of those key structures would have to be put in place very early at that inaugural session.
Of course, we have to note that in the protocol itself there’s already a structure that has been created, the bureau - the five presiding officers we have already mentioned that would be elected at the inaugural session.
The second set of structures that we believe we need to look at are the ones that will be dealing with the content of the work of the Pan-African Parliament. Now, this is a very tricky issue because the AU, generally, has many structures. And if, for instance, you were to do what we did in South Africa where for each Ministry you have a portfolio committee, you would end up with quite a lot of structures. That would probably not be manageable, because you have only five people from each of the parliaments. How would you split them up to be able to participate in that number of structures?
So we have to look at that very carefully. I want to propose that article 3 of the protocol, which the hon Hajaig looked at, may be one of the approaches we may want to take in when looking at this issue. I just want to throw the following into the bag of approaches that need to be considered. For instance, human rights and democracy; good governance, transparency and accountability; peace, security and stability; collective self-reliance and economic recovery; and co-operation among regional economic communities and their parliamentary fora may be seen as a possible way of approaching the structures that would be created by the Pan-African Parliament in order for each to be able to exercise some oversight function. This, even though at the moment there is none that is crisply spelt out, either in the Constitutive Act or in the protocol, but, perhaps, we could say that this is the minimum number of structures that could be formed, or around a cluster of issues, as spelt out in the objectives in the protocol.
I then just want to mention that, of course, the report before you mentions that there will be a seminar. We have proposed 20 October for that seminar, which will be before a plenary that possibly would take decisions on some of the issues that we have put before you. Of course, we have put the date as 20 October, but further detailed consideration must be taken on a whole range of matters and then, perhaps, we might change the date, though I’m not sure. The programme committee has met and has said certain things about dates, but further consideration will take place. However, this would definitely be in that week of plenaries in which we propose having a seminar before the plenaries so that members are also better armed for taking the decisions that would have to be taken by the House. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mrs M A SEECO: Chairperson, hon members, the ultimate aim of the Pan- African Parliament shall be to evolve into an institution with full legislative powers, whose members are elected by universal adult suffrage. The PAP shall have consultative and advisory powers only. The protocol relating to the composition, powers, functions and organisation of the PAP has been signed by member states and is in the process of ratification.
The objectives of the PAP shall be to familiarise the people of Africa with the objectives and policies aimed at integrating the African continent within the framework of the establishment of the African Union; to strengthen continental solidarity; and to build a sense of common destiny among the people of Africa. The PAP is an organ to ensure the full participation of African people in the governance, development and economic integration of the continent.
The UCDP takes cognisance of the fact that there is the European Union of which most countries in Europe are members. The union has its own currency, the Euro, which has improved value. We note that African countries are poor and backward, but my party believes in excellence through hard work and discipline. Through hard work and avoiding the temptation of corruption, Africa will overcome.
My party has confidence in the people of a darker hue as long as they know and accept that all success is wrought in prayer. We hope, as we prepare for the PAP, that we shall see all countries represented equitably. We call on parliamentarians to prepare for the great challenges ahead. I thank you.
Dr S E M PHEKO: Chairperson, because of the fact that my time is short, I simply want to state that we must prepare to participate in the Pan-African Parliament by gearing ourselves to achieve the realisation of the Pan- African vision as envisaged by the founding fathers of Pan Africanism. Some of them are W E B Du Bois, Sylvester Williams, Marcus Garvey, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Mangaliso Sobukwe, Patrice Lumumba, Ntsu Mokhehle, Namdi Azikiwe, Modibo Keita, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sekou Toure, Mziwakhe Lembede, and Zephania Mothopheng.
That is a vision of an Africa restored to her lost power and glory. That is an Africa which was a First World country, and not an Africa which is now a Third World country, subjected to the ravages of a new colonialism, ruthless economic exploitation and underdevelopment. The Pan-African Parliament must bring about a rejuvenated Africa; an Africa which created the first human civilisation, educated Moses in its highest institutions of learning, an Africa which gave the redeemer of mankind, Jesus Christ, asylum, demonstrating its matchless respect for human rights and good governance.
Speaking about the African vision, a leading Pan Africanist, said: We are to establish a society in which men and women will have no anxiety about work, food and shelter; where poverty and illiteracy no longer exist; and where disease is brought under control; where our educational facilities provide opportunities for learning; where every person uses his or her talents to their fullest capacity and contribute to their wellbeing.
I thank you. [Time expired.]
Ms L M T XINGWANA: Chairperson, I think it is important for me to report to the House that the life of Amina Lawal has been saved. [Applause.] Her case was overturned by an Islamic court that sat in Nigeria today. This is a victory for African women and all freedom-loving democrats the world over. [Applause.]
The topic of our debate today is a great challenge to all of us as members of Parliament in South Africa, but also for parliamentarians throughout the continent. The birth of this important continental body, the Pan-African Parliament, which is one of the organs of the AU, is long overdue. The objectives of the Pan-African Parliament can be summarised as follows:
Facilitation of effective implementation of the policies and objectives of the AU; the promotion of the principles of human rights and democracy in Africa; promoting good governance, transparency and accountability in member states; popularising the AU and its objects; promoting peace, security and stability; promoting and facilitating economic development in Africa through Nepad and other relevant programmes; and strengthening solidarity and unity among the peoples of Africa.
As we prepare ourselves to participate in this august continental body, with its noble objectives, it is important that we prepare and ensure that African women play an important and strategic role in the Pan-African Parliament, the AU and all its programmes. Taking into consideration the status of women in Africa, it is very critical that women play a leading role in this body, which will be the custodian of people’s human rights, including women’s rights, democracy, accountability, peace and stability in the continent.
The launch of the AU in Durban, South Africa, in July 2002, under the leadership of our President Thabo Mbeki as Chair, marked a milestone in Africa’s history. Major strides and gains were realised, not only by the people of this continent, but in particular, by African women. At the AU summit in Durban, a historic resolution was adopted by the African heads of state, that 50% of the commissioners of the AU must be women. As Madam Speaker has already reported, this was implemented to the letter in this year’s second summit of the AU’s head of states meeting in Maputo. Furthermore, the special protocol on the African Charter for people and human rights, and the rights of women, was adopted by the heads of states in Maputo. A directorate on gender has been established in the office of the chair of the commission, to ensure that all programmes and policies of the AU are mainstreamed.
These are some of the progressive policies that must be strengthened and promoted by the Pan-African Parliament. After the first five years, the Pan- African Parliament will have legislative powers. It will also play an important role in the harmonisation of laws and policies, within our states throughout the continent. This will ensure that the culture of human rights, good governance, peace and security, is adopted in all African countries. It will also monitor the implementation of the African Charter, Cedaw, the Beijing platform for action, and all other international instruments that African countries have signed and ratified.
This demonstrates the urgency and importance of the Pan-African Parliament. However, for all these commitments to be a reality, women must be represented, and must play a leading role in the Pan-African Parliament and in all other organs of the African Union. The heads of state who met in Durban and in Maputo led by example when they adopted 50% representation of women in the AU. South Africa has also led by example in ensuring that 60% of its delegates to the Pan-African Parliament will be women. I would like to congratulate our Parliament for this important resolution.
Therefore we challenge all other countries to ensure that at least 50% of their delegates to the Pan-African Parliament are women. We also urge the African Union, which will officiate at the inauguration of the Pan-African Parliament, to ensure that its 50% policy is implemented when the presiding officers, the president and the four vice-presidents are elected. It must ensure that 50% of these, and other key officials that will be appointed, such as the clerk, and the assistant clerks of the Pan-African Parliament are women.
These policies which affirm women must be harmonised in all African states and they must be linked to the African Peer Review Mechanism. This is the only way in which we can ensure that all the unjust laws and harmful practices are abolished throughout the continent. This is the only way in which we can ensure that there will never be another Amina Lawal in Africa. This will also ensure that practices which are harmful and are against women’s human rights, such as ukuthwala, which denies our young girls the right to education and freedom to choose their own partners, are abolished in all our countries.
We also need to re-examine the practice of virginity testing, which has been distorted and exposes our girls to hooligans and rapists who believe that sleeping with a virgin cures HIV/Aids. We need laws and policies in our continent that protect the girl child and promote her full human development in a healthy and secure environment. One of the most important organs of the African Union for African women is the peace and security council, which will be the organ responsible for promoting peace, security and stability in Africa. Its main function will be the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts.
We urge all African states to sign and ratify this protocol. We would also like the AU to consider the plight of women who are living in conflict situations where sexual mutilation and rape have become major weapons of war against women. We have received reports of how women in Liberia and the Ivory Coast were mutilated, their breasts chopped off and that pregnant women’s stomachs were cut open while they were still alive and their babies were taken out. These abusive practices against women, particularly during war, should be abolished in Africa. The special African court that will be set up under the African Union must also consider special hearings and tribunals against these crimes. We also believe that women must be represented in the peace and security council and in the African court, to ensure that these concerns are addressed.
The plight of children in war zones must also be addressed. Children orphaned through wars and HIV often seek refuge and are captured and used as child soldiers, while little girls are used as sex slaves. This means that we must strengthen community-based programmes to support and protect orphans, and ensure that sufficient resources are allocated towards these programmes, especially since most of them are run by rural women who are unemployed.
Education, shelter and security for these children must be a priority for our governments. All these programmes must be monitored and overseen by the Pan-African Parliament. We must also ensure that these programmes, through the Pan-African Parliament, are part and parcel of the Nepad programme. Priority must be given to programmes dealing with education, health, HIV/Aids, malaria, TB, human resource development, poverty alleviation and rural development. Through these programmes, Nepad will be of great benefit to women and will ensure the total emancipation and development of African women, the youth and the children of Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]
Miss S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, may I first thank the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker for outlining today for the House and the public how the Pan- African Parliament will be formed and what it will take.
Having looked at the transcript of the presentation by Prof Bathily on a vision for the Pan-African Parliament, the MF strongly agrees that the establishment of a Pan-African Parliament can play a vital role in consolidating democracy. It will be a vital instrument in conflict prevention, management and resolution as well as overall African integration.
We are all one people with rights and entitlements. A consolidation of democracy will pave the way to respecting and upholding this. Further conflict prevention, management and resolution is a great need on the continent - noting activities in certain African areas. Most importantly through our diversity, the Pan-African Parliament may be an instrument for overall African integration that shall unite us as Africa and as a global competitor in its individuality.
The MF further found the valued article by Dr Cyril Ndebele quite benefiting and in line with our vision of Africa. It is felt that our diversity in culture and other geographic make-up may be a great challenge. However, the challenge can be utilised positively so that our diversity may unite us as Africa, as we have done in South Africa.
Economic integration will play a vital role in overcoming poverty and its constraints throughout Africa. Hopefully, the Pan-African Parliament will be a representation of co-operation and development between countries on the African continent. The Pan-African Parliament’s vision for Africa ventures internally and externally. With such vast discussion, preparation, planning and dedication is crucial. Our vision of the Pan-African Parliament is big but within our reach. The MF feels that united we can make a success of this vision and establish a strong united Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, I would like to say thanks to Madam Speaker for rousing us and showing us the urgency of this subject and not to treat it lightly. I also want to thank the Deputy Speaker for giving us that wonderful promise that there will be a workshop on the subject. Again, it is to reinforce the urgency and seriousness of the matter. It is already late in the day but I will just take a chance of going back a little, because I’m going to just take extracts from my paper.
It is often said that you can tell a person’s age by the songs they sing, and earlier young people used to sing the song whose lyrics went something like this: ``I can see clearly now the rain is gone’’. In Africa, I think Africa should also use those lyrics and say: “I can see clearly now that the demise of colonialism and apartheid have gone.”
Now is Africa’s time for self-delivery and the African personality now called the African Renaissance. Africa is challenged to form an African community to meet the challenges of the modern-day globalised society. Building a Pan-African community, Tom Boya would say:
… could never be said to be hasty or too fast a pace, because the old African adage asserts that he or she who is behind must run faster than the one who is in front. This is Africa’s century and Africa must seize it.
Much has been said about the contents of the protocol but I just want to reiterate two or three things that I hold passionately dear and that is the idea of promoting good governance, transparency and accountability; promotion of human rights; promotion of democratic principles and that of popular participation in the economy and governance at all levels, and the rest. It seems as though today, in this House, like minds thought alike. It is also disappointing to be some kind of a sweeper when there is consensus and there is no contentious issue to debate. But it is also a good sign that there is, indeed, growth in this country and on the continent.
I would also like to identify, on behalf of the DA, our immense relief regarding Ms Lawal’s acquittal by the State Shari’ah Court of Appeals. Stoning people to death for adultery is really out of date and is the most unfair thing that can ever be practised.
Our optimism and enthusiasm for the Pan-African Parliament must not make us oblivious, however, of the many challenges and impediments that are current or lie ahead. This is not pessimism but realism and the realities of our present day. The Pan-African Parliament and all related instruments and strategies can only be successful if all national parliaments throw in their lot together.
The strength and success of the PAP will depend on the nature and inputs of each individual national parliament. In other words, it is almost like saying the strength of a chain will depend on each link. The present day Africa’s common enemy, somebody said, is poverty, diseases such as HIV/Aids, malaria, etc. But I think those are conglomerate common enemies that can unite this continent to begin to tackle the problems that face them, without observing artificial barriers that people or countries are inclined to set for themselves.
Last but not least, what’s to be done by us, this Parliament? Many brilliant ideas have been expressed. I think, down to earth, what we need to do is to set our inputs at a high footing so that they also run as an example to other neighbouring countries. It is also imperative that we equip not only ourselves but also our constituencies with these emerging developing modes and processes that are geared to realising the Pan-African ideal by popularising the very concepts such as Nepad and related instruments in our societies and at all levels of our country and continent. I thank you. [Applause.]
Prof B TUROK: Chairperson, it is a pleasure to be able to speak last in a debate which has been so positive and businesslike. Many members have referred to the procedures and proposals that are required to make the Pan- African Parliament a reality and, really, one feels that one is on the brink of a new historical event in Africa.
I wish to return to some of the policy considerations that we need to take account of, as well as looking at the businesslike procedures and processes. I think it’s very important that this House should remember the need to maintain a political momentum, because the political momentum will actually decide whether the Pan-African Parliament is seen as a real House that represents Africa; and it is the political momentum which is so important for us.
One of the issues under that heading is the need to counter Afro-pessimism because Afro-pessimism, in my view, is perhaps one of the biggest obstacles to the creation of a real Pan-African Parliament that will be respected and seen by the people of the continent, as a whole, as being an important occasion and issue.
I want to say that I think the hon Geldenhuys was a little bit one-sided in bringing this book from the New NP which talks about the freedoms in Africa, important as those issues are, but which tends to give a slightly one-sided view of Africa and leads a little bit into this Afro-pessimism that I am so concerned about.
I want to refer to a unique event which happened last week in Cape Town, when 30 postgraduate mathematics students from 16 African countries gathered. They are here for a period of nine months to study mathematics and to advance the cause of the mathematical sciences right across Africa. These students are gathered today in Cape Town. They have been together with mathematics professors from Morocco, Ghana, Nigeria, Sudan and South Africa; and they have been with various overseas professors of mathematics as well in order to create a new network across the whole of Africa, and to discuss and learn the mathematical sciences.
I refer to this because I think that this is an example of how Afro- pessimism can be overcome in a practical way, and it demonstrates the need of Pan-Africanism not just in political resolutions but in practical co- operation across the continent. I believe that the Internet gives us a wonderful new instrument to develop Pan-Africanism in concrete terms and raise the whole intellectual professional capacity in Africa and this is the way that we should go. I would hope that as we begin to move towards the Pan-African Parliament - and we are now moving rather fast - we also use the instruments of technology and of the Internet websites and so on to spread the idea of Pan-Africanism, so that it is not confined to a small number of politicians who meet together and keep each other warm but that we actually do take the issues and policies to the people as a whole.
I believe that Afro-pessimism is a useless kind of negative activity at the moment and we should do everything we can to counter it. And I want to say that the ANC in this House and outside of it has fought very hard since 1994 to overcome Afro-pessimism and to indicate that African governments are able to run countries and to have a positive mood. I think that the initiatives that this House has taken with respect to the Pan-African Parliament, Nepad and the APRM have been a major effort by the ANC to show that Afro-pessimism is something that comes a great deal from abroad, but also from certain forces within South Africa. We need to counter that and take a positive spin on everything that is moving in Africa, and the Pan- African Parliament is one of those.
I want to say that I think this House from now on, and the MPs in it, should, as you say, adopt the multiparty approach to ensure that Afro- pessimism is downgraded, that it is removed, and that the positive things and experiences in Africa are given priority.
I must say that in the last six months or so I have been extremely privileged to participate in a number of meetings in Accra, Lusaka, Nairobi, Livingstone and Cape Town, and in this very Chamber, where members of parliament from across the continent have met and discussed their common problems. And it is absolutely clear to me that we need a parallel process to the executive in the African Union. We need a parallel process based on parliaments and members of parliament so that the whole question of African unity is not confined to the organs at the top but actually embraces members of parliament and their constituencies. I agree entirely with the hon Colin Eglin when he says that the Pan-African Parliament should not be confined to an elite category of representatives meeting and talking amongst themselves; but we do need a momentum across the continent so that everybody participates.
I have learned that in many African countries the executives do not pass on the information that they gain in the African Union to their parliaments and to their people. They keep this information and these insights to themselves. That is why that is a very good reason for arguing for a Pan- African Parliament which has as a parallel momentum to the executive. We have a responsibility as parliamentarians to do our thing, in our way, and to have our discussions in our forum, which runs parallel but is of course connected to the African Union and not in isolation from it. This needs major political engagements.
I want to remind the House that parliamentary procedures are vital for the success of the African Union, and are vital for the success of Nepad and the African Peer Review Mechanism. The question has been raised again and again that the finances which Africa can raise to make a success of Nepad and the African Union are finances that have to be passed by the parliaments of Africa. And, even where those parliaments are not that active and not that democratic they do have to pass the budgets of their countries. Therefore the money that is required to run Nepad and the African Peer Review Mechanism will have to come through the parliamentary system and that is why it is so important that the parliamentary process is run properly, with momentum and efficiency.
We have been told at various meetings that I have attended, and even in this House, that there is an illusion of a capital shortage in Africa. We of course welcome foreign aid and foreign investment and contributions from the G8, the EU or anybody else to the development of Africa; but some of our economists are saying to us that there is an illusion of a capital shortage in Africa. And, indeed, there are those who read the news about the former president of Liberia, who is sitting in Nigeria at the moment, regarding the fact that he absconded with a million dollars - or was it a billion? He absconded with a billion dollars from Liberia, a country which is so poor. There is no shortage of capital in Africa provided that our parliaments, all of them, exercise supervision over the budgets, over the way funding is used, and ensure that these budgets are applied to Nepad and so on.
I want to give a brief account of a meeting in Nairobi that I attended recently where 15 parliaments were represented to discuss Nepad and its work, because the question of Nepad is certainly the business of this House and all the other parliaments. A decision was taken that Nepad should be promoted, that every parliament in Africa should have a working group of the kind that we have here. Again, I must pay tribute to our Speaker and Deputy Speaker for the excellent work done by our working group. We want to see working groups of this kind in every parliament right across Africa.
We want to encourage parliaments in Africa to discuss major issues of society and policy. It is vital that the policy dimensions of the whole continent should be brought to bear and not just technical matters, and that parliaments should not be seen as a rubber stamp. They must promote the separation of the legislatures and the executive, and that is a very important principle in Africa which is not always observed. The whole question of regional integration should be looked at in a political way so that the politics of regional integration as well as matters such as customs, trade relations and normal business relations are discussed; but the political questions of cultural unity and unity across regions should be discussed in the parliaments.
I also want to say that it is vital that the Pan-African Parliament and the African Union should be seen not only in political terms but in economic terms. There are many issues of economic integration and economic co- operation in Africa at the moment. They have a political dimension and these matters are the things that should be discussed in the Pan-African Parliament.
Also important is that with regard to these institutions which are being created - the various organs of the African Union - there should be harmonisation across those institutions. This has been discussed recently and it is terribly important that the Pan-African Parliament and the institutions which fall under it should also be harmonised so that we have a single tendency right across the continent and we all work together.
Finally, I want to make a point that nobody else seems to have raised today and this is the fact that Africa exists in a by-and-large hostile world, as we saw at the Cancun conference. A new momentum has been developing between various Third World countries to have unity in the face of the North. The Pan-African Parliament will have a major agenda item which is the unity of Africa in the face of a by-and-large hostile, unfriendly and globalising world; and where the questions of African unity will be discussed not only in the sentimental terms that some people have raised here today by referring to the past, to Tom Boya and Nkrumah and so on, but in the light of the harsh realities of the world today.
We know and understand, and Cancun has reinforced that we live in a polarised world where African unity is not only a matter of sentimentality, of harking back to the past but is a harsh reality where we have to get our house in order. We have to co-operate, we have to co-ordinate, we have to make all of us work together right across the continent. We have to ensure that no outside power is able to have break-away groups as they did in the past; and divide French-speaking from English-speaking, Arab-speaking from French-speaking as it happened in the past.
Colonialism and neocolonialism, and postindependent processes saw the fragmentation of Africa so that the African countries did not work together in the way that they should have. President Nyerere once said when Tanzania was asked to become a member of the Security Council, ``For us, to be a member of the Security Council makes us vulnerable to the pressures of the United States and the great powers because when we vote against them we are going to be in trouble.’’ That period must be over. We must now ensure that Africa unites politically and that we speak with one voice. I think that the Pan-African Parliament will create just that kind of opportunity to unite the continent in a way that we were not united before.
So I have great pleasure in supporting this particular motion and I am very pleased to say that the House is united in support of the Pan-African Parliament. Thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
CONSIDERATION OF EIGHTH REPORT OF WORKING GROUP ON THE AFRICAN UNION
There was no debate.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move that the report be noted.
Motion agreed to. Report accordingly noted.
CONSIDERATION OF NINTH REPORT OF WORKING GROUP ON THE AFRICAN UNION
There was no debate.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move that the Report be noted.
Motion agreed to.
Report accordingly noted.
CAPE TOWN WINS AWARDS
(Member's Statement)
Mr G SOLOMON (ANC): Chairperson, as ambassador duly appointed by Minister Valli Moosa to promote the cities in South Africa, I wish to make the following important statement regarding Cape Town. Last week, the Western Cape branch of the Institute for Housing of South Africa recognised Cape Town with an award for the Best Local Authority of the Year for the Western Cape. Cape Town also won an award for the hostels to homes project. The Dibanisa Iintsapho Hostels to Homes Programme is part of the urban renewal programme which aims to convert all hostels in Langa, Nyanga and Gugulethu into low-rental family units.
The ANC congratulates Cape Town, its leaders and people and calls on all South Africans, prisoners, NGOs, Government and communities to continue to work together to strengthen the people’s contract for a better tomorrow in Cape Town.
SOUTH AFRICANS ABROAD VOTING IN THE 2004 GENERAL ELECTION
(Member's Statement)
Mr I J PRETORIUS (DA): Chairperson, there is no logical reason why South Africans who are temporarily outside our borders should be prevented from voting in next year’s general election. The DA will propose its own amendment to the Electoral Act in Parliament, tomorrow, that will give all South Africans who are abroad for study, business purposes and employment opportunities the right to vote.
You cannot separate someone’s duty from their right. You cannot expect someone to contribute to his country but then deny them a say in the running of the country. You cannot call on expatriates to come home but then prevent them from voting. It just does not work.
In 1994 it was the ANC which pushed the then government of F W De Klerk to allow South Africans abroad the opportunity to vote. But in 1999 the ANC changed its tune. I think it’s time that we allowed all our people abroad to vote. The vote does not belong to the Government. In a democracy, the voter owns the vote. Don’t take that precious possession away from them. I thank you.
STEPS TO FIGHT INTERNET PAEDOPHILES
(Member's Statement) Mr B W DLAMINI (IFP): Chairperson, the software giant, Microsoft, has declared war on Internet paedophiles by announcing the closure of its chat rooms. Microsoft will also restrict access to chat room users by only allowing identifiable users. This decision is a significant step and one hopes that South Africa will follow by legislating to criminalise Internet grooming and impose tough sanctions on these child abusers.
Furthermore, we need to counter the morally damaging effect of this on our children and protect the most vulnerable members of our community. Thank you.
NEED FOR TRANSFORMATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS
(Member's Statement)
Dr Z P JORDAN (ANC): Chairperson, on 23 September 2003, President Thabo Mbeki addressed the 58th session of the United Nations’ General Assembly. Among the issues that the President raised in his speech was the need to transform the United Nations organisation.
The ANC shares with the President the view that the United Nations needs to be strengthened and transformed into a democratic institution that represents and responds to the interests of all countries, be they developed or developing, large or small.
Developments in Iraq have raised sharply the question of whether the current UN arrangement is a strong and effective multilateral organisation capable of addressing issues of concern to all the inhabitants of the globe. The ANC believes that now is the time for the UN to act in a manner consistent with its founding principles; now is the time to act to ensure global peace, and the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment. I thank you. [Applause.]
POOR PERFORMANCE OF ACCOUNTING OFFICERS
(Member's Statement) Mrs M E OLCKERS (New NP): Chairman, the New NP wants to put on record its disappointment about the financial management of certain Government departments as highlighted by the Scopa resolution that was adopted by the National Assembly on Monday, 22 September 2003.
It is clear from the Scopa resolution that certain accounting officers in the Public Service, and some in the public entity fields, are not executing their duties in line with the PFMA and responsibilities that are expected of directors-general. It is evident that several departments do not have adequate internal control policies and procedures. In almost 50% of national departments the auditors could not rely on internal controls.
According to the Auditor-General’s assessment, a significant number of auditors failed to comply with internal audit requirements of the PFMA. The Auditor-General also indicated that of the 15 public entities dealt with in the general report, only six of them tabled their annual reports to Parliament within the prescribed time. The time has arrived for accounting officers who do not perform according to the prescribed standards to be censured by relevant parliamentary committees. It is also the duty of the executive to ensure that accounting officers who do not perform according to the PFMA and their performance contracts are replaced. Accounting officers who do not ensure that the taxpayer’s money is well controlled and properly spent should leave the public sector.
It would be of value to have accounting officers in the House when resolutions regarding their departments are discussed so that transparency and accountability can be direct … [Time expired.]
LAUNCH OF THE AFRICAN INSTITUTE FOR MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES
(Member's Statement)
Mr S L DITHEBE (ANC): Chairperson, the African Institute for Mathematical Sciences was launched by the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Dr Ben Ngubane; and the Minister of Education, - Prof Kader Asmal, on 18 September in Muizenberg, Cape Town.
This African initiative will see an injection of R1 million from the Department of Science and Technology to support Aims’s programmes which are linked to centres and networks of excellence in science and technology. The centres and networks are aimed at focusing on human resource development and popularising science in South Africa and across the African continent. This will, among other things, see five African mathematics professors interlinking by Internet to strengthen scientific and technological capacity across the African continent as well as building co-operation among the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge in the UK, the University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, Stellenbosch and the University of Paris-Sud in France.
This bold African endeavour fulfils the resolve of the ANC Government to strive for the end of poverty and underdevelopment on our continent, and to therefore build a better life for the ordinary people of Africa, especially the poor. This is demonstrated in the R1 million pledged by the Department of Science and Technology in this venture as a measure of its enthusiastic support for the advancement of science in general and mathematics in particular. I thank you.
AWARDING OF BURSARIES TO 35 PRISONERS
(Member's Statement)
Mr D V BLOEM (ANC): Chairperson, I would like to bring to the attention of this House a positive event that took place in Leeuwkop Prison recently where the Mayor of Ekurhuleni Municipality gave out 35 bursaries to 35 inmates to further their studies. It is very clear that the Department of Correctional Services have moved away from the old, brutal style of dealing with offenders. The focus of the department is on rehabilitation.
It’s very encouraging to see the Mayor of Ekurhuleni Municipality, Mr Duma Nkosi, actively involved in projects at various prisons in the Gauteng province. I want to take this opportunity to congratulate the mayor, Mr Nkosi, for the positive and progressive work that he is doing. I want to call on all businesses, community members and society at large to follow the example of Mr Nkosi.
The fact that prisoners were represented by a fellow inmate in arranging these bursaries serves to emphasise the merits of Vukuzenzele and Batho Pele. I thank you.
DECLINE OF AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH COUNCIL
(Member's Statement)
Mr A J BOTHA (DA): Hon Chairman, the House has already learnt that the Agricultural Research Council is down to 50% of its original and barely replaceable research capacity. The remaining researchers have to attend to so much service delivery that their research and skills transfer capacity is severely diminished. The resulting potential for the increase of animal diseases and crop pests can compromise both food security and trade.
South Africa possesses 50% of all the agricultural scientific knowledge on the continent of Africa. The Nepad programme is heavily dependent on agriculture and that, therefore, makes the prevailing conditions in the Agricultural Research Council to be of extreme importance.
The DA’s request that the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture be briefed on the crisis was met by the management’s whitewash. They pretended that there was really no crisis at all. Letters to the Minister remain as yet unanswered. All of this, together with today’s inadequate ministerial response, persuade the DA that a debate on this matter is called for in order to clear the air and establish some necessary facts. I thank you.
FINANCIAL DONATION TO COMBAT THE SPREAD OF MALARIA IN AFRICA
(Member's Statement)
Ms M M MDLALOSE (IFP): Chairperson, malaria is still a huge problem in many parts of Africa. About 1 million people die of malaria per year, most of them in Africa. The announcement made earlier this week by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation that they will donate US$168 million for malaria research is, therefore, very good news.
The funds will come in the form of three research grants and the existing malaria drugs will be used to prevent infant infection. New drugs will be developed to combat drug-resistant malaria and to find a malaria vaccine. This is the largest single donation to the fight against malaria. The funds for this research are particularly needed as in many parts of Africa malaria has become resistant to chloroquine which is the cheapest and standard drug against the disease.
We hope that governments and the private sector throughout Africa will work together and use the resources at their disposal to accelerate malaria research so that we can finally beat this deadly disease.
ACQUITTAL OF AMINA LAWAL
(Member's Statement)
Ms M M SOTYU (ANC): Chairperson, the ANC Women’s League, at its congress held from 28 to 31 August 2003, committed itself to fighting to save Amina Lawal’s life and has since led marches and demonstrations to highlight the continued abuse, oppression and exploitation of women.
Today’s decision by the Katsina State Shariah Court of Appeals to acquit Amina Lawal represents a tremendous victory for human rights and justice. The ANC congratulates Amina Lawal on her acquittal. We salute the ANC Women’s League for remaining at the head of the struggle by millions of human rights activists in our country and abroad to save Amina Lawal’s life.
We thank all those who, during Amina Lawal’s ordeal, chose to fight in defence of the noble principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women. We salute all who fight in defence of our very humanity. [Applause.]
Mnr C AUCAMP (NA): Voorsitter, op ‘n punt van orde: Die sweep van die kleiner partye het my versoek om in die plek van die ACDP ‘n verklaring te maak, maar u het toe nie my naam gelees nie. Kan ons ‘n kans kry?
Die VOORSITTER VAN KOMITEES: Ons kom by jou. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Mr C AUCAMP (NA): Chairperson, on a point of order: The Whip of the smaller parties has requested me to make a statement in the place of the ACDP, but you have not read my name. Can we get a chance?
The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: We are coming to you.]
LAND RESTITUTION
(Member's Statement)
Mnr A S VAN DER MERWE (Nuwe NP): Voorsitter, grondhervorming help niks as die Departement van Landbou en Grondsake nie aan die opkomende boere ondersteuning bied om die grond volhoubaar te benut nie. Daar is reeds talle voorbeelde van plase wat aan opkomende boere gegee is wat verkoop moes word omdat dit nie winsgewend was nie. In Junie het die Hoofgrondeisekommissaris gesê:
Grondhervorming word nie gedoen vir die doel van volhoubare ontwikkeling nie, maar om die ongeregtigheid van die verlede reg te stel.
Die Nuwe NP sê egter: Natuurlik moet die ongeregtigheid van die verlede reggestel word, maar dit help nie ‘n mens gee iemand ‘n plaas, maar jy voorsien hom nie van die nodige kennis en kundigheid oor hoe om te boer nie. Dis ook belangrik om opkomende boere by te staan in die finansiële bestuur van hulle plase. Grondhervorming gaan absoluut geen ongeregtigheid regstel as plase uitgedeel word, maar ná drie jaar weer opgeveil word omdat die eienaars dit nie na behore kon bestuur nie.
Die Nuwe NP doen dus ‘n ernstige beroep op die Minister om hierdie uiters belangrike been van grondhervorming op die voorgrond te plaas. Sonder kennis en kundigheid sal die landboubedryf in Suid-Afrika tot niet gaan en grondhervorming beslis ook misluk. (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr A S VAN DER MERWE (New NP): Chairperson, land reform is of no use if the Department of Agriculture and Land Affairs does not offer emerging farmers support in utilising the land in a sustainable manner. There are already many examples of farms given to emerging farmers that had to be sold because they were not profitable. The Chief Land Claims Commissioner said in June: Grondhervorming word nie gedoen vir die doel van volhoubare ontwikkeling nie, maar om die ongeregtigheid van die verlede reg te stel.
However, the New NP says: Of course the injustice of the past must be rectified, but it does not help if one gives someone a farm but does not provide him with the necessary knowledge and expertise on how to farm. It is also important to assist emerging farmers with regard to the financial management of their farms. Land reform will rectify absolutely no injustice if farms are handed out but have to be auctioned off again after three years because the owners cannot manage them properly.
The New NP therefore makes an earnest appeal to the Minister to prioritise this extremely important aspect of land reform. Without knowledge and expertise the agricultural industry in South Africa will go to rack and ruin and land reform will certainly also fail.]
REPORT ON FARM ATTACKS
(Member's Statement)
Mnr C AUCAMP (NA): Voorsitter, die NA beskou die verslag oor plaasmoorde wat vandag bekend gestel is as ‘n futiele oefening in politieke korrektheid. Die bevinding dat slegs 2% van plaasaanvalle polities geïnspireerd is, en dat rasseonverdraagsaamheid nie ‘n motief vir plaasmoorde is nie, strook nie met die ervaring en die werklikheid nie. Die verslag is myle verwyder van die realiteit van die oormaat geweld, wreedheid en brutaliteit wat met plaasmoorde gepaard gaan.
Die verslag hou vol om bloot ‘n roofmotief as rede aan te voer vir 90% van plaasaanvalle, maar bly in gebreke om te verklaar waarom koelbloedige moorde dikwels gepleeg word sonder dat iets geroof word. Ook rym die verslag se bevindings nie met die talle gevalle waar ‘n uitgerekte marteling die finale doodmaak van slagoffers voorafgaan nie.
Die eensydige onderrok van die verslag hang uit wanneer, op bladsy 476, na kommer wat uitgespreek is oor geopolitiese motiewe vir plaasmoorde verwys word as ``post-1994 retoriek van sekere politici’’, terwyl net die volgende paragraaf baie meer simpatiek handel met bewerings dat arbeidsgriewe gesien word as motief vir plaasaanvalle.
Die verslag plaas ‘n onbehoorlike verantwoordelikheid op boere om hulself nog meer te beveilig, maar maak geen aanbeveling ten opsigte van staatssteun in dié verband nie. Die verslag bly in gebreke om werklike aanbevelings te maak oor hoe die Regering sy basiese plig, naamlik die beveiliging van sy mense, kan uitvoer. Die verslag slaag volkome daarin om presies te sê wat die Minister wil hê dit moet sê. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr C AUCAMP (NA): Chairperson, the NA regards the report on farm murders which was published today as a futile exercise in political correctness. The finding that only 2% of farm attacks are politically inspired, and that racial intolerance is not a motive for farm murders, is simply at odds with experience and reality. The report is far removed from the reality of the excessive violence, cruelty and brutality that accompany farm murders.
The report persists in giving merely the motive of robbery as the reason for 90% of farm attacks, but fails to explain why murders are often committed in cold blood without anything being stolen. Nor can the report’s findings be reconciled with the fact that there are numerous cases in which a prolonged torture precedes the eventual killing of victims.
The one-sided petticoat of the report is hanging out when, on page 476, concern expressed about geopolitical motives for farm murders is referred to as “post-1994 rhetoric of certain politicians”, whereas the next paragraph deals far more sympathetically with allegations that labour grievances are regarded as a motive for farm murders.
The report places an unfair responsibility on farmers to make even more provision for themselves, but makes no recommendation in respect of state support in this regard. The report fails to make actual recommendations about how the Government can perform its basic duty, namely to ensure the security of its people. The report succeeds totally in saying exactly what the Minister wants it to say. I thank you.]
INSOLVENCY OF SA POST OFFICE
(Member's Statement)
Mr V C GORE(DA): Chairperson, the SA Post Office confirmed on Tuesday this week that it is technically insolvent. As such, its future is of growing concern and it is highly questionable; and drastic measures are required to ensure the continued operation of the Post Office. The DA genuinely believes that the CEO, Mr Manyathi, is trying to salvage a sinking ship.
We welcome his undertaking that the Post Office will not ask the postal regulator for a postal tariff increase in line with the CPIX this year. He has suggested a 5% increase only. It is apparent that the problems of the Post Office have been there for some time but the people of South Africa have only recently been able to get a glimpse of these problems. The Post Office has avoided bringing its annual reports to Parliament for years. It is simply not acceptable to have hidden the true picture of the Post Office from the people who own it, namely, all South Africans.
The report also confirms what the DA previously revealed to the media; the losses of the Post Office were cross-subsidised by money from the poorest of the poor. The Post Office has used just under a billion rand of money from depositors to prop up its loss-making operations. It is morally and ethically indefensible to use money earned by the ordinary workers of this country for these purposes.
Hard-working individuals trusted the Post Office with their funds and hoped that these funds would be safeguarded and invested in a prudent manner. It was only when this was discovered by the DA and on the insistence from the DA that the Post Office has now made an undertaking that this will never occur again in the future.[Applause.]
UN INVOLVEMENT IN IRAQ
(Member's Statement)
Miss J E SOSIBO (ANC): Chairperson, violence continues to occupy the centre stage of political developments in Iraq. It is estimated that about 169 US soldiers have lost their lives since May 29 when President Bush announced the end of the war. Many more have been injured than were injured during the period of conventional warfare. Realising that America is heading for another Vietnam fiasco, President Bush is now turning back to the UN. He now seeks the UN and international community to play a more meaningful role in Iraq.
The recent moves by the US administration should be encouraged and the lesson should be learnt that a strong UN working in defence of and representing all the people of the world is in the best interest of humanity. I thank you. [Applause.] FARM MURDERS
(Minister's Response)
The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Chairperson, I really hope that I understood what the hon Aucamp said. Unfortunately, the listening device that I was using was not very clear. But, if I understood him correctly, he was doing something that he ought not to do in this House. He cast aspersions on people, who are outside the House and who are unable to come here and defend themselves, because he insinuated that we manipulated the committee to arrive at a decision that we would be comfortable with.
Let me point out something here: There are people who, all the time, want to drag us into situations of conflict. We are resisting that because it ought not to happen. In the past, there were people who came from both sides of the political conflict. Both of those sides understood what it meant to bleed. We don’t want our country to go back there. What he wanted this committee to say was that the attacks on farms are politically motivated. He wanted that. And, because they have said that they were not politically motivated, he is now expressing frustration. In other words, he would have been happy if our country was depicted as a country where there is political conflict among ourselves and the people that we serve. That is what he wanted.
Please, let us move away from that path. We know what it means to bleed and we do not want to go back to that past. We want to unify our people. That committee said, indeed, that the attacks were not politically motivated and the facts speak for themselves.
Hon member, if you want to go out there and do your own inquiry, do that. Don’t bring into this House speculation about things that are not happening on the ground. And don’t suggest that we need to go back as South Africa to the conflict of the past because from our side, through understanding what that conflict has done to our country, we will not go back. [Applause.] LAUNCH OF THE AFRICAN INSTITUTE FOR MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES
(Minister's Response)
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF ARTS, CULTURE, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Chairperson, I am responding on behalf of the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology. I have noted the statement that was made by the hon Dithebe and I want to say that the project that he referred to is part of the implementation of our research and development strategy, the thrust of which is to ensure broader participation of the previously disadvantaged communities. We hope that in this particular project, those will be our beneficiaries. Thank you. [Applause.]
GENERAL INTELLIGENCE LAWS AMENDMENT BILL
(Second Reading debate)
There was no debate.
Bill read a second time.
The House adjourned at 18:51. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly:
- Membership of Assembly:
The following member vacated his seat in the National Assembly with
effect from 17 September 2003:
Ntuli, M B.
- Referrals to committees of papers tabled:
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Defence and to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence. The
Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent Auditors on the
Financial Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 21 - Department of
Defence for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 145-
2003].
(b) Letter from the President of the Republic informing
Parliament of the Employment of the South African National
Defence Force in Ethiopia and Eritrea in the fulfilment of the
International Obligations of the Republic of South Africa
towards the United Nations.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Armaments
Corporation of South Africa (ARMSCOR) for 2002-2003, including
the Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(2) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour, the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Portfolio
Committee on Defence and the Portfolio Committee on Safety and
Security. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Diplomacy, Intelligence,
Defence and Trade Education and Training Authority (DIDTETA) for
2002-2003, including the Report of the Independent Auditors for
2002-2003 [RP 94-2003].
(3) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Defence:
(a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil
on Cooperation in Defence Related Matters, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa as represented by the Department of
Defence and the Federal Ministry of Defence of the Federal
Republic of Germany on The Joint Execution of Helicopter Cross
Deck Operations within the Scope of Maritime Co-operation,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(c) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa as represented by the Department of Defence and The
Government of the Federal Republic of Germany as represented
by the Federal Ministry of Defence on The Provision of
Equipment Aid, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(d) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa as represented by the Department of Defence and The
Government of the Federal Republic of Germany as represented
by the Federal Ministry of Defence on The Secondment of A
Group of Advisers to the Republic of South Africa, tabled in
terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(e) Specific Arrangement between the Department of Defence of
the Republic of South Africa and the Federal Ministry of
Defence of the Federal Republic of Germany concerning The
Training of Members of the Armed Forces of the Republic of
South Africa at Bundeswehr Facilities as Part of Military
Training Assistance, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(f) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa as represented by the Armaments
Corporation of South Africa Ltd and the Federal Ministry of
Defence of the Federal Republic of Germany concerning The
Sirius System, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(g) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the State of
Kuwait concerning Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(h) Military Cooperation Agreement between the Government of
the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the
Sultanate of Oman, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(i) Agreement between the Government of the State of Qatar and
the Government of the Republic of South Africa concerning
Cooperation in the Military Field, tabled in terms of section
231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(j) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of Romania
concerning Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of section
231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(k) Implementing Arrangement between the South African Air
Force and the Swedish Armed Forces concerning Peacetime
Cooperation between the Respective Air Forces, tabled in terms
of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(l) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning the
Attachment of South African Air Force Flying Instructors to
the Royal Air Force, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(m) Renewal of the Memorandum of Understanding between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
concerning Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of section
231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(n) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the
Government of the Republic of South Africa concerning Defence
Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(o) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Republic of Zambia concerning
Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(p) Specific Arrangement between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on The Funding
of the South African Protection Support Detachment in Support
of the Implementation of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation
Agreement for Burundi, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(q) Technical Arrangement between Armscor and General
Secretariat of Italian Defence and National Directorate of
Armaments for the Provision of Government Quality Assurance
Services, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(r) Arrangement between the Netherlands Minister of Foreign
Affairs and the Department of Defence of the Republic of South
Africa, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
1996.
(s) Arrangement between the South African Department of
Defence and the Netherlands' Minister of Foreign Affairs,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(t) Technical Arrangement between the Department of Defence of
the Republic of South Africa as represented by the Secretary
for Defence and the Secretariat General of Defence and
National Armaments Directorate of the Italian Republic
concerning Cooperation in the field of Command, Control,
Communication and Computers, Intelligence, Infrastructure,
Information, Reconnaissance and Surveillance (CIRS), tabled in
terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(4) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Transport. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Regulating
Committee of the Airports Company of South Africa and the Air
Traffic and Navigation Services Company Ltd for 2002-2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Air Traffic and
Navigation Services Company Ltd for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
National Roads Agency Limited for 2001-2002, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2001-2002 [RP 31-2003].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Road Accident Fund
for 2001-2002, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2001-2002 [RP 58-2003].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the South African Rail
Commuter Corporation Ltd for 2002-2003, including the Report
of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-
2003 [RP 154-2003].
(5) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Transport:
(a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Republic of Cuba regarding
Merchant Shipping and Related Maritime Matters, tabled in
terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Republic of Cuba regarding Merchant Shipping and
Related Maritime Matters.
(6) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Environmental Affairs and Tourism. The Reports of the Auditor-
General are referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 27 - Environmental
Affairs and Tourism for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
57-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Greater St Lucia
Wetlands Park for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the National Botanical
Institute for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(7) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 28 - Labour for
2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 72-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Commission for
Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 49-2003].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Unemployment
Insurance Fund for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
73-2003].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Compensation Fund
for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 74-2003].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the National Economic
Development and Labour Council for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(8) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Minerals and Energy. The
Reports of the Auditor-General are referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Mining
Qualifications Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report
of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-
2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Chemical Industries
Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2002-2003 [RP 147-2003].
(9) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Finance. The Reports of the
Auditor-General are referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Financial and
Accounting Services Sector Education and Training Authority
(FASSET) for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 75-
2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Bank Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2002-2003 [RP 84-2003].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Insurance Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2002-2003 [RP 79-2003].
(10) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry.
The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Forest Industries Education
and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 78-
2003].
(11) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land
Affairs. The Report of the Auditor-General are referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Primary Agriculture
Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2002-2003 [RP 109-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Sector Education
and Training Authority for Secondary Agriculture for 2002-
2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 99-2003].
(12) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry. The
Reports of the Auditor-General are referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Clothing, Textiles,
Footwear and Leather Sector Education and Training Authority
for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 76-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Food and Beverage
Manufacturing Sector Education and Training Authority for 2002-
2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 95-2003].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Wholesale and
Retail Sector Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2002-2003. [RP 83-2003].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Manufacturing,
Engineering and Related Services Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 90-
2003].
(13) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Communications. The Reports
of the Auditor-General is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Media, Advertising,
Publishing, Printing and Packaging Sector Education and
Training Authority (MAPPP) for 2002-2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Information
Systems, Electronics and Telecommunications Technologies
Sector Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 96-2003].
(14) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Transport. The Report of the
Auditor-General is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of Transport Education and
Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 87-
2003].
(15) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Education. The Report of the
Auditor-General is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Education, Training
and Development Practices Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 121-
2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Education Labour
Relations Council for 2002 [RP 85-2002].
(16) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Public Works. The Report of
the Auditor-General is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Construction Education and
Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 85-
2003].
(17) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour, the Portfolio Committee on Health and the Portfolio
Committee on Social Development. The Report of the Auditor-General
is referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Health and Welfare Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-
2003 [RP 88-2003].
(18) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour, the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local Government
and the Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry. The
Report of the Auditor-General to be referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Local Government, Water and
Related Services Sector Education and Training Authority for 2002-
2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 89-2003].
(19) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour, the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security and the
Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development. The
Report of the Auditor-General to be referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Police, Security, Legal,
Justice and Correctional Services Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 98-2003].
(20) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Services Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 82-
2003].
(21) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and
Administration. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to
the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Public Sector Education and
Training Authority (PSETA) for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
91-2003].
(22) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements is referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote No 8 - National
Treasury for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 135-
2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Financial Services
Board for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 133-
2003].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Financial and
Fiscal Commission for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
132-2002].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Accounting
Standards Board for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors for 2002-2003 [RP 45-2003].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the Development Bank of
Southern Africa Limited for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the Corporation for
Public Deposits for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(g) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Reserve Bank for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(23) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration:
Report of the Auditor-General on Performance Audits completed
during the 2001-2002 financial year [RP 156-2003].
(24) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance for consideration and report:
(a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Republic of Rwanda for the
Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal
Evasion in respect of taxes on income, tabled in terms of
section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Republic of Rwanda for the Avoidance of Double Taxation
and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion in respect of taxes on
income.
(c) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Republic of Botswana for the
Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal
Evasion in respect of taxes on income, tabled in terms of
section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(d) Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Republic of Botswana for the Avoidance of Double
Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion in respect of
taxes on income.
(e) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Sultanate of Oman for the
Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal
Evasion in respect of taxes on income, tabled in terms of
section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(f) Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Sultanate of Oman for the Avoidance of Double Taxation
and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion in respect of taxes on
income.
(g) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Republic of Belarus for the
Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal
Evasion in respect of taxes on income and on capital
(property), tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(h) Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Republic of Belarus for the Avoidance of Double
Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion in respect of
taxes on income and on capital (property).
(25) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance:
(a) Government Notice No 1103 published in Government Gazette
No 25250 dated 30 July 2003: Appointments and re-appointments
of members to the panel of the Tax Board for the hearing of
income tax appeals in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act
No 58 of 1962).
(b) Government Notice No 1104 published in Government Gazette
No 25286 dated 30 July 2003: Statement of the National and
Provincial Governments' Revenue, Expenditure and Borrowing as
at 30 June 2003, in terms of the Public Finance Management
Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
(c) Proclamation No R61 published in Government Gazette No
25290 dated 31 July 2003: Commencement of the Insurance
Amendment Act, 2003 (Act No 17 of 2003).
(d) Multi-Annual Indicative Programme and Country Strategic
Paper between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the European Community for 2003-2006, tabled in terms of
section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(e) Explanatory Memorandum to the Multi-Annual Indicative
Programme and Country Strategic Paper between the Government
of the Republic of South Africa and the European Community for
2003-2006.
(f) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany
concerning Financial Cooperation - Rural Electrification,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(g) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
of the Federal Republic of Germany concerning Financial
Cooperation - Rural Electrification.
(h) Government Notices No R1208 and R1209 published in
Government Gazette No 25370 dated 29 August 2003: Amendment of
Regulations in terms of the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act
No 52 of 1998).
(i) Annual Economic Report of the South African Reserve Bank
for 2003.
(j) Address of the Governer of the South African Reserve Bank
- 26 August 2003.
(k) Loan Agreement on the Municipal Financial Management
Technical Assistance Project between Republic of South Africa
and International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
(l) Government Notice No 1073 published in Government Gazette
No 25247 dated 8 August 2003: Amendment of the Rules of the
Government Employees Pension Fund, in terms of the Government
Employees Pension Law, 1996 (Act No 21 of 1996).
(m) Government Notice No 2261 published in Government Gazette
No 25367 dated 29 August 2003: Rate on the interest on
government loans, in terms of the Public Finance Management
Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
(26) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Home Affairs. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Electoral Commission for
2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 67-2003].
(27) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development. The Reports of the Auditor-
General are referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Public Protector of
South Africa, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 59-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the National
Prosecuting Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(28) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Communications. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to
the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Sentech for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-
2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 7 - Government
Communication and Information System (GCIS) for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 102-2003].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 26 - Department of
Communications for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(29) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Minerals and Energy. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to
the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 31 - Department of
Minerals and Energy for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
113-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Nuclear Energy Corporation Limited (NECSA) for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-
2003.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the National Nuclear
Regulator for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 36-
2003].
(d) Group Annual Financial Statements of the Petroleum Oil and
Gas Corporation of South Africa (Pty) Ltd (PetroSA) for 2002-
2003, including the Reports of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 158-2003].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the Council for Mineral
Technology (MINTEK) for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
55-2003].
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the Council for
Geoscience for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 46-
2003].
(g) Report and Financial Statements of the National
Electricity Regulator for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003
[RP 144-2003].
(h) Annual Financial Statements of the Central Energy Fund
(CEF) Group of Companies for 2002-2003, including the Reports
of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-
2003 [RP 155-2003].
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Diamond Board for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
127-2003].
(30) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of Parliament of the Republic of
South Africa for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 153-2003].
(31) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Education. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Umalusi Council for
Quality Assurance in General and Further Education and
Training for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the South African
Qualifications Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report
of the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003. [RP 115-2003].
(32) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Sport and Recreation. The Report of the Auditor-General is
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of the South African Institute for
Drug-Free Sport for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 124-2003].
(33) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration:
Letter from the Minister of Health to the Speaker, tabled in terms
of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
(Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the
Annual Reports and Financial Statements for the National Health
Laboratory Services for 2001-2002 and 2002-2003.
(34) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Arts, Culture, Science and Technology. The Reports of the Auditor-
General and the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements
is referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of The Afrikaans Language
Museum for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Voortekker and
Ncome Museums for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Performing Arts
Centre of the Free State (PACOFS) for 2002-2003, including the
Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements
for 2002-2003.
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Africa Institute of
South Africa for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the Artscape for 2002-
2003, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the Robben Island
Museum for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 149-
2003].
(g) Report and Financial Statements of the Natal Museum for
2002-2003.
(h) Report and Financial Statements of the National Research
Foundation for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the National Arts
Council for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(j) Report and Financial Statements of the National Zoological
Gardens of South Africa for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003
[RP 148-2003].
(k) Report and Financial Statements of the Freedom Park Trust
for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(l) Report and Financial Statements of the Iziko Museums of
Cape Town for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 119-
2003].
(m) Report and Financial Statements of the Human Science
Research Council (HSRC) for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003
[RP 60-2003].
(n) Report and Financial Statements of the Human Science
Research Council (HSRC) for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003
[RP 60-2003].
(o) Report and Financial Statements of the National Library of
South Africa for 2001-2002, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2001-2002.
(p) Report and Financial Statements of the Spoornet State
Theatre for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Independent
Auditor for 2002-2003.
(q) Report and Financial Statements of the South African Blind
Workers Organisation for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(r) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 35 - Department of
Science and Technology for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003
[RP 163-2003].
(s) Report and Financial Statements of the National Arts
Council of South Africa for 2002-2003, including the Report of
the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003
[RP 114-2003].
(35) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Water Affairs and Forestry. The Reports of the Auditor-General and
the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred
to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 33 - Department of
Water Affairs and Forestry for 2002-2003, including the Report
of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-
2003 [RP 54-2003].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Water Research
Commission for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 116-
2003].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Trans Caledon
Tunnel Authority for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(36) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Enterprises and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
for consideration:
Report of the Auditor-General on a Forensic Audit Investigation
into the sale of non-ferrous scrap metal products at Transnet
Limited [RP 179-2003].
(37) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Provincial and Local Government:
Reasons for the Declaration of a State of Disaster in the
Ehlanzeni District Municipality: Mpumalanga Province, in terms of
section 2(4) of the Civil Protection Act, 1977 (Act No 67 of
1977).
(38) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Health. The Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
Report and Financial Statements of Vote 16 - Department of Health
for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 151-2003].
(39) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Health. The Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
Accounts for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 11 - Public
Service Commission for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
107-2003].
(b) Report of the Public Service Commission on the Citizen
Satisfaction Survey: Overview Report 2001-2002 [RP 109-2003].
(40) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Service and Administration and the Portfolio Committee on
Transport:
(a) Report of the Public Service Commission on the Evaluation
of the Service Delivery Innovation of the Creation of Agencies
at the Department of Transport for 2003 [RP 61-2003].
(b) Report of the Public Service Commission on the Evaluation
of the Department of Transport and its Agencies for 2003 [RP
62-2003].
(41) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Service and Administration and the Portfolio Committee on
Housing:
Report of the Public Service Commission on the Evaluation of the
National Housing Subsidy Scheme for 2003 [RP 64-2003].
(42) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Enterprises. The Report of the Independent Auditors is
referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
consideration:
Report and Financial Statements of Transnet Limited for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Independent Auditors for 2002-2003.
(43) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Arts, Culture, Science and Technology for consideration and
report:
(a) Membership to the Statutes of the International Centre for
Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology, tabled in terms of
section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Statutes of the
International Centre for Genetic Engineering and
Biotechnology.
(44) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Trade and Industry. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred
to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the South African Bureau of
Standards (SABS) for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(45) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Works. The Report of the Auditor-General is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and
report:
Report and Financial Statements of the Independent Development
Trust for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(46) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Report of the Independent
Auditors is referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
for consideration and report:
Annual Financial Statements of the Ncera Farms (Proprietary)
Limited for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Independent
Auditors for 2002-2003.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Home Affairs:
Report and Financial Statements of the Film and Publication Board for
2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2002-2003.
- The Minister of Finance:
(a) Accession to the Protocol of Amendment to the International
Convention on the Simplification and Harmonization of Customs
Procedures, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution,
1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum on the Accession to the Protocol of
Amendment to the International Convention on the Simplification
and Harmonization of Customs Procedures.
- The Minister of Trade and Industry:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the National Lotteries Board
for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the National Manufacturing
Advisory Centres Trust (NAMAC) for 2002-2003, including the Report
of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-
2003.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Micro Finance Regulatory
Council (MFRC) for 2002.
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the National Gambling Board
for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 106-2003].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the Competition Commission of
South Africa for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 101-2003].
(f) Annual Review of the Competition Commmission of South Africa for
2003.
- The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:
Report and Financial Statements of the Legal Aid Board for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
for 2002-2003.
- The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism:
Report and Financial Statements of South African Tourism for 2002-2003,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
for 2002-2003.
- The Minister of Minerals and Energy:
Report and Financial Statements of the Mine Health and Safety
Inspectorate for 2002-2003.
- The Minister for Safety and Security:
Report and Financial Statements of Vote 22 - Independent Complaints
Directorate (ICD) for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 125-2003].
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Assembly:
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the National Gambling Bill [B 48 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 76), dated 23 September 2003:
The Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having considered the subject of the National Gambling Bill [B 48 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 76), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 76 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 48A - 2003].
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs on the Electoral Laws Amendment Bill [B 54B - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 25 September 2003:
The Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs, having considered the subject of Clause 9 of the Electoral Laws Amendment Bill [B 54B - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred back to it by resolution of the National Assembly on 23 September 2003, reports the Bill with amendments [B 54C - 2003]. CREDA INSERT - Insert ATC2509e