MONDAY, 9 FEBRUARY 2004 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 14:02.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                             NEW MEMBER

                           (Announcement)

The Speaker announced that the vacancy that had arisen as a result of the resignation of Dr S M Mogoba had been filled, in accordance with item 6(3) of Schedule 6 to the Constitution, 1996, by the nomination of Mr T Godi with effect from 1 February 2004.

The member had made and subscribed the oath in the Speaker’s office on 3 February 2004.

                     COPY OF PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

                           (Announcement)

The Speaker announced that she had received a copy of the President of the Republic’s address delivered at a Joint Sitting on Friday, 6 February 2004, and that the speech had been printed in the Minutes of the Joint Sitting.

The SPEAKER: As I announced last Friday, the President has requested an opportunity to make an announcement, and I will now grant the President that opportunity. [Applause.]

                       DATE OF 2004 ELECTIONS

                           (Announcement) The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Thank you, Madam Speaker.

As all of us know, this year we will be holding our third democratic general elections. In this regard, as the Speaker has just said, the Speaker announced before we adjourned on Friday that we would announce the election date today.

Again, as hon members are aware, we have to consider the matter of the date together with the Electoral Commission and the premiers of our provinces. Among other things, the Electoral Commission has been concerned that it should have enough time to register as many voters as possible while allowing enough time for it to do everything necessary to organise and run the elections as required by the law.

Originally, we had agreed with the Electoral Commission that we should announce the election date on 11 February. Later, the Electoral Commission requested that we should make this announcement a little earlier. Accordingly, after consultation with the Electoral Commission and discussion with the premiers, I would like to inform the national legislature and the country that the 2004 general elections for the national and provincial legislatures will take place on 14 April. [Applause.]

It is visualised that this date will be gazetted later this week on Wednesday, 11 February, after the national and provincial legislatures have approved the necessary dissolution resolutions. Accordingly, the voter’s roll will be closed at midnight, 24h00, on Wednesday this week. Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Thank you, Mr President.

                 SUSPENSION OF RULE 298 AND RULE 316

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) noting the proposal by the President in his announcement in the National Assembly today to call an election on 14 April 2004, in accordance with section 50(1) of the Constitution resolves to dissolve;

(2) notes that in terms of section 49(4) of the Constitution it remains competent to function until the day before the first day of polling for the next Assembly; and

(3) resolves to suspend Rule 298 and Rule 316 to prevent bills and other business from lapsing when the House is dissolved.

Question put: That the motion be adopted.

The SPEAKER: Hon members, I want to draw your attention that though we have dissolved, we are still competent to carry on business, so we are still at work. However, to make that official, we will be asking you to record your votes as we need a majority, and we need to record the majority.

Hon members, I know we’ve got these nice new systems. Would you all please record your votes.

AYES - 269: Abram, S; Andrew, K M; Arendse, J D; Asmal, A K; Baloyi, M R; Baloyi, S F; Bapela, O; Bell, B G; Bhengu, F; Blanchÿ, J P I; Bloem, D V; Booi, M S; Botha, A J; Botha, N G W; Bruce, N S; Buthelezi, M G; Cachalia, I M; Camerer, S M; Carrim, Y I; Cassim, M F; Chalmers, J; Chiba, L; Chikane, MM; Cindi, N V; Clelland-Stokes, N J; Cronin, J P; Cwele, S C; Da Camara, M L; Daniels, N; Davidson, I O; Davies, R H; De Lille, P; Delport, J T; Diale, L N; Didiza, A T; Ditshetelo, P H K; Dlamini, B O; Dlamini-Zuma, N C; Doidge, G Q M; Doman, W P; Du Toit, D C; Durand, J; Ellis, M J; Erwin, A; Fankomo, F C; Farrow, S B; Fazzie, M H; Fraser-Moleketi, G J; Frolick, C T; Geldenhuys, B L; George, M E; Gerber, P A; Gibson, D H M; Gillwald, C E; Gogotya, N J; Goniwe, M T; Goosen, A D; Greyling, C H F; Grobler, G A J; Gumede, D M; Gxowa, N B; Hajaig, F; Hanekom, D A; Hendricks, L B; Hendrickse, P A C; Herandien, C B; Hlaneki, C J M; Hlengwa, M W; Holomisa, B H; Holomisa, S P; Jankielsohn, R; Jassat, E E; Jeffery, J H; Johnson, C B; Kalyan, S V; Kannemeyer, B W; Kasienyane, O R; Kati, J Z; Kgarimetsa, J J; Kgwele, L M; Komphela, B M; Koornhof, N J J van R; Kota, Z A; Kotwal, Z; Lamani, N E; Landers, L T; Le Roux, J W; Lee, T D; Lekota, M G P; Leon, A J; Lishivha, T E; Lobe, M C; Lockey, D; Louw, J T; Louw, S K; Lowe, C M; Lucas, E J; Ludwabe, C I; Lyle, A G; Mabuyakhulu, V D; Maduna, P M; Magashule, E S; Magwanishe, G B; Mahlangu-Nkabinde, G L; Mahomed, F; Maimane, D S; Maine, M S; Makanda, W G; Makasi, X C; Maluleke, D K; Manie, M S; Manuel, T A; Mapisa-Nqakula, N N; Mars, I; Martins, B A D; Masala, M M; Maserumule, F T; Mashimbye, J N; Masithela, N H; Mathibela, N F; Matsepe-Casaburri, I F; Matthews, V J G; Mayatula, S M; Mbadi, L M; Mbete, B; Mbombo, N D; Mbuyazi, L R; McIntosh, G B D; Mdladlana, M M S; Mentor, M P; Meruti, V; Meshoe, K R J; Mfundisi, I S; Middleton, N S; Millin, T E; Mkono, D G; Mlangeni, A; Mnandi, P N; Mngomezulu, G P; Mnguni, B A; Moatshe, M S; Modisenyane, L J; Moeketse, K M; Mohamed, I J; Mohlala, R J B; Mokoena, A D; Molebatsi, M A; Moloi, J; Moloto, K A; Montsitsi, S D; Moonsamy, K; Moorcroft, E K; Moosa, M V; Morobi, D M; Moropa, R M; Morutoa, M R; Mothoagae, P K; Motubatse-Hounkpatin, S D; Mpaka, H M; Mshudulu, S A; Mthembu, B; Mtsweni, N S; Mulder, C P; Mulder, P W A; Mzondeki, M J G; Nair, B; Nash, J H; Ncinane, I Z; Ndzanga, R A; Nefolovhodwe, P J; Nel, A C; Nel, A H; Nene, N M; Newhoudt-Druchen, W S; Ngcobo, N; Ngculu, L V J; Nhleko, N P; Nhlengethwa, D G; Njobe, M A A; Nkabinde, N C; Nqakula, C; Ntuli, B M; Ntuli, J T; Ntuli, R S; Ntuli, S B; Nwamitwa-Shilubana, T L P; Nxumalo, S N; Nzimande, L P M; Olckers, M E; Oliphant, M N; Oosthuizen, G C; Opperman, S E; Pahad, E G; Phadagi, M G; Phohlela, S; Pieterse, R D; Pretorius, I J; Rabie, P J; Ramakaba-Lesiea, M M; Ramotsamai, C M P; Ratsoma, M M; Redcliffe, C R; Rhoda, R T; Ripinga, S S; Robertsen, M O; Roopnarain, U; Rwexana, S P; Saaiman, P W; Saloojee, E (Cassim); Schalkwyk, P J; Schippers, J; Schneeman, G D; Schoeman, E A; Seaton, S A; Sekgobela, P S; Selfe, J; Semple, J A; September, C C; September, R K; Seremane, W J; Sigcau, S N; Sigcawu, A N; Sigwela, E M; Sikakane, M R; Simmons, S; Sisulu, L N; Skhosana, W M; Skosana, M B; Skweyiya, Z S T; Smith, V G; Solo, B M; Soloman, G; Sonjica, B P; Sosibo, J E; Sotyu, M M; Swart, P S; Swart, S N; Taljaard, R; Tarr, M A; Thabethe, E; Theron, J L; Tinto, B; Tolo, L J; Tshabalala-Msimang, M E; Tsheole, N M; Tshivhase, T J; Tshwete, P; Turok, B; Twala, N M; Vadi, I; Van den Heever, R P Z; Van der Merwe, J H; Van der Merwe, S C; Van Deventer, F J; Van Jaarsveld, A Z A; Van Niekerk, A I; Van Wyk, Annelizÿ; Van Wyk, J F; Van Wyk, N; Vos, S C; Waters, M; Woods, G G; Xingwana, L M T; Zita, L; Zondo, R P; Zulu, N E; Zuma, J G.

The required support having been obtained in terms of section 50(1)(a) of the Constitution, motion accordingly adopted.

                          HOURS OF SITTING

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House suspends Rule 23(2) in regard to Tuesday, 10 February 2004, and that the hours of sitting on that day shall be as follows:

10:00, or such later time as the Speaker determines, to adjournment.

Agreed to.

                         PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

                      (Subject for Discussion)

The SPEAKER: The hon Mr Lekota! [Applause.] Order! The hon Mr Gibson! Mr Lekota, will you please take your seat for a moment.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: This must be the only parliamentary democracy in the world where an ANC speaker responds to the President instead of the Leader of the Opposition. [Interjections.] I am sure that there must be some mistake with the speaking order, and I ask you to give attention to that. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, this is the only Parliament that I know of where all parties have forgotten decisions they took, even though it was in

1. Mr Gibson is correct; that is a right that the Leader of the Opposition has - to make the first response, if he wishes. I would suggest, in future, that we abide by that decision or change it. [Interjections.]

In the meantime, I call on Minister Lekota.

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President and colleagues, members of the House, I would like to start by saying that the state of the nation address was a review of the work our nation has done over the past 10 years, and not a campaign speech about what the ANC intended to do if it were to return to power after the coming elections. [Interjections.] May I proceed and say that on the northern banks of the Vaal River stands a town where in 1902 British and Afrikaner leaders concluded peace and signed a treaty. They then named the place Vereeniging, a place of unity. Eighty years later they, ignoring the demands of the majority black population, consolidated their unity by forging the Union of South Africa. In the intervening period those excluded persisted and prepared themselves for the day when this mistake of history would be corrected. It required the organised strength of the majority who were excluded in 1910 to wage an unrelenting struggle to build a democracy that would at last unite the people of South Africa into one nation.

It is a source of joy that we can say today that 80 years later our people, black and white, at Codesa united and took a decision to forge one nation. The negotiated settlement at Codesa placed a historical obligation on all sides to work and eradicate the disparities the intervening years had produced. The challenge for us over the past 10 years has been, and into the future will be, to continue to work together, and for every section to be upfront in tackling the huge disparities created during those intervening years, disparities which at the present time continue to undermine the image of our nation.

When President Mandela called for reconciliation at the beginning of our first decade of democracy, he invited all of us to make the journey in this direction together. As South Africans we continue on this journey, but we do so side by side and whilst debating the ways and means by which this has to be done.

Of course, central to this debate must be how South Africans would push back the frontiers of poverty. Everyone of us has an equal right and duty to participate in this national discourse, for it is only through open and free dialogue that we can arrive at sound solutions.

Whilst no one sector of our population can claim the monopoly of how this must be done, the voices of those who were previously disadvantaged should indeed be listened to with close attention, because it is there where the pain and the sore of what happened in the past resides. Those who suffered the humiliation and the pain of the past should in some measure enjoy the patience and the willingness of their fellow South Africans to be heard and to be assisted, not as a matter of favour, but as a matter of historical duty.

This places an obligation on those who were advantaged to be equally active in the search for solutions, and not to adopt the posture of onlooking critics who have no obligations to build our common future.

The general upliftment of those who were historically disadvantaged, through real and palpable and visible steps, must be unstintingly pursued and this must be done in the interests of South Africa as a whole.

In the drive towards democracy we prepared our people, under the banner of the ANC, not only to know what was wrong with apartheid, but also what the ideal model to replace apartheid would be. We need increasing numbers of South Africans to support the drive towards the attainment of that goal of a South Africa that belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

It is with a measure of satisfaction that today we may look back on the past 10 years of democracy and appreciate those who went through the TRC process, from both sides of the divide, who declared their mistakes and asked for amnesty. It was a courageous gesture on the part of all of them. The TRC was an achievement, not a setback.

We also acknowledge those who have made contributions through their participation in the Jobs Summit, those who have been part of the growth and development programme activities, and those who have sought to advance national reconciliation, individually and collectively. I think that the most pregnant example, alongside the one the President quoted of Rian Malan …

… is die voorbeeld van E T Terre’blanche, wat nie lank terug nie voor die hof gekom het en vir die hele land gesê het dat hy aanvaar dat hy ‘n fout begaan het deur andere vroeërjare op te stook. [… is the example of E T Terreblanche, who appeared in court not very long ago and told the whole country he accepted he had made a mistake inciting others previously.]

He then made an appeal to his followers and supporters and those who care to listen, by saying that the new South Africa was here, and required his supporters and followers to go back to their homes, to put down their weapons and to join the national project to construct a South Africa that we have already been pursuing.

It takes a lot of courage for a man or woman to be able to confront their mistakes and acknowledge them before his or her people. I think that this country is the better for what E T Terre’blanche did.

Nevertheless, there are challenges that remain. Recently a black colleague, who is in this House, had supper at the Mount Nelson Hotel. He shared with me his experience there. He asked the manager why there were no black staff in the restaurant. The manager, to his amazement, replied that staff were recruited on merit, and since many blacks did not speak English well enough, they could not be employed, because they would not be able to deal with the clientele.

The incident raises a number of issues I would like to highlight in the debate today. Firstly, the need to transform attitudes remains a big challenge. As long as generalisations of this nature persist in the outlook of South Africans of one colour or race towards others, our judgments of the opportunities that history has placed before us will not be used by us effectively.

Secondly, this incident denies the fact that there are plenty of young black South Africans who speak perfect English and, certainly, who have sufficient intelligence to serve the clientele of any hotel, the Mount Nelson included.

Thirdly, this incident shows that the opportunities denied to blacks in the past must be reversed and that people from disadvantaged educational backgrounds must be given the training and skills needed for them to take their rightful place in society.

As long as these kinds of attitudes persist, we will deny our fellow South Africans the opportunities they deserve, opportunities which over the period of 80 years I referred to were given to our white brothers and sisters who came from the countryside and from backgrounds that involved no training whatsoever. The time has come for black and white South Africans to recognise their obligations towards those who have paid the price of the mistakes of history, and to do so because a better future can only arise if we act correctly.

This incident illustrates the distance we still have to travel in this country. Few can argue that the position of the Mount Nelson is not based on plain and simple bigotry and irrational prejudice. Had the manager been further challenged, he would have emphatically denied the offensiveness of his explanation. Denial is, after all, a way of not facing up to irrational prejudice, but the incident also illustrates the damage South Africa has suffered. Whilst the incident is a small example and an isolated one, if we were multiply such an incident across our country - there are many incidents of that nature - then we would be able to understand the enormity of the task we face.

To talk of people the way the manager spoke about black people is to deny their humanity. It highlights the disadvantages black people are still burdened with 10 years into our democracy. However, most seriously, the sort of racial prejudice that occurs here, physically robs South Africa of the talents of its peoples by denying them the room to contribute. It is as illogical and as irrational as watching three men try to push a wagon out of a ditch, while six other men look on and observe. Were all nine persons to push the wagon, it would soon be on its way.

As we complete the first decade of our freedom we continue to call on all South Africans to join hands and to push the wagon out of the mud, to build and strengthen our democracy and to fight the scourge of poverty and unemployment.

In another vein, the nine persons pushing the wagon represent our diversity, symbolised by our new coat of arms. The coat of arms, composed of elephant tusks, the ears of wheat, the shield, the human figures, the spear, the knobkerrie, the protea, the secretary bird and the rising sun, is flanked by the motto: !ke e: /xarra //ke'', which means Diverse people unite’’ or ``Unity in diversity’’.

We are one nation made up of diverse peoples. We are a multiracial, multilingual, multireligious nation, and this is our greatest strength. Other countries, like Brazil, have used their diversity to make them strong. Whilst in the past our diversity was a source of tension, we have turned this on its head and correctly made our diversity our strength, building on our wealth of diverse cultures and experiences to enrich our nation. Because of the past, South Africa will never be at peace with itself until its people have reconciled themselves through that process.

Social stability necessitates reconciliation and requires commitment to our diversity. It means breaking out of our racial, tribal, ethnic cocoons and recognising that there is a place for everyone in this diverse national environment. However, our diversity has to be lived and experienced as equality.

Our partnership with the people means that the Government is working with the people to further intensify the transformation process necessary to rebuild our society. At each turn we should be able to ask what role different institutions can play in that partnership - the role of parties, of the churches, of sports bodies, of the media, of business and so on - what role indeed our manager of the Mount Nelson Hotel should be playing.

Democracy is not just about going to the polls every five years. It is a comprehensive political and social culture based on certain values. The preamble to the opening chapter of our Constitution lists these values, but they were not dreamt up in 1994. They are to be found in the history and the experience of our people, in the founding documents of the ANC in 1912, the African Claims of 1943, the Freedom Charter of 1955 and the Harare Declaration of 1989.

The signing of the Constitution in 1996 was a crowning moment in our history, consolidating our experience, our sacrifices and our hard work. These values permeate the democratic movement and the ideals for which it stands. Central to these is their adoption, ownership and defence by the people of South Africa as a whole. The nation-building process entails encouraging all South Africans to buy into that comprehensive value system known as democracy.

We are not going to be able to build a democracy and stability in a nation that contains disparities, a nation wherein some persons have so much food that all they can think about is dieting, while others do not know where their next meal is coming from. [Interjections.]

The definition of national interest and self-interest consistent with democracy is based on Motho ke motho ka batho ba bang''. This is the people-centred society the President referred to in his address. It is the orientation of our forebears articulated when they said: Motho ke motho ka batho ba bang’’. The humanity of one flows from the recognition and respect of the humanity of others. You are only so human to the extent that you treat others as human. If you treat others as less than human, then you yourself are less than human.

In the history of the ANC and its operations, the movement has always sought to cultivate men and women towards a democratic orientation. Indeed, as it struggled for democracy, the ANC was already preparing her membership and followers for the advent of democracy. It taught its members, it prepared them, it subjected them to practice. It proceeded to educate them on what an acceptable alternative was, and when the day and date came the ANC was party to the drafting, drawing and signing of the Constitution that embraced those goals. [Applause.]

At the Codesa negotiations we accepted the participation of every representative and leader of the people of South Africa, whether they agreed with us or not. We participated with them and took decisions together democratically. In order to come to Government, we fought a free and fair election alongside other parties in the true spirit of multiparty democracy. We have sustained that culture and practice and will go into the next election in the same spirit.

When we joined the SADC community of nations, we moved that SADC must never entertain in her forum any leader who was not voted to power democratically in their country. Later, at the 35th summit of the OAU, under the aegis of SADC, we moved a similar position. Today our continent has inherited this position with regard to democracy. We have consistently inside the ANC, in the country and abroad advocated and supported democratic practice. We, past victims of an undemocratic order, will not veer away from democratic ways and practices for which so many of our members and supporters struggled, suffered and sacrificed their lives. [Applause.]

I wish to place on record that as the National Chairperson of the ANC I have missed no meetings of its senior councils, officials, national working committee, national executive committee and national conferences since we came to power in this country and since we adopted the present Constitution. I am privy to reports of branches of the ANC, its regions, provinces and structures of its allied partners in the tripartite alliance. I wish to assure this House and our nation that there is no individual member or structure of the ANC that has even raised the issue of amending the Constitution in order to enable any ANC member to occupy the country’s presidency or any position for longer than is stipulated in the Constitution of our country. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

Two weeks ago I was passing through Johannesburg International Airport and saw black and white young airline ground staff in uniform. They were sitting on one of those benches in the airport, earnestly chatting and sometimes whispering to each other, presumably about matters close to the hearts of the youth. They were totally engrossed as if there was no outside world. For a moment I slowed my step. It occurred to me that in the South Africa of my youth such a scene would have been unthinkable and even obscene to some.

The SPEAKER: Hon Minister, your time has expired.

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: I thank you. [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, colleagues, today President Mbeki announced that our third democratic election will be held on 14 April. In response the DA has just three words: Bring it on, for we are going to give the people of South Africa a real choice and hope for real change. We are going to give our democracy the best tenth birthday present it could possibly hope for: The creation of a genuine two-party system, and a real alternative for this country, because South Africa deserves better. [Interjections.]

Ten years ago, at the very moment that our nation won its freedom, we had to face a new task. Our first democratically elected President, Mr Mandela, told us at his inauguration:

We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.

And so, therefore, for South Africans, as defined by the first President, freedom does not begin and end with the right to vote. Freedom also means the opportunity to work and earn a living, freedom means safety from violence - on the streets and in the home - freedom means good health, decent schools and a clean environment. Freedom means real hope for the future. With that mission in mind, and the best opposition - and a better one after this election when this side is much larger than it has ever been before - South Africa began a new journey. [Interjections.] We have indeed come a long way, as the Minister of Defence reminded us this afternoon. We did create a constitution with a bill of rights that protects communities and individuals. We have bound the wounds of our nation together through the TRC. We built a stable economy and we supported it with responsible fiscal policies that have reduced debt and cut inflation. We extended basic services such as housing, electricity, water and sanitation to millions of people. [Interjections.]

We should all be proud of these achievements. They are to the credit of the government and the people of South Africa. However, the people of South Africa are not yet truly free. Millions have been left behind. Eight million South Africans are out of work, 22,5 million South Africans live in poverty, a quarter of a million South Africans have been murdered in the last decade, 5 million South Africans have been infected with the HI-virus and as many as 1 million have died already. [Interjections.] They are not just numbers; they represent real people, real human beings with real stories.

Over the past five years my colleagues and I have travelled throughout the length and breadth of our land. We have strolled down the dusty streets of squatter camps, we have visited distant farms and towns on the platteland, and we have walked through the concrete canyons of the inner cities. I have seen the suffering of millions of our fellow South Africans. I have listened to the stories of ordinary people - men, women, young and old - struggling to succeed and struggling to survive.

On the streets of Jeppestown, Johannesburg, I spoke to hawkers who told me that they could not find the capital they needed to expand their businesses and to create jobs. Among them was a man called Linda Cebekhulu. [Interjections.] He had wandered around the streets of the city with his three children, looking for work. ``My family is dying of hunger,’’ he told me. That is why South Africa needs real change.

If the Government simply extended, for example, the two-tier labour system, which it is introducing for itself in the expanded public works programme, and applied it to the private sector, we would create jobs for millions of people like Linda. [Interjections.]

We have made several visits to Khayelitsha, a few kilometers from here, where the poorest families survive on less than R40 per person per month. In parts of Umlazi in KwaZulu-Natal where we were, entire families have no source of cash, except for the pension of granny or grandpa. That is why South Africa needs real change.

If Government simply reversed its position on the basic income grant, it could make a tremendous difference to those people’s lives. In Pretoria West I visited with Clifford Rawstone, a man who lost his infant daughter, his fiancée and his mother in a brutal and senseless hijacking and tripple murder. In the informal settlement of Witlokasie in the Southern Cape near Knysna, I was with the family of Claudine Arnold, a ten-year-old, who was found raped, murdered and her neck broken.

Here in Cape Town I met with Liesl de Villiers whose fiancé, Martin Whitaker, was murdered by a man whom the President pardoned and released from jail. That is why South Africa needs real change. If the Government made a serious commitment to fighting crime, and improving the justice system, it could prevent all of this needless suffering.

In Boksburg North, when we went to visit Aids children, we played with the children of St Francis Care Centre, many of whom have been infected with HIV. In Pietermaritzburg I saw how the KwaZulu-Natal government was helping Aids orphans by assisting the Pietermaritzburg Children’s Home, but even there there are far too few beds for all the children who need care. That is why South Africa needs real change. [Interjections.] The lives of those children would have been completely different if the Government - at the right moment and in the right way - had provided their mothers with drugs to prevent the transmission of the HI-virus.

The children in the Kaalfontein Primary School had a different set of problems. They had, last year, no desks, no chairs and no roof over their heads. I found them, nearly 1200 of them, sitting on top of concrete slabs and empty paint cans in the heat of the day. That is why South Africa needs real change. Those children could have a real chance for a brighter future if the Government put the basics first, ahead of a whole range of other issues and priorities.

Ek was nou die dag by die Hoërskool Hendrik Verwoerd in Villeria wat op versoek van die Regering en die Gautengse departement van onderwys van Afrikaans na dubbelmedium oorgeskakel het. Die skool is bykomende hulpbronne en nog onderwysers belowe om dit moontlik te maak. Sewe jaar later het hulle net een ekstra onderwyser, en sukkel hulle om vir al hul leerders voorsiening te maak. [Tussenwerpsels.] Dit is waarom Suid-Afrika ware verandering nodig het. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Recently, I was at the Hendrik Verwoerd High School in Villeria who, at the request of the Government and the Gauteng Department of Education, has switched from Afrikaans to dual medium. The school was promised additional resources and more teachers to make this possible. Seven years later they only have one additional teacher, and they are struggling to make provision for all their learners. [Interjections.] That is why South Africa needs real change.]

That school, and others like it, would be thriving if the Government honoured, by practice and by deed, its commitments to language and cultural diversity.

We travelled to Zimbabwe to meet with workers, farmers, journalists and activists, the very people that the ANC backbenchers are utterly deriding today. [Interjections.] We learnt first-hand, not through a book or a magazine, about the suffering that the people have had at the hands of the Zanu-PF regime. The people of Zimbabwe would still have had their freedom and prosperity if our Government, at crucial moments, had stood up for that which is right. [Interjections.]

To the many, many women, men and children whom we have met and whose lives we have shared, the President said on Friday:

We do not foresee that there will be any need for new and major policy initiatives.

This is an extraordinary statement, one that will go down in history as a symbol of the fundamental problem at the core of the failures of this Government.

It was also quite extraordinary, if not shocking, that the President would continue to deny the gravity of the HIV/Aids crisis in this country, as he did only last night on television.

In August last year, the Government announced that it would introduce an antiretroviral programme. Today, six months later, we are still waiting. Instead of saving lives, the Government is counting death notices. The people of South Africa are crying out for help on these crucial battleground issues, but the President and the Government have not listened.

For all the money and all the events and all the results of the imbizos, I believe the President has failed to learn that South Africans want certain changes, real fundamental changes, because the President said on Friday that all South Africa has to do is implement the policies we already have. With great respect, many of these policies are failing, precisely because the Government does not listen to the people until it is too late. When the people raise their voices, the Government reacts in ways that raises serious questions about its own commitment to openness and democracy, despite the fine words uttered today by the Minister of Defence.

A few days ago, when the nation’s doctors marched to protest the poor condition in the public health service, the Minister of Health, instead of meeting them, threatened to fire them. [Interjections.] In similar fashion, the President on Friday … maybe they should fire Manto, yes … lashed out against what he called ``the traditional doomsayers’’. Let’s consider this concept. Let’s consider the following quotes:

If all indicators in South Africa were to continue along the same trajectory, especially in respect of economic inclusion and exclusion, we could soon reach a point where the negatives start to overwhelm the positives. This could precipitate a vicious cycle of decline in all spheres.

Who made that statement? The opposition? The usual suspects in the media? No, it was made by the Government itself in its document, Towards a 10- year Review''. There are many proud and patriotic South Africans who express similar concerns. Jeremy Cronin, I dare say, is a proud and patriotic South African. He himself brought up the question of the Zanufication’’ of the ruling party. Others like journalist Barney Mthombothi have warned us only last week about the possibility of ``our country becoming a one-party state by default’’.

Former ANC MP Andrew Feinstein, who resigned over the way in which his party was covering up the arms deal, said after 1999:

Parliament has become more of a rubberstamp for the executive on really crucial oversight issues such as HIV/Aids, Zimbabwe, aspects of economic policy and the arms deal.

Trevor Ncube, the Zimbabwean owner of the Mail and Guardian, said:

I am concerned about the similarities I am reading between South Africa and Zimbabwe, and Good Lord, I hope I’m wrong, because if I’m not, then South Africa is headed in the direction of Zimbabwe.

These are not doomsayers by any stretch of the imagination. They are people who care deeply about South Africa and that is precisely why they are speaking out. If democracy is not about the freedom to speak out and the freedom to choose, then democracy is about nothing at all. That is the essence of a democracy and of our new democratic South Africa. [Applause.]

Again, the Minister of Defence today, speaker number seven of the ANC by my account on the third term, spoke about this issue in terms of past resolutions, but all the President has to do is to speak about it himself. And the issue was not raised by the Opposition. I wish to correct the Minister of Defence. It was raised by former President Mandela himself. It is not a matter of electioneering. [Interjections.] It is about the quality of our democracy. I might add that public institutions such as the SABC-TV are also about the quality of democracy. If it is a good democracy that gives an hour and a half free TV time to the ANC for its launch, and one and a half minutes to the opposition for their launch, then I say that certain things need fixing. [Interjections.]

If we are concerned, as we should be, about the quality of our democracy - and not just its quantity - then I believe it is a problem when our President and our Government aligns itself with oppressors like Saddam Hussein and his government and Robert Mugabe, against the oppressed majorities in their countries. I think when incipient tyrants such as Jean- Bertrand Aristide of Haiti receive millions of rands of South African taxpayers’ money, that is a problem.

President Mbeki has today announced the election date. There are only 65 days left before South Africans go to the polls in our third democratic election. I want to make a prediction here, Madam Speaker, that the Government is in for a surprise. [Interjections.] The DA and the Coalition for Change are going to make historic gains in every single province. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

I say this with confidence because we have listened to the people, and the people want real change. You might not want to hear it, but let the people speak through their ballots.

The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members! Mr Leon.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: The people want an economy that grows rapidly

• at 6% per annum or faster - so that millions of jobs can be created. The people want a basic income grant of R110 per month so that millions of poor people can enter the cash economy. The people want 150 000 new police officers on the street in the next three years so that we can start winning the war against crime. The people want a massive and urgent roll-out of Aids drugs so that millions of lives can be saved. The people want a road map to democracy in Zimbabwe and a foreign policy that stands up for human rights.

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Let the people speak!

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: And they will speak against you, Mr Manuel. These are the policies that will cement our true democracy. After ten years of democracy, our nation has reached a critical junction in its history where the path divides, and we must choose between those two roads.

If we stay on the road we are on - for all the good it has brought us - we will condemn ourselves to slow economic growth, to a situation where crime is high, HIV is spreading, empowerment benefits only a few and not the many. However, if we choose a new road, the path of rapid economic growth, fighting crime, treating HIV/Aids as the national emergency it actually is, empowering the many and not the few, and restoring the vision of the Rainbow Nation, then South Africa will prosper in unity and in peace. [Applause.]

Frankly, Madam Speaker, the choice belongs to us. As the Minister of Finance is keen to shout out and interject: Let the people choose! We have absolute confidence in the judgment of the people. [Interjections.] Because we are on the side of the people. I want to tell you today that the real essence of this election was summed up by the President of the Republic of South Africa on Friday when he said: More of the same, business as usual.

We say: Real change on these key issues,now South Africans want change, because South Africa deserves better. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Thank you very much, and let’s go and win!

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, would you kindly remember that members are also supposed to be audible. If you drown the voices, it does not matter which side, there is no point in having a debate.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, hon President and Cabinet colleagues, hon members, dear friends, I am certain that most South Africans expected the debate on the state of the nation address to be more than ordinary and for obvious reasons. It is already living up to some of those expectations. This year, the debate on the state of the nation address by the President also gives this House an opportunity to look at our own work over the past 10 years and to deal introspectively with the issue of how far this institution has contributed to the realisation of the ideal to build a better country for all our people.

Allow me, at the outset, Madam Speaker, to send our condolences to the family of baby Karabo Gwala who was recently killed in a freak accident in Soweto. May God give them comfort during their time of pain.

A lot could be said here about the extent to which the Government of the ANC has succeeded in bringing to fruition the ideal of building a better future for our country. As has been repeated several times from this podium, the most important yardstick for this success will be how it has impacted on the lives of the most ordinary and the most vulnerable members of our society. I would like my input in part to focus on some of the people who fall within this category - the rural women of our country who represent the majority of the people most affected by the problems we have been trying to resolve over the past 10 years since the dawn of our democracy.

I thought it fitting to dedicate this speech to a woman who symbolises the resilience and strength of these ordinary mothers of our nation, a woman who has given so much to us and still remains an unsung heroine - in a true sense a mother to all of us - someone who has offered and provided without asking for much in return. Because amongst the rural women that we talk about here today stands someone to whom we should duly give recognition, Mama Epainette Mbeki, the mother of our President Thabo Mbeki … [Applause.] … not only because she has given birth to such an outstanding leader who has meant a lot to his people, but because, like the many who are legends of this ordinary sector of our people, she has truly remained committed to the community of Engcingwana, a small dusty village in Idutywa with whom she has remained until this day.

Despite the easy access to the high life she could have chosen to enjoy, her story is the story of many others who have remained pillars of our society. She has harboured no bitterness towards a system that took away all the people she loved - a husband to Robben Island, and children to foreign countries, and left her with a responsibility not only to be the head of a family, but to lead and serve a community that to this day looks up to her as their mother and grandmother, as well. [Applause.] We should salute mothers like her and duly allow them their rightful recognition and place when the South African story is being told.

I would like to illustrate the story and character of these women so that when we assess the amount of work the ANC Government has done in their development, we truly appreciate where they have come from and what genuine expectation they have for the future of a country whose destiny is so intertwined with theirs and that of their children.

Amongst the multitudes that descended on an empty piece of land that cold afternoon of 26 June 1955 in Kliptown were also many ordinary women who had come to add their voices in determining the kind of society they desired to live in. From this Congress of the People the Freedom Charter was born, which most importantly declared: The people shall govern. Marching towards making this assertion a reality, the ANC carried it in all its activities, in its planning and in the process of preparing to govern.

Just as it happened on that day in Kliptown, the leadership of this Government arrived in many dusty areas through the Imbizo programmes to listen to the people in a manner that demonstrates the ANC’s commitment to this brand of participatory democracy. The imbizo by leaders of Government at all levels has provided a platform for us to seek further mandates to consult and to give feedback to the people, true to the declaration. In a real sense, the people shall govern and the people are governing.

To this date the most ordinary of our people, the majority of whom are these real rural women, are afforded an opportunity to interact and engage their Government on issues affecting their lives and their communities. So from the start we can be true to our mothers who gathered on that day and assert that the people are indeed governing.

During the run-up to the 1994 elections women gathered as part of the ANC- convened people’s forum and said to us that they would never truly feel the taste of freedom if they would still be condemned to being hewers of wood and drawers of water, live with their children in abject poverty and die of curable and preventable diseases. Some said their land had been taken away from them, preventing them from producing their own food and affecting the accommodation and housing of their families. Out of these and many other fora, the Reconstruction and Development Programme of the ANC emerged. Consultation and report - backs on progress regarding these problems continued during the past 10 years.

During the past 10 years, what then has been the response of the ANC Government to these and many other problems directly inherited from these decades of injustice and oppression? Hon members will remember that since Kliptown we have vowed that in the South Africa that we envisaged, all should be equal before the law. Indeed, during its first decade, this democratic Parliament has passed laws that have made it possible for women to be included as human beings and citizens with equal rights and standing before the law. Amongst these pieces of legislation has been the revolutionary Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, which has given great relief to rural women who used to be left by husbands who came to work in the big cities, married new wives through the Civil Marriages Act, forced the rural wives to lose all their rights to the matrimonial estate and left them destitute with dozens of children to feed.

This new policy regime has created institutions that monitor the implementation of women empowerment programmes by Government, thereby placing them strategically in a position to be watchdogs for women’s emancipation. The policy dispensation has also led to the enactment of ground-breaking pieces of legislation in the areas of human rights, black economic empowerment, preferential procurement and, of course, the Termination of Pregnancy Act.

However, these pieces of legislation that have been celebrated by women throughout our country and the world over have been demonised by some of our members in this House because some of them can never really imagine how it feels to be a woman under the yoke of institutionalised oppression. Some of these laws have directly contributed to the sense of security that many women enjoy today. Whereas in the past they have been vulnerable to public and domestic violence, today it is possible for them to seek protection from the ANC Government for themselves and their children.

Based on the foundation of this legislative and policy framework, it was possible for the ANC Government to address some of the socioeconomic problems facing our communities. The ANC Government understood that the provision of electricity and water in the rural areas was not just an exercise to make life easier in those communities, but that for women, in particular, it was a social revolution that reversed their roles as hewers of wood and ensured that they would sleep better in the knowledge that their children would no longer suffer from diseases such as cholera as a result of drinking unclean water.

Of course, to someone who has had access to this water all along in the past, the provision of this water to the rural people might not seem such a big stride. Someone who has had eight taps in the same household might even move around and tell these communities that theirs was only one communal tap provided by Government to serve 30 households. However, for these people, that one tap makes a huge difference because it brings clean and healthy water that saves lives. [Applause.]

Again, the imbizo programmes have given us an opportunity to see first-hand the impact of the work of this Government on communities. Many communities are now engaged in programmes of sustainable development supported by Government, and these are bringing a lot of relief to these areas where the battle for survival is a stark reality of daily life. These projects have included the support for new and emerging farmers in rural areas, and the land restitution programmes whose proper management has made it possible for many ordinary people to return to their land with as little dispute and conflict as is possible. From this programme, ordinary communities in rural areas were afforded the possibility for subsistence farming. Others even utilised their land for implementation of income-generating projects. Everyday communities are seeing meaningful changes in their lives through the support that this ANC Government has given to grass-roots projects such as these.

What has been most encouraging about most of these projects is that they involve work that has been initiated by communities themselves, and Government has come through to support and sustain this. In their response to your call, Mr President, for Letsema and Vuk’uzenzele, our people are joining hands with the ANC Government to drive development and not to remain passive recipients of Government generosity. Through this we have been successful in many areas to create work and fight back the frontiers of poverty - push back the frontiers of poverty.

Uhleka ntoni Meshoe ngoba mna nawe sibamnyama? [What are you laughing at, Meshoe, because you and I are black?] [Laughter.]

I have found it saddening that there have been certain people who have been at pains to use every opportunity they get to tell our people that the much- needed services that the ANC Government provides to them are unbefitting and that our people should demand much more better, whatever the circumstances. If you provide a million houses for those who never had any form of accommodation at all, there is always talk about the houses being too small. If you build a clinic, then the community will be told not to appreciate it because it is not big enough or that it does not open 24 hours. One of the things that we know, however, is that our people, even those who have not yet received these services, are confident that there is a real commitment by this Government to change their lives for the better. [Applause.]

Even if there are many more who still have not received decent housing or electricity, they too are given hope because millions who used to be like them now have such amenities. In the past few years these shameless prophets of doom have even tried to convince us that something is seriously wrong if black matriculants can write the same examination as their white counterparts and pass in large numbers. This was after they had complained in the earlier years that the matric pass rate was too low because the ANC Government could not improve the system.

The repeated calls that South Africa deserves better'' have not produced a real alternative aimed at providing better solutions. For those who have suffered for too long, if anything, the slogan South Africa deserves better’’ should be understood to mean that nonracial democracy has failed, and that what South Africa deserves is to go back to white minority. [Applause.] Hon members, I also thought it necessary that we should dispel the disturbing notions by some amongst us here in this House who think that just because they belong to an opposition political party, that gives them the right to move around our country and stand on the podium to spread horror stories of lies and innuendo. There are others who have insinuated that if it wins the next election, the ANC intends to drastically overhaul the Constitution of the country by effecting far-reaching changes on the basis of our constitutional democracy.

To reiterate, the ANC is proud of the Constitution of our country and what it stands for, not only because we have been the biggest driving force behind its development, but also because we genuinely believe that it is good for our country and for its people. That commitment is not about to change, for we are a responsible leadership that takes seriously the responsibility that the majority of South Africans have entrusted us with. [Applause.]

Unlike some of the members in the House, the ANC does not have the luxury to be casual and self-serving about matters involving governance in this country. however, typical of some racist white parties that are led by white leaders … [Interjections] … yes, by some white leaders - some of them. The fact that a party is predominantly black and led by a black President cannot be good enough in South Africa, hence the DA’s slogan that South Africa will be better off if it goes back to colonialisation. We cannot be colonialised again. [Interjections.]

Therefore … [Interjections] … yes, as it were, black cannot be better; yes, white is better. If a native in Zimbabwe grabs land, it is equal to a native in South Africa. It will grab land. [Interjections.] If Namibia amends its constitution to extend the president’s term of office to a third term, it is equal to South Africa, and it means that native is going to amend the constitution so that he can get a third term. [Applause.] Yes, yes, he will do it for himself because he is a native. Yes, all natives, in the convoluted mind of a racist, are the same. All of them are the same. All natives are the same. [Interjections.] Your fear of democracy is palpable. Your fear of democracy is palpable. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member! Hon member, would you please just take a seat. Yes, Mr Gibson?

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: Before the hon member bursts, would you please call on her to withdraw her racist remarks. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: I will look at Hansard and rule on that. I did not hear exactly what was said. Please proceed, hon member.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Thank you, Madam Speaker. During his address, President Mbeki referred to the fact that together as South Africans we have been successful in forging a united and reconciled nation, that we are indeed in the main a nation of humble and forgiving people. He said, and I quote: Over many decades, we had seen that these masses would always refuse to turn racist simply because they were subjected to cruel racist rule. They thought and acted as they did because they knew better than those who had been certified as learned, that it was only a just peace that would end their despair and bring into their lives the sense of hope that would make it possible for them to bear the pain of hunger until the day came when they would no longer be hungry.

Fourteen years before our President made this statement, the then president of the ANC, O R Tambo, had this to say, and I quote:

We are accordingly inviting all those who love peace, prosperity and freedom for all to join in the struggle that is bound to result in the liberty of every single South African. In particular, we urge our white compatriots to join hands with us. Let us act now to salvage our country from sinking into a bottomless pit. The time has come for us to make a clean break with the past and begin with the difficult task of healing the wounds that we afflicted upon ourselves for so long.

Again, there are some in our country who take very lightly the commitment our people have made to forgive. Some, in fact, take for granted this enormous achievement when they play down the benefits that our country has enjoyed in the area of reconciliation and nation-building as a result of the inception of this democracy. So forgiving are we that at times we deliberately shy away and avoid telling the horror stories of our history to our children for fear that they might harbour bitterness and indulge in recrimination which we do not need in this country at this time and point.

The challenge is reconstruction of our country and nation-building. It is for us to instill a sense of patriotism in our children, thereby building a future generation that will defend, advance and deepen our democracy, and ensure that South Africa never again reverts to the amount of hatred and inhuman injustice that some of us experienced.

There will never again be a swart gevaar. There will never again be a white gevaar in this country, and people should accept the reality that South Africa will not sink back to that period of the past where people … [Interjections.] … yes, where people used racist language. This fight- back campaign and lack of acceptance of the fact that, yes, unfortunately you now have a black majority which is ruling the country, is a shame to the country. [Time expired.] It is a shame. [Applause.]

THE MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, his Excellency the President, his Excellency the Deputy President, hon members, in considering the state of our nation ten years after its liberation, we must call on our sombre sense of realism and pragmatism. In fact, in looking back at the past ten years we can rightly take pride in a long string of achievements. The President has mentioned some of them, ranging from services such as housing, water, electricity and sanitation having been delivered to an enormous number of people who were previously denied these, to many beneficial development projects being under way. There is in fact a lot more which one may add to what the President stated to point out the extraordinary nature of the season we have lived in during the past ten years.

In fact, we as a Government have completed an unprecedented reform of all our laws, ranging from the Constitution to most of the regulations implementing the hundreds of laws this Parliament has passed to bring about beneficial change not only in each and every line function of Government, but in almost all fields of social, economic and cultural activities within our society.

One may only say that the only blemish in our law-making process was the crossing of the floor amendment. I don’t think that the scepticism that we see about what may happen in the Constitution comes out of any mistrust on the part of all of us. I think the old issue of the President, whether he will have a third term is irrelevant, as far as I am concerned. At the same time, however, I think that we cannot sweep under the carpet the fact that, whereas we’ve been told that the Constitution was sacrosanct and that it could not be amended at the drop of a hat, it was in fact amended for purely expedient reasons.

One may also add what civil society itself has done in the past ten years, which indeed completes the reassuring picture of social growth and success. In fact, Madam Speaker, if we look around all our major cities and in many rural areas alike, we can see how an enormous amount of physical development has taken place, ranging from previously unprecedented large shopping centres to massive business parks and infrastructure.

We can also take pride in the fact that our society has accepted and absorbed such positive change in a remarkably constructive and peaceful manner. Not only has our society held together, in spite of the great acceleration given to its internal processes and dynamics, but it has coagulated even more in new forms of social and economic harmony, which I think are strengthening its internal unity and promise well for the future. One would need to be blind, I think, not to see the enormous amount of positive, productive and constructive transformation which has taken place in our country over the past ten years.

However, by the same token one must be completely blind not to see the enormous problems and challenges our society is now facing. In considering the state of our nation, we can rightly look at the glass being half-full and take pride in it. However, that is neither our job nor responsibility, for we are tasked by the people we represent to fill the glass completely and must therefore focus and place emphasis on the empty portion of the glass and the many problems which cause our people to suffer. We must be sensitive to the tears of our people even though the sun shines beautifully over our land.

Our people are suffering because of five major crises within our land, the nature, magnitude and implication of which have not yet been fully acknowledged in all that has been said. It is regrettable, Madam Speaker, that once again, in his state of the nation address, the President seems to have failed to acknowledge the existence and dramatic nature of these five crises. One appreciates that the President has indicated that it is not his responsibility to identify programmes which may solve South Africa’s grave problems at this juncture, because that will be the responsibility of the new President elected at the next elections, who will preside over a new Government with a new programme of action. However, as we look backward and at the present, it is our collegial responsibility to recognise the problems we now have, and express the critical admission that these problems have reached the present status of crisis because, for the past ten years, their existence has been neglected and underplayed, if not outrightly denied.

I have mentioned these problems in my addresses, standing at this podium, to this House for the past five years, and the fact that I now have to repeat myself indicates how necessary it is that the President of the next Government really adopts a different attitude in recognising the nature of these problems and matching them with adequate solutions, because our people are gravely suffering under their yoke. The next President must act differently, even if it is the same President. [Laughing.]

I should not even need to mention these five problems to any of my colleagues, or to most South African families, because every South African is directly or indirectly affected by them. HIV/Aids, unemployment, crime, poverty and corruption are the five crises which in one way or the other affect the lives of each of our families. No South African is insulated from these crises. I know thousands of people who are infected with HIV and have gone to hundreds of funerals of people who have died of Aids. I have shared the sufferings of thousands more who are affected by this great scourge on our land. Yet, those who are suffering are still waiting for available treatment which should have been rolled out to them many years ago. Those who are affected by it are still waiting for consistent and effective Government programmes, dealing with Aids orphans, disrupted families and the generalised need for both social and health care specifically tailored to the widespread range of effects and implications of HIV/Aids on our communities.

Similarly, we are all affected by crime, and I know few South Africans who in the past ten years have not been victims of crimes, or who do not live under the daily fear of becoming its victims. However, the magnitude of this problem has been denied and there has been insufficient recognition that the infrastructure dealing with it is fundamentally inadequate and requires major overhauling, both in respect of the police force and the judiciary. Every South African has a story to tell in this respect and has experienced the collapse in the crime-fighting machine. Yet the nature and magnitude of this problem does not even feature in how the state of our nation is described.

For instance, not only on the occasion when my own cattle were stolen, but even when the cattle of the King of the Zulu nation are taken, there is little or ineffective police investigation and nobody is apprehended. Those of us who may smile at stock theft as being a lesser crime, fail to realise its importance in the life of poverty-stricken rural communities, and do not understand that in a country in which a king’s cattle are not safe, no- one’s Mercedes is safe either. The truth is that, in most cases, stock theft has become a petty crime in our country. That was not the case before

1. [Interjections.]

It will be remembered that in a previous response to the state of the nation address by our President, I mentioned the extent of my concern at what was virtually a breakdown of our criminal justice system. I quoted specific cases which were either mishandled, or just never came before our courts. I mentioned the extent to which dockets were lost, and that even murder cases never went to court as a result of lost dockets. The seriousness of this is that the problem of crime is compounded by the extent of this kind of corruption, which is quite widespread.

My colleague in Lesotho, the Minister of Home Affairs of the Kingdom of Lesotho, is very troubled about the extent of stock theft on our borders with Lesotho. As I have already stated, this kind of crime has impoverished our people on both sides of the border. That is one reason why poverty in rural areas is today worse than before 1994, when we took over the running of this country. [Interjections.]

Similarly, there is almost a growing perception that unemployment is one of South Africa’s features which is meant to stay with us as a necessary curse. I have spent all my life right here in South Africa amongst the poorest of the poor, but I shall never grow used to the image of our squatter camps and the abject social and economic conditions in which our people live there. Each of us drive past squatter camps every time we move from the airport to this Parliament, but I wonder how many of us really feel their hearts sinking, and their guts twisting, when they see such a display of horror and despair. Perhaps some of us have grown comfortable and feel that things in South Africa are now fine because they are fine, when in fact, for the majority of our people, freedom has not yet brought about liberation from the slavery of abject poverty, unhygienic conditions under which a large majority of our people are forced to survive, and ignorance for lack of education, knowledge and exposure.

Only through employment will our people achieve equal dignity and freedom from the enslavement of poverty. Sustainable massive employment generation cannot be achieved with what has been done in the past five years, or with what the ruling party intends to do in the future, even through our Expanded Public Works Programme. We need sustainable and accelerated economic growth along the lines of the many proposals you have heard me making in this House for the past ten years, ranging from the green revolution which ought to transform our agriculture from land-intensive and low-added-value crops to labour-intensive and high-added-value produce, all the way creating an adequate industrial basis which identifies today what will be produced for the global markets, not now, but twenty years later. There are no shortcuts in terms of employment generation, of course, and there are no excuses or justifications for not walking the hard and uphill road ahead.

For years we have known that the minimum growth rate we need to achieve, not to solve all our social problems, but merely to keep them at bay, is that of 6% per year. This rate was not identified in our macro-economic strategy, Gear, as a maximum goal, but as a minimum condition of success, which really means that we are failing even on our own premises. And if we are honest, we know the reasons why we are failing on our own premises. We know for a fact that the Government has intended actually implementing Gear, and we know that in fact that partners of the ruling party, the SA Communist Party and Cosatu, actually prevented it from doing so. We must have the strength to acknowledge it and the will to change it.

My concern is that by denying problems, we are offering South Africans nothing more than much more of the same, while the pressure of present circumstances requires us to create the hope for something much better in terms of which HIV/Aids, crime and unemployment may finally be solved. We must admit to the problems so that the next elections may become an opportunity for renewal and the catalyst of a new beginning.

The situation of poverty in rural areas has been affected by the same syndrome of denial - as those people were shouting at me just now - which has thus far paralysed Government action, in spite of the growing suffering of our rural people who, in their preponderance, are much worse off today than they were ten years ago.

You go to the Eastern Cape, you go to KwaZulu-Natal, Limpopo and Mpumalanga in the rural areas, and you will find that there is not a single patch of mealies, which was actually there before so that people could actually get something to eat, especially in summer.

This might not be a psychologically rewarding statement that I am making, but it is a true one which we must admit in order to enable the next President of the next Government to change things around, beginning from the perception of the problem and ending with the development of adequate rural strategies.

By the same token, unless we have the courage at the next election to turn over a new leaf, giving rise to the hope of a profound renewal, I do not see how the cancer of corruption will ever be solved. Corruption is now a very serious problem in our country, which many of us do not have the courage to look straight in the eye, because it is too close for comfort and affects many of us. We must have the courage of doing what is painful, my colleagues, because corruption is a problem that knows no limits and could grow into becoming worse, beyond our wildest fears.

In the state of the nation address, his Excellency the President often made reference to his predecessor, former President Mandela. Undoubtedly, we must regain the legacy of optimism, self-confidence and hope which characterises that precidency and that administration. However, we must go beyond that, so as to regain our real roots as they are in the liberation movement which originally gave us purpose.

I grew up at the knees of Inkosi Albert Luthuli who was my mentor. At one time, as a young man of eighteen years doing matric at Adams College, I did errands for my uncle, Dr Pixley ka Isaka Seme, the founder of the ANC. I used to help him with his correspondence. He dictated to me as I wrote in longhand, after one of his eyes had been removed by doctors, when it could no longer see.

Some of the stalwarts of the ANC joined Inkatha in the 70s after the apartheid regime banned our liberation movements. Mr A W G Champion, a former leader of the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, and Mr H Selby Msimang, who was the provincial secretary of the ANC in our province, were both members of the central committee of Inkatha at the time of their deaths.

I was a student of Prof Z K Matthews, the former leader of the ANC in the Cape. The Rev James Calata, a stalwart of the ANC, visited me in 1968, and was with me when I buried my late cousin, King Cyprian Bhekuzulu ka Solomon.

Madam Speaker, hon speaker and hon members, what I am saying is that I have also learnt - as much as the President referred to our leader President Mandela - from the lips of the ANC’s founding fathers. I grew up in the ANC and I was the ANC as much as the ANC was me. This was before something went wrong in the ANC and the ANC became somewhat different from what is was created to be by its founding fathers, who led it originally.

The option of violence, intimidation and the armed struggle advocated and embraced by some, changed things around and produced a movement which was more tailored to the conquering of power, rather than caring for the people we represent, and to formulating a vision which can accommodate all South Africans.

The original ANC had a vision which was tailored to creating a country which can make and fulfil promises to all its children, irrespective of race, colour, creed or social status. We need to go back now to those roots, to turn a page at the next elections and develop a vision which critically admits the severe problems we now have and formulates a long- term strategy which addresses both the needs of the poor and the expectations of the rich and describes to all South Africans how, in 20 years, we plan to make our country succeed, so that we may all buy into that plan and endure the sacrifices required for its realisation.

I would like to say that the President, during the launch of the ANC manifesto in Pietermaritzburg, made an appeal that when the election takes place, it must take place in a situation where there is no intimidation or violence. In his speech, the hon President referred to the doomsayers and said that, instead of their pained emotional speeches threatening impending violence during the forthcoming elections, there could be radical constitutional amendments after the elections by the very people who drafted this Constitution.

I would like to say to His Excellency, the President, that I am rather nervous. When we launched our manifesto, I reiterated the President’s appeal that we should have an election without intimidation and without violence. I said so, notwithstanding the fact that on the 8th, when I travelled to Durban to see whether people were registering, as Minister of Home Affairs and not as president of the IFP, when I got to Lamontville, the deputy leader of the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal, Mr Cele, was there.

Shortly after I left, a kombi-load of people who were wearing ANC T-shirts said: ``Where is he? What does he want here? What does he want here?’’ [Interjections]. And the next thing … Madam Speaker, I am not intimidatable. You are wasting your time. You cannot intimidate me.

The next thing that happened, is that the few members of the IFP who were wearing IFP T-shirts - there were people wearing ANC T-shirts and people wearing IFP T-shirts - had their T-shirts torn off their bodies, including a woman of 89 years, in the presence of the deputy leader of the province. [Interjections.]

What is more, when the ANC launched its manifesto in KwaZulu-Natal, we did not do anything either to undermine it or do anything about it. And yet, on the 17th, on the eve of our launch, an ANC councillor in Clermont shot at the car, damaging the windscreen, of a member of this Assembly, Mr Tshabalala. He is out on bail of R5 000.

What is more, yesterday my party had a rally in Escort and people wearing ANC T-shirts - I will not say they were ANC, but they were wearing ANC T- shirts - shot at our people and four people were injured and rushed to hospital.

I mention this, so that it can get the attention it deserves, because the President wishes that we should have an intimidation-free and violence-free election, and I as leader of my party wish that too, but these wishes may be undermined by certain elements. [Interjections.] It is no use shouting at me for mentioning these facts. I say we should endure the sacrifices required for the realisation of our dreams, for unless we do so, the present crises of HIV/Aids, unemployment, crime, poverty and corruption are going to increase and become of such a nature that they will obfuscate all the gains of our liberation and the extraordinary achievements which we have undoubtedly secured in the past ten years.

I appeal that in the spirit of the legacy of President Mandela, we must now transform our betrayed revolution of goodwill to move from the old to the really new.

I just want to draw the attention of members of this House to the headline of an article by Mr Dumisani Makhaya which appears in this morning’s paper in KwaZulu-Natal:

A marriage made in hell - The DA/IFP alliance is based on expediency. This makes it impracticable for the ANC to invite the IFP into its future government.

Now, to be quite honest, I think that if we are all honest here, it is well known that for survival I had to seek the assistance of the DA. [Interjections.] I had to. Yes, I had to. There is nothing wrong with that, because when you interfered with the Constitution and amended it to steal members for your party, I had to do something about that. [Interjections.] It is a fact that governments change and parties are ousted during elections. I accept that. I do not mind if it is done through an electoral process, but not through the system of crossing the floor, of chequebook politics - not on that basis.

I would like to say that in actual fact I pity Madam Speaker, you know, because I thought that after ten years we would be more civilised than we were ten years ago. Robust debate is accepted, and also quips and interruptions are accepted, but the intimidatory nature of how people are shouted at here in fact belies the fact that we are a democracy.

I would like to say that the really new South Africa must be built with the commitment and sacrifices of all, to make it become a decent and prosperous place for all.

All of you know that in 1999, when President Mbeki approached me and called me to his office and said that we must continue to serve in his Government, we did so, because more than 20 000 black people died in the conflict between our members. Twenty thousand people - more people than had died in the Anglo Boer War died. So, it was for a very good reason and not for an expedient reason. The fact that we tried to have the committee of three a side, in fact was in order to consolidate that reconciliation which we were trying to achieve.

When I talk about these matters and members try just to trivialise them, I fear for the future of this country. I fear for our future, because these are very serious matters. When I am talking about matters of life and death, I shudder when I see the extent to which people are trivialising that.

I would like to say that I have been very grateful to the President of the Republic of South Africa for giving me the opportunity to try with him to consolidate the relationship between our two parties, not for the sake of President Mbeki, not for my sake, not for the sake of the ANC, not for the sake of the IFP, but for the sake of South Africa.

I appreciated that. The fact that we have failed does not mean it was easy to accomplish. No one will say that we did not try. So, with these words, I would like to say that I dream of a peaceful election, now that you have announced the date of the election. I pray that God, being the great God that he is, will hear our prayers and let the election be peaceful. I thank you. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Madam Speaker, Your Excellency Mr President, hon members, the one message that I would like to leave with you in this debate, is that the economy has never been better managed.

The evidence is there for all to see. Books have been written and rewritten about the successes of this economy since this ANC-led Government took over. Commentators and analysts are fully occupied trying to demystify this miracle that is South Africa because of the policies of the ANC which we adopted and implemented since 1994.

We talked to big businesses, we talked to black businesses, we talked to the trade unions, we talked to the farmers, the youth, the businesswomen’s associations, and all of them testified to an economy that is well managed. They give evidence that inflation has gone down, they give evidence of increased income levels, and they give evidence of increased profits and a GDP that has improved.

However, we also spoke to the masses of our people through the door-to-door campaigns and through imbizos, and although they do not talk about GDP, about inflation and about all these economic terms, they do speak of having a decent roof over their heads. They speak of having clean water to drink, wash and cook. They speak of electricity in the house, of a telephone not far from the house. They speak of new roads, new schools, new clinics and houses. They talk of how their lives have improved and how they have hope for the future.

These people, whose aspirations were zero in 1994, now aspire to greater and better things. When you go to their villages and to the townships they say, You know, we are happy with the school the Government has built. We are happy with this house. We are happy with the clinics, but our children have no place to play. There are no sport amenities. There are no community halls.'' They will even go out and show you.Can you see that field? It was reserved for a community hall. Can’t the Government do something about it? ‘‘That is a sign of a better life. As we all know, aspirations grow as one’s standard of living improves. All this, I say, is evidence of an economy that is well managed and that has freed resources for us to start addressing our social needs.

Of course there are those who only see economic growth in terms of the number of jobs created, but I dare say that, besides these masses, even respected and independent opinionmakers are testifying that this economy is well managed. Here I want to quote from The Daily Despatch of 6 Friday 2004, even before the President had made his state of the nation address. Note that this is not the City Press; it’s The Daily Despatch. You know who is the editor. This is the editorial opinion and I quote:

Political honchos expect an upbeat and optimistic speech from President Thabo Mbeki at the opening of Parliament in Cape Town this morning. Not only is this an election year, but the ANC Government has much to talk about with pride, if not satisfaction. The exchange value of the rand is way up. Inflation is way down. Our international business ratings are excellent and economic forecasts are optimistic. If this Government has achieved nothing else in 10 years, it will still deserve credit for its control of its spending and the country’s finances. It has steadfastly resisted the temptation of paying political favours with jobs or of erecting grandiose works in its own honour. Our civil service has contracted and our monuments have been modest and generally practical. Anybody who has driven between our major cities must have noticed the quality of the roads, the scattering of new schools, the mushrooming of RDP housing schemes outside every town, taps, where there was no water and, at night, the twinkling of lights in villages which once lived by candles.

It’s not me, it’s the editor who says that. [Applause.] He goes on to say:

Those who see only debts need brooms. Less visible, more subtle but no less pervasive have been changes within the very bloodstream of the country - in welfare, in business, health, justice, education, sport and every other form of socioeconomic life. None of it is perfect, but there is also no going back.

He goes on to raise concerns, and I must say that he has very constructive criticism.

To appreciate how well we have done with this economy, it is important to understand what we have inherited. By 1994 South Africa’s economy was in an advanced stage of decline due to political isolation, inward-looking economic policies and the legacy of racial exclusion. Our GDP was stagnant, resulting in a decline in the per capita GDP, declining savings and investment rates, and falling employment rates. This ANC-led Government had to respond decisively and boldly to this state of affairs.

It was not an easy task to take over and correct in 10 years what was destroyed in more than 300 years of colonial and apartheid oppression. I can say that the South African economy in 2004 is stronger, more dynamic and more robust than it was in 1994. This strength comes after 10 years of successful interventions by the ANC-led Government and it provides a solid basis for the continued growth and expansion of the economy over the next 10 years. Interventions made during the first 10 years of democracy start with the Reconstruction and Development Programme, and later the Gear policy and then the Microeconomic Reform Strategy. Despite what other people might believe, Gear is part of our policies that we implement today. There has been a build-up from the RDP to Gear, to macroeconomic and microeconomic reforms.

Our overarching approach has been firstly to provide an enabling environment for business through macroeconomic stability, as such stability provides a predictable environment in which businesses can operate and flourish, and secondly, to make decisive interventions in an economy that required structural transformation in order to move away from the protectionist, uncompetitive and primary sector bias that was in existence prior to 1994.

Over the past few years, we have seen the positive impact of macroeconomic stability and structural transformation of the economy and the role these measures have played in facilitating our successful entry into the global economy. These measures provide the framework for us to continue on a positive and sustained growth path over the next 10 years - a growth path that will contribute to our stated objectives of job creation, poverty eradication, a more egalitarian society and black economic empowerment. By addressing these objectives and including more people, in particular black people, into the economic mainstream, we will in turn further stimulate economic growth and tackle the challenges posed by the second economy.

Some of the interventions that have arisen from our policy of macroeconomic stability and structural transformation measures include the following: a reduction of the budget deficit; repayment of foreign debts; setting an inflation target and putting in place a Medium-Term Expenditure Framework; and overhauling the bureacracy in key economic organisations, such as the Department of Trade and Industry, the National Treasury, the South African Revenue Service, Public Works, and Mineral and Energy, amongst others. This has led to better policies, incentives, improved spending on infrastructure projects and a more efficient tax collection system.

Other interventions include developing an industrial strategy that promotes the diversification of our economy; growth of the manufacturing sector and competitiveness in a global economy; opening up the South African economy; promoting trade and growing the export market through reduction of import tariffs; concluding trade agreements; participation in international trade bodies; implementation of World Trade Organisation compliant export incentives; and developing closer links with other countries in Africa.

These links are not only at the political level. We have seen economic ties being improved and economic agreements being concluded with our neighbours.

We have introduced numerous policies and pieces of legislation that seek to positively transform our economy and empower our people. Such legislation includes the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act, the National Small Business Act, the National Procurement Act, the Minerals Rights Act, and the Land Restitution Act. It is important to mention here that in the development of the policies and in the introduction or amendment of the legislation, the ANC-led Government has consistently been open to negotiation and prepared to listen to the economic citizens of our country. Where necessary, we have adjusted our policies and amended our legislation. This openness has had an important stabilising effect on our economy. We have been successful in attracting investors into our country. Investors have started to recognise South Africa as an important investment destination. This recognition has come through our macroeconomic stability, sound economic policies and marketing of South Africa, as well as through hosting and participating in international fora, leading and receiving numerous trade missions and having foreign economic representation. We have also attracted investment by focusing on the development, clustering and support of key sectors such as automotive, ICT, tourism, agro-processing, clothing and textiles, and minerals and beneficiation.

I have mentioned only a few of the key economic interventions that we have embarked on since the start of our democracy. These interventions have been implemented alongside a broad range of social support measures which, firstly, ensure that the most impoverished in our country have a social safety net, secondly, measures that deal with the skills shortage of our people; thirdly, measures which ensure that the problems of crime are tackled; and fourthly, that the prevalence of HIV/Aids is reduced and that those who live with the disease are given the necessary support.

I dare say that ten years is a very short period to address our colonial and apartheid past, yet we have made remarkable progress, progress that, in 1994, many would not have believed possible from an ANC-led Government. Some of the achievements of the past decade include an average growth rate of approximately 2,8% over the past 10 years. I wish to reiterate what our President said on this issue in his state of the nation address, and I quote:

The country is currently experiencing the longest period of consistent, positive GDP growth.

This growth compares favourably to the negative growth that this country experienced from 1990 to the end of 1993, which was on average -0,5%. It also compares favourably with other developing countries, with South Africa having the least volatile GDP growth of all developing economies since

1. It should also be noted that our growth took place during the Asian currency crisis in 1998 and also during the global downturn - from 2001 to
2. The performance of our economy as measured by the growth rate has been good since democracy. With the global economy starting to pick up, we should see a positive impact on South Africa’s economic growth from this year.

Secondly, South Africa has become a competitive economy that has jumped several places in the world competitiveness index to rank at 42 in 2003. The countries that ranked ahead of us on this list are mainly the developed and industrialised countries of Europe and North America. Evidence of our growing competitiveness is that our volume of trade, which includes imports and exports, has more than tripled since 1994. This growth has been stimulated by the growth in volume of South African exports, which on average grew by 8,8% per annum since 1994. This is an impressive performance which has not abated as a result of the strengthening of the rand. We have also seen a steady inflow of capital into the country, a significant proportion of which is for productive investments. For example, last year alone, R5 billion was invested in South Africa.

Thirdly, we have a manufacturing sector that far outperforms the primary sector when it comes to productive capacity and exports. Manufactured exports are our biggest export sector at the moment and constitute about 32% of total exports, which is a complete reversal of the situation that we found here, where the country and the main exports were just of primary products of gold and diamonds. Fourthly, there is a more efficient bureaucracy, which makes it easier to do business in South Africa. South Africa was recently recognised as being in the top five of developing countries when it comes to ease of starting and operating a business. It ranks in the top 30 countries in the business competitive index. An example of one of these improvements in the public sector is the Company Registrations Office, which has reduced the registration time for a new business from six weeks in 1994 to three days in 2004.

Fifthly, our inflation rate is under control, at between 3% and 6% per annum. We have almost cleared our short-term foreign currency debt, putting us in a very strong position to build our currency reserves, both of which have a stabilising effect on the economy and on the value of the rand.

Sixthly, there has been a significant change in our relationship with other countries in Africa. Investment and trade with other countries in Africa has grown substantially, with South Africa becoming one of the largest foreign direct investors in Africa and, since 1994, increasing the volume of trade with African countries by an average of 17% per annum.

Finally, we have had the release of the BEE strategy which has resulted in several sectors concluding their own BEE charters. Too often we hear people arguing that the ANC-led Government is not doing enough in the area of economic growth. They say that it is not creating jobs and that it has not achieved broad-based black economic empowerment. I think they are misguided if they believe that South Africa would have achieved any measure of the economic long-term stability and success that I have spoken about today if we had pursued any other economic strategy. That’s the reason the President said that our policies are correct and we are still going to pursue them. We are not going to change them. [Applause.]

There may have been projects or areas which could have had been better implemented over the past ten years, and yet, when we consider the bigger picture and the progress that we have made, we should give ourselves a round of applause because we have achieved remarkable success. We have also received international accolades for our well-managed economy. [Applause.] These are positive indications that we have pursued the correct policy framework. As the President said in his address, we will continue on this path - only with better implementation.

In conclusion, there is no doubt that during this period, we have set the stage for future growth, for the creation of many more new jobs and for sustainable broad-based black economic empowerment ventures, so that in future, more people will have access to and be part of our successful economy. Yes, there are challenges and we are aware of them, and we as this ANC-led Government do indeed have a plan to confront these challenges in a spirit of partnership with all South Africans.

Ngithi kuMntwana waKwaphindangene: Kungidabukisile kakhulu lokhu okusho lapha, baba, ngoba okunye angivumelani ngempela nakho ukuthi kanti izinkomo zabantu emaphandleni ziqale ukwebiwa ngo-1994 ngoba phela izimpi zalapha eMzansi Afrika eziningi zaqaliswa ukwebiwa kwezinkomo. Nokuthi abantu basemaphandleni bayalamba namhlanje ngenxa yezinkomo zabo ezebiwe, angivumelani nakho. Abantu basemaphandleni namaphandle ngokwawo ayingxaki esuka ekuphathweni kwaleli zwe esikhathini esidlule. Nakhona lokho ukuthi impela ungaze ugxumele emkhumbini ocwilayo kababa uTony Leon impela nakho kungidabukisile. [Kwaphela isikhathi.] (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[I want to say this to the Prince of Kwaphindangene: What you said here, hon member, saddened me very much, because I don’t agree with some of it completely. Stock theft in rural areas started in 1994 because most South African conflicts were started by stock theft. I also want to say that people in rural areas are hungry because their cows were stolen. I don’t agree with that. People in rural areas and rural settlements as such are a problem, which stems from the way in which this country was governed in the past. Also, the fact that you jumped into Tony Leon’s sinking boat also saddened me. [Time Expired.]] Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Hon Deputy Speaker, the cat is finally out of the bag. According to the hon leader of the IFP, the DA-IFP alliance is based on expediency and not on conviction. No wonder it won’t last. [Interjections.]

Deputy Speaker, according to the Chinese calender, 2004 is the Year of the Monkey, the same year as South Africa’s third democratic elections. According to mythology, each year portrays the same characteristics as its patron animal. Monkey business will therefore be the order of the day during this year. [Laughter.] [Applause.] The dictionary defines monkey business as ``deceitful behaviour’’. The election campaign has hardly started, but some political parties in this House already excel in monkey business, in other words, in deceitful behaviour.

At the top of the list is the DA with its claim - you heard it again this afternoon - that it is an alternative government and that the hon Leon has a chance of becoming the next President of South Africa. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] This is not going to happen on 14 April. It is not going to happen in 2009. As a matter of fact, it is not going to happen during this century. [Applause.] Given the fact that the ANC adopted a market-orientated economy, no party to the right of the ANC will ever be able to unseat the ANC as Government of the day. [Applause.] Only a party to the left of the ANC has that potential, with devastating consequences for the future of this country.

The New NP therefore firmly believes that it is in the best interests of South Africa to strengthen the centre of the political spectrum. The New NP furthermore believes that the best way of promoting the interests of its support base is to co-operate with the Government instead of screaming and kicking on the sidelines for ever. [Applause.]

However, the cherry on the cake of deceitful behaviour comes from the hon Chief Whip of the DA, who portrays the hon leader of the DA as an Afrikaner icon. Now, the Leader of the Opposition may be many things, but an Afrikaner icon, aikona. [Laughter.] Perhaps an icon for those who revert to the past, but an Afrikaner icon, no! Let me give some good advice to the hon Chief Whip. Leave it to the Afrikaners to choose their own icons. [Applause.]

Accusing former President F W de Klerk of treason for endorsing the co- operation between the ANC and the New NP places the Leader of the Opposition squarely in the camp of the far right, who also accused F W de Klerk of treason when he unbanned the ANC and the SACP. [Applause.]

Another party guilty of deceitful behaviour is, of course, the Vryheidsfront Plus.

Die front poseer graag as ‘n respektabele party wat slegs daarop uit is om Afrikanerbelange binne die konteks van internasionale verdrae te bevorder. Onder die leiding van die agb dr Pieter Mulder was dit inderdaad so. Vandat die party homself egter nou met die KP ``geplus’’ het, het hy alle geloofwaardigheid in dié opsig verloor, want onder die helfte van sy ondersteunersbasis tel nou mense wat nog altyd aan blanke baasskap binne die grense van die ou Suid-Afrika geglo het, en wat dit nog steeds glo. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The front likes posing as a respectable party whose only aim is to promote Afrikaner interests within the context of international agreements. This was indeed the case under the leadership of the hon Dr Pieter Mulder. However, since the party has now ``plussed’’ itself with the CP it also lost all credibility in this respect, because amongst half of its supporter basis there are now people who have always believed in white supremacy within the borders of the old South Africa, and who still believe this. [Interjections.]]

Another party that is a master of deceitful behaviour is, of course, the Independent Democrats. The hon De Lille wants people to believe that her party is going to get 5% of the votes, but unsubstantiated allegations that Cabinet Ministers were former spies of the apartheid government and that the President himself is involved in the so-called arms scandal won’t even bring her 1% of the votes. After the election it won’t be the Independent Democrats, it will only be an Independent Democrat.

Believe it or not, another party guilty of deceitful behaviour is the ACDP. They want to lead people to believe that they are the only party capable of promoting biblical values in this country, which, of course, is not true. There are members in every caucus who believe that one should be guided by biblical principles when making political decisions. These members, however, unlike the ACDP, do not use the Bible as a political manifesto. [Interjections.] What I find problematic is the fact that the party bases itself exclusively on a specific religion. Now that may turn out to be a dangerous exercise in a country characterised by its diversity. Politics is about the struggle for power, and if that struggle is then launched from different religious trenches, we may end up as a second Northern Ireland.

The New NP wishes to co-operate with the Government in alleviating poverty, which is the biggest problem facing South Africa. The key to alleviating poverty is economic growth. The UN Millennium Summit resolved to have the number of the world’s poor halved by 2015. Africa south of the Sahara, including of course South Africa, needs growth of about 7% annually to achieve this objective.

In other words, if South Africa wants to address poverty effectively, the economy will have to generate growth of 7% instead of the current 2%. The key to economic growth is investment, investment by South Africans themselves, but also foreign direct investment. The lack of property rights on the continent of Africa hampers economic growth, because due to a lack of title deeds, assets cannot be used as collateral for further economic expansion.

A Peruvian economist estimated that the total value of Africa’s informally owned houses and farmlands in 1997 amounted to $1 trillion. Better property rights foster confidence and therefore investment. Mozambique is a case in point. Since families’ occupancy rights were codified in law in 2000 and investors can buy long leases, economic growth has been in double-digits in four of the past six years. South Africa should follow suit and leave no stone unturned in securing property rights and establishing security of tenure.

Unfortunately, since independence, some African governments have tended to weaken property rights rather than strengthen them. A case in point is Zimbabwe. The latest on the list for confiscation is the property rights belonging to Anglo American. A bilateral agreement on the protection of property rights between South Africa and Zimbabwe is long overdue.

During question time in this House, the hon President indicated that he would ask for the most up-to-date details regarding this matter. Hopefully the hon President will be in a position to announce some progress on this very important issue during his reply.

Secure property rights should also attract foreign direct investment. It is a fallacy to regard Africa as a high-risk area for foreign direct investment. The UN Economic Commission for Africa calculates that for Africa as a whole, the average return on foreign direct investment is four times that in G8 countries and twice that in Asia. South Africa is undoubtedly, therefore, a safe haven for foreign capital.

The New NP also wants to co-operate with the ANC in creating jobs for the unemployed. The envisaged Expanded Public Works Programme is a welcome short-term solution. A government, however, can never be a sufficient creator of jobs. In most developed countries, small and medium enterprises are the biggest job creators. We fell well short in this regard, because in our country small and medium enterprises contribute about half of total employment. Spectacular incentives are therefore needed to stimulate this sector. Rigid labour laws also need to be reviewed. At the end of the day a low-paid job is perhaps better than no job at all.

Die Nuwe NP wil saam met die ANC werk om misdaad te bekamp. Hoewel die getal moorde afgeneem het, is dit nog steeds onaanvaarbaar hoog. ‘n Suid- Afrikaner se kanse om vermoor te word, is vyf keer hoër as dié van ‘n Amerikaner. Afgesien van meer effektiewe polisiëring, is swaarder strawwe beslis ‘n deel van die antwoord. Die doodstraf behoort oorweeg te word in gevalle waar moord met brutale geweld gepleeg word. Tot tyd en wyl behoort die Regering dit te oorweeg om lewenslange gevangenisstraf inderdaad lewenslank te maak.

Die Nuwe NP neem met trots deel aan die feesvieringe om tien jaar van demokrasie te herdenk. As dit nie was vir die versiendheid van die leiers van die ANC en die destydse NP nie, sou hierdie demokrasie nie die lig gesien het nie. Soos wat die ANC en die NP toe die regte ding gedoen het deur te onderhandel eerder as om te baklei, doen die ANC en die Nuwe NP nou ook die regte ding om saam te werk in belang van Suid-Afrika en al sy mense. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The New NP wants to work with the ANC to combat crime. Although the number of murders has decreased, it is still unacceptably high. A South African’s chances of being murdered is five times higher than that of an American. Apart from effective policing, heavier penalties are definitely part of the answer. Capital punishment should be considered in cases where murder is committed with brutal violence. In the meantime the Government should consider making life-long imprisonment life-long indeed.

The New NP take pride in participating in the festivities to commemorate ten years of democracy. If it were not for the vision of the leaders of the ANC and the former NP, this democracy would not have seen the light. As the ANC and the NP did the right thing by negotiating rather than fighting, the ANC and the New NP are now also doing the right thing by co-operating in the interests of South Africa and all its people. [Applause.]]

Business suspended at 16:10 and resumed at 16:24.

Mr G D SCHNEEMAN: Madam Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, comrades and hon members, a few weeks from now we will celebrate our first decade of democracy and freedom. For decades South Africa had been developed into four separate communities, the one hardly knowing the other; the one the master and the others the servants.

On 27 April 1994 millions of our people experienced freedom for the first time. They took their rightful place as the true sons and daughters of our land. The shackles of apartheid were finally broken and their human dignity was restored. On that memorable day the reconstruction and development of our country, which had experienced over 300 years of destruction and underdevelopment, began.

There are people in our country, including some here in this Chamber, who constantly state that nothing has changed, and that the destruction and underdevelopment of 300 years should have been undone within a short period of time. Those who make such statements do so because they have always had everything. They do not know what life is like without having access to water, sanitation, electricity, tarred roads, streetlights, security of tenure and ownership of their own homes.

The message they send out is that they have neither care nor compassion, and would rather not see those affected by apartheid being given the best, something which they themselves enjoyed for so long. They would rather have an approach using poorly planned and implemented policies, delivering inferior services. They broadcast this message as though they are the masters and the poor are the servants who will simply listen and accept what they say, despite the fact that what they say contains no truth at all.

In the coming 2004 elections, as in previous elections, the majority of people will continue to reject their devious and malicious attempts to reassert their past role of master over servant with the contempt it deserves.

During the past 10 years the living conditions of over 6 million people have been improved through the housing delivery programme. We have also seen people gaining access to housing through rental and social housing programmes. Specifically designed housing units and housing subsidies to meet the requirements of people with disabilities have been introduced. The hostel redevelopment programme focuses on the upgrading of hostel facilities and infrastructure, and the conversion of dormitory rooms into family units.

The housing delivery programme has helped to facilitate the delivery of basic services such as water and sanitation, as well as electricity, together with infrastructure such as schools, clinics and roads, to communities which did not previously have access to these. Through this programme we have witnessed the joy of millions of people who, for the first time in their lives, now own property.

We have also witnessed the joy of both young and old moving from homes made of plastic, iron and cardboard into homes made of brick and mortar, providing warmth from the cold, shelter from the rain, and coolness from the heat. A resident in Sikhane had the following to say:

I have a sense of pride here. Living in this house has made a big difference in my life.

Another resident in Galeshewe said this:

This is the first time I have ever owned a house. Nobody can take it away from me.

Not only is it a house, but it is also an asset which can be improved and used as a guarantee to secure financial loans. Many of these homes have provided beneficiaries with the facilities to start home-based businesses.

The 99-year-lease programme which effectively ensured for so long that our people were deprived of ownership and title deeds, was sent to eternal banishment.

Women who have been the most marginalised of society, have played an important role in the housing delivery programme. Not only are they the main beneficiaries of housing subsidies, but they have actively participated in the construction of houses, particularly through the people’s housing process.

Women have also taken the lead in mobilising savings groups, generating much-needed finance for housing. These are women who come from urban areas, rural areas and informal settlements, and are often from the poorest of the poor. They have displayed unwavering commitment and dedication to playing their part in working with Government to rebuild this country.

The housing delivery programme has restored human dignity to millions of people. No longer do families have to sleep in one room. Many beneficiaries choose to have internal walls built, so that parents and children have separate rooms.

Programmes aimed at upgrading informal settlements, providing piped water and waterborne sanitation, together with the provision of electricity, is taking place throughout the country. The Urban Renewal Programme and the Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Programme form part of the strategy of the ANC-led Government in rebuilding our country. These programmes are aimed at reconstructing and developing specific urban and rural nodes, improving living conditions, and providing infrastructure that had not previously been provided to these affected communities.

The development of the rural nodes will play a significant role in enabling community members to continue living where they live, whilst providing them with sustainable employment opportunities. This will impact on the number of people migrating to urban areas in search of employment, and could also see people moving back to rural areas as more employment opportunities are created.

The face of formerly white suburbs has changed significantly, with many providing a picture of racial integration, providing an opportunity for barriers to be broken down and for new friendships to be made. There has been no decline in property prices or the deterioration of suburbs, as some prophets of doom predicted in 1994.

I am able to speak with confidence of the significant progress that has taken place in meeting the housing needs of the peoples of this country, as I, too, have personally witnessed this in all nine provinces, in both urban and rural areas. The words of the Freedom Charter that say ``all the people shall have the right to live where they choose, be decently housed and bring up their families in comfort and security’’ are no longer words. They have become a reality for millions of our people.

Whilst significant progress has been made in this past decade, more work must take place to ensure that the peoples of this country have access to adequate shelter, as enshrined in our Constitution. There are challenges that lie ahead; they are not insurmountable. Government has taken measures to ensure that the housing products being provided are of sound quality. These include the role of the National Homebuilders Registration Council which conducts on-site inspections. Of concern, however, are the actions of some developers who seem to think that the housing programme is a way of making money at the expense of those who are most in need. They maximise their profits by building inferior-quality homes, leaving Government with the task of having to repair, and in some cases rebuild, poorly built homes. A commitment is required from the construction industry to build homes that they themselves would be proud to live in.

There are many potential home owners who fall just outside the subsidy band, and who are unable to access finance because they are presumed to be a financial risk. The practice of redlining has led to many who can afford to repay home loans being denied access. We call on these financial institutions to work with Government in rebuilding the country. Through the provision of affordable finance many people will be able to purchase or build a home of their choice.

The location of housing developments needs to be closer to city centres. The notion that property prices fall if there is a low-cost housing development in areas close to existing suburbs often results in houses having to be built far away from places of employment.

High land costs also contribute to this practice. We need to ensure that the integration of society continues to take place, and we cannot allow communities such as those in Zevenfontein, next to Dainfern, and in Lanseria in Gauteng continuously to be denied access to housing, simply because landowners object. If we are building a country for all South Africans, surely we cannot continue along the lines of demanding that Government provide houses to those regarded as poor, but at the same time insist that they be built far away from leafy suburbs.

As we continue along the path of reconstruction and development, a united effort is required from all South Africans. In particular, we need the building industry and financial institutions to join hands with Government and play an active role in helping to reduce the levels of poverty in which many of our people still live. Through a united effort, housing delivery can be speeded up and much-needed employment opportunities can be created on the construction sites.

The time for being spectators on the grandstand is over. We all need to become players. We need to work together and win together. An article in yesterday’s City Press, titled ``When home turns out to be the best place after all’’ said the following, and I quote:

With little fanfare but lots of enthusiasm white South Africans are returning to a country that works and a homeland they miss.

The article goes on to talk about the work of Angel Jones and Marina Smithers, and their role in the creation of the homecoming revolution, which is calling on South Africans to come home and play their part in creating employment, reducing poverty and helping to create a winning nation. Angel Jones and Marina Smithers are true patriots; they believe in South Africa and are proud to live here. They are examples we all need to follow, including some members on this side of the House.

In a few weeks from now, on 14 April, the electorate will have to make a choice - a choice that says I want to be a team player'' or a choice that saysI want to be a spectator’’; a choice that says I am tired of the negative campaign waged by certain political leaders'' or a choice that saysI do not want to be part of the process of reconstruction and development’’; a choice to work with the ANC and Government in creating work and fighting poverty, or a choice to ensure that South Africa does not succeed.

I made my choice a long time ago. It was a choice to become part of the majority, to become a team player, to work and win together … [Applause.] … to contribute in my small way to help improve the lives of those who were denied the same opportunity that I had when I was born, to be proud of and defend my country, and to be proud of my President. The ANC is the only party that has delivered on its promises over the past decade. When others in this House have had the opportunity at different times, they have failed.

A vote for the ANC will ensure that tomorrow South Africa becomes a better country than the one that we have today, and the reconstruction and development of a country for you, your family and generations to come which we will be proud of. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, hon members and our hon Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, Madam Nosiviwe `fight back’ Nqakula: I recognise you.

The Government’s ten-year review identified socioeconomic challenges that, if not addressed, could result in liberation gains being overturned. We celebrate ten years of freedom this year. We understand freedom as the ability of individuals and groups to make choices and pursue their aspirations freely. This includes choices such as where to live, what work to choose and where to engage in it, where and what to learn, where and what business to pursue and many others.

In the same vein, we should congratulate the ANC-led Government for the progress made in various fields thus far. However, political freedom without economic and social freedom is not real freedom, and whilst the President dwelt much on the successes of the past ten years during his state of the nation address, I submit that he neglected to address the major social and economic challenges that face us as a nation.

Yes, our political freedom was indeed a miracle. however, in ten years, we cannot honestly say that this political freedom has materialised into social and economic freedom. The truth is that ten years of unemployment, crime, hunger and poverty undermine the people’s freedom. Madam Deputy Speaker, when more than 20 000 people are murdered every year, that is not real freedom; when more than a million jobs are destroyed in ten years and nearly half of the adult population are unemployed, that is not real freedom; when hundreds of thousands of school-leavers and graduates join the job market every year with little hope of finding employment, that is not real freedom; when millions are infected with HIV/Aids and Government drags it feet with treatment, that is not real freedom; and when the institutions of education which are supposed to help disadvantaged communities are closed down, and no replacements are offered, that is not real freedom.

On Friday President Mbeki said:

We do not foresee that there will be any need for new and major policy initiatives. [Interjections.]

If that is what you want to call it, he gave his assurance that the next term of ANC Government would be characterised by no changes in policies. In essense, he has promised the South African public more of the same. We must ask: more of the same unemployment, more of the same crime, more of the same corruption at the highest levels, more of the same failure to address HIV/Aids and more of the same procurement of weapons of war instead of investing in social security? And now …

… sithetha ngabantu abanyotyiweyo, kanti bekuthiwe le mali iza kuthenga izixhobo zokulwa. [… we are talking about people who have been bribed, whereas it was said this money would be used for buying arms.]

Fundamentally, South Africa stands at a crossroads. We need to recognise the immensity of these challenges. We need to admit that these challenges require new policies, concerted action and, above all else, much more Government intervention. Anything less is wishful thinking. More of the same' will not provide solutions. More of the same’ is a direct threat to our freedom and development. We need to move away from this confusion of tripartite governance ever since the introduction of Gear. Remember, this is the tripartite alliance which, on the streets preaches more employment, but legislates greater unemployment in the boardrooms and committee chambers.

Madam Deputy Speaker, the President also said the following:

We have already identified the challenges posed by the second economy, which economy constitutes the structural manifestation of poverty, underdevelopment and marginalisation in our country.

Yes, the harsh reality is that eight million people are jobless. When Gear was introduced, the ANC was warned about the inevitable outcome. Instead, we were promised hundreds of thousands of jobs in the first economy. The Gear policy was responsible for removing trade protection and the promotion of South African industries as a way of playing to the international gallery. For instance, in the textile and agricultural industry, jobs and enterprises were destroyed at a frightening rate. These masses which lost their jobs and were relegated to the so-called second economy are there exactly because of the ANC’s economic policy.

On the other hand, the architects of globalisation are still pumping trillions of rands into their economies as a way to protect and promote their domestic jobs and businesses. Madam Deputy Speaker, it is disingenuous to speak of the second economy as something that simply exists, when the truth is that the ANC has actively pursued policies that continuously expand this sector of our society. For the President to speak of poverty, underdevelopment and marginalisation as structural manifestations, is supremely ironic. Is it not the ANC which has pursued a self-imposed structural adjustment programme? Is it not this headlong rush to satisfy the structures of neo-liberal economics that has brought us to this impasse?

Finally, the President naturally needs to make policy proposals that we concure with, but at the very least, we would have expected some proposals instead of more of the same approach. The challenges we face in this country are challenges that undermine our freedom. To address these challenges, we require more political will.

Ndive apha uMphathiswa wezeMfundo engxola. Amaziko emfundo wawavala. Yinyani leyo. Akhona. Nazi iikholeji zemfundo zivaliwe kulo lonke ilizwe. Utheth’ ukuthini ukuthi azivalwanga. Uyayazi le nto uthetha ngayo? [kwaqhwatywa.] [I heard the Minister of Education making a noise here. He closed the education institutions. That’s a reality. They are there. Colleges of education have been closed throughout the country. What do you mean in saying `they are not closed’? Do you know what it is that you are talking about? [Applause.]]

Ms V MERUTI: Madam Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, hon members, comrades, ladies and gentlemen …

… ek wil graag ons agb President se woorde van verlede week beklemtoon. Ons is besig om die toestande van die verlede te verander, en ons sal aanhou om saam met die mense van ons land te sorg dat Suid-Afrika ‘n goeie en veilige land vir al haar kinders is.

Daar is baie dinge wat ‘n mens kan sê oor die afgelope 10 jaar, maar niemand kan sê dat mense nie beter daaraan toe is as ooit tevore nie. Dit is ook baie belangrik dat ons kinders die geskiedenis van ons land ken, en ek hoop die Minister van Onderwys luister.

In die dae toe pensioen volgens ras ingedeel was, moes ‘n mens omtrent drie maande gewag het vir jou pensioen as jy ‘n dompas gehad het; terwyl blankes dit onmiddellik en maandeliks ontvang het. Die naturelle of nie-blankes, soos ons toe genoem is, het ook baie minder geld as blankes gekry. Vandag kry ons almal dieselfde bedrag, en ons kry almal dieselfde diens. [Applous.] Meer van ons mense het huise, hulle het makliker toegang tot opvoeding, beter mediese sorg en ons welsynstelsel is van die beste in die wêreld. [Applous.]

Ek sal binnekort uitbrei oor hoe goed ons welsynstelsel is, maar ek wil net gou iets aanspreek. Ons mense weet dat hierdie Regering vir hulle omgee, en dat hulle veel eerder in vandag se omstandighede wil lewe as om terug te gaan na ‘n tyd toe die meeste van ons mense in onmenslike omstandighede gebly het. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[I would like to emphasise our hon President’s words of last week. We are busy changing the conditions of the past and will continue, with the people of our country, to make sure that South Africa is a safe and good country for all its children.

There are many things one could say about the past 10 years, but no one can say that people are not better off now than ever before. It is also important that our children know the history of our country and I hope that the Minister of Education is listening.

In the days when pension was allotted according to race, you had to wait for about three months for your pension if you had a dompas; whilst the whites received it immediately and monthly. The Bantu'', or non- whites’’, as we were called then, also received a lot less than the whites. Today, we all are getting the same amount, and we are all getting the same service. [Applause.] More of our people have houses, they have easier access to education, improved medical care and our welfare system is of the best in the world. [Applause.]

I shall shortly elaborate on how good our welfare system is, but I just want to address something quickly. Our people know that this Government cares about them and that they would much rather live in today’s circumstances than go back to a time when most of our people lived in inhumane conditions.]

Borremogolo ba kile ba bolotsa ba ya ntweng ba na le basweu. Morago ga dingwaga bagale ba boela gae. Basadi ba itaya mogolokwane ka boitumelo fa ba goroga. Bangwe ba idibala fa ba utlwa pegi ka borre ba ba ileng badimong. Basadi ba ikgomotsa ka gore phimola keledi e borre ba tla e bonang e tla ba ntsha mo ditlaleng tsa dingwagangwaga. Ijaa! Ba swaba nko go feta molomo fa borre ba newa dibaesekele le dijase tsa ``solalaphi’’. [Legofi.]

Basweu bona ba amogela matlo, tshelete e e bonagalang, pensene kgwedi le kgwedi, mme bana ba isiwa dikolong. Re leboga Puso ya ANC go re ntsha mo bokgobeng. Gompieno re na le Molaotheo. Re itse ditshwanelo le maikarabelo a rona. Rotlhe re a lekana. (Translation of Tswana paragraphs follows.)

[Grandfathers once went to war accompanying the whites. After some years the heroes went back home. The women were cheering them when they arrived. Some fainted when they received a report about the men who had died. The women consoled themselves with the thought that the compensation they would get would take them out of the many years of hunger. My goodness! They were very disappointed when the men were given bicycles and jackets called solalaphi. [Applause.]

The whites received houses, significant amounts of money, a monthly pension, and their children were sent to school. We thank the ANC Government for taking us out of slavery. Today we have a Constitution. We know our rights and responsibilities. All of us are equal.]

Our ten-year democracy has been marked by undeniable achievements in fields such as social delivery. I want to repeat and reinforce what has been said by our hon President. This is a good time to be living in South Africa. [Applause.]

Yes, we have problems. However, we also have major achievements. It is about time that we proclaim our achievements for all to see. Our social welfare system has been hailed as one of the most effective amongst developing countries anywhere in the world.

With regards to social grants, they are diverse and structured to meet people’s needs. There are at least seven types of grants currently administered by the Department of Social Development and these are targeted at pensioners, poor families with children, war veterans …

… bona ba ba amogetseng dijase le dibaesekele … [those that received jackets and bicycles …]

… foster care and grants-in-aid for families taking care of children and people in need. The expenditure on social grants has increased by 3,5 times between 1994 and 2003. The number of beneficiaries has almost tripled over the past ten years and this figure is likely to increase.

One of the most important improvements in grant payments has been in replacing the racially scaled child maintenance grant with the child support grant. The number of children in receipt of this grant has increased by 62,25% in the period April 2002 to April 2003. There has been an extension of this grant to include children up to 14 years.

All the extensions are aimed at providing the grant to an estimated additional 3,2 million children. This is vastly different from the situation which prevailed under the previous regime, and our ANC-led Government is committed to seeing that the very good policies we have put in place in this regard will be executed without too many problems.

One of the most important challenges in this area is actually service delivery. It is an unfortunate fact that we are not reaching all of the poor and vulnerable. There have been problems with private service providers and we have dealt with them decisively.

There are problems in the relationship between the Departments of Home Affairs and Social Development, and an extensive effort needs to be made to sort this out. People cannot access their grants if they do not have the necessary identification papers. Some tribal authorities expect social grant applicants to pay a levy, “jojo” [bribe], in order to facilitate processing of their applications. This is corruption, and I appeal to all those who have paid such levies to lay a charge against these corrupt authorities.

We are of the opinion that the proposed national social security agency will provide the eventual solution to many of the existing problems in our grants payment system, but until this agency is fully functional, we will continue to address human resource and other problems which prevent grant beneficiaries from accessing their grants.

As part of the objective to provide employment and to move people away from dependence on mere social grants, the Public Works Programme has employed a total of 124 808 people since 1998. However, most of the jobs created were temporary. Whilst Public Works Programmes increase the provision of assets to the community, they are not as efficient as income grants in alleviating poverty. However, these Public Works Programmes also serve to create a skills base which participants may be able to rely on to create further income.

Several social changes still remain in our country, as the President said in his state of the nation address, and our Government has identified that several things have to be done in order to further improve the lives of our people. The aim is to create a massive Public Works Programme, and to improve access to social security measures with better vehicles to improve social delivery, while reducing the number of citizens dependent on grants.

We must also continue to promote national identity and pride, ensuring that households develop civic responsibility, including a culture of paying for service beyond the free basic provision, and taking responsibility for protecting the infrastructure in their communities.

As stated by the President on several occasions, voting in the elections is a fundamental and hard-won right, and citizens have a responsibility to exercise it and keep our democracy strong.

The Department of Home Affairs has waived the cost for photographs and reissues until the closure of voter registration to facilitate easy accessibility of IDs. The IEC reports that the current voters’ roll has increased to more than 20 million and that young people - I say young people - between the ages of 18 and 25 accounted for almost 60% of the newly registered. [Applause.]

I would like to say that this figure, despite the opposition’s rhetoric to the contrary, indicates that our people are not apathetic about the coming elections, nor are they despondent about conditions in our country. On the contrary, we are hopeful and committed to achieving the task of reconstruction and development. It is only by working together in a people’s contract that we can really fulfil the amazing potential of our beautiful country.

In conclusion, the journey we started in 1994 was always aimed at the realisation of this goal. We have a caring Government led by the ANC, which is fully conscious of the fact that we have entered into a contract with the people, to work in partnership with all South Africans, and to build a winning and successful nation. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President, Ministers present, as we are about to celebrate the first decade of democracy in our country, we are challenged to remember where we come from as a nation and the reasons why we were first elected to serve in the democratic Parliament.

It is within this context that we reply to the President’s address on his Government’s achievements for the past decade. Yes, he has correctly captured the many challenges that our country faces and our Government’s achievements thus far. However, we think that it is not enough. We believe that the Government can do better than listing its short-term achievements. Our people are still suffering.

The challenges he identified are capable of being addressed, especially if the Government can give itself time to listen to the people on the ground, and not only when it is election time. Our people need constant interaction with the Government. This has to happen in addition to that they are remembered when their votes matter most. Imbizos are events; what the people need is a programme.

Mr President, we have to advise that our rigid economic policies, obsessed with fiscal discipline regardless of its social impact, will cost the country dearly. We are asking: Why stick to economic policies that do not deliver to our people?

In his statement, the President said:

We must ensure that the public sector discharges its responsibilities to our people as a critical player in the process of the growth, reconstruction and development of our country.

He further said that we must ensure that the system of traditional government plays the role ascribed to it by our Constitution and legislation.

We all know for a fact that the President’s statement in this regard does not capture the reality in terms of how his Government regards the role of traditional leaders within our democratic institutions. [Interjections.] The traditional leadership has been relegated to mere spectators in making a meaningful contribution to our democratic society. Their powers have been diminished in favour of local authorities.

It is indeed sad that the President mentioned the importance of the African Renaissance, but said little about the traditional institutions that define precisely what it means to be an African. He has also not mentioned any serious plan of action concerning HIV/Aids. What our people need is action and more action by providing them with access to medicine. The Government should implement, and not plan anymore, as our people are dying like flies when we know that there are medicines that can help improve their health.

We are saying to the President that he must walk his talk before it is too late. Mr President, we were indeed elected by our people to serve them and not to determine what is good for them without their voices being heard. Tautona, ke eletsa go feleletsa ka go re, rona ra re kgetsi ya tsie e kgonwa ka go tshwaraganelwa. Tirisanommogo ke yona e e ka thusang mo go rarabololeng mathata a rona mo Afrika Borwa. Ka go dirisana le dikgosi, di ka kgona go go thusa motlotlegi Moporesidente. [Nako e fedile.] [Mr President, I wish to conclude by saying, we say that a job becomes easier when many people give their assistance. Co-operation can help us in solving our problems in South Africa. By co-operating with traditional leaders, they can help you, Mr President. [Time expired.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, Mr President, it is unfortunate that in this Parliament we have a short speaking time and we cannot always pay all the courtesies, including to the Deputy President.

I want to begin my response to the President’s state of the nation address by thanking him for his honesty in telling the nation that, if elected, his Government would continue the flawed market-led policies, such as that Gear, that have led to South Africa being listed as the second most unequal society in the world, a country ranked amongst those with the highest unemployment rates, a country where the people of this nation have to wait another ten years for 30% of their right to land to be given back to them.

Ten years after the first election, the African people retain their relatively powerless position, not only because they are dispossessed of monetary and human resources, but also because they have a Government which ignores the fundamental objectives of our liberation struggle.

The PAC, as the champion of the politics of this country, recognizes … [Interjections] … that this nation requires free education. Education has one honourable purpose: the purpose of proper education is to prepare the student to be a responsible handler of power. It must ultimately improve one’s understanding of what power is and how one has to have power in order to be a total human being.

Free education must be the cornerstone of this nation, from primary to tertiary, for the next 30 years, if we are to build the capacity of Africans to participate effectively in industrialising this country and transforming our rural areas from graveyards into flourishing centres. Education is a right. It is not a commodity that can be bought or sold. Free education must be implemented to create a knowledge society. We need an education for a new reality in our country.

Land claims from 1913 have legalised land dispossession of the majority. Across this country the land and resource rights of the Africans are threatened by inappropriate policies and institutions, unequal social, political and economic relations, and the actions of powerful vested interests. Millions of our people live in filthy squatter camps and are built matchbox houses regardless of the size of families. People in the squatter camps not only lose their properties but also their lives when these ``mkhukhus’’ [shacks] burn. There must be equitable distribution of land.

To take away land from a people is to take away a source of life from them. Section 25 of the Constitution must be repealed, especially subsection 7. To legislate that the land dispossessed African majority of this country claim land from after 1913 is to legalise and legitimise their land dispossession, landlessness and daily evictions. A moratorium on land evictions is fundamental.

Government policies on reparations are sensitive. The PAC demands qualitative reparations for the victims of apartheid. An amount of R30 000 offered to the victims of apartheid by the TRC and endorsed by the policies of the present Government is insensitive and humiliating in the extreme.

This amount is less than 2 500 British pounds and less than US$5 000. Compare this with reparations of $2,7 billion, about R10 billion, which was demanded of Libya for only 267 passengers who died when the Pan American plane was bombed. Compare this also with DM132 billion paid as reparations to the Jews. Africans must be treated equally with all the nations of the world. African are not sub-humans. [Interjections.]

The PAC thanks President Mbeki for his reference to the construction of the Freedom Park. However, the past ten years have shown that this Government has lost its historical memory. Freedom Park must be a symbol that reclaims our entire heritage in a truthful and accurate manner in order to be a total and united heritage.

Freedom Park must reflect that the PAC was responsible for the Sharpeville uprising which internationalised apartheid and forced the UN to be seized with this heinous crime against humanity for over 30 years. It was the PAC which got apartheid South Africa expelled from the UN General Assembly, paving the way for the PAC and the ANC to take the South African seat as liberation movements.

Freedom Park must recognise and reflect that the first political prisoners to be imprisoned on Robben Island were from the PAC. Some, like G T Komsane, E P Mpondwana and Mahlubi Tolbart arrived on Robben Island on 12 October 1962. Robben Island was crowned with the imprisonment of the first president of the PAC, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, without trial under the special law called the Sobukwe Clause. He left Robben Island poisoned.

The PAC warns those who are intoxicated with the exuberance of their verbose sectarianism in the politics of this country that the history of the PAC is written with blood. It will never be erased with lies written in ink. [Laughter.]

Let me pay tribute to all who have fallen for our freedom by invoking the spirit of …

… uphaqa njengelanga; inyathi yasentsaka ntsakeni Unobuzil’ ukudla kwamagwala Amagwal’ adl’ ububende.]

PAC ha e je bobete. ‘Fatshe la rona! [The PAC is a force to be reckoned with. This is our land!]

Mr J J KGARIMETSA: Madam Speaker, His Excellency the President, Deputy President, hon members and Deputy Ministers present, members of Parliament, democratic South Africa was born of a leadership with a vision for a people’s struggle to lift themselves out of the guagmire of apartheid, people pitted against one another brought into the unifying streams of democracy and nation-building. These unifying streams of democracy were brought into being by the ANC-led Government and its tripartite alliance. This is where the leadership was born.

Here was born a South African idea of moulding people from diverse origins, cultural practices and languages into one, within a framework democratic in character that could absorb, accommodate and mediate conflicts and adverserial interests without oppression and injustice. Throughout its 92 years of existence, the ANC has put the interests of all the people of South Africa at the top of its agenda.

Having united the overwhelming majority of South Africans in struggle, the possibility was created in 1994 for us to work together practically to construct a society that cares.

In the area of education, progress has been made by the ANC-led Government through its Department of Education, especially in the implementation of our Tirisano mmogo programme. Through our collective efforts involving teachers, students, parents, the business community, civil society and nongovernmental organisations, we as the ANC-led Government managed to push back the frontiers of poverty and degradation in our schools.

Our people, even in most rural areas of our country, have come out in support of our Tirisano call. Schools in these areas are gradually recording improvements in their performance. We had a huge improvement last year, 2003, in the matric results, both nationally and provincially.

A brief examination of progress in our nine Tirisano priorities will reveal the hearty success we are recording. Curriculum 2005 was first introduced to schools in 1998, with a phased introduction, intended to result in the first matric class by 2005. However, in 1999 it was apparent that various problems existed which were limiting the effective implementation of the curriculum. Minister Asmal therefore appointed a review committee which made three findings, that is, that the principle of outcomes-based education was valid, that the design feature of the curriculum, including much of the terminology, was overcomplex and hard to understand, and that the preparation of teachers and materials for the approach had been inadequate.

A Minister-appointed committee then redrafted the curriculum statements for foundation classes, that is, Grade Reception to Grade 9, in a way which simplified much of the language and provided more guidance to teachers regarding the expectations. The revised curriculum takes as its foundation, and provides extensive support for, the core values of the Constitution, including equity, social justice, a healthy environment and the dignity of every individual.

The revised curriculum received overwhelming support from the public and the education community. The curriculum statements were subsequently translated into all official languages, as well as into Braille for blind teachers, and a full set, together with a teacher’s guide, was delivered to every single teacher in the country at a cost of R60 million. The teacher’s guide spells out how the outcomes can be achieved in the different schools and classroom contexts. It is too early to assess the benefits of outcomes- based education comprehensively.

The revised outcomes-based curriculum for Grades 10 to 12 has only recently been improved and will be implemented in 2006, with the first cohort to finish school under the new system completing in 2008.

The new approach has been widely welcomed by the teachers’ unions, academics and parents, and we are confident that the children who have completed their education under outcomes-based education will be better equipped and be more productive citizens, able to work collectively and equipped with thinking skills rather than the ability to memorise facts.

Our Government is seriously engaged in the anti-poverty drive, and this is an ongoing process. In December 2002 the Department of Education published the results of a comprehensive study into the financing, resourcing and cost of education. A number of factors were identified which impact on the cost of education, the main drivers being school fees, the cost of uniforms and transport costs. Each of these areas have been developed to minimise the cost of education for the poor.

With regard to school fees, it is hoped that we will soon be able to announce the scrapping of fees in at least the poorest 40% of schools, were the amounts are very small, that is, often less than R100 per year in some 60% of schools. However, the impact is enormous in terms of exclusion and loss of dignity. It is the wish of the Government to commit itself to a minimum resource package, so that these schools have no need to levy any fees at all.

The challenge of long distances travelled by our learners to schools, in particular those who live in rural areas, was noted in the 2003 report that looked at the financing, resource and cost of education in public schools. Research work will be conducted in the first part of the new financial year to look at the provision of education in rural communities, and chief among these areas is transport and hostel provisioning for learners in rural and farm areas.

Two years ago the President made a statement that no learner should be learning under trees. In 2002-03 the Department of Education, together with provincial departments of education, embarked on a drive to eradicate all instances of learners learning under trees. Each provincial department developed a strategy for addressing the problem of learners under trees. Information received indicates that we have broken the back of the phenomenon of learners under trees. Bagaetsho, mo bogaufing bo re tswang mo go bona, ke ne ke utlwa motlotlegi Rre Tony Leon a re o na le bana ba ba nnang ka fa tlase ga ditlhare mo matlapeng. Jaanong ke rata gore ke mo ganetse, ke re ga go jalo. Ka gongwe o gopotse tiragalo ya apartheid, ya mmuso ole wa tlhaolele wa bo-ene. (Translation of Tswana paragraph follows.)

[Countrymen, not long ago I heard the hon Tony Leon saying that there are children who still sit on stones under some trees. I want to dispute that. Maybe he is thinking of what used to happen during the apartheid era, under his apartheid government.]

Ons kan dit nie daar laat nie, meneer. Ons kan nie. Kyk, ons het die mense. Daar vóór loop ons en daar vóór brand die lig. Ons lei die lig; ons loop voor die mense. Ons kan dit nie daar laat nie. [We cannot leave it there, sir. We cannot. Look, we have the people. Up ahead we are walking and up ahead the light is shining. We are leading the light; we are walking in front of the people. We cannot leave it there.]

I do not know. Maybe there is a certain hidden farm school on your farm, hon Tony, of which we are not aware. Such practices are not tolerated. Such practices are taboos in the present Government. We won’t tolerate it, Comrade Seremane.

Government has accepted that the restructuring and consolidation of the higher education system is essential if the system is to be transformed. To achieve the strategic objectives of equalising the educational opportunities and of producing the knowledge output required for national, social and economic development, this restructuring and consolidation will help to remove from the higher education system the apartheid legacy of fragmentation, inequity and inefficiency which have hampered its ability to participate fully in the national development strategies.

Four major mergers have taken place in January 2004 at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, North West University, University of South Africa and Tshwane University of Technology. All the constituency campuses, that is, eight of them, have been incorporated into each receiving institution in January 2004. The Rhodes-East London campus has been incorporated into the University of Fort Hare and the Dean Street Faculty of Stellenbosch has been incorporated into the University of the Western Cape.

In the case of teaching itself, progress towards teaching equality has received much attention and upgrading of teachers has continued, with an annual increase of just over 2% in the proportion of qualified teachers in South Africa since 1994.

It must also be noted that teacher discipline continues to receive attention within the education community, particularly within the teacher unions and associations. Cases against teachers are monitored by the Department of Education … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr A I VAN NIEKERK: Madam Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, I would like to refer to something that the hon Boy Geldenhuys said in terms of monkey business. If there’s an example of real monkey business, it’s New NP members during cross-over sessions and getting new positions. It’s quite remarkable! [Interjections.] Could I also just remind Boy Geldenhuys of …

… ‘n plakkaat wat julle nie so lank gelede nie opgehad het van Hou die ANC uit!'' en nou is daar 'n nuwe plakkaat op:Gee jou stem vir ons sodat ons die ANC in die Wes-Kaap in beheer kan hou!’’ (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[… a poster that you had up not so long ago, stating Keep the ANC out!'' and now there is a new poster:Give us your vote so that we can keep the ANC in the Western Cape under control!’’]

And you speak of monkey business! That’s quite interesting. [Interjections.]

In his State of the Nation Address, the hon President said that all policy matters in the Government of South Africa are in place. I would like to get some clarity on this matter and the role that participatory, co-operative government plays in this regard.

Die Nuwe NP gee hoog op dat samewerking met die ANC aan hulle inspraak in die hoofstroom van die politiek gee. kan die agb President dalk vir ons klarigheid gee oor wat dit in die praktyk beteken? Beteken dit dat die Nuwe NP inspraak oor ANC-beleid het en dat hulle dit kan verander en in enige rigting stuur, of beteken dit dat die ANC die beleid formuleer en die Nuwe NP dan die ANC-regering help om die beleid te implementeer, die skurwer en skerper kante reg te poets, die dotjies mooi op die i’s te sit en die strepies deur die t’s te trek. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The New NP maintains that co-operation with the ANC gives them a say in the main stream of politics. Could the hon President perhaps give us some clarity regarding what this means in practice? Does it mean that the New NP has a say in ANC policy and can change it and send it in any direction, or does it mean that the ANC formulates the policy and that the New NP then helps the ANC Government to implement the policy, to polish the rough and sharp edges, to dot the i''s and cross thet’’s?]

I have a further question for the hon President. Where does this so-called ``inspraak’’ take place? The site where the policy of the ANC is finalised are the President’s Office, the Cabinet, the ANC Congress and the ANC caucus. In the Cabinet the New Np has no representative, only two Deputy Ministers who are present in Cabinet committees, and up to date they have had no impact on policy; they could not even prevent the doctors from marching!

In die ANC-kongres is die Nuwe NP waarnemers. [In the ANC congress the New NP are observers.]

They’re not delegates. Therefore the President’s Office and the parliamentary caucus are the only two sites left where the so-called ``inspraak’’ could have an effect.

The question therefore remains: Can the New NP really influence the direction of ANC policy and put it on a new course, or is the opportunity for ``inspraak’’ only available to enhance the practical application of ANC policy? Hon President, is there perhaps an example where the New NP has changed the ANC policy drastically and steered it in a new direction or even influenced the ANC principle? [Interjections.]

Ek sien swarigheid vir die Nuwe NP. My ondervinding van hoofstroompolitiek as lid van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid van 1994 tot 1996 soos deur die ANC uit ‘n magsposisie bedryf, is nie baie gunstig nie. In die eerste RNE het die destydse NP in eie reg gesit volgens die oorgangsgrondwet. Daar was een Minister vir elke 5% stemme en en Adjnkpresident vir die 20% steun wat die NP gehad het. Daar het ek dit ervaar dat die NP in ‘n gemoedelike, soms selfs akkommoderende atmosfeer, kon saampraat en insette lewer oor ANC- beleid, maar aan die rigting en die aard kon hy weinig, indien enige, verskil maak. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.) [I foresee difficulties for the New NP. My experience of main stream politics as a member of the Government of National Unity from 1994 to 1996 as run by the ANC from a position of power is not very favourable. In the first GNU, the former NP sat in their own right in accordance with the transitional constitution. There was one Minister for every 5% of votes and one Deputy Minister for the 20% support enjoyed by the NP. There I found that the NP could talk about and make inputs into the ANC policy in a congenial, and sometimes even accommodating atmosphere, but that it could make very little, if any, difference to its direction and nature.]

You will remember that. We were part of that Government.

Miskien het ons dit ‘n rukkie vertraag, maar aan die beleid het niks verander nie. Kritiek was daar wel en standpunte is sterk gestel, maar dit het nie gehelp om die beleid te verander nie. Dit het per geleentheid selfs tot skerp botsings in die Kabinet gelei. Sonder om kabinetsvertroulikheid te verbreek, wil ek een voorbeeld aanhaal wat in die pers verskyn het. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Perhaps we delayed it for a while, but nothing has changed as far as policy is concerned. There was criticism, and standpoints were strongly put, but that did not help to change policy. On occasion it even led to sharp conflict in the Cabinet. Without compromising Cabinet confidentiality, I want to quote one example which appeared in the press.]

You will remember that, Mr President.

By ‘n geleentheid het president Mandela so kwaad geword vir adjunkpresident De Klerk oor kritiek en beleid dat president Mandela in ‘n gespanne atmosfeer gesê het: Get out of my Cabinet! I don't want you here'', en bygevoeg het,If you leave, it won’t even cause a ripple!’’ Die antwoord … [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[On occasion President Mandela was so cross with Deputy President De Klerk regarding criticism and policy that Presient Mandela said in a tense atmosphere: Get out of my Cabinet! I don't want you here'', and added, If you leave, it won’t cause a ripple!’’ The reply … [Interjections.]]

It’s not! You can read the papers on that! [Interjections.]

Die antwoord van adjunkpresident De Klerk in die gespanne Kabinet van president Mandela was die volgende … [Tussenwerpsels.] [The reply of Deputy President De Klerk in the tense Cabinet of President Mandela was the following … [Interjections.]]

The answer of De Klerk was remarkable. He said:

The transitional Constitution gives my party the right to four Ministers in the Government of National Unity, and with 20% support I am in my own right Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa and a part of this Government. The decision to walk or stay is mine, not yours.

Nou is die vraag aan die Nuwe NP oor sy inspraak in die hoofstroom van die ANC-regering: As die Nuwe NP-standpunt nie vir die ANC aanvaarbaar is nie en dit tot ‘n botsing lei, soos wat sal gebeur as die Nuwe NP nie onderdanig is en net na die ANC se pype dans nie, en die ANC sê vir die Nuwe NP hy moet loop, wat gaan die Nuwe NP doen? [Tussenwerpsels.] Op grond waarvan gaan die Nuwe NP bly sit in die kring van die magsbehepte ANC? [Tussenwerpsels.]

In die ou dae was daar ‘n grammofoonmaatskappy met ‘n hondjie as ‘n embleem en die slagspreuk, ``His Master’s Voice’’. [Tussenwerpsels.] Iets van hierdie gebeure laat my dink aan die Nuwe NP in hierdie verband. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Kom ek illustreer dit verder. Volgens ‘n koerantberig in Rapport van Sondag, 8 Februarie 2004, het die agb leier van die Nuwe NP, premier Van Schalkwyk, gesê dat boere ophou moet skree oor grondhervorming en eerder met die Regering moet saamwerk. In feitlik dieselfde asem verdedig die Nuwe NP egter ook die wetlike stap wat die ANC gedoen het om die wet te verander sodat die toekenning van grond uit die hande van die regstelsel geneem en met verdere onteineningstukragte in die hand van die ANC-minister geplaas word; iets soos wat in Zimbabwe gebeur. Hoe regverdig die Nuwe NP dit? Die hele episode laat my aan ‘n verdere spreekwoord dink, naamlik ``Hansie my kneg, jy moet doen wat ek seg, anders is jy weg’’.

In die Wes-Kaap-regering word al hoe meer uitsprake gehoor oor, en sien ons al meer munisipaliteite wat bankrot raak onder ANC-bestuur. Het die Nuwe NP iets reggekry om dit te verander? Nee. Hulle moes onderdanig wees. Verbasend genoeg sien ek dat oudpresident De Klerk die Nuwe Np aanmoedig om terug te keer, maar in sy eie woorde in gister se Rapport sê hy: Ek was maar 'n swak leier van die opposisie. Dit was die swakste tyd in my politieke loopbaan.'' [Tussenwerpsels.] En hy sê toe daar as hy weer die besluit moet neem om te loop, sal hy loop. Nou wens hy die Nuwe NP terug om weer te loop! Dít ismonkey business’’ in die ware sin van die woord. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Oral in die wêreld is sterk, onafhanklike opposisie ‘n noodsaaklikheid om die demokrasie en ekonomiese orde in stand te hou. Waar geen sterk onafhanklike opposisie teenwoordig is nie, vergaan sulke lande gou en verval hulle uiteindelik in situasies soos dié van Zimbabwe. Suid-Afrika verdien beter as dit. Daarom sal die DA voortgaan om die vaandel van ‘n duidelike, sinvolle alternatief teenoor die magsbehepte ANC in die nuwe Suid-Afrika te dra en voor die kiesers op die tafel te plaas. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Now the question to the New NP regarding its say in the main stream of the ANC Government is: If the New NP’s standpoint is not acceptable to the ANC and it leads to conflict, such as will be the case if the New NP is not submissive and does not dance to the ANC’s tune, and the ANC says to the New NP that it must go, what is the New NP going to do? [Interjections.] On what basis is the New NP going to remain sitting in the circle of the ANC who is obsessed by power? [Interjectons.]

In the old days there was a grammophone company with a little dog as an emblem and the motto, ``His Master’s Voice’’. [Interjections.] Something about what is happening here reminds me of the New NP in this regard. [Interjections.]

Let me illustrate it further. According to a newspaper article in Rapport of Sunday, 8 February 2004, the leader of the New NP, Premier Van Schalkwyk, said that farmers must stop shouting about land reform and that they must rather co-operate with the Government. In practically the same breath, however, the New NP also defends the legal step taken by the ANC to change the Act so that the allocation of land is taken out of the hands of the judiciary and is placed in the hands of the ANC Minister with further expropriation drives; similar to what is happening in Zimbabwe. How does the New NP justify this? The whole episode reminds me of a further adage, namely ``Hansie my kneg, jy moet doen wat ek seg, anders is jy weg’’. [Hansie my servant, you must do as I say, otherwise you will be fired.]

In the Western Cape government an increasing number of findings are being heard and we see an increasing number of municipalities who become bankrupt under ANC management. Has the New NP succeeded in changing this? No. They must be submissive. Surprisingly enough I see that former President De Klerk is encouraging the New NP to return, but in his own words in yesterday’s Rapport he said: Ek was maar 'n swak leier van die opposisie. Dit was die swakste tyd in my politieke loopbaan''. [Interjections.] And then he said there that if he were again to make the decision to go, he would go. Now he wants the New NP back just to go again! That is monkey business’’ in the real sense of the word. [Interjections.]

Everywhere in the world strong, independent opposition is essential for maintaining democracy and economic order. Where no strong independent opposition is present, such countries soon pass away and they eventually deteriorate into situations such as that of Zimbabwe. South Africa deserves something better. Therefore the DA will continue to carry the banner of a clear, significant alternative to the power-obsessed ANC in the New South Africa and to place it on the table before the voters. I thank you. [Applause.]]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, before I call on the next speaker, I would like to give a ruling.

Earlier today I’ve undertaken to look at Hansard and rule on the point of order raised by the hon Mr Gibson regarding the comments made by the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs. The comments refer, and I’ve seen a copy of Hansard, to political parties and their leaders, and not to any particular member. Now, in the past we have ruled that allegations of racism or racist behaviour against parties are not unparliamentary, but would not be acceptable if directed at a particular member. Accordingly, the point of order was not well taken and is denied. [Applause.]

Mr D S MAIMANE: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members of Parliament, allow me to pay tribute to comrades who were murdered by the Bophuthatswana police in 1986.

These young people were expressing their discontent about the illegitimate bantustan and the squalid conditions under which they lived in Winterveldt. Water supply, sanitation and electricity were something unheard of in that community. Today, as I speak, the community of Winterveldt is a proud beneficiary of the Government’s electrification, RDP housing, water supply and sanitation programmes. [Applause.]

This is a monument that our Government has built for you. It is a monument unequalled by any in the world. Surely your blood was not spilled in vain. Sejo sennye ga se fete molomo. [Half a loaf is better than no bread.]

In 1994 South Africans, conscious of their past and determined to bring about change, chose a path. This path is best described by Robert Frost when he says, and I quote:

I shall be telling this with a sigh somewhere ages and ages hence: Two roads diverged in a wood and I took the one less travelled by, and that has made all the difference.

Surely there is a difference: a difference that I saw in a remote village known as Klipvoorstad in the North West province. The people of Klipvoorstad depended on a river running through their village as a source of water. In the midst of all the health risks, they used the water from that river to cook, wash and drink. No government before 1994 ever thought of coming to their rescue.

It is the result of 1994 that brought relief to this community. A completed water project has been handed over to this community by the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry. To other people, particularly those who have never experienced drawing water from a river or using a hand pump, such a development is meaningless, but to Mrs Maakwe and her family this is an indelible imprint.

As we undo the impact of apartheid rule, there will be challenges; challenges which are best expressed in the words of our President when he addressed Parliament on 6 February 2004. He said, and I quote:

There are still many of our people who live in shacks and others who have no access to clean water, proper sanitation and electricity.

As I speak on this podium, I am aware of development plans that are being drawn by municipalities throughout our nation to determine the pace with which such challenges can be dealt with. Innovative mechanisms of a material nature are being looked into to provide capacity to municipalities so as to enable them to realise their developmental plans.

The introduction of free basic services is a case in point. The six kilolitres of water provided by the municipalities free of charge is indicative of commitment to reverse the conditions under which our people had to live during the apartheid days. We will continue to introduce changes in partnership with our people, so as to attain a better life for all.

It is against this background that our people will refuse to listen to our oppressors who in their illusion do not see any development or change. It is us who bear the scars of poverty, unemployment, exploitation and oppression who can proudly speak about the fruits of liberty in the past 10 years.

The people who reside in a village called Mothlabe, east of Rustenburg in the North West province, who had no water supply or electricity prior to 1994, can bear testimony to the changes we brought about. Today as I speak, there is a completed water scheme managed by local people, and each house has been electrified. When community meetings are held, discussions centre around mechanisms for ensuring sustainability of the water project.

It is only people from such communities who can proudly say that the ANC Government has delivered since 1994. It is the people who are employed in a Working for Water Project and have acquired skills and contractual opportunities, who can testify that there are changes. Through programmes such as the Working for Water Project, Government has been able to take jobseekers out of the streets and into the workplace.

The management of Working for Water is looking into partnerships with the private sector to increase the project’s capacity to meet the challenges of providing jobs. The community-based Public Works programme has afforded emerging contractors work opportunities through poverty-relief projects. As a result, short-term jobs have been created.

There are people who do not want us to recognise this reality. They want us to ignore the truth and talk about things that are not there. They forget that ours is a revolution informed by truth, commitment and honesty. It is better explained in the words of a revolutionary of our epoch, Comrade Che Guavara, when he says: ``Tell no lies and claim no easy victory.’’

In the 10 years of our freedom we have also dealt a blow to the bucket system which so much dehumanised our people. Plans have been developed by both the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, DWAF, and the Department of Provincial Affairs and Local Government to phase out the bucket system where it still exists.

It is important to mention that the sanitation programme, both water borne and VIP, contributes in no small measure to job creation opportunities. In the Free State DWAF has been able to roll out sanitation projects in a manner that creates opportunities for SMME’s and the unemployed people of our country, particularly in that area.

Anybody who attempts to distort the reality of delivery by the ANC-led Government is not worthy of being called a South African. It is against this background that I say the performance of our Government is meritorious. I would, therefore, like to make a call to all South Africans to join us as we continue with the contract to create jobs and fight poverty.

Nna ke le Maimane a tswene, mosimane wa tlhare se bothito, moila pilo, ka re ga gona puso e e kileng ya sekamela mo letlhakoreng la rona. Ga gona puso e e kileng ya re gopola ntle le Puso e re leng mo go yona. Re ne re bidiwa batho ba kwa merakeng, re tseelwa kwa tlase. Ba ba neng ba re nyatsa, ba re sotla, kajeno ba leka go re ngoka ka maaka le boitimokanyi. Re ka seka ra dumalana le bona.

Re tla nna re ba bitsa botshega-ingate, digata-marukgwana.

MALOKO A A TLOTLEGANG: Ee!

Rre D S MAIMANE: Batho ba ba senang kutlwelobotlhoko, ba ba setlhogo. Re itse gore tlala ke eng. Re itse gore botlhoko jwa kgatelelo le botlhoka- tiro ke eng. Re tlhaloganya gore Puso e tshwere namane e tona ya tiro, ya go itlhaganedisa diphetogo. Motswana o rile bojang jwa pitse ke jo bo mo mpeng, bo e swang e bo hupile ga se ba yona. Jaaka re le Ma-Aforika Borwa, re tsile go ithuta thata mo Motswaneng, gore re seka ra senya le go latlha tseo re nang le tsona.

Pele-pele ka Puso ya ANC, pele-pele!

MALOKO A A TLOTLEGANG: Pele-pele! [Legofi.] (Translation of Tswana paragraphs follows.)

[I am saying that no government has ever supported us like this. No government has ever thought of us like the present Government. We were regarded as herdsmen and looked down upon. Those who were despising us, mocking us, are now trying to lure us with their lies and hypocrisy. We are not going to agree with them.

We will keep on calling them upstarts, nobodies.

Hon MEMBERS: Yes!

Mr D S MAIMANE: Merciless and cruel people. We know what hunger is all about. We know what the pain of oppression and joblessness is all about. We understand that the Government is working very hard to speed up changes.

The Motswana of yesteryear said that we only own what is already in our possession, as opposed to what we wish to have. As South Africans we have to learn much from the Motswana, by not wasting and destroying what we have.

Forward with the ANC-led Government, forward!

Hon MEMBERS: Forward! [Applause.]]

Ms T E MILLIN: Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President and members. We are on the eve of celebrating our first ten years of freedom and democracy, and we are told that there is much to celebrate.

On the one hand, it is widely contended that we have, in many senses, been liberated; on the other hand, we are increasingly enslaved and held hostage to legitimate fears and misgivings. I would suggest that for the minority one-third of the population of the Republic who did not vote for the ANC, in essence many millions of South Africans, this equates to enslavement of a large minority to a two-third majority of ANC supporters.

In all seriousness, a two-thirds majority is represented in this House, which leaves a one-third minority under the proverbial jack-boot of the majority without taking into account the untold numbers who have not exercised their right to vote - those unregistered or without ID books and so on.

Yes, we have come a long way from the madness of apartheid, and our esteemed President has ably outlined the key achievements of the ANC-led Government, such as they are. However, the ANC has more than enough praise- singers in its ranks. Therefore, the IAM, without apologising, prefers to highlight some of the many shortcomings indicated in policy and implementation.

As my time is limited, these are just some comments on key policies. Where credit is due for the positive developments the ANC-led Government has spearheaded, I readily acknowledge such. However, it is unfortunately true that the health Ministry has condemned millions of South Africans to a slow and painful death through HIV and Aids, and even though a policy is in place, its effectiveness can be likened to the legendary King Canute’s futile attempt to hold back the overwhelming tide of attendant, opportunistic diseases such as TB and malaria, adding to the enslavement of millions to unnecessary ill-health and death.

To escape the dictates of such enslaving and unconstitutional policies such as the certificate of need in the Health Act, our highly qualified doctors are fleeing the country in spite of supposedly successful ANC-led health policy. Yet, our hon President stated categorically in his TV interview yesterday that the policy for all Ministeries is in place, implying no possibility of amendment to said policies.

In response to the challenge made by the President in the same interview - to name any country that could equal or better this Government’s policy regarding the promised roll-out of antiretrovirals for HIV-Aids - I would counter that challenge by noting that there are few, if any, countries facing the enormity of the Aids pandemic that we face. Therefore, we damn well should have not only the best programme, but it should have been implemented years ago.

The policy on welfare is hopelessly inadequate to address the legions shackled by the oppression of unemployment and its twin, poverty. Likewise, the housing policy is blighted by weekly, if not daily reports of scores and hundreds of temporary shacks being burnt down, blooded out or torn down by officials, thereby compounding the enslavement of homelessness of so many people, in spite of ANC policy on housing being in place.

Again, crime prevention policy, or the abysmal lack thereof, has seen some of us come through ten years of rampant crime, enslaved to the untold added expense of high fortress-like walls and razor wire and electric fences and the like to imprison ourselves to the enslavement of the criminal minority who largely roam freely to continue their terror and mayhem over a terrified majority who, incidentally, include all of us, from the humblest shack-dweller to the mightiest in our land, namely our esteemed President and his Ministers who have in the past fallen prey to the rampaging criminals.

It has come to my attention in the past few days, through personal accounts by foreign diplomatic envoys based in South Africa, that they themselves are daily falling victim to the tidal wave of crime, suffering burglaries, hijackings and even violent assault, and of course, the ordinary South African citizen enjoys no freedom from crime, even at times being held up in one’s bank, for example, resulting in such enslavements as steeply rising bank charges and penalties for having the audacity to bank one’s own hard-earned cash.

With regard to education policy, our children are subject to an ever- increasing policy of mediocrity and dumbing-down which logically leads to a higher pass rate, with the proviso being the easier the syllabus, the less credibility our pass rate will have at all levels of education. Thus, our children are robbed of aspiring to excellence, and are instead enslaved to a system of egalitarianism, condemning us all to being the same under the yoke of ANC policy on education stifling any individualism and freedom of choice.

On sport policy, recent events are self-evident, and proving that our sportsmen and women, in the main, are enslaved by a ridiculous and incompetent administration, demanding more and more powers and, to put it impolitely, screwing up on a regular basis. [Interjections.] I sympathise with all those thus affected, and specifically our Bafana-Bafana team, as it is clear to all that they have no freedom and, to escape the clutches of enslavement to which they are victim, they are forced to leave for more sports-friendly shores.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon member.

Ms T E MILLIN: In conclusion, I pray that the next ten years of multiparty democracy will continue …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon member! Order!

Ms T E MILLIN: Thank you, Madam Speaker.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Well, the hon member has completed her speech. I don’t know whether you wanted to ask her a question?

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I didn’t want to ask a question. Rather, I have a point of order regarding two phrases in the hon member’s speech. The one was about screwing up'', and the other one was damn well’’, whatever the English expression is. I am just asking whether you could check as to whether that is appropriate language in so far as this particular House is concerned.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I will look at that, hon member.

Moh S D MOTUBATSE-HOUNKPATIN: Modulasetulo, beibele e re, morena Jesu e be ere ge baFarasei ba mmotš iša tša phaku o be are ge a ba araba are ``difofu di a bona, digole di a sepela’’, ke ka mokgwa woo go lego ka gona lehono. Mešomo ya ANC ga e hlaswe, mang le mang o a e bona. Yoo a sa e bonego a ka se tsogile a e bone. [Legofsi.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Ms S D MOTUBATSE-HOUNKPATIN: Chairperson, the Bible says that when the Pharisees asked Jesus silly questions, he would respond by saying ``the blind see, the disabled walk’’, and that is the way things are today. There is no need to tell people about the works of the ANC, because everybody can see what is happening. Whoever does not see it, never will do. [Applause.]]

Madam Deputy Speaker, before we celebrate this tenth anniversary of our freedom, I think it is important for us to reflect and see where we come from as a nation. I will focus mostly on the events on the continent since the adoption of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. In the fifties, when the African leaders, including the ANC leadership in South Africa, were advocating freedom so that Africans could also enjoy the benefits of this declaration, and were fighting for the establishment of national governance, they were called names.

In the sixties some of the countries started seeing their freedom, while some were still struggling. We, the ANC, had to change our tactics and take another route. Even the leadership at that time was called names.

In the seventies other parts of the continent continued to fight and some countries around South Africa were singing ``uhuru’’. Countries in West Africa, Central Africa and other parts started experiencing instability and coups d’état.

In the eighties, the image of this continent changed again. There were countries which chose the socialist-oriented economy, but what is important is that the Nonaligned Movement was also growing. The continent was unfortunately struck by famine, hunger and diseases.

In the nineties, in the southern part of this continent, we sang our ``uhuru’’ song. When the drums were beating in South Africa, we all stood up to dance because we liked the rhythm. However, going to the dance floor does not mean you are a good dancer.

Mašaedi le ona a kitimela go letša seeta. [Those who cannot dance also go to the dance floor.]

Today we in this House are lucky, because in the dance it is the minority who cannot move with the beat of the drums. If they were in the majority, we would be in big trouble. The whole continent rejoiced and joined South Africa in this ``uhuru’’ song. South Africa did not hesitate to take its rightful position in the continent and, under the leadership of the ANC, is leading the continent.

In 1993, the Heads of State and Government established mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution on the continent. By that time, an agreement had already been reached that, in the coming African Union, leadership that comes to power through coups d’état would not be accepted. This was in line with the objectives of the African Union of promoting peace, security and stability on the continent, and promoting democratic principles and institutions with popular participation and good governance.

I am proud to say that the ANC leadership is acknowledged by the continent in respect of all these achievements. Last year some of us were fortunate to witness the elections in some parts of the continent. In the DRC a transitional government was established. In Burundi a transitional government was also put in place, owing to the tireless efforts of our Deputy President of the ANC who facilitated the peace process there.

We have seen Rwanda going through peaceful presidential and parliamentary elections. Those of us who were there were humbled to see the transparency and the commitment of the ruling party. When we expressed this feeling, we were told that it was because of the education that the ANC gave them. The ANC has been an example to them.

Ke therešo gore ANC e kgathile tema. Ge o lebelela kontinente ka botlalo, mešomo ya ANC e kwešišwa ke mang le mang yoo elego gore o a tseba gore ANC e gona. Khuduthamaga ya ANC e rile ge e dutše ka ngwaga wa 1997 ya kgopela lekgotla phethiši la ANC gore nke le tšeye kontinente ye le bone gore naa re ka dira bjang gore go be le khutšo mo kontinenteng. Gape, lehono re bolela re realo, kontinente ye e kgonne go re e tšwele pele morago ga ge MoPresidente wa rena a bontshane le maloko a mangwe, baetapele ba bangwe gore African Union e agiwe.

Re bolela re itšalo, kontinente e nale diregion tše hlano gomme diregion tše ka moka di tlile go dira gore go be le melao yeo e nyalanago gore go be le tšwelopele mo kontinenteng. Dinaga tšeo di šaletšego morago le tšona di kgone go tšwela pele. Gape gape sa bohlokwa ke go re ge go hlamiwa African Union ye, go bilwe gwa tšewa leano le la Nepad gore le tla šomišwa gore dipolitiki tša dinaga tša rena di be tšeo di tsebalegago, ekonomi le yona e rotoge gomme setšhaba le sona se kgone go šomišana le baetapele ba sona.

Ruri tše ka moka ge re di lebelela di napa di nyalanya le tšela di diregago kua United Nations.

Go nale selo seo se bitšwago Peer Review, bontšhi ba dikile ba bolela gore ba nyaka go bipela mašaedi a baetapele ba rena eupša rena re le Batho Baso, re a kwešiša gore ‘ngwana phoša dira ga a bolawe’, o molaetša tsela gomme wa boledišana le yena ka tshwanelo a kgona go dira mošomo wa gagwe ka tsela yeo e nepagetšego.

Bjale, re kgopela gore, ge re lebelela makoko a, setšhaba sa ga borena se hlalefe, se bule maahlo, se kwešiše seo se diregago mo kgaufsi le bona. Ba se ke ba lebelela gore ge ba tla ba fiwa tša go ja tšeo di tsogago di fedile gosasa ba gopola gore ke gona ge ba swere tema ka wona mokgwa woo. Malwetši ao a lego gona mokontinenteng a fokotšegile, ge re bolela re itšalo, ka gore go bontshwana dinaga ka moka gomme gwa tlišwa seo se kgonago go hola dinaga ka moka esego gore dinaga tšeo di hlakago di šalele morago.

Tšeo di bolelwago ka mo ke tša gore batho ba tle ba phunkgane leano le le le botse gomme mafelelong bontšhi ba batho ba hlake go ya lehung. Ge ke bolela ke realo, dinaga tšeo di bego di le mathateng pele ke re di tšwetše pele, nka bala naga ya Burundi. Naga ya Burundi ge re bolela mo, khutšo yeo e bilego gona ka Burundi e kgonthišitše gore batho bao banago le ditšhelete ba kgone go tsopolela Burundi yeo e thomilego lefsa a bjalo go aga naga ya bona ka ge ba e na le khutšo.

Ge re etla ka Rwanda gape, ke yona gona bjale ge re bolela mo lefaseng ka bophara yeo e etilego pele ka go kgetha basadi ka baka la khutšo yeo e lego ka gare ga naga.

Ge ke etla mafelelong, ke nyaka go ruma polelo yaka, ke boela mola lentšung le la la beibeleng gore John yoo e bego e le mokolobetši, o itše ge tumelo ya gagwe e šetše e fokola a roma bao ba bego ba šomišana le yena gore ba ye go botšiša Jesu gore a ke yena morena naa? Le lehono, ke nyaka go bula batho ba ga borena mahlo gore ba hlokomele gore Makoko ao a botšišago gore a ANC e swere tsela naa, ke makoko a mohuta mang ka gore mešomo yona e šetše e le pepeneneng?

Ke bowe gape ke kgopela go bao ba šomišago lentšwe la Modimo go goka dikgetho. Ge e le gore ka kgonthe re rata setšhaba se, re nyaka go se iša Modimong, a re leseng go bina mantshegele ka kerekeng, ka gore, mantshegele a ka se tsoge a binnwe ka kerekeng. [Ditshego.]

Ke kgopela gape go moetapele wa lekoko la kganetšo, rena re bone baetapele ba bangwe ba hlomphiwa dinageng tša bona, le ge lekoko le sa dumelelane eupša tsela yeo o šomišanago le lekoko leo le swerego marapo, o swanetše o e laetše hlompho ka gore re batho ka moka.

Ke ka fao, ke nyakago gore ke go fetole mo tabeng ya Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe ke naga e šele, ke naga ya baagelwane, ga se rena re swerego marapo ka Zimbabwe. Ke manyami gore, le ge e le gore dipuku tšona le a di bala, eupša tšeo di tlago ka therešo ga le kgone go di bona. Tšeo di le botšago nnete ka gore le ka nako yela ge bo Idi Amini ba be ba dira tšeo ba bego ba di dira, go be go no re Afrika go sa laetše gore ke dinaga tše tharo fela.

Ge ke etla mafelelong, ke nyaka go romela lentšu go moetapele wa kganetšo Morena Leon. Ruriruri morena Leon ka tsela yeo a šomago ka gona, o nkgopotsa lesoboro la letebele. [Ditshego.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[It is true that the ANC has played a role. When you look at the whole continent, the works of the ANC are understood by everybody who knows that the ANC exists. When the executive committee of the ANC had a meeting in 1997, they asked the general assembly of the ANC to deliberate on what could be done to bring about peace on the continent, and today, as we speak, this continent has managed to develop after our President held discussions with other members and leaders to establish the African Union. As we speak, the continent has five regions, and these regions will make sure that we have laws in order to have development on the continent. Countries which are lagging behind with regard to development are to follow suit. When the African Union was established, the Nepad programme was adopted to be used so that our countries’ politics could be better, in order for the economy to grow and for the people to work together with their leaders.

If we look at this carefully, we should realise that this relates to what is happening at the United Nations. There is what we call peer review. Most have been trying to hide our leaders’ mistakes, but as black people we understand that when a person makes a mistake, there is no need for them to be severely punished; you show them the way and talk to them properly and they will be able to carry out their responsibilities properly.

Now, we make an appeal to our people to be careful when they look at these organisations, and to understand what happens around them. They should not be happy to be given food which is not sufficient and think that is what should be happening. As we speak, diseases are becoming diminished on the continent, because countries are coming together and sharing medical expertise and resources to avoid the lagging behind of poor countries.

What is talked about here is just to destroy this good programme so that in the end our people could be poor forever. As I speak, the countries which had problems are now developing. I think of Burundi. As we speak, the peace that Burundi has achieved, has ensured that they get financial help to build and develop their country.

With regard to Rwanda, it is leading the way worldwide with women leaders because of the peace that they now have.

As I conclude my speech, I will go back to the Bible and talk about John the Baptist who, when his faith was fading, sent those who were working with him to go and ask Jesus if he was the Lord. Today I want our people to be careful of the political organisations who ask if the ANC is doing a good job or not. What kind of organisations are they, because everybody can see what we have done?

Let me come back to those who use the word of God to electioneer. If we truly love our people and want to lead them to God, let us stop playing games in the church, because games will never be played in the church. [Laughter.]

I would also like to make an appeal to the leader of the opposition party, since other leaders are respected in their countries. There will be disagreements, but the way you work with the ruling party should show respect, as we are all human. I therefore want to respond to you with regard to Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is a foreign country; it is a neighbouring country, and we are not the leaders of Zimbabwe. It is sad that, even though you do read, you ignore the true facts. Even during the time of Idi Amin the true facts were ignored; they were generalising even if it was just three countries in Africa. In conclusion, I would like to give a word of advice to the leader of the opposition, Mr Leon. The way you do things, Mr Leon, you indeed remind me of an uncircumcised Ndebele. [Laughter.]]

Mr M F CASSIM: Chairman, although the President is not here, I believe he must be monitoring the debate somewhere on a monitor, and so I will continue to address him.

Though much is taken, much abides, as Tennyson’s Ulysses observed. Like Ulysses, you too, Mr President, have seen and known much cities of men and manners, climates, councils, governments, yourself, not least, but honoured of them all. Through your travel and your efforts, peace, international relations and co-operation, trade, tourism, transfer of technology and many other benefits have flowed from connecting South Africa to Africa and South Africa to the world.

Oh, the hon President is here. Thank you, hon Minister of Foreign Affairs. You are reaching out, sir, to the world and the world is responding, and the strength of the rand bears testimony to that.

Mr President, I now wish to focus on Parliament as an institution, as I have some experience of it. I accept that no precedent exists in the world for, what I would like to call, the politics of mutuality. That does not mean that it does not exist or that it should not be fully developed here in our Parliament. Our Constitution envisages a politics of mutuality and the all-important Public Finance Management Act necessitates it.

Having a figurative axe to grind does not mean that we, as opposing political parties, should battle it out with axes until blood flows, as in Lord of the Rings. For us, as new age MPs operating at the frontiers of parliamentary practice, the PFMA has to become the hub around which the huge parliamentary wheel turns round and round. Our parliamentary battles have to be undertaken using the estimates of national expenditure and computer wizardry. Our Parliament has, moreover, just invested R22 million in placing a computer before each one of us. We cannot, therefore, carry on as we did in 1994 or earlier.

Our Constitution and the PFMA both make clear what our central functions in Parliament are. Our functions are to make laws and to hold Government accountable. Happily, Government is a willing partner in the exercise of oversight, providing this Parliament with copious information about its programmes in the estimates of national expenditure. Everything is in place, except that everything that should have been done by us here to make the work possible, didn’t happen, and everyone of us is to blame for that.

Hon President, you signed this powerful tool into law and you, hon President, must demand that the PFMA be given the kind of attention that the English give to their crown jewels, regardless of where those jewels came from.

Voters, too, can exert tremendous influence if they wish corruption to be halted, slackness on the part of officials to be halted and joblessness reversed. The power of the voter and the power of the MP lies in making the PFMA work. Voters would do well to let the posters speak to the poles they hang on. They and all of us should focus sharply on the PFMA and ask for a total commitment on the implementation of the PFMA.

If this election becomes an election around the PFMA as a central issue, South Africa is poised to become one of the greatest democracies that the world has ever seen. It is the magic key, it is Arthur’s sword, it is the traditional healer’s most potent muti. If we seize on it as a nation, like Jacques Kallis has been doing recently with a cricket ball, we will have made our fortune and our future. The first, middle and last issues in this coming election ought to be about getting the PFMA to work from day one of the new Parliament. The PFMA is the future.

To accelerate job creation, we would need to look at the arts, the sciences and technology. The arts have the greatest potential to deliver the greatest number of jobs, provided that it is driven with commitment and purpose.

We also need your direct intervention in nudging us here in Parliament to develop policies on when and how members may travel; whether committees can appoint expert researchers; how committee reports should be processed and responded to by the executive; who has responsibility for what; and how all reports coming to Parliament should be dealt with and proper formal closure be effected.

Another issue that we should look at is the implementation of section 57(2)(c). There is also the issue of creating constituencies. Over the past two days, we have witnessed finger-pointing, but that is completely unimportant. Parliament has to function effectively. It must become an e- Parliament, because we are wired to become an e-Parliament.

In the past few years, we witnessed several conflicts around governmental policy issues. As a country that defines itself by making consensus-seeking a virtue and a necessity, the intervention of Parliament should be obligatory when the people express their unhappiness as strongly as they sometimes do in respect of Government policies. All disputes can and should be mediated through Parliament, to find the middle ground. The imbizos you began, sir, should continue here, as this is the seat of the grand imbizo itself.

Finally, our Parliament, as an institution, needs to be scrutinised. We took a quantum leap in proposing to create a dynamic people’s Parliament. We need to make good on that promise. For that very reason, the glare of the nation must be as much on Parliament now as it will be on the MPs and the political parties.

Much has indeed been taken, but much abides. For me, what will define this Parliament in the years to come will be the manner in which the PFMA will be made to operate.

Mr G B MAGWANISHE: Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, on 27 April this year, the peoples of Africa and the peoples of the world will be joining us, the people of South Africa, in celebrating our decade of freedom. The question is: Why would people hundreds of kilometers away from our borders, thousands of kilometers away from our shores, celebrate this important part of our history with us?

They will be celebrating with us because, from 27 April 1994, South Africa, under the leadership of the ANC, has moved away from being a violator of human rights, inside and outside of her borders, to being a global player in the restoration of human dignity and the creation of a caring society.

Instead of being part of civil wars in Mozambique and Angola, South Africa, under the leadership of the ANC, assisted the people of Mozambique when there were floods. The Defence Force that could have killed them before 27 April 1994 saved a woman and her baby from drowning. South Africa was known in Lesotho for cross-border raids and abductions, but after 27 April 1994 a SADC force restored democracy in that country. We have not only established a culture of human rights here at home, but we are the exporters of this culture. That is why in August 1994 His Lordship, Justice Richard Goldstone was appointed by the United Nations organisation as a chief prosecutor in the international criminal tribunal for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. We have done all this and much more because we believe that our own development, the development of Africa and the development of the rest of the world cannot be separated.

We also believe that development outside a culture of human rights can never be sustainable. Our efforts in Africa and the rest of the world have not gone unappreciated. That is why the rest of the world will be celebrating, this important day with us. As South Africans, what shall we be celebrating? We shall be celebrating our successes and challenges in the first ten years of democracy.

There is no doubt that South Africa is gradually moving away from its painful past, a past full of tears and sorrow, and brick by brick we are building a society where a rich man’s heaven is not a poor man’s hell. We are from a society where the white man’s privileges were the black man’s hell. Despite the fact that the system of apartheid used to refer to white South Africans as Europeans, on 8 May 1996, when we adopted our Constitution, the architects and leaders of that system joined the leader of the ANC in this House, the hon President, and declared themselves Africans. This was an important victory for the oppressed masses because our struggle was not only about our own liberation as the oppressed, but also about the liberation of the oppressor.

For national reconciliation to succeed, both the oppressed and the oppressor must be truly liberated. We are not yet there, but that is what we are building towards. Despite many challenges, we are succeeding in building this society where people will not be judged according to the colour of their skin, but according to the content of their own character.

This reminds me of the incident that happened in the sixties. A young man of 15 years was arrested for participating in a political activity. He was sentenced to ten years imprisonment. He had his youth taken away from him. Whilst in prison, he studied law. When he was supposed to be admitted as an attorney, he was told that he was a Tswana and therefore he should go and practise in Bophuthatswana. Today that person is a judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of South Africa. I am talking about His Lordship, Justice Earnest Dikgang Moseneke. He is one amongst many who are a clear illustration of how far we have travelled to be where we are today.

Before 1994, judges were less independent than they are now because of the supremacy of Parliament, which meant that even laws that violated basic human rights, such as the Suppression of Communism Act, had to be enforced by our courts as long as they were properly passed by Parliament.

Under the ANC we have a constitutional democracy, which means that laws passed by Parliament can be struck down by the courts and be declared null and void if that law violates our Constitution. Under the ANC, judges are appointed in a transparent manner through the Judicial Services Commission. They are interviewed publicly and recommendations are made to the President, who then appoints.

Before 1994, the president appointed judges in an untransparent way. It was just an executive decision without any inputs from people involved in the administration of justice. We are in the process of making the judiciary more accountable to the people than it is now. A Bill is before the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development on complaints mechanisms against judges and magistrates.

The Department of Justice, with the input from the judiciary, is about to complete a programme on the continuous changing of the judiciary, so that our judiciary is in line with the development of our society. Despite infrastructural challenges, such as some building not being in good condition and case backlogs, court hours are continuously improving and conviction rates are improving.

The shift by the Legal Aid Board away from the judicature system to salaried lawyers has ensured that more poor people get legal representation than before, and many offices are being opened which ensure more access to legal representation for the poor.

One of the challenges we are facing is overcrowding in prisons, which is partly caused by magistrates imposing high bail amounts to people for minor cases. Because most of these people cannot afford bail, they are forced to stay in jail for offences for which, even if convicted, they might not serve prison sentences. It is important that magistrates should become sensitive when dealing with this issue.

We have established special courts to deal with sexual offences and child abuse because it has been very difficult to deal with these cases in a normal court, because court officials were not trained to deal with them. One of the most important structures we have created is the office of the Public Protector, which is empowered by section 182 of the Constitution to investigate any conduct in any state department, or in the public administration in any sphere of government that is alleged or suspected to be engaged in improper conduct.

Our objective in creating this structure was to ensure that there would be good governance, which would improve service delivery. However, the challenge faced by this office is the abuse by some political parties in this House. When they have lost battles here, they choose the Office of the Public Protector to continue with their battles, and that is totally unacceptable.

History has taught us that the problem with good constitutions with bills of rights throughout the world, is that poor people are not in the position to exercise those rights because they don’t have money to pay lawyers. To deal with that, we have established a SA Human Rights Commission whose duty is to promote respect for human rights, to promote the protection and development of human rights, and to monitor and assess the observance of human rights. The SA Human Rights Commission can, on behalf of the poor, take a matter to court so that people concerned can exercise their rights.

The transformation of the judiciary is an ongoing process and although a lot has been achieved since 1994, the realisation of equitable representation of both black people and women within the judiciary forms part of the longer-term objectives.

Over the next five years, the ANC aims to strengthen the prosecution system and the Scorpions, and improve co-ordination amongst all levels of law enforcement.

As some people yearn for the glory of the old South Africa that is gone, we shall continue to labour for the success of the new South Africa, free and great among the nations of the world. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members on both sides of this House, we thank God and the ancestors that the President recuperated from his recent health setback. Blessings, visionary guidance and good health to you, Mdengeentonga.

The state of the nation address cried out loud and clear for balance, which is so critical in human affairs, especially in a land where there has been so much fragmentation, hate, hurt and oppression of so many by so few, poverty in the midst of plenty, and many other contrasts and imbalances.

I do not hesitate to say that we recognise the achievements over the 10 years that will soon be going past, but also, we shall consistently highlight the shortcomings, for it is right and proper to do so, lest we rest on our laurels.

Aptly, President Thabo Mbeki extensively quoted from former President Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, the undisputed icon and father of our rainbow nation. Mandela the reconciler, I call him. Mr President, you may walk in Mandela’s footsteps, but do not be caught up in his ecliptic high tower and shadow.

With regard to balance, it was good to welcome the families of those who were killed 30 years ago in various African states. That was good, ke botho, hobuntu. However, the balance would have been correct if also present were some families such as the Maki Skhosana family, Mrs Moshoue, mother to Paki and Grenade, Tsakane and Mamongane, parents to Kenneth Mahamba, and many others on both sides of the sad civil strife and divide of our sad history.

Remembering will also reinforce our firm belief in the sanctity of life and equality of citizens before the law, not least forgetting our firm resolve to heal the hurts of past injustices.

Reconciliation, as Mandela espoused it, has as its cardinal prerequisites forgiveness, which is a very difficult thing, tolerance and justice. Reconciliation seeks to unite that which was put asunder by injustice, ethnic or racial pride and prejudice, economic exploitation and overall social degradation of one group of society by another. The quest for unity cannot be completed without the attainment of reconciliation and reparations where needs be.

Mandela, despite our painful past, has proved himself to be the reconciliator par excellence, the unifier. President Thabo Mbeki, wittingly or unwittingly, on the basis of our sad history, assumes the morbid mantle of divisiveness. South Africa and all her people deserve far better than the retrogressive racial jibes, including ethnic or tribal tendencies. More and more people on the ground feel marginalised. Such negative perceptions need the Government’s urgent attention, for they are negative indeed! [Interjections.]

Our brown compatriots feel that they are again given a raw deal. I quote:

Not black enough now after not being white enough under erstwhile apartheid.

[Interjections.]

Some whites have a sense of perpetual guilt and blame, possibly due to the perceived behaviour of the ANC and Government and some of these howlers. [Interjections.] Africans on the ground coined terms such as Xhosa nostra'' and theREX factor’’, which acronym means ``Robben Island, exile and Xhosa.’’

These are perceived as attributes for accessing opportunities, business, tenders, jobs, etc. ``You are doomed if you do not have these attributes,’’ the perceptions go. Only the Government can dispel these perceptions by being true to reconciliation and unity in diversity. Afropessimism, you may say, but the truth and the reality are staring South Africans in the face. This is indeed a challenge, more than the material, tangible things. It is the soul of a nation. This nation has a soul.

Mr President, you are our President too. As President of South Africa you are charged to live above the racial, tribal and sectarian prejudice that we hear. Yours is to govern even-handedly and lead our country to better and greater heights, and you are very capable of doing that.

Seize the moment that history has given you. Be the nation-builder, the unifier, the mature statesman with unfaltering political acumen who can dialogue constructively with the country’s legitimate opposition parties or any other social or economic formations which do not necessarily have to agree with the point of view of Government.

It is essential to establish reconciliation that will facilitate peace, stability and prosperity in our land. Our leader, former President Mandela, set these high standards and challenges and we have to walk that path.

We have to revisit his wonderful track record from time to time, but the greatest thing of all is that we must practise what he taught so consistently. Reconciliation and unity in diversity, as undergirded by the country’s Constitution, are our reality and challenge. The Mandela rainbow reconciliation nation has a bearing on the very Government’s programme of moral regeneration. These things are not only political or secular, but also have a deep spiritual bearing, especially in a country such as ours in which a very large proportion of the citizenry subscribes to one faith or the other.

Let us then walk this Madibapath to a reconciled nation and not be tempted to do the easiest thing of playing the race card, being unmindful of the dangers of incipient tribalism and unhealthy ethnic prejudice.

Rekindle the beautiful vision of a united and diverse nation with a strong bias for justice, democracy, and a nonracial and nonsexist society. Re batho ka go fela ga rona! [We are all people.] [Applause.]

Ms Annalizé VAN WYK: Hon Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President, members of the executive and members of the House, in Disney’s The Lion King, the following dialogue between Simba and Rafiki takes place:

Rafiki: The question is: Who are you?'' Simba:I thought I knew, now I’m not sure.’’ Rafiki: A change is good.'' Simba:Yeah, but it’s not so easy. I know what I have to do, but going back means I’ll have to face my past. I’ve been running from it for so long.’’

Then suddenly Rafiki hits Simba.

Simba: What was that for?'' Rafiki:It doesn’t matter; it’s in the past.’’ Simba: Yeah, but it still hurts!'' Rafiki:Oh yes, the past can hurt, but the way I see it is you can either run from it or learn from it. So what are you going to do?’’

Who are you and what are you going to do? As illustrated in this dialogue between two fictitious characters, dealing with the past is not an easy thing to do. As further illustrated, you cannot determine who you are, unless you deal with the past. In the political context, there are those for whom referring to the past is very unpopular. They would rather ignore it and would prefer to act as if South Africa has no past. Ironically, they are the very same people, when it suits them, like to create the impression that life and living conditions have not improved under a democratic government. As President Mandela said: ``Had the new South Africa emerged out of nothing, it would not exist.’’

South Africa belongs to all who live in it. This is a fundamental principle of the Freedom Charter. It’s a principle for which thousands of South Africans laid down their lives and to which many millions more dedicated a lifetime in order to achieve. It is a principle that drives the ANC and its programme of action in its commitment to creating a better life for all.

Who are you and what are you going to do? Did you take up your ownership of South Africa and what are you doing with it? A lack of understanding of our democracy and a limited understanding of our country paralyses too many to expand their own human fulfilment and accordingly extend their own frontiers of freedom.

South Africa belongs to all who live in it. Unless we understand that and take up our rightful place in this democracy, we are limiting the role that we can play in building South Africa and in being co-authors of our future. It is for this reason that we need to look back from where we come before we can assess where we are and what role we choose to play.

In die terugkyk na die verlede is die doel geensins om skuldgevoelens aan te wakker of selfs skuld toe te dig nie. Skuldgevolens is ‘n negatiewe energie, en onaangespreek dien dit geen doel om iets positiefs by te dra tot die toekoms nie. Hoe elkeen van ons met die verlede handel, is ‘n persoonlike keuse. Die tempo waarteen elkeen kies om dit te doen, is ook ‘n persoonlike keuse.

Die belangrike is egter dat ons dit doen, en wanneer ons dit gedoen het, ons weet wie ons is en watter rol ons in die toekoms speel. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The purpose of looking back at the past is by no means to arouse feelings of guilt or even to apportion blame. Guilt feelings are a negative energy, and unaddressed they serve no purpose in contributing anything positive to the future. The way each of us deals with the past is a personal choice. The rate at which everyone chooses to do so is also a personal choice.

What is important, however, is that we do it, and when we have done it, we know who we are and which role we will be playing in future.]

Until 1994 we did not know a democracy. We did not experience a democracy. Oh yes, we as minorities participated in elections at national and municipal level. We were told that that was democracy. We were taught at school that it was a democracy. At that time many of us believed it. We need to understand that democracy under the ANC Government is in fact a way of everyday living. Democracy is more than just free elections every five years. It’s a culture, a way of behaving in everyday life, a set of principles. And it is once we realise this and turn from spectator to player that we can take up ownership and that South Africa will truly belong to all who live in it. It is for this reason we need to look at our past. [Applause.]

Ek wil u vra om u gemoed vir ‘n oomblik oop te maak. Plaas uself in die skoene van ‘n mede-landsburger onder die wette van apartheid. [I want to ask you to open your mind for moment. Put yourself in the shoes of a fellow citizen during the apartheid laws.]

In 1959 Lesley Rubin wrote a pamphlet entitled, This is Apartheid''. Lesley Rubin, and I quote,represented the Africans of the Cape province, excluding the Transkei, in the Senate’’. In this publication Rubin gives no personal view, nor does he make any comments; he simply states some of the race laws of the time. I quote: An African who was born in a town and who lived there continuously for fifty years, but then left to reside elsewhere for any period, even two weeks, is not entitled, as of right, to return to the town where he was born and to remain there for more than seventy-two hours. If he does, he is guilty of a criminal offence punishable by a fine not exceeding ten pounds or, in default, imprisonment for a period not exceeding two months, unless he has obtained a permit to do so.

Imagine that you were born, raised and worked in a town for 50 years. One day you need to go and visit a relative in another town, maybe attend a funeral, or visit a family member. Because you were African and you did not have a permit, and you left the town where you had stayed for more than 50 years, you would not be allowed to return. It did not matter whether your wife, children or your life was in that town - you were not allowed to return. How inhumane, degrading and destructive to the institution of families on which we must base so much of a healthy, caring, people-centred society! [Applause.] Die blote feit dat ek in besit is en aangehaal het uit Rubin se publikasie, sou onder apartheid beteken het dat ek self in die tronk sou beland het.

Plaas jouself in die skoene van die volgende persoon. Hierdie persoon, ‘n dame van 60 jaar, moet daagliks kilometers ver stap om hout te gaan soek sodat sy vir haar familie hulle daaglikse etes kan voorberei. Stel jou voor hoe sy, nadat sy met moeite en ‘n swaar kruiwa vol hout terug by haar plakkershut gekom het, dan in die teenoorgestelde rigting met ‘n 25-liter emmer op haar kop 6 kilometer moet aflê om te gaan water haal, dag in en dag uit, jaar na jaar.

Vandag bly dieselfde persoon in ‘n huis wat die ANC-regering aan haar verskaf het. Daar is lopende water en haar huis het elektrisiteit. [Applous.] Sy ontvang ‘n pensioen van die staat. Haar mening tel en haar insette word gevra wanneer besluite wat haar en haar gemeenskap raak, gemaak moet word. Haar menswaardigheid is herstel. Suid-Afrika behoort inderdaad aan almal wat in hierdie land woon.

Sou hierdie persoon u eie ma, vrou of suster wees, sou u steeds kon sê dat die lewe vir miljoene Suid-Afrikaners nie verbeter het nie? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The mere fact that I am in possession of and have quoted from Rubin’s publication would have meant, under apartheid, that I myself would have landed in prison.

Put yourself in the shoes of the following person. This person, a lady of 60 years, has to walk kilometres every day to look for wood in order to prepare her family’s daily meals. Imagine how, having returned with difficulty to her squatter’s hut with a heavy wheelbarrel full of wood, she then has to travel for 6 kilometres in the opposite direction with a 5- litre bucket on her head to fetch water, day after day, year after year.

Today the same person lives in a house that the ANC Government provided for her. There is running water and she has electricity in her house. [Applause.] She receives a pension from the state. Her opinion counts and her inputs are requested when decisions affecting her and her community have to be made. Her human dignity has been restored. South Africa belongs, indeed, to everyone living in this country.

Should this person be your own mother, wife or sister, would you still be able to say that life has not improved for millions of South Africans?]

With what credibility can anyone who, like me, was on the advantaged side of apartheid, ever say that the lives of millions of South Africans did not improve? The next time before you make such a comment, remind yourself where we come from.

We come from a past where women were paid less than men doing the same job; where one race group was considered superior to all others; where a certain religion was the preferred one by the state; where old was better than young and where some had all the civil rights and others had none. Inequality was deeply embedded in our everyday life; inequality was legalised and institutionalised.

In 1994 the ANC inherited a government with no credibility amongst the majority of the people. It was a government that had become increasingly isolated, authoritarian and corrupt. It was an administrative structure at variance with reality as experienced by the majority of South Africans. Days before 1994, the desperation of the very poor hardly registered a blimp on the radar screen of priorities of the apartheid government. HIV/Aids and the potential consequences received very little, if any, attention. State welfare grants were unevenly distributed along racial lines to disfavour those who needed them most. Prior to 1994 the apartheid government budgeted for less than five million people. Today we budget for almost 10 times as many people. [Applause.] The institutions of government were used to enforce political philosophy, not the delivery of services to the people. It was a state that excluded the majority of citizens and used its machinery to ensure that the divide between race groups, both on a social and economic level, was entrenched. The structures and systems were designed in such a way that the relations between races and between men and women were perpetuated.

It is thus abundantly clear that in order to ensure a people-driven government, where the needs of the people were driving the priorities of government, a complete transformation of government was needed.

During the first years of democracy the priority was to put in place a new constitutional and legislative framework. The adoption of the new Constitution in 1996 was one of the most important achievements during this time. Then followed numerous new Acts and amendments to Acts required to reconfigure the South African society and establish the framework for the necessary implementation of policies that would lead to the improvement of the lives of all South Africans. An important part of the transformation of the state was also the successful establishment of Chapter 9 institutions.

These institutions, such as the Public Protector, the Human Rights Commission and the Commission for Gender Equality, protect the rights and privileges of all South Africans and of our democratic state.

It is clear that the ANC made remarkable progress in transforming the state machinery from an oppressive monster to one responsive to the needs of the citizens and accountable to the electorate through their elected representatives. The rationalisation and integration of Government is almost complete into a central government public service.

We have almost achieved our target of representivity in the Public Service. There is, however, room for improvement in increasing the number of women in senior positions and a general increase of disabled persons at all levels. The democratic state is able to exercise authority across society, and in the eyes of the overwhelming majority it enjoys legitimacy.

We do, however, need to enhance our service delivery so that we can reach more people at an accelerated pace.

This ANC Government has dealt decisively with corruption and no other government in the history of South Africa has done as much to rid the Public Service of corruption. [Applause.] The implementation of the Public Finance Management Act enhanced and improved accountability within Government and to Parliament.

Batho Pele had mixed success. Weaknesses include the monitoring of the implementation of the principles by senior management. The public is also not as involved in enforcing these principles as they ought to be.

I would like to take a minute to react to some of the speeches that were made today. I would like to start off with the DA. For once in my life I actually agree with the Leader of the Opposition. The country needs change and the country wants change. We need a change from a destructive opposition to one that will play a positive role in making sure that they can contribute in facing and addressing the challenges of this country. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Furthermore, I also think that it’s a shame that he didn’t have the courage

• maybe we should start calling him the ``red herring’’ Leader of the Opposition - to apologise for the red herrings that were sent out by his party, such as the third term and a couple of others as well, such as the two-thirds majority and the threat that it will happen. Let us remember that they, at least twice or thrice already this year, have suggested certain questions in this House that would have led to changing the Constitution of this country. [Interjections.]

To the DA I want to say that visiting areas on the campaign trail and being there on a daily basis are different situations. The people know who are there every day. They know who were there during the fight against apartheid. [Applause.] They know who brought them freedom, housing, education and dignity. I have dealt with my past; it’s your turn to do so. [Applause.] They know who cares. Our people are far more informed and politically mature, as they tolerate Mr Leon during his election campaign. They know that all changes cannot be delivered overnight. They know that their freedom is not the DA’s business. Was I the only one, or were there others who picked up that Mr Leon’s list of crime victims were all white? Are they the only people affected by crime? [Applause.]

Who are you and what are you going to do? Are you going to isolate yourself and around dinner tables complain about everything going wrong? Do you choose to become part of those who want to build South Africa, who give not only money and expertise, but also most importantly involvement and loyalty? Are you going to continue to complain amongst your friends about the police in your area or are you going to join the community police forum in your neighbourhood? [Applause.] Do you know how your councillor is spending your money? Let your councillor consult with you. Do you have a ward committee? We know which party’s councillors refuse to establish ward committees. Do you serve on the school board at your child’s school? Do you ever attend an imbizo in your area to confront a Government Minister or MEC with your concerns? Who are you and what do you choose to do? Are you a spectator or armchair critic, or are you contributing towards finding a solution for our nation and our country’s many challenges?

South Africa belongs to all who live in it. Who are you? Are you signing the contract with the ANC and are you becoming the author of your own future? Allow yourself to take up ownership of South Africa. Become your own voice in Government. Join the ANC and together let us build an even better South Africa for all who live in it … [Applause.] … never to go back to yesterday, our eyes and efforts firmly on today, building for tomorrow to ensure a better life for all.

I know what my choice is. I would like to end my speech with the words of the renowned author Pamela Jooste. She wrote about being an African.

It is a matter of the blood. If you have felt the blood pull of Africa, there is no need for explanation. If you have not, no explanation will suffice. Perhaps it is in the air, which, high up on the plains, is so easy to breathe it floats in and out of the lungs with no effort at all, or perhaps the light, which in high summer shines like running water over everything it touches.

In Africa there is no middle way. Ours is a continent that knows want and famine and poverty and is plagued by a great pandemic. It is a continent too well versed in mourning its dead. Yet, when the world turns, as the world always does, and the rains come and with them a promise, if not of plenty then at least of sufficiency, Africa is a continent that knows how to dance. After its great lamentations Africa knows what it is to bow before that precious gift that is life and give thanks. For an African to go is always to return. What other place is there that offers us such freedom? What other place is there that can satisfy us and return to us that essential part of ourselves that is ourselves? We are here where we ought to be. It is not by chance and it is enough.

I thank you. [Applause.]

The House adjourned at 18:45. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                       MONDAY, 1 DECEMBER 2003

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Finance: Consolidated Financial Statements of National Treasury for the year ended 31 March 1999, including the Special Report of the Auditor- General on the Consolidated Financial Statements of the National Government for the year ended 31 March 1999.

2. The Minister of Foreign Affairs:

 (a)    Protocol on the  Amendments  to  the  Constitutive  Act  of  the
     African  Union,  tabled  in  terms  of  section   231(2)   of   the
     Constitution, 1996.


 (b)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Protocol on the Amendments to  the
     Constitutive Act of the African Union.

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements  of  Vote  24  -  Department  of
     Justice and Constitutional  Development  for  2002-2003,  including
     the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial  Statements  for
     2002-2003 [RP 206-2003].


 (b)    Report and Financial Statements  of  Vote  24  -  Department  of
     Justice and  Constitutional  Development  for  2002-2003  [RP  207-
     2003].

1. The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism:

 (a)    Request for the approval of Parliament to exclude the  remainder
     of Farm 498 (Melkbosrand) from Augrabies Waterfall Park,  in  terms
     of section 2(3) of the National Parks  Act,  1976  (Act  No  57  of
     1976).


 (b)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Proposed  Exclusion  in  terms  of
     section 2(3) of the National Parks Act, 1976 (Act No  57  of  1976)
     of the remainder of Farm 498 better known as Melkbosrand in  extent
     4137 (ha), from the Augrabies Waterfall National Park  situated  in
     the Administrative District of Gordonia, Province of  the  Northern
     Cape.

1. The Minister for Safety and Security:

 Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the  Republic  of
 South Africa and the Government of the  Islamic  Republic  of  Iran  on
 Cooperation  in  Combating  Illicit  Trafficking  in  Narcotic   Drugs,
 Psychotropic Substances and Precursors,  tabled  in  terms  of  section
 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration on Visit to Alexandra Urban Renewal Project and Free State, dated 26 February 2003:

 The Portfolio Commmittee on Public Service and  Administration,  having
 visited the Alexandra Urban Renewal  Project  and  the  Free  State  in
 January 2003, reports as follows:


 A.     Introduction


     As part of our Annual Programme for  2003,  the  Committee  visited
     the Alexandra Urban Renewal Project, the Free State Office  of  the
     Director-General  and  three   Free   State   Departments,   namely
     Agriculture, Home Affairs and Social Development, on 21, 22 and  23
     January 2003, respectively.


     Whereas our visit can largely be explained as part of  our  routine
     oversight programme, the idea to visit the Alexandra Urban  Renewal
     Project was due to what was alleged during our visit  to  the  same
     project  in  2002,  namely  that  there   were   serious   problems
     associated with the implementation of  the  project.  It  was  said
     then  that  the  community  was  generally  dissatisfied  with  the
     project, to the extent that they did not  see  themselves  deriving
     any benefit from it. It was  due  to  this  understanding  and  the
     desire to make a contribution towards finding a  solution  for  the
     project that we decided to organise a panel and to allow  community
     representatives to share their opinions regarding the project.  The
     day  was  meant  to   belong   to   the   people,   through   their
     representatives, whereas the panel would listen to those people  as
     they air their views and would later develop  a  strategy  to  take
     those issues forward.


     The Office of the Director-General in the Free State was  requested
     to brief the Committee about the  Province's  strategic  plans  and
     organisational  structure,  so  as  to  enable  the  Committee   to
     understand their state of  readiness  in  dealing  with  issues  of
     service delivery to the community. It was anticipated that  dealing
     with the organisational structure at the level of  Director-General
     would  facilitate  interaction,  so  that,  when   we   deal   with
     provincial departments, we would have enough time  to  engage  them
     on  key  areas  of  service  delivery,   rather   than   sing   the
     organogramme rhetoric as we visit one department after another.


     The Committee's interest with the  Department  of  Agriculture  was
     the role of the Department in creating a conducive environment  for
     emerging farmers, with specific focus  on  assisting  farmers  from
     previously disadvantaged communities. Noting that land  acquisition
     and ownership have a direct impact on the success or  otherwise  of
     accelerating new entrants into the farming fraternity, and  further
     noting  that  there  are  other  departments  that  have  a  direct
     responsibility  to  deal  with  questions  related  to   this,   we
     requested that the Department of Agriculture be accompanied by  the
     Departments of Land and of Local Government when  they  make  their
     presentation.


     The Department of Home Affairs was requested to brief us  on  their
     service delivery highlights and low point,  and  they  had  to  put
     more emphasis on the  issuing  of  identity  documents,  birth  and
     death  certificates,  residence  and  other  permits,  issuing   of
     passports, and issues of  migration  and  immigration.  In  dealing
     with these  issues,  the  Department  had  to  demonstrate  to  the
     Committee how accessible these services were to the community,  and
     whether the Department conformed to  the  standards  for  rendering
     such a service.


     We asked the Department of Social Development to brief  us  on  the
     situation in the Free State - how they deal with issues  of  social
     security services, i.e. old-age  pension  payments,  child  support
     grants, orphanage grants and other related services.


 B.     Delegation


     The delegation to the Alexandra Urban Renewal Project was:


     Mr M R Baloyi (ANC) (leader)
     Mr J Mohlala (ANC)
     Mr B Mthembu (ANC)
     Ms L Maloney (ANC)
     Mr B G Bell (DA)


     In the Free State, Dr  U  Roopnarain  (IFP)  and  Ms  Seeco  (UCDP)
     joined the delegation.


 C.     Developments at Alexandra


     1. Panel


          We set up a panel that was supposed  to  listen  to  what  the
          people had to say about their experience as far as  the  Urban
          Renewal Project was  concerned,  and  that  comprised  of  the
          following:


              The  National  Assembly  Portfolio  Committee  on   Public
              Service and Administration;
              Gauteng  Provincial  Legislature  Standing  Committee   on
              Housing;
              Gauteng  Provincial  Legislature  Standing  Committee   on
              Local Government and Development;
              The project's Steering Committee;
              The Public Service Commission.


     2. Community representation and participation


          The community was represented by NGOs, ward  committees,  ward
          councillors, political organisations and other organs of civil
          society.
          Facilitated by  the  chairperson  of  the  Gauteng  Provincial
          Legislature's Standing Committee on Housing,  Mr  Mabaso,  the
          panel listened to the  people  speaking  of  their  experience
          about the project - they stood up one after the other, talking
          only about how well the  project  is  turning  their  township
          around.


          They are proud of the project. They  believe  that  it  is  on
          course to achieve the objectives set during inception and that
          they stand to benefit at the end of the development.


          They cited shortcomings in  the  area  of  monitoring  -  they
          indicated that contractors are not closely monitored on  site,
          so they they take advantage  of  that  to  compromise  quality
          during  construction   and   exploit   contract   workers   by
          underpaying them.


          Whereas they believe  it  is  the  community  representatives'
          responsibility to join the monitoring process and to do  other
          community  work,  like  participating  in   crime   prevention
          initiatives, they recognised a resource burden. They  have  to
          do it in such a manner that they  find  themselves  having  to
          spend money in order to meet their obligations. They  appealed
          that  we  should  consider  influencing  a   situation   where
          community representatives are entitled to an allowance.


          The other problem identified, was that of  the  occupation  of
          flats by foreigners who are not even legally  supposed  to  be
          staying in those areas, and are actually contributing  to  the
          prevalence of crime in the area.


          Before the community participated in the fashion as  indicated
          above,  the  Department  of  Housing  gave  an  input  on  the
          performance of the project, where they mentioned that, despite
          the fact that funding was  not  as  forthcoming  as  they  had
          anticipated, particularly from Head  Office  level,  they  are
          doing well with the implementation of  the  project.  In  this
          regard, our impression came from the following observations:


          *   The replacement of shacks with decent housing


          *   The restoration of access to the township through widening
              the street


          *   The restoration of access to the school by the removal  of
              shacks around that school. The  upgrading  of  13  primary
              schools  and  five  high  schools  is  approximately   30%
              complete.  Additional  land  is  acquired  for  three  new
              schools, and design is under way for five new schools


          *   Improving sanitation in the township, as they  distributed
              58 000 bins to members of the community. A study has  been
              completed for the establishment of a recycling station


          *   The restoration of the Jukskei River through  the  removal
              of  refuse  debris  and  the  clearing  of  all   unwanted
              materials from the river bank


          *   The establishment of a multipurpose complex in the CBD  of
              Alexandra. During the visit,  the  contractors  were  busy
              demolishing the old railway  buildings  and  removing  all
              dumped properties that were polluting the area  so  as  to
              make way for the complex that will be established as  part
              of the Urban Renewal Project


          *   The establishment of  a  transit  village  to  accommodate
              households whose houses  are  under  construction  at  any
              given  time.  The  Marlboro  Transit  village   has   been
              upgraded and additional land has  been  acquired,  whereas
              the Alexandra transit village, with 500  units,  has  been
              handed over


          *   The establishment of parks at the township


          *   The establishment of a police station in the area comes as
              an important part of the project.  The  communication  and
              interaction  that  arose  from   the   project,   and   in
              particular when it came to a point  of  the  establishment
              of this station, created a environment conducive  for  the
              community  to  be  involved  in  matters  of  safety   and
              security. As a result of this, the project has yielded  an
              actual drop of crime  by  30%  in  the  outskirts  of  the
              township


          *   Cemetery upgrading is approximately 40% complete


          *   About 2 500  trees  have  been  planted  as  part  of  the
              greening project


          *   Contractors have been appointed for all  water  works  for
              Frankenwald, Westlake, Marlboro and Linbro


          *   About 907 restitution claims have been settled


          *   Approximately 1 200 households have been relocated  and  a
              voluntary relocation package introduced


          *    2  281  RDP  housing  units  have  been  constructed   at
              Braamfisherville and 200 units at Alexandra  Extension  8,
              while the concept and design work are  completed  for  the
              conversion of hostel units into family units.


 D.     Briefing with Director-General of Free State


     During the briefing session with the Director-General of  the  Free
     Sate, the following came to light:


     *  The  Province  has  a  strategic  plan  called  the  Free  State
          Development Plan, which has been in operation for  almost  two
          years


     *  The Province is experiencing a declining economic growth due  to
          the mining operations that are on the  decline.  According  to
          their strategic plan, they are aiming to turn the tide  around
          and to get the economy growing by at least 4,5% by the end  of
          the financial year


     *  The first community bank was established for the  Province,  but
          it has run into serious problems
     *  The child support grant uptake takes place at an increased pace


     *  The province has managed to train 761 emerging farmers in  terms
          of their farmer support programme


     *  The Development Plan encourages the practice  of  intersectional
          and intergovernmental co-ordination, in that the plans of each
          section  are  related  to  the  main  plan.  Accordingly,  the
          Province established a co-ordination structure called PROVLOC,
          which is used as a vehicle to get the provincial government co-
          ordinating their activities with local government. The PROVLOC
          technical team and the head of department has to consult  with
          municipal managers in the Province, whereas PROVLOC  political
          is a forum through which Premier consult Mayors. In  order  to
          deal with the challenges of some  schools  performing  to  the
          level of expectation while others are  dismally  failing,  the
          Province deployed principals from the  successful  schools  to
          monitor the activities of principals from those  schools  that
          are failing to produce good matric results


     *  The challenge with the development plan is that of  capacity  to
          implement it, but they are working on it


     *  The realisation of service-delivery objectives in  the  Province
          is attributed to the utilisation of the cluster approach,  and
          the fact that all Departments have appointed  Chief  Financial
          Officers.


 E.     Briefing with Department of Agriculture, Free State


     During the briefing  session  with  our  delegation,  the  MEC  for
     Agriculture alluded to the following:


     *  The Department's strategic plan  is  based  on  the  Free  State
          Development Plan


     *  The programme of land reform for agricultural development is  in
          progress - currently there are 1 600 recipients


     *  In dealing with the broader land redistribution  programme,  the
          Province experiences a situation where there are more  willing
          sellers, which gives an  opportunity  for  entrance  into  the
          farming  environment  by  emerging  farmers  from   previously
          disadvantaged  communities.  The  Department  introduced   two
          campaigns to the established commercial farmers, called  "Know
          your neighbour" and "Pick your  neighbour",  with  the  former
          encouraging them  to  know  and  understand  either  the  farm
          workers or the people from villages around the farm,  and  the
          latter encouraging them to work with those  people  either  in
          the form of acquiring shares  in  the  farms  or  establishing
          partnerships


     *  The problem for those emerging farmers that  would  like  to  go
          the route of the  Land  Bank  loan  option  is  that  of  land
          ownership, because many of them own land on the tenure  system
          that is not always reliable, such as the Permission To  Occupy
          Route (PTO). This option applies to areas under the control of
          traditional leaders, and it does not transfer ownership to the
          land user
     *  The Department could have done more than they  had  been  doing,
          had they not experienced budget cuts, and also if they did not
          have the  anomaly  that  74%  of  their  budget  went  towards
          personnel


     *  The  Department  did  not  utilise  the  money  donated  by  the
          European Union for the support of small-scale farmers  in  the
          form of establishing community gardens, and they cited reasons
          of stringent rules as the main cause, but when we engaged them
          on  this,  it  became  clear  that  it  was  a   question   of
          misunderstanding and lack of commitment on their part that the
          money was not spent. They, however, mentioned  that  they  are
          now ready and have a programme for spending the money.


 F.     Briefing with Department of Home Affairs, Free State


     The  Department  of  Home  Affairs  submitted   their   report   of
     performance in all their key performance areas, in  a  manner  that
     gave  an  aggregate  picture  of  their  performance,  and  without
     breaking the figures down to be able to give us a picture of  their
     performance against set standards. Although they could  not  relate
     to a particular figure, they argued that  there  is  a  backlog  in
     terms of identity documents that have been  applied  for  but  have
     not yet been issued, and they blamed it on the complex  operational
     process with their Head Office.


     The regional office is handling cases  of  migration  through  four
     border posts.


     Their service delivery points are coping with the workload.


     With effect from April 2003, they will  embark  on  a  campaign  to
     accelerate the issuing of identity documents, as a preparation  for
     the 2004 elections.


     Their success in dealing with their  workload  is,  allegedly,  not
     influenced by the convenience of their  work  environment,  but  by
     the fact that they are committed  to  work,  even  under  difficult
     circumstances, as reflected in  the  challenges  in  the  areas  of
     budget constraints, logistics and low  morale,  Two  main  problems
     were mentioned in dealing with  logistics,  one  being  a  lack  of
     facilities at border posts. According to the  report,  there  is  a
     need for the  use  of  facilities  such  as  photocopiers  and  fax
     machines. The impact  is  that  they  have  to  travel  for  longer
     distances to be able to access such services, and more  often  than
     not, they find themselves in a situation where they have to  accept
     that they just cannot stretch themselves beyond the limit.


     The second problem is that of  their  Bloemfontein  service  point,
     which is not compatible for use by members of  the  community  when
     they come for such  services  as  identity  socuments,  birth/death
     certificates, marriage certificates, etc. The  office  is  situated
     on the first floor of the building and ordinary people have to  use
     escalators to get to the service desks. There are two lifts in  the
     building, but they are overcrowded most of the time. They took  the
     matter up with the Department of Public Work,s but up to now  there
     has been no change. It is difficult for  ordinary  members  of  the
     community to use,  but  it  is  worse  with  disabled  persons.  We
     visited the building in question and  interviewed  the  people  who
     were  there  for  assistance,  as  well  as  staff  members.  Those
     interviewed members of the community confirmed  that  the  location
     of the building is an issue warranting attention. One staff  member
     commented generally about the situation, as follows:


     *  The building is not conducive for work
     *  There are no ventilators in the building


     *  Many people collapse in the building because of heat


     *  Some people go  back  unattended  because  they  are  afraid  of
          escalators


     *  The building is not identifiable as a Home Affairs outlet


     *  The public toilets  are  not  blocked  off  from  the  frontline
          desks, with the result that  the  bad  smell  always  disturbs
          workers


     *  The doors of the staff toilets  are  facing  the  staff  kitchen
          directly


     *  Black employees of the Department are not  allowed  to  work  in
          some  sections,  such  as  Data  Processing,  Civic   Affairs,
          Personnel, Stores, etc.
     *  The Regional Director never visits the office


     *  There is a bad relationship between management and  one  of  the
          two recognised trade unions.


     Another problem which has been shared with the Committee, was  that
     of corruption at border posts, with specific reference  to  Lindela
     transit  facility,  in  respect  of  which  they   have   taken   a
     departmental decision that they are no longer  going  to  use  that
     border post.


 G.     Briefing with Department of Social Development, Free State


     In briefing the Committee,  the  MEC  for  the  Social  Development
     indicated that 98% of the budget is spent on social security.


     A cumulative total of back-payment to old-age  pensioners  amounted
     to R73 061 302, and that covered 109 615 beneficiaries.


     The Department has a strategy to increase the uptake of  the  child
     support grant in the Province.


     The Department has embarked  on  a  process  of  improving  pension
     payout points by facilitating the provision  of  shelter,  toilets,
     water and security.


     They identified a problem of underpayment for social  workers,  and
     that state of affairs makes them vulnerable to outside  recruitment
     and deprives the Department  of  these  indispensable  units.  They
     have tried their best to address the  question  of  incentives  for
     these scarce skills, but they are always disappointed. A report  by
     the Social Workers' Council was written, in  which  they  addressed
     the situation  concerning  the  conditions  of  service  of  social
     workers and in which they also made  specific  recommendations  for
     the improvement of social  workers'  salaries.  The  Department  of
     Social Development referred such a report to the  Minister  of  the
     Public Service and Administration for her  attention,  but  at  the
     time of the visit, the Minister had not yet replied to the report.


     Inspired by the successful operation of the "Stepping Stones"  One-
     Stop Centre in Port Elizabeth, and committed to  provide  a  child-
     friendly and rights-based  service  that  adheres  to  the  minimum
     standards for the Child and Youth Care System,  the  Department  of
     Social Development entered into a partnership with  the  SAPS,  the
     Department  of  Justice  and  the  National  Institute  for   Crime
     Prevention and Reintegration of Offenders, to establish a  one-stop
     Child Justice Centre in Mangaung. The Centre started  operating  in
     May 2002, and it deals with children  in  conflict  with  the  law,
     aged between 14 and  17,  and  children  who  have  committed  less
     serious offences. The approach  at  this  Centre  is  more  one  of
     rehabilitation and reintegration,  and  proceedings  are  conducted
     with the best interest of the juvenile at heart, in  an  atmosphere
     of understanding, allowing juveniles  to  participate  and  express
     themselves freely, unlike rigid  and  intimidatory  proceedings  in
     court.


     Since it started operating, the Centre has already been home for  a
     few offenders, some of whom have already been reconciled  with  the
     law.


     In  dealing  with  the  HIV/AIDS  campaign,  the   Department   has
     appointed  an  HIV-positive  person,  who  is  doing  well  in  the
     campaign.


 H.     Recommendations


     The Committee recommends:
     1. That Parliament note the good progress in the  roll-out  of  the
          Alexandra Urban Renewal Project.


     2. That the Department of Provincial and Local Government  and  the
          Alexandra  Steering  Committee  ensure  that  the  project  is
          closely monitored.


     3. That the Departments of Home Affairs, of  Safety  and  Security,
          of Provincial and Local Government and of Housing jointly deal
          with the issue of the occupation of flats by foreigners at RCA
          section in Alexandra.


     4. That the Department of  Provincial  and  Local  Government  look
          into the question of advising municipalities to consider  ways
          and means to enhance the activities of ward committees.


     5. That the Free State Director-General's  office  investigate  the
          nature of problems that confronted the  first  community  bank
          that was established in the province.


     6. That the Director-General's office determine  a  time-frame  for
          building capacity to deal with their strategic plan  and  that
          they give feedback on this issue by August 2003.


     7.  That  there  be  a  strategic  intervention   to   ensure   the
          sustainability of SMMEs.
     8. That  the  Department  of  Agriculture  (Free  State)  submit  a
          detailed plan, with time-frames, in terms of which they intend
          spending European  Union  funds,  within  two  months  of  the
          adoption of this Report by the National Assembly.


     9. That the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  provide  the  necessary
          amenities,  like  fax  machines,  computers,  telephones   and
          photocopiers to the border post offices.


     10.      That  the  Bloemfontein  Home  Affairs  service  point  be
          relocated to an area where it will be accessible to members of
          the community.


     11.     That the  allegations  of  corruption  at  Lindela  Transit
          Facility be referred to the anti-corruption unit  for  further
          investigation.


     12.     That the Department of Home Affairs fill its  vacancies  as
          soon as it is convenient to do so.


     13.     That the Department of Social Development, in  consultation
          with the Department of Public Service and Administration, look
          into rationalisation with the intention to address the  salary
          problems of social workers.
     14.     That the Department of Social Development (Free  State)  be
          commended for the establishment  of  the  Stop  Child  Justice
          Centre in Mangaung.


 Report to be considered.

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration on Planning Session, dated 12 March 2003:

CREDA Insert 1ATC0112e.doc

                      THURSDAY, 4 DECEMBER 2003

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills:

 (1)    Skills Development Amendment Bill [B 46 - 2003] - Act No  31  of
     2003 (assented to and signed by President on 11 November 2003).

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Finance on Study Tour to UK, dated 25 February 2003:

 The Portfolio Committee on Finance, having conducted a  study  tour  to
 the United Kingdom from 2 to 7 October 2002, reports as follows:


 I.     Inflation targeting


 A.     Comments by Deutsche Bank: C Barr, Chief UK Economist, M Biggs &
     George Buck (2 Oct)


     1. History


          Up until the introduction of inflation targeting, there was  a
          haphazard monetary policy in the UK. The  impetus  towards  an
          inflation targeting regime was induced as a  response  to  the
          crisis which had occurred  after  sterling  left  the  ERM  in
          September 1992. Until 1997, the  government  still  controlled
          interest rate decisions, but in  May  of  that  year  the  new
          Labour Government formalised the monetary  policy  regime.  It
          granted "operational independence" to the Bank of  England  to
          determine interest rates and introduced inflation targeting as
          formal policy.


     2. Key features of inflation targeting in UK


          (a) The primary aim of  inflation  targeting  is  to  maintain
              price stability, with the government defining  the  target
              and the bank having operational  independence  to  achieve
              that target.


          (b) Currently, and since the  beginning,  the  RPIX  inflation
              target (which is exactly the same as the  CPIX)  is  fixed
              at 2,5% at all times, with a 1% deviation band  on  either
              side. In South Africa the target is based on a  range  and
              is specified for a period of time.


          (c) If inflation deviates by more  than  1%  from  the  target
              (i.e. 1,4 or below or 3,6 or higher)  for  reasons  beyond
              the control of the Central Bank, the Bank  is  obliged  to
              account for its failure to attain  the  inflation  target.
              This is done through the mechanism of an "open letter"  by
              means of which the Governor informs the  Treasury  on  the
              following matters:


              *    Why inflation has moved away from the target by  more
                   than 1%


              *    What policy is used to deal with it


              *    The period within which it is expected to  return  to
                   the target


              *    How this approach  meets  the  government's  monetary
                   policy objectives.


          (d) Monetary Policy Committee (MPC)


              The  MPC,  which  is  housed  in  the  Bank  of   England,
              deliberates and makes decisions on all matters  pertaining
              to inflation targeting.


              It consists of 11 members, of whom  five  are  members  of
              staff of the Bank and four external members, not  employed
              by the  Bank  and  appointed  by  the  Chancellor  of  the
              Exchequer. The Governor appoints Bank members.
              There is a Treasury  representative  present  at  all  MPC
              meetings  who  represents  the  views  of  the   Treasury.
              However, this representative  does  not  have  any  voting
              power. The Treasury representative provides input  on  the
              fiscal  policy  of  the  government  and  reports  to  the
              Treasury.


              The MPC meets once a month, and its minutes are  published
              within  two  weeks  of  a  meeting.  The  minutes  do  not
              attribute  comments  to  specific  individuals,  but   the
              voting of  specific  members  is  noted.  Explicit  voting
              allows different views and can aid the credibility of  the
              process.


              One of  the  factors  which  the  MPC  has  to  take  into
              account, is whether inflation is being driven  by  demand-
              side or supply-side factors.


              The Chancellor can override  a  decision  by  the  MPC  in
              "exceptional circumstances". However, this cannot be  done
              without first going  through  Parliament.  The  Chancellor
              has never used this power.


     3. Environment in which inflation targeting was introduced


          Inflation targeting was introduced into a benign  inflationary
          environment. Inflationary pressures were falling.  From  1992,
          the informal inflation target was between 1%  and  4%  and  in
          1994 and 1995 it was 2,5% or less. At the time, the market did
          not believe that the authorities would meet these targets.


          There was excess capacity in the market. Output volatility was
          decreasing together with inflation. There  was  a  history  of
          boom bust economic growth, which  had  stabilised  during  the
          1990s.


          Major structural reforms  of  the  British  economy  occurred,
          which facilitated the introduction of an  inflation  targeting
          regime. Some of these included the  decentralisation  of  wage
          negotiations and large-scale privatisation in the 1980s.
     4. UK Experience - current status


          The  MPC  has  been  relatively   successful   in   containing
          inflation. In fact, it has consistently undershot its  target.
          A consequence has been that the inflation target  has  "locked
          in" low inflation, with an overall diminution in volatility of
          inflation and output. The market (and the public) expects  low
          inflation to be maintained.


     5. Unforeseen consequences


          (a)  The  continuing  strength  of  the  Pound  has   directly
              contributed to the inflation undershoot in  that  the  MPC
              made its decisions based on the notion that  the  sterling
              would  decline.  However,  it   did   not   decline.   The
              consequence   was   that   the   inflation   target    was
              continuously undershot. This  is  the  opposite  of  South
              Africa, where it is continuously  overshot.  The  MPC  now
              follows a more pragmatic approach and is less inclined  to
              follow a pre-emptive strategy on the same scale.


          (b) Low inflation has led to low interest rates, which in have
              led to a surge in consumer spending and  have  discouraged
              saving. This has had  serious  consequences,  including  a
              dramatic  rise  in  consumer  debt.  It  has  also,   very
              importantly, led to a massive increase  in  house  prices,
              which could potentially have serious consequences for  the
              economy.


              The impact of MPC policy has been to encourage  the  surge
              in consumer spending, which  has  helped  to  off-set  the
              deteriorating economic climate internationally.


     6. General comments by Deutsche Bank


          The  Bank  of  England  tends  to  ignore   food   prices   in
          inflationary trends, even though food prices are  included  in
          the index. They are  not  a  major  factor  in  deliberations,
          although they are not completely  excluded.  Food  is  a  much
          smaller proportion of the overall basket only 11%  as  opposed
          to 26% in SA.


          The Bank has to acknowledge the limits of inflation  targeting
          in emerging markets, where exchange rates  are  likely  to  be
          more volatile. Therefore, emerging markets often  have  a  far
          more difficult task because they are subject  to  far  greater
          pressures, and therefore they should not be hesitant to invoke
          the escape clause. This should not be interpreted as  reneging
          on the policy. The Bank  must  at  all  times  account  for  a
          deviation from the target, but the market needs to  know  that
          in adverse conditions the bank will stick to its target.


          Inflation targeting has its limitations, and the best  way  to
          deal with these is to  be  transparent.  When  the  target  is
          missed, it should  be  explained  that  the  target  has  been
          missed, why it was missed and how the situation will be  dealt
          with. It is important to recognise and  to  explain  that  the
          factors that may have caused the target to be missed, may  not
          occur again; it might be a singular occurrence.


 B.     Comments by Bank of England: Sir E  George,  Governor,  C  Bean,
     Executive  Director  and  Chief   Economist,   A   Haldene,   Head:
     International  Finance  Division,  A  Clark,  Executive   Director:
     Financial Stability (2 Oct)


     1. Inflation  targeting  has  been  the  most  successful  monetary
          policy so far, more successful than targeting the money supply
          or exchange rate.


     2. The Bank does not see any trade-off in  the  long  term  between
          growth and inflation because price stability  is  a  necessary
          condition for sustainable growth.


     3. It  is  most  important  to  differentiate  between  supply-side
          shocks (where their effect on inflation often depends  on  why
          they have changed) and demand-side shocks. The Bank of England
          follows  the  policy  of  demand  management  because  it   is
          operating on the demand-side and cannot  control  the  supply-
          side.


     4. The "open letter" can and probably should be used when there  is
          a supply-side shock (e.g. an oil price increase), but then the
          Bank should prevent the shock  from  leading  to  a  secondary
          round of inflation.


     5. There has been remarkable  stability  in  the  economy.  It  has
          involved a continual quest to right the imbalance between  the
          domestic economy and externally exposed factors.
     6. On the topic of the MPC, the Bank commented as follows:


          (a) It is very useful having non-Bank of  England  members  on
              the Committee. It is a way of keeping the  Bank  in  touch
              with other perspectives. They are all  expert  economists,
              and are not representatives of industry or  trade  unions.
              Each one of them brings fresh thoughts and each one  is  a
              specialist in a particular area.


          (b) In order to have good non-Bank members, the country  needs
              a sufficient pool of experts which is not  always  readily
              available.


          (c) There is a good argument for having  these  members  serve
              for a term longer than three years (as in the UK).


     7. On the question of whether a Central Bank should stick to  their
          target, no matter what, the Bank commented that  policy-makers
          do themselves a disservice by saying they will stick to a  set
          of policies that are not credible. It is  better  to  admit  a
          mistake as quickly as possible and make the necessary changes.
          This should be done with a lot of explanation. If there  is  a
          logical argument for it, it will be more credible.


     8. The Bank commented  that  it  would  be  inappropriate  for  the
          Chancellor to criticise the Governor  in  public.  This  would
          damage the credibility of the whole system.


 C.     Comments by Treasury - R Fellgett,  Director:  Financial  Sector
     (joined by R Woods, Head: Fiscal & Macroeconomic Policy &  A  Wren,
     Financial Stability Markets (4 Oct)
     1.  There  is  a  Treasury  representative   on   the   MPC.   This
          representative has no voting  power,  but  provides  input  on
          fiscal policy issues and provides feedback to the Treasury.


     2. If the Minister or the Chancellor disagreed with a  decision  of
          the Governor, there is no law to  prevent  the  Chancellor  or
          Minister from making it public, but it is hard to imagine that
          this would ever happen. It would affect the credibility of the
          whole system.


 D.     Bank of England's relationship  with  Parliament  -  comment  by
     Treasury Select Committee - House of Commons (7 Oct)


     1. The primary relationship of the Bank of England with  Parliament
          is with the Treasury Select Committee.


     2. The Bank of England produces  quarterly  inflation  reports  and
          appears before the above committee three times a year on these
          reports.


     3. Prior  to  these  meetings,  the  committee  consults  with  its
          specialist advisers on the contents of  the  latest  inflation
          report, so that they are fully prepared when the  MPC  appears
          before them.


     4. The Committee has seven specialist advisers. They are,  however,
          not full-time employees of the committee.


     5. Various members of the MPC appear  before  the  committee  on  a
          rotational basis. The reason they do  not  appear  before  the
          committee four times a year, is  that  in  the  third  quarter
          (August) it is recess and everyone is on leave.


     6. The select committee holds hearings on the  appointment  of  new
          members, even though they do not have any statutory  authority
          to do this.


 E.     Comments by Economic Affairs Committee  (House  of  Lords)  &  M
     Wickens, Specialist Adviser (7 Oct)


     1. The Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  with  his  chief  advisers,
          appears before the committee twice a year.


     2. The Governor of the Bank of  England  also  appears  before  the
          committee twice a year.


     3. There is no relationship between the two committees of  the  two
          Houses of Parliament.


     4. Their comment was that the debate between the committee and  the
          Governor is very robust. The committee is not at all  hesitant
          to  raise  any  issue,  but  will  not  get   into   technical
          discussions with the Governor. Technical questions  are  dealt
          with when the Deputy Governor appears before them.


     5. The Chancellor is under  no  obligation  to  appear  before  the
          committee, and may  refuse  to  do  so.  However,  this  would
          reflect badly on the Chancellor and diminish the status of the
          committee.


 F.     Recommendations
     1.  Membership  of  non-Reserve  Bank  representatives,   excluding
          Treasury officials, of the MPC should be considered.


     2. The invocation of the escape clause should not  be  seen  as  an
          abdication by the Reserve Bank of its commitment  to  maintain
          its target, but should be viewed  as  an  instrument  for  the
          Reserve Bank to  communicate,  in  a  transparent  way,  valid
          reasons why it has not met its target and how  it  intends  to
          get back to the target.


 II.    Single financial regulator


 A.     Introduction to changing trends in financial regulation


     A number of forces have driven change  in  the  regulation  of  the
     financial services industry  globally,  especially  changes  within
     the structure of the industry  itself,  as  well  as  instances  of
     serious  corporate  failures.  These  are  all  relevant  to  South
     Africa.


     Changes in the industry include the following:


     1. In the past, institutions within  a  particular  sector  of  the
          industry  used  to  provide  services   restricted   to   that
          particular sector. For example, banking services were provided
          by the banking sector and insurance services were provided  by
          the insurance sector. However, services and products  are  now
          being offered across sectors. Banks  are  providing  insurance
          schemes  and  insurance  companies   are   providing   banking
          services.


     2. There have also been a number of mergers, which means  that  big
          conglomerates now offer products and services across different
          sectors.
     3. Moreover, new products are developed that  often  have  features
          of a number  of  sectors  in  the  industry.  Regulators  were
          usually assigned to a sector or a number of sectors jointly.


     4. Other changes necessitating an overhaul in financial  regulation
          include  providers   crossing   geographic   boundaries,   the
          emergence  of  new  distribution  channels   (internet),   and
          consumers' demand for more "wholesale-like" products.


     Therefore, functional differences of the different  regulators  are
     becoming less distinct. With the breakdown of  sectoral  boundaries
     in the financial services industry, regulators now find that  their
     boundaries are no longer clearly defined, hence  the  move  towards
     transforming the regulatory structure  in  the  financial  services
     industry.


     Instances of corporate failure include the collapse  of  individual
     banks and investor protection failures, which have led to the  need
     to restore confidence in the integrity of the banking system  as  a
     whole. Others are investor protection failures (e.g. pensions  mis-
     selling in the U.K), periodic market instability and its impact  on
     industry players, and  a  political/public  desire  to  reform  the
     existing system.


     As a  result  of  these  trends  and  events,  there  has  been  an
     international trend to consolidate  regulatory  bodies.  Typically,
     financial  regulation   consists   of   two   aspects:   Prudential
     regulation,  which  seeks  to  ensure  the  health   of   financial
     institutions,  and  market  conduct  regulation,  which  seeks   to
     protect the consumer from unscrupulous practices. Different  models
     for reforming financial regulation have been adopted  in  different
     countries.


     For example:


     (a)     Scandinavia


          The Scandinavians were the first to  reform  their  regulatory
          system. They have a banking division,  an  insurance  division
          and an  investment/securities  division.  They  simply  put  a
          single roof over all three of  these.  This  was  not  a  true
          integration of regulatory functions.


     (b)     Australia


          Under  this  model,  the  prudential  and  conduct-of-business
          regulations are dealt with by two bodies instead of one.  They
          implemented the Twin Peaks model, which meant that  prudential
          and  conduct-of-business  (market-conduct)   regulation   were
          consolidated into two bodies, namely the Australian Prudential
          Regulatory Authority (APRA) and the Australian Securities  and
          Investments Commission (ASIC).


          Australia conducted a full review of the regulatory  structure
          (the Wallis Enquiry) before making  any  legislative  changes.
          Its Central Bank maintains responsibility for monetary  policy
          and overall financial system stability.


     (c)     UK: Discussed in more  detail  below  -  "C.  Structure  of
          FSA").


     In the UK and Germany, all  regulators  were  consolidated  into  a
     single   body   organised   along    functional    lines,    namely
     authorisation/licensing, setting standards for  firms,  supervision
     and enforcement. There  is  a  completely  separate  ombudsman  for
     receiving complaints.


     The regulator  is  responsible  for  both  prudential  and  market-
     conduct  regulation,  as  well  as  for  policy   development   and
     execution.


     A  report  on  reform  of  the  financial  regulatory  system   was
     commissioned by the Chancellor before these changes were made.


     There was a 9-way  (later  10-way)  merger  of  existing  financial
     regulators to create a new single integrated  financial  regulator,
     the FSA.


 B.     History of establishment of FSA


     The scandal that occurred in the UK associated  with  the  collapse
     of Barings Bank gave impetus to the programme  of  overhauling  the
     regulatory regime  there.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the
     problem in Barings Bank  occurred  within  the  securities  trading
     section, that part of the business that was not supervised  by  the
     Bank of England. This highlighted a  serious  regulatory  gap,  and
     there was recognition of the need to improve financial oversight.


     When the Labour Government came to power  in  1997,  it  instituted
     steps  for  transformation  of  the  regulatory   framework.   This
     transformation was based on a report received by the Chancellor.


     Prudential supervision of the banking system was removed  from  the
     Bank  of  England  and  transferred  to  the  FSA.  Likewise,   the
     functions of other regulators in the  financial  services  industry
     were also transferred to the  FSA,  which  became  responsible  for
     both  market  conduct  and  prudential  supervision.  The  Bank  of
     England was granted independence  to  set  interest  rates  in  May
     1997.


     A memorandum of understanding between the  Treasury,  the  Bank  of
     England and the FSA was drawn up in October 1997. It  set  out  the
     role of each institution and explained how they would work  towards
     a  common  objective  of  financial  stability.  The  division   of
     responsibility  is  based  on  four   guiding   principles:   Clear
     accountability, transparency, no duplication and  regular  exchange
     of information.


     The Bank  retains  responsibility  for  overall  stability  of  the
     financial system as a whole. To this end, it  publishes  a  regular
     Financial Stability Report. The report strives to make  the  Bank's
     activities as  transparent  as  possible.  Both  the  FSA  and  the
     Treasury provide input into the report.


     The  FSA  is  responsible   for   prudential   and   market-conduct
     regulation of financial institutions. The Treasury  is  responsible
     for the overall  institutional  structure  of  regulation  and  the
     legislation that governs it. It has no  operational  responsibility
     for the activities of the FSA and the Bank, but  will  need  to  be
     alerted, should serious problems arise.
     A standing committee of representatives of the  three  institutions
     meets  on  a  monthly  basis  to  discuss   individual   cases   of
     significance  and  other   developments   relative   to   financial
     stability.  This  committee  brings  together  all  the   different
     perspectives. The FSA brings expertise as supervisor, the  Bank  of
     England brings expertise  of  oversight  of  the  markets  and  the
     Treasury brings expertise of the economy as a whole.


     There are also bilateral agreements (arising  from  the  tripartite
     agreement), between the Bank of England and the FSA to provide  for
     the sharing of information and the cross-secondment of people.  The
     FSA has more information on specific firms than the Bank,  but  the
     Bank has broader market information.


     Legislation  providing  for  the  establishment  of  the  FSA   was
     processed through lengthy discussion in Parliament.
     On 1 December 2001 the FSA assumed its powers and  responsibilities
     under the Financial Services and Markets Act, 2000. The FSA is  now
     the single statutory regulator responsible for  the  regulation  of
     deposit-taking, insurance and investment business.


 C.     Structure and functioning of FSA


     The FSA  is  a  public  body,  set  up  by  legislation  (Financial
     Services and Markets Act). It is  a  private  company,  limited  by
     guarantee.


     It has very wide-ranging regulatory powers. It  is  governed  by  a
     board of directors (appointed by the  Treasury)  consisting  of  15
     members, four of whom are executive directors and 11  of  whom  are
     non-executive members.


     It is  entirely  funded  by  levies  from  the  financial  services
     industry  and  receives  no  money  from  the  government.  It   is
     operationally  independent  of   the   government   and   currently
     regulates approximately 11 000 firms.


     1. The FSA's statutory objectives are:


          *   Maintaining confidence in the financial system  (Note:  It
              is not the maintenance of financial stability)


          *   Promoting public understanding of the financial system


          *    Securing  the  appropriate  degree  of   protection   for
              consumers


          *   Reducing the risks of financial crime.


     2. The legislation also sets out  guidelines  with  regard  to  the
          principles of good regulation:
          *   Using its resources in the most economic and efficient way
              (the non-executive committee of the board has  to  oversee
              this and report to the Chancellor of the Exchequer)


          *   Recognising the responsibilities of regulated  firms'  own
              management (there was initially a fear that the FSA  would
              interfere in the running of firms)


          *   Being proportionate in imposing burdens or restrictions on
              the industry (regulation  must  be  proportionate  to  the
              risk)


          *   Facilitating innovation


          *    Taking  into  account  the  international  character   of
              financial services and the UK's competitive position
          *   Facilitating, and  not  having  an  unnecessarily  adverse
              effect on competition.


     3. Accountability of FSA:


          The Financial Services and Markets Act clearly  sets  out  all
          the objectives, as well as the general duties of the  FSA.  It
          states that the FSA must produce an  annual  report  and  must
          specifically report on achievement of  their  objectives.  The
          annual report must also include a report by the  non-executive
          directors  of  the  board  with  regard  to  the  economy  and
          efficiency of the FSA.


          The Treasury select committee  exercises  oversight  over  the
          FSA, and they have the power to summons  witnesses,  call  for
          evidence and write reports. The FSA currently  appears  before
          the committee at least twice a year. One meeting is to look at
          the annual report (looking back) and  one  to  look  at  their
          future plans  (looking  forward).  The  Chairman  of  the  FSA
          attends  these  meetings  and  the  committee  publishes   the
          evidence in a report.


          The FSA makes it their business to be in touch  with  MPs  and
          holds regular briefings with  them.  It  also  goes  to  party
          conferences. They receive about 40 MP letters a week,  dealing
          with constituency business. In their view, their  relationship
          with Parliament is constructive and good.


          The Treasury has the power to commission an independent review
          if there is a failure of the system of regulation. It can also
          commission an audit on the FSA.


          An open meeting is held once a year in order  to  discuss  the
          annual report, and this meeting is  open  to  the  public.  An
          independent complaints  commissioner  investigates  complaints
          against the FSA, and can publish a report and require the  FSA
          to  respond.  It  can  also  recommend  that   the   FSA   pay
          compensation.


          Legislation requires the  FSA  to  consult  in  public  before
          making any rules. It must consult two  statutory  panels,  the
          practitioner panel and the consumer panel.


          Legislation also provides that a  cost-benefit  analysis  must
          always be done before any rule is adopted and that a statement
          of purpose must accompany a new rule.


          All the  FSA's  rules  and  regulations  are  subject  to  the
          oversight of the Competition Board. If rules  are  restricting
          competition  unnecessarily,  they  can  be  deferred  to   the
          Competition Board, which can overrule.


          Individual cases can be challenged in a  specialist  tribunal,
          which is part of the court system. However, this is  a  public
          forum and has therefore not been used in  practice.  It  does,
          however, help to encourage  discussion  between  the  FSA  and
          those they regulate.


 D.     Specific comments on FSA


     1. Comments by Bank of England


          It is possibly too early to  assess  the  Bank's  relationship
          with the FSA, as it had only started operating  in  1997,  and
          officially only in December 2001. The Bank is of  the  opinion
          that  the  relationship  has  worked  well.  This  is  largely
          attributable  to  the  fact  that  there  are  many   personal
          linkages, because people moved  from  the  Bank  to  the  FSA.
          However, the Bank is aware that these personal  linkages  will
          eventually erode. There have been attempts to institutionalise
          the relationship by cross-secondments.


          The  Bank  recognises  the  importance  of  maintaining   good
          relationships between both institutions. Crucial  to  this  is
          the continuing exchange of relevant  information.  This  takes
          place on several levels.  The  Bank's  Deputy  Governor  is  a
          member of the FSA Board and the FSA chairman sits on the Court
          of Directors of the Bank of England. At all  levels  there  is
          close and regular  contact  between  the  Bank  and  the  FSA.
          Information is shared, which is or  may  be  relevant  to  the
          discharge of their respective responsibilities.


          One of the issues raised  by  the  Bank,  is  that  the  FSA's
          reporting responsibilities are defined in detail in  the  Bank
          of England Act, 1998, but the Bank's responsibilities are  not
          as clearly defined. Therefore, it is  not  always  clear  what
          information should be passed on, and this becomes a matter  of
          interpretation. Difficulties have been experienced  in  giving
          legislative definition to the financial stability role of  the
          Bank. Its monetary policy role is more easily defined.  It  is
          therefore  difficult  to  determine  whether  something  falls
          within the Bank's responsibilities. However, the Bank has  not
          experienced problems in obtaining information as and when they
          require it.


          The removal of bank supervision from the Bank of  England  has
          required considerable  adaptation  by  the  Bank,  given  that
          amongst other functions it is responsible for maintaining  the
          infrastructure for bank payment  systems,  both  at  home  and
          abroad, in its capacity as the banker's Bank.


          The Bank was of the view that an  important  consideration  in
          determining whether to adopt the FSA model, is  whether  there
          are sufficient resources and people with the necessary  skills
          to staff both institutions.  Employment  in  either  of  these
          institutions should  offer  the  same  career  advantages  and
          prestige as the other.


     2. Comments by Ernst  &  Young  UK  Financial  Services  Regulatory
          Practice


          Ernst & Young pointed out that there are a number of different
          models of financial  regulation.  In  their  opinion,  a  good
          alternative to the UK model of a single regulator is the  Twin
          Peaks model (Australian and Dutch model).  Under  this  model,
          the prudential and conduct-of-business regulations  are  dealt
          with by two bodies instead of one.


          However, they noted that a central bank may not be comfortable
          with relinquishing  the  role  of  prudential  supervision  in
          instances  where  it  retains   responsibility   for   overall
          stability of the financial system as a whole, because  it  may
          not  get  the  necessary  information  from   the   prudential
          regulator in order for it to perform its  financial  stability
          role. The regulator has the best source of micro  information,
          but  the  central  bank  has  the  best   source   of   market
          information.


          Ernst &  Young  were  of  the  view  that  it  is  easier  for
          Parliament to address the accountability of the  regulator  if
          it is split into two. The  two  bodies  have  more  manageable
          objectives and it is therefore easier to  exercise  oversight.
          In deciding what model to  adopt,  it  is  thus  important  to
          decide what degree of oversight one wants  to  have  over  the
          regulator. If the two functions are together, as they  are  in
          the FSA, it is more powerful than if they were separated.


          On the other hand, the existence of two regulatory bodies with
          limited   accountability,   instead   of   one    with    full
          accountability, could also present a weakness. There  will  be
          an  area  dealing  with  systems  and  controls   and   senior
          management responsibilities, where it  will  be  difficult  to
          determine who is responsible and  accountable  for  regulating
          that area.


          They  noted  that   when   the   FSA   was   first   proposed,
          accountability was a very important concern, and it took  four
          years to draft the necessary statute.


          In the UK, oversight of both the MPC and the FSA is  exercised
          by the Treasury select committee, which  hires  economists  to
          advise it.


          With regard to how well the relationship between the FSA,  the
          Bank of England and the Treasury is  maintained  and  managed,
          Ernst & Young referred to the tripartite  standing  committee,
          where monthly meetings are held between them.


          They stated that policy in a macro-economic crisis would be co-
          coordinated between these three bodies, and the way in which a
          systemic  crisis  would  be  dealt  with,  would  largely   be
          determined by how well these individuals work together.


          They stressed that it is very helpful that most of the  people
          now working for the FSA had originally worked for the Bank  of
          England. Sir Howard Davies, chairman of the FSA, is the former
          Deputy Governor of the Bank of England.


     3. Treasury comments


          The Treasury felt  that  a  single  regulator  was  necessary,
          because there has been  a  great  degree  of  convergence  and
          overlapping of services offered  by  insurance  companies  and
          banks,  which   led   to   artificial   distinctions   between
          regulators.


          They went on to say that there is a good reason for separating
          banking supervision from monetary policy. There is a potential
          conflict of interest between the conduct  of  monetary  policy
          and banking supervision. They felt that, on occasion, monetary
          policy is conducted with too great an emphasis on the  banking
          sector, when it should be conducted with the  overall  economy
          in mind.


          With regard to their relationship with the  Bank  of  England,
          they said that the development of the  standing  committee  on
          financial  stability  has  made   the   relationship   between
          themselves and the Bank closer and less formal in  respect  of
          financial stability.


          They felt it was very helpful that the standing  committee  on
          financial stability may also set up subcommittees  on  special
          issues that need to be dealt with.


          In  the  Treasury's  opinion,  the  existence  of  a  standing
          committee has  worked  well  in  policy  terms.  However,  the
          administrative arrangements to  separate  banking  supervision
          from monetary policy are not yet satisfactory.  They  stressed
          that cross-membership on the boards of the FSA  and  the  Bank
          are crucial. In terms of  accountability,  the  memorandum  of
          understanding is a key element, but it has not yet been tested
          in a crisis.


     4. McKinsey comments


          (a) Objective


              In McKinsey's view, determining the objective of having  a
              single  regulatory  authority  is  very   important.   One
              possible  objective  is  to  enhance  the  soundness   and
              stability of the financial  system;  another  may  be  the
              integration  of  a   number   of   regulators   into   one
              institution reflecting  the  trend  towards  consolidation
              within the financial services sector.


              The objective one  chooses,  will  determine  the  process
              that will  be  followed.  An  emphasis  on  the  financial
              stability objective presupposes a more thorough review  of
              the regulatory system and its  structure  and  how  a  new
              regulator would need to operate and be organised in  order
              to achieve financial stability. An emphasis  on  the  mere
              consolidation of regulators would simply  be  an  exercise
              in institutional integration. This debate has  yet  to  be
              resolved in South Africa.


          (b) Level of stability


              In their view, it is important to  determine  what  degree
              of stability one  is  aiming  for  in  creating  a  single
              regulator.


              A zero level of failure of financial institutions  is  not
              practical, possible  or  desirable.  It  would  be  highly
              inefficient  to  obtain  such  a  level,   as   too   many
              regulators would be  required.  Also,  the  consumer  must
              assume a certain amount of  responsibility  for  investing
              prudently. It cannot be expected of, nor is  it  practical
              for a regulator to fully protect  a  consumer  from  risk.
              Instead,  it  is  desirable   to   encourage   people   to
              thoroughly check  out  institutions  for  themselves,  and
              thus cause bad institutions to fail.


              Since regulation does not protect against  every  failure,
              the  regulator  must  adopt  a  risk-based   approach   to
              supervision of firms. There are  a  number  of  regulatory
              approaches  to  choose  from,  ranging  from  a  resource-
              intensive  approach,  where  supervisory  activities   are
              determined through detailed risk assessments of firms,  to
              "remote monitoring", which involves desk-based  review  of
              financial  information  and  other  regulatory   data   to
              identify key risks in groups of similar firms.


          (c) Managing transition process


              Aside from  the  need  to  set  clear  objectives  on  the
              formation of a single regulator, the question of  how  the
              various regulators are  merged,  is  also  something  that
              needs  to  be  debated  extensively.  There  needs  to  be
              management  of  continuity  as  well  as   management   of
              (foreseeable) external events  which  will  coincide  with
              the transition.


              The transition to a single regulator is  usually  a  four-
              year to five-year process. In the  UK,  the  process  took
              from  mid-1997  until  late   2001   to   complete.   They
              consolidated all  the  role-players  in  one  institution.
              Only after that was the legal framework put into place.


              In Australia  they  did  it  the  other  way  around.  The
              establishment of the institution was preceded  by  a  full
              strategic review,  called  the  Wallis  Enquiry.  However,
              this did not assist in shortening the time involved.  They
              had the Wallis Enquiry, which was a full strategy  review;
              however, this did not really  help  to  shorten  the  time
              involved in setting up the single regulator. It also  took
              more than four years to implement.


     5. Recommendation


          A  decision  to  reform  the  system  of  a  single  financial
          regulator should be preceded by a  thorough  strategic  review
          involving all role-players across all  government  departments
          and relevant institutions.


 Report to be considered.

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local Government on Fourth Global Forum of Parliamentarians on Habitat, dated 26 November 2003:

CREDA Insert 1ATC0412e.doc

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local Government on UN Report on 19th Session of Governing Council of UN Habitat, dated 26 November 2003:

CREDA Insert 2ATC0412e.doc

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Finance on Hearings on Funeral Industry, dated 19 November 2003:

CREDA Insert 3ATC0412e.doc

                       MONDAY, 8 DECEMBER 2003

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. Translations of Bills submitted:

 (1)    The Minister of Home Affairs:


     (i)     Tweede Wysigingswetsontwerp op  Kieswette  [W  73  -  2003]
          (National Assembly - sec 75)


     This is the official translation into Afrikaans  of  the  Electoral
     Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 73 - 2003] (National Assembly  -  sec
     75).

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 (a)    Government Notice No 152, published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24312, dated 29 January  2003:  Notice  in  terms  of  section  13:
     Declaration of certain goods to be  controlled  goods  and  control
     measures  applicable  to  such  goods  in   terms   of   the   Non-
     Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction Act, 1993 (Act  No  87
     of 1993).


 (b)    Government Notice No 180, published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24343, dated 31 January 2003: Notice to exempt the Methodist  Homes
     for the Aged from  the  provisions  of  regulations  6  -  14:  For
     general comment in terms of the  Housing  Development  Schemes  for
     Retired Persons Act, 1988 (Act No 65 of 1988).
 (c)    Government Notice No R166, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24329, dated 7 February 2003: Notice in terms of sections 1 and  10
     of the Companies Act, 1973 (Act No 61 of 1973).


 (d)    Government Notice No 235, published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24387, dated 14 February 2003: Developing South  Africa's  approach
     to multilateral trade negotiations in the World Trade  Organisation
     (WTO).


 (e)    Government Notice No R9,  published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24801, dated 21 February 2003: Commencement of certain sections  in
     terms of the International Trade Administration Act, 2002  (Act  No
     71 of 2002).


 (f)    Government Notice No R273, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24941,  dated  28  February  2003:  Proposed  amendments   of   the
     compulsory specification for motor vehicles of category O3  and  O4
     in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (g)    Government Notice No R274, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24941,  dated  28  February  2003:  Proposed   amendment   of   the
     compulsory specification for replacement of  secondary  lights  for
     motor vehicles in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act  No  29  of
     1993).


 (h)    Government Notice No R275, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24941,  dated  28  February  2003:  Proposed   amendment   of   the
     compulsory specification for replacement of  headlights  for  motor
     vehicles in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (i)    Government Notice No R369, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25040,  dated  20  March   2003:   Compulsory   specification   for
     specification for respirators in terms of the Standards  Act,  1993
     (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (j)    Government Notice No R370, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25040, dated 20 March 2003: Compulsory specification for  breathing
     apparatus in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (k)    Government Notice No R450, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24623, dated 11 April 2003: Proposed Amendment  of  the  compulsory
     specification for motor  vehicles  category  N1  in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (l)    Government Notice No R451, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24623, dated 11 April 2003: Amendment: Regulations relating to  the
     payments of levy and the  issue  of  sales  permits  in  regard  to
     compulsory specifications in terms of the Standards Act, 1993  (Act
     No 29 of 1993).
 (m)    Government Notice No R452, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24623, dated 11 April 2003: Proposed amendment  of  the  compulsory
     specification for electrical and electronic apparatus (VC8055),  in
     terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (n)    Government Notice No R453, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24623, dated 11 April 2003: Proposed amendment  of  the  compulsory
     specification for motor vehicles of category M1, in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (o)    Government Notice No R454, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24623, dated 11 April 2003: Proposed compulsory  specification  for
     material for contour marking on motor vehicles,  in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (p)    Government Notice No R513, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24734, dated 17 April  2003:  Amendment:  compulsory  specification
     for the safety of electric cables with  extruded  solid  dielectric
     insulation for fixed installations, in terms of the Standards  Act,
     1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (q)    Government Notice No R522, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24734, dated 17 April 2003: Proposed compulsory  specification  for
     plastic carrier bags and flat bags, in terms of the Standards  Act,
     1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (r)    Government Notice No R512, published in  Government  Gazette  No
     24731, dated 17 April 2003: Regulations relating to the payment  of
     levy and the  issue  of  sales  permits  in  regard  to  compulsory
     specifications: Amendment, in terms  of  the  Standards  Act,  1993
     (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (s)    Government Notice No R42, published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24837, dated 2 May 2003: Commencement of Section 54,  in  terms  of
     the Lotteries Act, 1997 (Act No 57 of 1997).


 (t)    Government Notices No's R610, R611, R612 and R613, published  in
     Government  Gazette  No  24826,  dated  9  May  2003:  Regulations:
     Payment of levy and  the  issue  of  sales  permits  in  regard  to
     compulsory specifications: Amendment  in  terms  of  the  Standards
     Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (u)    Government Notice No R614 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24826 dated 9 May 2003: Proposed compulsory specification  for  the
     safety  of  medium  voltage  electric  cables,  in  terms  of   the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (v)    Government Notice No R615 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24826 dated 9 May 2003: Regulations; Payment of levy and the  issue
     of sales permits in regard to compulsory specifications:  Amendment
     in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (w)    Government Notice No R672 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24874 dated 23 May  2003:  Regulations:  Promotional  Competitions,
     2003, in terms of the  Promotional  Competitors  of  the  Lotteries
     Act, 1997 (Act No 57 of 1997).


 (x)    Government Notices No's R673, R674, R675 and R676  published  in
     Government  Gazette  No  24876  dated  23   May   2003:   Strategic
     Industrial Project (SIP), in terms of  the  Income  Tax  Act,  1962
     (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (y)    Government Notice No 721  published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     24934 dated 29 May 2003:  Amendment  of  the  Patents  Regulations,
     1978, in terms of the Patents Act, 1978 (Act No 57 of 1978).


 (z)    Government Notice No R862 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25082 dated  27  June  2003:  Withdrawal  and  replacement  of  the
     compulsory specification for child  restraints  for  use  in  motor
     vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (aa)   Government Notice No R867 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25082 dated 27 June  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for  plastic
     carrier bags and flat bags, in terms of  the  Standards  Act,  1993
     (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (bb)   Government Notice No 963  published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25161 dated 2 July  2003:  Amendment  of  the  Patents  Regulation,
     1978, in terms of the Patents Act, 1978 (Act No 57 of 1978).


 (cc)   Government Notice No R941 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25137 dated 4 July 2003: Strategic  Industrial  Project  (SIP),  in
     terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (dd)   Government Notice No R978 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25171  dated  4  July  2003:  Withdrawal  and  replacement  of  the
     compulsory  specification  for  frozen  rock  lobster  and   frozen
     lobster products derived therefrom, in terms of the Standards  Act,
     1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (ee)   Government Notice No R979 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25172  dated  4  July  2003:  Withdrawal  and  replacement  of  the
     compulsory specification for frozen fish,  frozen  marine  molluscs
     and frozen products derived therefrom, in terms  of  the  Standards
     Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (ff)   Government Notice No 992  published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25177 dated 7 July 2003: Notice in terms of section 2(1),  (2)  and
     (3), in terms of the Usury Act, 1968 (Act No 73 of 1968).


 (gg)   Government Notice No R1013 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25211  dated  18  July  2003:  Regulations:  Implementation  of   a
     compulsory  computerized   wagering   system   for   all   licensed
     bookmakers in South Africa: For public comment,  in  terms  of  the
     National Gambling Act, 1996 (Act No 33 of 1996).


 (hh)   Government Notice No R1026 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25220 dated 25 July 2003: Regulations relating to  the  payment  of
     levy and the  issue  of  sales  permits  in  regard  to  compulsory
     specifications: Amendment in terms of the Standards Act, 1993  (Act
     No 29 of 1993).


 (ii)   Government Notice No R1075 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1  August  2003:  Withdrawal  and  replacement  of  the
     compulsory specification for motor  vehicles  of  category  M1,  in
     terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (jj)   Government Notice No R1076 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1 August 2003: Proposed replacement of  the  compulsory
     specification  for  the  manufacture,  production,  processing  and
     treatment  of  canned  fish,  canned  marine  molluscs  and  canned
     crustaceans, in terms of the Standards Act,  1993  (Act  No  29  of
     1993).


 (kk)   Government Notice No R1077 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1  August  2003:  Withdrawal  and  replacement  of  the
     compulsory specification for motor  vehicles  of  category  N1,  in
     terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (ll)   Government Notice No R1077 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1 August 2003: Compulsory  specification  for  material
     for contour marking on motor vehicles, in terms  of  the  Standards
     Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (mm)   Government Notice No R1078 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1 August 2003: Amendment: Compulsory specification  for
     material for contour marking on motor vehicles,  in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (nn)   Government Notice No R1079 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1 August 2003: Amendment: Compulsory specification  for
     electrical and electronic apparatus,  in  terms  of  the  Standards
     Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (oo)   Government Notice No R1080 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25245 dated 1 August 2003: Proposed replacement of  the  compulsory
     specification  for  the  manufacture,  production,  processing  and
     treatment of canned meat products, in terms of the  Standards  Act,
     1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (pp)   Government Notice No 1129 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25310 dated 8 August  2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project  (SIP):
     Application for approval: Trident Steel (Pty) Ltd, in terms of  the
     Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (qq)   Government Notice No 1130 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25310  dated  8  August  2003:  Decision  to  approve  application:
     African Oxygen Limited Bulk Gas Plant, in terms of the  Income  Tax
     Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (rr)   Government Notice No 1131 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25310 dated 8 August 2003: Hillside Aluminium SA Limited, in  terms
     of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (ss)   Government Notice No 1127 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25309 dated 8 August  2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project  (SIP):
     Application for approval: Nestle Purina, in  terms  of  the  Income
     Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (tt)   Government Notice No 1128 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25309 dated 8 August 2003:  Decision  not  to  approve:  Sasol  MCC
     Chemicals (Pty) Ltd, in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962  (Act  No
     58 of 1962).


 (uu)   Government Notice No R1164 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25306 dated 15 August  2003:  Amendment:  compulsory  specification
     for medium voltage electric cables, in terms of the Standards  Act,
     1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (vv)   Government Notice No R1165 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25306 dated  15  August  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for  the
     safety  of  electric  cables   with   extruded   solid   dielectric
     insulation for fixed installations, in terms of the Standards  Act,
     1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (ww)   Government Notice No R1166 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25306 dated 15 August  2003:  Withdrawal  and  replacement  of  the
     compulsory specification for vehicles of category  03  and  O4,  in
     terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (xx)   Government Notice No R1167 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25306 dated 15 August  2003:  Amendment:  Compulsory  specification
     for replacement of secondary lights for motor  vehicles,  in  terms
     of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (yy)   Government Notice No R1168 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25306  dated  15  August   2003:   Compulsory   specification   for
     replacement of headlights for  motor  vehicles,  in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (zz)   Government Notice No R1169 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25306 dated 15 August 2003: Proposed compulsory  specification  for
     small arms shooting ranges, in terms of  the  Standards  Act,  1993
     (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (aaa)  Government Notice No 1197 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25351 dated 22 August 2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project  (SIP):
     Pechiney Potline 1 Project, in terms of the Income  Tax  Act,  1962
     (Act No 58 of 1958).


 (bbb)  Government Notice No 1198 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25351 dated 22 August 2003: Pechiney Potline 2  Project,  in  terms
     of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1958).


 (ccc)  Government Notice No 1199 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25351 dated 22 August 2003: Pechiney Casthouse  Project,  in  terms
     of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1958).


 (ddd)  Government Notice No 1200 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25351 dated 22 August 2003: Pechiney Anode Plant Project, in  terms
     of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1958).


 (eee)  Government Notice No R63  published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25403 dated 27 August 2003: Commencement of  section  1  to  6,  in
     terms of the Corporate Laws Amendment  Act,  2002  (Act  No  39  of
     2002).


 (fff)  Government Notice No R1236 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25397 dated 5 September 2003:  Proposed  withdrawal  of  compulsory
     specification for slow speed  vehicles  and  replacement  with  the
     compulsory specification for agricultural  tractors,  in  terms  of
     the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (ggg)  Government Notice No R1343 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25491  dated  23  September   2003:   Amendment   of   the   Patent
     Regulations, 1978 (Act No 57 of 1978).


 (hhh)  Government Notice No 1389 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25529 dated 1 October 2003: Annual finance charge rates,  in  terms
     of the Usury Act, 1968 (Act No 73 of 1968).
 (iii)  Government Notice No 1461 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25571 dated 8 October 2003: Declaration as  a  housing  development
     scheme: Lynnwood Oord, in terms of the Housing Development  Schemes
     for Retired Persons Act (65/1988).


 (jjj)  Government Notice No R1415 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25527 dated 10  October  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for  the
     control of gaming devices and related  matters,  in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (kkk)   Government  Notices  No  1456,  1457  and  1458  published   in
     Government Gazette  No  25559  dated  10  October  2003:  Strategic
     Industrial Project (SIP), in terms of  the  Income  Tax  Act,  1962
     (Act No 58 of 1958).


 (lll)  Government Notice No 1478 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25562 dated 17 October 2003: Standard  Matters,  in  terms  of  the
     Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


 (mmm)  Report and Financial Statements of the National Empowerment Fund
     for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Independent Auditors  on
     the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.


 (nnn)  Report and Financial Statements of Trade  and  Investment  South
     Africa for 2002-2003,  including  the  Report  of  the  Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.


 (ooo)  Report and Financial Statements of Strategic Industrial Projects
     (SIP) for 2002-2003.


 (ppp)  Report of the South African Council for the Non-Proliferation of
     Weapons of Mass Destruction for the year ended June 2002.

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry: Report and Financial Statements of Albany Coast Water for the year ended June 2003.

2. The Minister for Safety and Security:

 Agreement between the Government of the Republic of  South  Africa  and
 the Austrian Federal Government on Police Cooperation, tabled in  terms
 of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 Letter dated 1 December 2003, from the Minister of  Public  Enterprises
 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of  section  65(2)(a)
 of the Public  Finance  Management  Act,  1999  (Act  No  1  of  1999),
 explaining the delay in the tabling of the Annual Report of DENEL (Pty)
 Ltd for 2002-2003:


     Dear Madam Speaker,
     TABLING OF ANNUAL REPORT OF DENEL (PTY) LTD 2002/2003  by  MR  J  T
     RADEBE, MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES


     In terms of section 65(1) of the  Public  Finance  Management  Act,
     1999 I, as the Executive Authority for  the  public  entity,  Denel
     (Pty) Ltd. should have tabled Denel's annual report  and  financial
     statements in the National Assembly within  six  months  after  the
     end of the financial year, which ended  31  March  2003.  The  last
     date for tabling  in  the  National  Assembly  was,  therefore,  30
     September 2003.


     In line with Government's objective to  improve  and  increase  its
     oversight role in respect of State Owned  Enterprises,  the  annual
     financial statements of Denel and  other  public  entities  require
     intensive analysis and interaction between all the  relevant  role-
     players  before  being  released  publicly  at  an  Annual  General
     Meeting for the entity.  Taking  into  account  the  notice  period
     requirements and the availability of  the  necessary  role-players,
     the analysis of these financial statements and the publication  and
     release of Denel's annual report  at  a  properly  convened  Annual
     General Meeting could not be finalised timeously to  enable  me  to
     table the relevant documents within the required six  month  period
     in the National Assembly.


     This written explanation is submitted in terms of Section 65(2)  of
     the Public Finance Management Act, 1999, setting  out  the  reasons
     for the delay.


     Please accept my sincere apology for the delay.


     Yours sincerely,




     Signed
     J T RADEBE, MP
     MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

CREDA Insert ATC 0812e.doc

                     THURSDAY, 11 DECEMBER 2003

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills:

 (1)    Anti-Personnel Mines Prohibition Bill [B 44D - 2002] - Act No 36
     of 2003 (assented to and signed by President on 2 December 2003);


 (2)    Adjustments Appropriation Bill [B 69 - 2003] - Act No 37 of 2003
     (assented to and signed by President on 4 December 2003); and
 (3)    Electoral Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 73 - 2003] - Act  No  40
     of 2003 (assented to and signed by President on 5 December 2003).

1. Translations of Bills submitted:

 (1)    The Minister of Defence:


     (i)     Wetsontwerp op  die  Krygstuigkorporasie  van  Suid-Afrika,
          Beperk [W 18 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75)


     This is the official translation into Afrikaans  of  the  Armaments
     Corporation of South Africa, Limited Bill [B 18 -  2003]  (National
     Assembly - sec 75).


 (2)    The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism:


     (i)     Wysigingswetsontwerp op Nasionale Omgewingsbestuur [W 29  -
          2003] (National Assembly - sec 75)
          This  is  the  official  translation  into  Afrikaans  of  the
          National Environmental Management Amendment Bill [B 29 - 2003]
          (National Council of Provinces - sec 76).


     (ii)    Wysigingswetsontwerp op Omgewingsbewaring  [W  45  -  2003]
             (National Assembly - sec 75)


          This  is  the  official  translation  into  Afrikaans  of  the
          Environment  Conservation  Amendment  Bill  [B  45   -   2003]
          (National Assembly - sec 76).


 (3)    The Minister for Intelligence:


     (i)     Algemene Wysigingswetsontwerp  op  Intelligensiedienste  [W
          47 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75)


     This is the official translation  into  Afrikaans  of  the  General
     Intelligence Laws Amendment Bill [B 47 - 2003]  (National  Assembly
     - sec 75).


 (4)    The Minister of Transport:


     (i)     Wysigingswetsontwerp op die Padongelukfonds [W 64  -  2003]
          (National Assembly - sec 75)


     This is  the  official  translation  into  Afrikaans  of  the  Road
     Accident Fund Amendment Bill [B 64 -  2003]  (National  Assembly  -
     sec 75).

National Assembly:

1. Membership of Assembly:

 The following member will vacate his seat in the National Assembly with
 effect from 31 January 2004:


 Mogoba, M S (Rev)

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 General Report of the Auditor-General on the  Audit  Outcomes  for  the
 financial year 2002-2003 [RP 214-2003].

1. The Minister of Finance:

 (a)    Report and Financial  Statements  of  the  Government  Employees
     Pension Fund (GEPF) for 2001-2002,  including  the  Report  of  the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2001-2002.


 (b)    Government Notice No 1383 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25518 dated 30 September 2003: Statement of the  National  Revenue,
     Expenditure and Borrowing as at 31 August 2003,  in  terms  of  the
     Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).


 (c)    Government Notice No R1411 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25527  dated  10  October  2003:  Exchange   Control   Regulations:
     Appointment of an authorised dealer in foreign  exchange:  Standard
     Chartered Bank  -  Johannesburg,  in  terms  of  the  Currency  and
     Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of 1933).

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry:

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of Ikangala Water for  the  year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of Magalies Water for  the  year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (c)    Report and Financial Statements of Mhlathuze Water for the  year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (d)    Report and Financial Statements of Pelladrift Water for the year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (e)    Report and Financial Statements of Sedibeng Water for  the  year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (f)    Report and Financial Statements of Umgeni  Water  for  the  year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (g)    Government Notice No 1266 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25426 dated 12 September 2003: Release of portion  1  of  the  farm
     Frankfort 173 JT - Frankfort Plantation - Sabie  -  Mpumalanga,  in
     terms of the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).


 (h)    Government Notice No 1468 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25562 dated 17 October 2003: Invitation to submit written  comments
     on the proposed raising of Flag Boshielo Dam and the  environmental
     impact assessment relating thereto, in terms of the National  Water
     Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).


 (i)    Government Notice No 1514 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25602 dated 24 October 2003: Prohibition on the making of fires  in
     the open air: Western Cape, in terms of the Forest Act,  1984  (Act
     No 122 of 1984).


 (j)    Government Notice No 1515 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25602 dated 24 October 2003: Prohibition on the making of fires  in
     the open air: Districts of Swellendam and Montagu, in terms of  the
     Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).


 (k)    Government Notice No 1516 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25602 dated 24 October 2003: Prohibition on the making of fires  in
     the open air: Districts of Clanwilliam, Piketberg, Ceres,  Tulbagh,
     Worcester, Caledon, Paarl, Stellenbosch, Strand and Somerset  West,
     in terms of the Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (a)    The President of the Republic  submitted  the  following  letter
     dated 4 December 2003 to  the  Speaker  of  the  National  Assembly
     informing Members of the National Assembly  of  the  employment  of
     the South African National Defence Force:


     EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN HAITI  IN
     FULFILLMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC  OF
     SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE UNITED NATIONS


     This serves to inform the National Assembly that on the 4th day  of
     December Two Thousand and Three, I  authorised  the  employment  of
     the South African  National  Defence  Force  (SANDF)  personnel  to
     assist the Government of Haiti in celebrating two hundred years  of
     its independence and victory in the  struggle  against  slavery  in
     the Americas.


     This employment was authorised in accordance  with  the  provisions
     of Section 82(4)(b)(ii) of the  Constitution  of  the  Republic  of
     South Africa, 1993 (Act No 200 of 1993), [which  Sections  continue
     to be in force in  terms  of  Item  24(1)  of  Schedule  6  to  the
     Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No  108  of
     1996)], read with Section 201(2)(c) of  the  said  Constitution  of
     1996, in assisting the Government of Haiti in  fulfillment  of  the
     international obligations of the Republic of South  Africa  towards
     the United Nations, in terms of Section 227(1)(b) and  (c)  of  the
     Constitution of 1993, (which section is  also  still  in  force  by
     virtue of the  aforementioned  Item  24)  and  Section  18(1)  read
     together with Sections 11, 52 and 53 of the Defence Act, 2002  (Act
     No 42 of 2002).


     A total of 139 personnel will be employed comprised as follows:
     120 Navy Members;
     9 SAAF Members;
     7 SAMHS Members; and
     3 CJ Ops


     The equipment to be provided by SANDF is as follows:


     1 Combat Support Ship (SAS Drakensberg);
     1 Harbour Patrol Boat; and
     1 Oryx Helicopter.


     The  expected  costs  for  the  deployment  of  personnel  on   the
     operation is R2 059 714,83 at the  expense  of  the  Department  of
     Foreign Affairs. The duration will be approximately 53 days.


     I will also communicate this report to the Members of the  National
     Council of Provinces, and  wish  to  request  that  you  bring  the
     contents of this report to the notice of the National Assembly.


     Regards
     SIGNED
     M E TSHABALALA-MSIMANG
     ACTING PRESIDENT


 (b)    Letter dated 1 December 2003, from the  Minister  of  Trade  and
     Industry to the Speaker of  the  National  Assembly,  in  terms  of
     section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management  Act,  1999  (Act
     No 1 of 1999), explaining  the  delay  in  the  tabling  of  annual
     reports for 2002-2003:


     Dear Madam Speaker


     Tabling of Annual Reports


     In terms of Section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management  Act,
     1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), I  wish  to  inform  the  House  that  the
     following Annual Reports were tabled late due to printing,  editing
     and logistical reasons:


     1. The South African Quality Institute
     2. Competition Tribunal
     3. Nstika Enterprises Promotion Agency
     4. Support Programme for Industrial Innovation (SPII)
     5. Board of Tariffs and Trade
     6. Khula Enterprises Finance Ltd
     7. Companies and Intellectual Property Registration Office (CIPRO)
     8. Technology for Women in Business
     9. Proudly South African Annual Report
     10.     The Industrial Development Corporation of South Africa
     11.     National Empowerment Fund
     12.     Trade and Investment South Africa
     13.     Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction
     14.     Strategic Industrial Projects (SIP)
     15.     The Excellence Foundation


     From the list above, reports numbered 1 to 10 have been  tabled  in
     the House and reports numbered 11  to  15  will  be  tabled  by  12
     December 2003. The Estate Agents Board Annual Report  will  not  be
     tabled this year as I have requested the DTI  to  review  the  said
     report. I will table the said report early  next  year.  The  DTI'S
     intention was to do a consolidated  exercise  to  ensure  that  all
     reports are  tabled  by  the  end  of  this  session,  I  therefore
     apologise for the late submission of this letter.


     Kind regards


     Signed
     Alec Erwin, MP
     MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY


 (c)    Letter from the Minister of Finance to the National Assembly, in
     terms of section 65(2)(a) of the  Public  Finance  Management  Act,
     1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay  in  the  tabling  of
     the Annual Report of the Public Investment Commissioners for  2002-
     2003:


     In terms of Section 65(1)(a) of the Public Finance  Management  Act
     the executive authority responsible  for  a  department  or  public
     entity  must  table  in  the  National  Assembly  or  a  Provincial
     Legislature,  as  may  be  appropriate,  the  Annual   Report   and
     Financial Statements referred to in section  40(1)(d)  or  55(1)(d)
     and the Audit Report on those statements, within  one  month  after
     the  accounting  officer  for  the  Department  or  the  Accounting
     Authority for the Public entity received the Audit report.


     We advise that  the  Public  Investment  Commissioners  (PIC)  were
     unable to submit the Annual Report  and  Financial  Statements  and
     Audit Report referred to in section 55(1)(b) on or  before  the  31
     August 2003 due to the reasons set out hereunder.


     The  Annual  Financial  statements   of   the   Public   Investment
     Commissioners were completed  and  approved  by  the  Board  on  28
     August 2003.


     An amended Audit Report by the Auditor-General was  signed  on  the
     26 September 2003 and submitted to  the  PIC.  Thereafter  the  PIC
     submitted the complete draft Annual  Report,  Financial  Statements
     and  Audit  Report  to  the  Auditor-General  and   each   of   the
     Commissioners for their comments.


     The  Auditor-General  has  requested  minor  adjustments  and   the
     comments from the Commissioners have been included  in  the  Annual
     Report. The Annual Report was tabled in Parliament on  27  November
     2003.


 (d)    Letter dated 9 December 2003, from the Minister  of  Finance  to
     the Speaker of the National Assembly:


 Scan in Document


 (e)    Letter dated 2 November 2003, from the Minister for  the  Public
     Service  and  Administration  to  the  Speaker  of   the   National
     Assembly, in terms  of  section  65(2)(a)  of  the  Public  Finance
     Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of  1999),  explaining  the  further
     delay in the  tabling  of  the  Annual  Report  for  South  African
     Management Development Institute (SAMDI) for 2002-2003:


     Dear Madam Speaker


     SAMDI's Annual Report


     My previous letter dated and signed 29 September 2003 refers.


     1. In terms of section 65(1) of the Public Finance  Management  Act
          of 1999, I must table in  the  National  Assembly  the  annual
          report and financial statements and the audit report on  those
          statements, within one month after the accounting officer  for
          the department received the audit reports.


     2. In terms of section 40(1)(c) of the PFMA the accounting  officer
          for a  department  must  submit  annual  financial  statements
          within two months after the end of the financial year  to  the
          Auditor-General for auditing (i.e. 31 May of each year).


          SAMDI was only able to submit the  mentioned  statements  for
          2002/03  on  12  August  2003  due  to  capacity  and   system
          challenges. These statements however needed to be  changed  as
          required by the Office of the  Auditor-General  and  was  only
          ready for resubmission on 17 September 2003.


     3. With regard to paragraph 3 of my previous letter  (dd  29/09/03)
          apparently SAMDI  was  misinformed,  and  only  after  further
          deliberations it became obvious that the  Auditor-General  did
          in fact not cause the delay in the audit as indicated.
     4. The process of finalising the audit furthermore took longer  tha
          anticipated and the accounting officer of SAMDI only  received
          the audit reports on 17 November 2003. SAMDI is therefore  not
          currently in a position to submit their Annual  Report  on  30
          November 2003 as was requested in the aforementioned letter.


     5. The draft annual report will be ready for  layout  and  printing
          early in December 2003. Due to  the  fact  that  the  printers
          close for the festive season early in December 2003  and  only
          re-open on 14  January  2004,  I  hereby  ask  for  a  further
          extension to table the printed Annual Report of  SAMDI  on  31
          January 2004.


     Regards,


     Signed
     G J Fraser-Moleketi
     MINISTER: PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION


 (f)    Letter dated  5  December  2003,  from  the  Minister  of  Arts,
     Culture, Science and Technology to  the  Speaker  of  the  National
     Assembly, in terms  of  section  65(2)(a)  of  the  Public  Finance
     Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining  the  delay  in
     the tabling of the Annual Report of the Arts, Culture and  Heritage
     Institutions:


     Dear Dr Ginwala


     EXPLANATION FOR THE LATE TABLING  OF  ARTS,  CULTURE  AND  HERITAGE
     INSTITUTIONS' ANNUAL REPORTS IN ACCORDANCE WITH  SECTIONS  65(2)(a)
     OF THE PUBLIC FINANCE MANAGEMENT ACT, NO 1 OF 1999


     In terms of section 65(1)(a) of the above-mentioned Act the  annual
     reports and financial statements, and the audit  reports  on  those
     statements, of the Arts, Culture and Heritage  institutions  listed
     below were tabled late or have not been tabled.


     The following are reasons  for  late  tabling  of  reports  or  for
     reports which have not yet been submitted:


     1. The Reports of the War Museum of the Boer  Republics  were  only
          tabled on 9 October 2003 due to logistical problems.


     2. The Reports  of  the  National  Museum  Bloemfontein  were  only
          tabled on 22 October 2003 due to logistical problems.


     3. The Reports of the National English Literary  Museum  were  only
          tabled on 17 October 2003 due to logistical problems.


     4. The  South  African  Heritage  Resources  Agency  submitted  its
          Annual Report, Audit Report and Financial  Statements  to  the
          Department on 2 October 2003 due to logistical  problems.  Due
          to an administrative error these were not tabled. Tabling will
          take place in the next Parliamentary session.


     5. The Nelson Mandela Museum has to date not submitted  its  Annual
          Report,  Audit  Report  and  Financial   Statements   to   the
          Department for tabling. This is  due  to  the  fact  that  the
          Financial Statements, Annual Report and Audit report  has  not
          been finalised. Once finalised, tabling will take place in the
          next Parliamentary session.


     6. The Northern Flagship Institution has to date not submitted  its
          Annual Report, Audit Report and Financial  Statements  to  the
          Department for tabling. This is  due  to  the  fact  that  the
          Financial Statements, Annual Report and Audit report  has  not
          been finalised. Once finalised, tabling will take place in the
          next Parliamentary session.


     7. The Windybrow Centre for the Arts has to date not submitted  its
          Annual Report and Financial Statements to the  Department  for
          tabling.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that   the   Financial
          Statements, Annual  Report  and  Audit  report  has  not  been
          finalised. Once finalised, tabling will take place in the next
          Parliamentary session.


     8. The Market Theatre has to date not submitted its Annual  Report,
          Audit Report and Financial statements to  the  Department  for
          tabling.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that   the   Financial
          Statements, Annual  Report  and  Audit  report  has  not  been
          finalised. Once finalised, tabling will take place in the next
          Parliamentary session.


     Yours sincerely






     Signed,


     DR B S NGUBANE, MP
     MINISTER

                      MONDAY, 15 DECEMBER 2003

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills:

 (1)    Higher Education Amendment Bill [B 36 - 2003] -  Act  No  38  of
     2003 (assented to and signed by President on 10 December 2003);


 (2)    Pensions Second (Supplementary) Bill [B 59 - 2003] - Act  No  39
     of 2003 (assented to and signed by President on 10 December 2003);


 (3)    Criminal Procedure Amendment Bill [B 57D - 2002] - Act No 42  of
     2003 (assented to and signed by President on 17 December 2003);


 (4)    Firearms Control Amendment Bill [B 28B - 2003] - Act  No  43  of
     2003 (assented to and signed by President  on  17  December  2003);
     and


 (5)    Revenue Laws Amendment Bill [B 71 - 2003] - Act No  45  of  2003
     (assented to and signed by President on 17 December 2003).

1. Translations of Bills submitted:

 (1)    The Minister of Finance:


     (i)      Wysigingswetsontwerp  op  Inkomstewette  [W  71  -   2003]
          (National Assembly - sec 77).


     This is the official translation  into  Afrikaans  of  the  Revenue
     Laws Amendment Bill [B 71 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 77).

                       FRIDAY, 16 JANUARY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Explosives Bill [B 43D - 2002] - Act No 15 of 2003 (assented  to
     and signed by President on 19 December 2003);


 (2)    Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Bill  [B  58B  -
     2003] - Act No 41 of 2003 (assented to and signed by  President  on
     11 December 2003); and


 (3)    Broad-Based Black Economic  Empowerment  Bill  [B  27B  -  2003]
     (National Assembly - sec 75) - Act No 53 of 2003 (assented  to  and
     signed by President on 7 January 2004).

TABLINGS

National Assembly and Nationale Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology

 Report and Financial Statements of Northern  Flagship  Institution  for
 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
 Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 172-2003].

1. The Minister of Public Enterprises

 Report and Financial  Statements  of  South  African  Forestry  Company
 Limited for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Independent Auditors
 on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003. 3.     The  Minister  of  Water  Affairs  and  ForestrReport  and  Financial
 Statements of Bloem Water for 2002-2003, ncluding  the  Report  of  the
 Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 The President of the Republic submitted the following letter  dated  11
 December 2003 to  the  Speaker  of  the  National  Assembly,  informing
 Members of the National Assembly of the employment of the South African
 National Defence Force:


     EMPLOYMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH  AFRICAN  NATIONAL  DEFENCE   FORCE   IN
     ASSISTING   AUSTRALIA   IN   FULFILLMENT   OF   THE   INTERNATIONAL
     OBLIGATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF  SOUTH  AFRICA  TOWARDS  THE  UNITED
     NATIONS


     This serves to inform the National Assembly that on the 11h day  of
     December Two Thousand and Three, I  authorised  the  employment  of
     the South African  National  Defence  Force  (SANDF)  personnel  to
     assist the Government of Australia  in  escorting  the  apprehended
     illegal fishing vessel in international waters.


     This employment was authorised in accordance  with  the  provisions
     of Section 82(4)(b)(ii) of the  Constitution  of  the  Republic  of
     South Africa, 1993 (Act No 200 of 1993), [which  Sections  continue
     to be in force in  terms  of  Item  24(1)  of  Schedule  6  to  the
     Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No  108  of
     1996)], read with Section 201(2)(c) of  the  said  Constitution  of
     1996, in assisting the Government of Australia  in  fulfillment  of
     the international obligations  of  the  Republic  of  South  Africa
     towards the United Nations (both  countries  being  signatories  of
     the United Nations Convention on the Law  of  the  Sea,  1982),  in
     terms of Section 227(1)(b) and (c) of  the  Constitution  of  1993,
     (which  section  is  also  still  in  force  by   virtue   of   the
     aforementioned Item  24)  and  Section  18(1)  read  together  with
     Sections 11, 52 and 53 of the Defence  Act,  2002  (Act  No  42  of
     2002).


     A total of 120 personnel were employed comprising of officers  from
     the Navy,  Air  Force,  Army,  SAHMS  and  Corporate  Communication
     Division.


     The equipment provided by the SANDF is as follows:
     1 Combat Support Ship (SAS Drakensberg); and
     1 Oryx Helicopter.


     The cost for the deployment of personnel on the operation  is  R350
     000 at the expense of the Australian Government.


     The duration of  the  operation  is  five  days,  however,  it  was
     appreciated that the duration would include  the  time  from  which
     the planning of the operation commenced in August 2003 to the  time
     of completion of the operation.


     I will also communicate this report to the Members of the  National
     Council of Provinces, and  wish  to  request  that  you  bring  the
     contents of this report to the notice of the National Assembly.


     Regards


     SIGNED
     T M MBEKI

                       FRIDAY, 23 JANUARY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Bills returned to Executive

 As in the opinion of the Presiding Officers the Children's Bill [B 70 -
 2003], introduced  in  the  National  Assembly  on  11  November  2003,
 contains both section 75  and  section  76  provisions,  the  Bill  was
 removed  from  Parliament  and  returned  to  the  Minister  of  Social
 Development on 19 January 2004.

National Assembly

1. Membership of Assembly

 The vacancy which will occur owing to Rev M S Mogoba vacating his  seat
 with effect from 31 January 2004, will be filled  with  effect  from  1
 February 2004 by the nomination of the following member:


 Godi, T.

1. Referrals to committees of papers tabled

 The following papers have been tabled  and  are  now  referred  to  the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Finance. The Reports of the Auditor-General  are  referred  to  the
     Standing  Committee  on  Public  Accounts  for  consideration   and
     report:


     (a)     Report  and  Financial  Statements  of  the  South  African
          Revenue Services (SARS) for 2002-2003, including the Report of
          the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for  2002-2003
          [RP 191-2003].


     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of  the  Public  Investment
          Commissioners for  2002-2003,  including  the  Report  of  the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003  [RP
          152-2003].


     (c)     Consolidated Financial Statements of National Treasury  for
          the year ended 31 March 1999, including the Special Report  of
          the Auditor-General on the Consolidated  Financial  Statements
          of the National Government for the year ended 31 March 1999.


 (2)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Finance:


     (a)     Government Notice No 1383 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25518 dated 30 September 2003: Statement  of  the  National
          Revenue, Expenditure and Borrowing as at 31  August  2003,  in
          terms of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1  of
          1999).


     (b)     Government Notice No R1411 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25527 dated 10 October 2003: Exchange Control  Regulations:
          Appointment of  an  authorised  dealer  in  foreign  exchange:
          Standard Chartered  Bank  -  Johannesburg,  in  terms  of  the
          Currency and Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of 1933).


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Trade and Industry. The Report of the Auditor-General  is  referred
     to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration  and
     report:


     Report and  Financial  Statements  of  the  Industrial  Development
     Corporation of South Africa Limited for the year ended  June  2003,
     including the Report of the Independent Auditors on  the  Financial
     Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (4)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Justice and Constitutional Development. The Report of the  Auditor-
     General is referred to the Standing Committee  on  Public  Accounts
     for consideration and report:


     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 24 - Department of  Justice
     and Constitutional Development for 2002-2003, including the  Report
     of the Auditor-General on the Financial  Statements  for  2002-2003
     [RP 206-2003].


 (5)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Justice and Constitutional Development:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 24 - Department  of
          Justice and Constitutional Development for 2002-2003 [RP  207-
          2003].


     (b)     Government Notice No R1660 published in Government  Gazette
          No  25695  dated  12  November  2003:  Regulations   regarding
          reparations to victims in terms of the Promotion  of  National
          Unity and Reconciliation Act, 1995 (Act No 34 of 1995).


     (c)     Government Notice No R1623 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25666 dated 7 November 2003: Amendment  of  regulations  in
          terms of the Debt Collectors Act, 1998 (Act No 114 of 1998).


 (6)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Agriculture  and  Land  Affairs.  The  Report  of  the  Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements is referred  to  the  Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:


     Report and Financial Statements of  the  South  African  Veterinary
     Council for 2002-2003, including  the  Report  of  the  Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.


 (7)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Public Works:


     (a)     Community-based Public Works Programme for 2000-2001.


     (b)     Community-based Public Works Programme for 2001-2002.


     (c)     Community-based Public Works Programme for 2002-2003.


     (d)     Community-based Public Works Programme for 2003-2004.


 (8)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Water  Affairs  and  Forestry.  The  Reports  of  the   Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to  the  Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Amatola  Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors for the year ended June 2003.


     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of Botshelo Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors for the year ended June 2003.


     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of Lepelle  Northern  Water
          for the year ended June 2003,  including  the  Report  of  the
          Independent Auditors for the year ended June 2003.


     (d)     Report and Financial Statements of Namaqua  Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors for the year ended June 2003.


     (e)     Report and Financial Statements of Overberg Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors for the year ended June 2003.


     (f)     Report and Financial Statements of Rand Water for the  year
          ended June 2003,  including  the  Report  of  the  Independent
          Auditors for the year ended June 2003.


     (g)     Report and Financial Statements of Ikangala Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year  ended  June
          2003.


     (h)     Report and Financial Statements of Magalies Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year  ended  June
          2003.


     (i)     Report and Financial Statements of Mhlathuze Water for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year  ended  June
          2003.


     (j)     Report and Financial Statements  of  Pelladrift  Water  for
          the  year  ended  June  2003,  including  the  Report  of  the
          Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for the  year
          ended June 2003.


     (k)     Report and Financial Statements of Sedibeng Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year  ended  June
          2003.


     (l)     Report and Financial Statements of  Umgeni  Water  for  the
          year ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year  ended  June
          2003.


 (9)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Environmental Affairs and Tourism for consideration and report:


     (a)     Request for the  approval  of  Parliament  to  exclude  the
          remainder of Farm 498 (Melkbosrand) from  Augrabies  Waterfall
          Park, in terms of section 2(3) of the National Parks Act, 1976
          (Act No 57 of 1976).


     (b)     Explanatory Memorandum to the Proposed Exclusion  in  terms
          of section 2(3) of the National Parks Act, 1976 (Act No 57  of
          1976) of the remainder of Farm 498 better known as Melkbosrand
          in extent 4137 (ha), from  the  Augrabies  Waterfall  National
          Park situated in  the  Administrative  District  of  Gordonia,
          Province of the Northern Cape.
 (10)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Safety and Security:


     (a)     Memorandum of Understanding between the Government  of  the
          Republic of South Africa and the  Government  of  the  Islamic
          Republic  of  Iran  on  Cooperation   in   Combating   Illicit
          Trafficking in Narcotic  Drugs,  Psychotropic  Substances  and
          Precursors,  tabled  in  terms  of  section  231(3)   of   the
          Constitution, 1996.


     (b)     Agreement between the Government of the Republic  of  South
          Africa  and  the  Austrian  Federal   Government   on   Police
          Cooperation,  tabled  in  terms  of  section  231(3)  of   the
          Constitution, 1996.


 (11)   The following paper is referred to  the  Standing  Committee  on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report:


     General Report of the Auditor-General on  the  Audit  Outcomes  for
     the financial year 2002-2003 [RP 214-2003].


 (12)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Public Service and Administration. The Report  of  the  Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements is referred  to  the  Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:


     Report  and  Financial  Statements  of  the  Government   Employees
     Pension Fund (GEPF) for 2001-2002,  including  the  Report  of  the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2001-2002.


 (13)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
       Water Affairs and Forestry:


     (a)     Government Notice No 1266 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25426 dated 12 September 2003: Release of portion 1 of  the
          farm Frankfort  173  JT  -  Frankfort  Plantation  -  Sabie  -
          Mpumalanga, in terms of the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No
          84 of 1998).


     (b)     Government Notice No 1468 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25562 dated 17 October 2003: Invitation to  submit  written
          comments on the proposed raising of Flag Boshielo Dam and  the
          environmental impact assessment relating thereto, in terms  of
          the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).


     (c)     Government Notice No 1514 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25602 dated 24 October 2003: Prohibition on the  making  of
          fires in the open air: Western Cape, in terms  of  the  Forest
          Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).


     (d)     Government Notice No 1515 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25602 dated 24 October 2003: Prohibition on the  making  of
          fires in the open air: Districts of Swellendam and Montagu, in
          terms of the Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).


 (14)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Defence and to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence:


     Letter dated 4 December 2003 from the President of the Republic  to
     the Speaker of the  National  Assembly  informing  Members  of  the
     National Assembly of the employment of the South  African  National
     Defence  Force  in  Haiti  in  fulfillment  of  the   international
     obligations of the Republic of  South  Africa  towards  the  United
     Nations.


 (15)   The following papers are referred to the Standing  Committee  on
     Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Letter dated 1 December 2003, from the  Minister  of  Trade
          and Industry to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms
          of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
          (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay  in  the  tabling  of
          annual reports for 2002-2003.


     (b)     Letter  from  the  Minister  of  Finance  to  the  National
          Assembly, in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the  Public  Finance
          Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the  delay
          in the tabling of  Annual  Report  of  the  Public  Investment
          Commissioners for 2002-2003.


     (c)     Letter dated 2 November 2003, from  the  Minister  for  the
          Public Service  and  Administration  to  the  Speaker  of  the
          National Assembly, in terms of section 65(2)(a) of the  Public
          Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1  of  1999),  explaining
          the further delay in the tabling  of  the  Annual  Report  for
          South African Management  Development  Institute  (SAMDI)  for
          2002-2003.


     (d)     Letter dated 5 December 2003, from the  Minister  of  Arts,
          Culture, Science and Technology to the Speaker of the National
          Assembly, in terms of  the  section  65(2)(a)  of  the  Public
          Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1  of  1999),  explaining
          the delay in the  tabling  of  the  Annual  Report  for  Arts,
          Culture and Heritage Institutions.


     (e)     Letter dated 9 December 2003, from the Minister of  Finance
          to the Speaker of the National Assembly on the  Submission  of
          the Financial Statements of the Government  Employees  Pension
          Fund (GEPF) for the financial year ending 31 March 2002.


     (f)     Letter dated 1 December 2003, from the Minister  of  Public
          Enterprises to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in  terms
          of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
          (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the
          Annual Report of Denel (Pty) Ltd for 2002-2003.


 (16)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Trade and Industry:


     (a)     Government Notice No 152 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No 24312 dated 29 January 2003: Notice in terms of section 13:
          Declaration of  certain  goods  to  be  controlled  goods  and
          control measures applicable to such goods, in terms of the Non-
          Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction Act, 1993 (Act No
          87 of 1993).


     (b)     Government Notice No 180 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No 24343 dated 31 January 2003: Notice to exempt the Methodist
          Homes for the Aged from the provisions of regulations 6 -  14:
          For general comment,  in  terms  of  the  Housing  Development
          Schemes for Retired Persons Act, 1988 (Act No 65 of 1988).


     (c)     Government Notice No R166 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24329 dated 7 February 2003: Notice in terms of sections  1
          and 10 of the Companies Act, 1973 (Act No 61 of 1973).


     (d)     Government Notice No 235 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No 24387 dated 14 February  2003:  Developing  South  Africa's
          approach to multilateral trade negotiations in the World Trade
          Organisation (WTO).


     (e)     Government Notice No R9 published in Government Gazette  No
          24801  dated  21  February  2003:  Commencement   of   certain
          sections, in terms of the International  Trade  Administration
          Act, 2002 (Act No 71 of 2002).


     (f)     Government Notice No R273 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24941 dated 28 February 2003: Proposed  amendments  of  the
          compulsory specification for motor vehicles of category O3 and
          O4, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (g)     Government Notice No R274 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24941 dated 28 February 2003:  Proposed  amendment  of  the
          compulsory specification for replacement of  secondary  lights
          for motor vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act,  1993  (Act
          No 29 of 1993).


     (h)     Government Notice No R275 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24941 dated 28 February 2003:  Proposed  amendment  of  the
          compulsory specification for  replacement  of  headlights  for
          motor vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29
          of 1993).


     (i)     Government Notice No R369 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25040 dated 20 March  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for
          respirators, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of
          1993).


     (j)     Government Notice No R370 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25040 dated 20 March  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for
          breathing apparatus, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993  (Act
          No 29 of 1993).


     (k)     Government Notice No R450 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24623 dated  11  April  2003:  Proposed  Amendment  of  the
          compulsory specification for motor vehicles  category  N1,  in
          terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (l)     Government Notice No R451 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24623 dated 11 April 2003: Amendment: Regulations  relating
          to the payments of levy and the  issue  of  sales  permits  in
          regard to compulsory specifications, in terms of the Standards
          Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (m)     Government Notice No R452 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24623 dated  11  April  2003:  Proposed  amendment  of  the
          compulsory  specification  for   electrical   and   electronic
          apparatus (VC8055), in terms of the Standards Act,  1993  (Act
          No 29 of 1993).


     (n)     Government Notice No R453 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24623 dated  11  April  2003:  Proposed  amendment  of  the
          compulsory specification for motor vehicles of category M1, in
          terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (o)     Government Notice No R454 published in  Government  Gazette
          No  24623   dated   11   April   2003:   Proposed   compulsory
          specification  for  material  for  contour  marking  on  motor
          vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act  No  29  of
          1993).


     (p)     Government Notice No R513 published in  Government  Gazette
          No  24734  dated  17   April   2003:   Amendment:   compulsory
          specification for the safety of electric cables with  extruded
          solid dielectric insulation for fixed installations, in  terms
          of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (q)     Government Notice No R522 published in  Government  Gazette
          No  24734   dated   17   April   2003:   Proposed   compulsory
          specification for plastic carrier bags and flat bags, in terms
          of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (r)     Government Notice No R512 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24731 dated 17 April  2003:  Regulations  relating  to  the
          payment of levy and the issue of sales permits  in  regard  to
          compulsory  specifications:  Amendment,  in   terms   of   the
          Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (s)     Government Notice No R42 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No 24837 dated 2 May 2003:  Commencement  of  Section  54,  in
          terms of the Lotteries Act, 1997 (Act No 57 of 1997).


     (t)      Government  Notices  No's  R610,  R611,  R612   and   R613
          published in Government Gazette No 24826  dated  9  May  2003:
          Regulations: Payment of levy and the issue of sales permits in
          regard to compulsory specifications: Amendment in terms of the
          Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (u)     Government Notice No R614 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24826 dated 9 May 2003: Proposed  compulsory  specification
          for the safety of medium voltage electric cables, in terms  of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (v)     Government Notice No R615 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 24826 dated 9 May 2003: Regulations; Payment  of  levy  and
          the  issue  of  sales  permits   in   regard   to   compulsory
          specifications: Amendment in terms of the Standards Act,  1993
          (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (w)     Government Notice No R672 published in  Government  Gazette
          No  24874  dated  23  May   2003:   Regulations:   Promotional
          Competitions, 2003, in terms of the Promotional Competitors of
          the Lotteries Act, 1997 (Act No 57 of 1997).


     (x)      Government  Notices  No's  R673,  R674,  R675   and   R676
          published in Government Gazette No 24876 dated  23  May  2003:
          Strategic Industrial Project (SIP), in terms of the Income Tax
          Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (y)     Government Notice No 721 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No  24934  dated  29  May  2003:  Amendment  of  the   Patents
          Regulations, 1978, in terms of the Patents Act, 1978  (Act  No
          57 of 1978).


     (z)     Government Notice No R862 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25082 dated 27 June 2003: Withdrawal and replacement of the
          compulsory specification for child restraints for use in motor
          vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act  No  29  of
          1993).


     (aa)    Government Notice No R867 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25082 dated 27  June  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for
          plastic carrier bags and flat bags, in terms of the  Standards
          Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (bb)    Government Notice No 963 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No  25161  dated  2  July  2003:  Amendment  of  the   Patents
          Regulation, 1978, in terms of the Patents Act, 1978 (Act No 57
          of 1978).


     (cc)    Government Notice No R941 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25137 dated  4  July  2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project
          (SIP), in terms of the Income Tax Act,  1962  (Act  No  58  of
          1962).


     (dd)    Government Notice No R978 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25171 dated 4 July 2003: Withdrawal and replacement of  the
          compulsory specification for frozen rock  lobster  and  frozen
          lobster products derived therefrom, in terms of the  Standards
          Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (ee)    Government Notice No R979 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25172 dated 4 July 2003: Withdrawal and replacement of  the
          compulsory  specification  for  frozen  fish,  frozen   marine
          molluscs and frozen products derived therefrom,  in  terms  of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (ff)    Government Notice No 992 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No 25177 dated 7 July 2003: Notice in terms of section 2  (1),
          (2) and (3), in terms of the Usury Act, 1968  (Act  No  73  of
          1968).


     (gg)    Government Notice No R1013 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25211 dated 18 July 2003: Regulations: Implementation of  a
          compulsory  computerized  wagering  system  for  all  licensed
          bookmakers in South Africa: For public comment,  in  terms  of
          the National Gambling Act, 1996 (Act No 33 of 1996).


     (hh)    Government Notice No R1026 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25220 dated 25  July  2003:  Regulations  relating  to  the
          payment of levy and the issue of sales permits  in  regard  to
          compulsory specifications: Amendment in terms of the Standards
          Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (ii)    Government Notice No R1075 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25245 dated 1 August 2003: Withdrawal  and  replacement  of
          the compulsory specification for motor  vehicles  of  category
          M1, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (jj)    Government Notice No R1076 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25245 dated 1 August  2003:  Proposed  replacement  of  the
          compulsory  specification  for  the  manufacture,  production,
          processing  and  treatment  of  canned  fish,  canned   marine
          molluscs and canned crustaceans, in  terms  of  the  Standards
          Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (kk)    Government Notice No R1077 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25245 dated 1 August 2003: Withdrawal  and  replacement  of
          the compulsory specification for motor  vehicles  of  category
          N1, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (ll)    Government Notice No R1077 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25245 dated 1 August  2003:  Compulsory  specification  for
          material for contour marking on motor vehicles,  in  terms  of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (mm)    Government Notice No R1078 published in Government  Gazette
          No  25245  dated  1   August   2003:   Amendment:   Compulsory
          specification  for  material  for  contour  marking  on  motor
          vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act  No  29  of
          1993).


     (nn)    Government Notice No R1079 published in Government  Gazette
          No  25245  dated  1   August   2003:   Amendment:   Compulsory
          specification for  electrical  and  electronic  apparatus,  in
          terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (oo)    Government Notice No R1080 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25245 dated 1 August  2003:  Proposed  replacement  of  the
          compulsory  specification  for  the  manufacture,  production,
          processing and treatment of canned meat products, in terms  of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (pp)    Government Notice No 1129 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25310 dated 8 August  2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project
          (SIP): Application for approval: Trident Steel (Pty)  Ltd,  in
          terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (qq)    Government Notice No 1130 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25310 dated 8 August 2003: Decision to approve application:
          African Oxygen Limited Bulk Gas Plant, in terms of the  Income
          Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (rr)    Government Notice No 1131 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25310 dated 8 August 2003: Hillside Aluminium  SA  Limited,
          in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
     (ss)    Government Notice No 1127 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25309 dated 8 August  2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project
          (SIP): Application for approval: Nestle Purina,  in  terms  of
          the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (tt)    Government Notice No 1128 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25309 dated 8 August 2003: Decision not to  approve:  Sasol
          MCC Chemicals (Pty) Ltd, in terms of the Income Tax Act,  1962
          (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (uu)    Government Notice No R1164 published in Government  Gazette
          No  25306  dated  15  August   2003:   Amendment:   compulsory
          specification for medium-voltage electric cables, in terms  of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (vv)    Government Notice No R1165 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25306 dated 15 August 2003:  Compulsory  specification  for
          the safety of electric cables with extruded  solid  dielectric
          insulation for fixed installations, in terms of the  Standards
          Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (ww)    Government Notice No R1166 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25306 dated 15 August 2003: Withdrawal and  replacement  of
          the compulsory specification for vehicles of category  03  and
          O4, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (xx)    Government Notice No R1167 published in Government  Gazette
          No  25306  dated  15  August   2003:   Amendment:   Compulsory
          specification for replacement of secondary  lights  for  motor
          vehicles, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act  No  29  of
          1993).
     (yy)    Government Notice No R1168 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25306 dated 15 August 2003:  Compulsory  specification  for
          replacement of headlights for motor vehicles, in terms of  the
          Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (zz)    Government Notice No R1169 published in Government  Gazette
          No  25306  dated   15   August   2003:   Proposed   compulsory
          specification for small arms shooting ranges, in terms of  the
          Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (aaa)   Government Notice No 1197 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25351 dated 22 August 2003:  Strategic  Industrial  Project
          (SIP): Pechiney Potline 1 Project, in terms of the Income  Tax
          Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (bbb)   Government Notice No 1198 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25351 dated 22 August 2003: Pechiney Potline 2 Project,  in
          terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (ccc)   Government Notice No 1199 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25351 dated 22 August 2003: Pechiney Casthouse Project,  in
          terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (ddd)   Government Notice No 1200 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25351 dated 22 August 2003: Pechiney Anode  Plant  Project,
          in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (eee)   Government Notice No R63 published  in  Government  Gazette
          No 25403 dated 27 August 2003: Commencement of section 1 to 6,
          in terms of the Corporate Laws Amendment Act, 2002 (Act No  39
          of 2002).


     (fff)   Government Notice No R1236 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25397  dated  5  September  2003:  Proposed  withdrawal  of
          compulsory  specification  for   slow   speed   vehicles   and
          replacement with the compulsory specification for agricultural
          tractors, in terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act  No  29  of
          1993).


     (ggg)   Government Notice No R1343 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25491 dated 23 September  2003:  Amendment  of  the  Patent
          Regulations, 1978 (Act No 57 of 1978).


     (hhh)   Government Notice No 1389 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25529 dated 1 October 2003: Annual finance charge rates, in
          terms of the Usury Act, 1968 (Act No 73 of 1968).


     (iii)   Government Notice No 1461 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25571 dated  8  October  2003:  Declaration  as  a  housing
          development scheme: Lynnwood Oord, in  terms  of  the  Housing
          Development Schemes for Retired Persons Act (65/1988).


     (jjj)   Government Notice No R1415 published in Government  Gazette
          No 25527 dated 10 October 2003: Compulsory  specification  for
          the control of gaming devices and related matters, in terms of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (kkk)   Government Notices No 1456,  1457  and  1458  published  in
          Government Gazette No 25559 dated 10 October  2003:  Strategic
          Industrial Project (SIP), in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962
          (Act No 58 of 1962).


     (lll)   Government Notice No 1478 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 25562 dated 17 October 2003: Standard Matters, in terms  of
          the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).


     (mmm)    Report  and   Financial   Statements   of   the   National
          Empowerment Fund for 2002-2003, including the  Report  of  the
          Independent Auditors on the  Financial  Statements  for  2002-
          2003.


     (nnn)   Report and Financial Statements  of  Trade  and  Investment
          South Africa  for  2002-2003,  including  the  Report  of  the
          Independent Auditors on the  Financial  Statements  for  2002-
          2003.


     (ooo)   Report and Financial  Statements  of  Strategic  Industrial
          Projects (SIP) for 2002-2003.


     (ppp)    Report  of  the  South  African  Council  for   the   Non-
          Proliferation of Weapons of  Mass  Destruction  for  the  year
          ended June 2002.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson

 (a)    Activity Report of the Auditor-General for  the  financial  year
     2002-2003 [RP 222-2003].


 (b)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
     Maize Board for the year ended 30 April 2002 [RP 194-2003].

1. The Minister of Home Affairs

 Agreement regarding the Abolition of Visa Requirements for  Diplomatic,
 Official and Service Passport Holders between  the  Government  of  the
 Republic of South Africa and the government of the Republic of  France,
 tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

1. The Minister of Finance

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements  of  the  Registrar  of  Pension
     Funds for 2002.


 (b)    Government Notice No R1454 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25557 dated 8 October 2003: Regulations: Procedures for  submitting
     returns  in  electronic  format  and  requirements  for  electronic
     signatures, in terms of the Income Tax Act,  1962  (Act  No  58  of
     1962).


 (c)    Government Notice No 1610 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25655  dated  30  October  2003:  Statement  of  the  National  and
     Provincial   Governments'   Revenue,   Expenditure   and   National
     Borrowing as at 30 September 2003 in terms of  the  Public  Finance
     Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).


 (d)    Government Notice No 1721 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25756 dated 25 November 2003: Determination of  interest  rates  of
     the Seventh Schedule, in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act  No
     58 of 1962).

1. The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology

 (a)     Report  and  Financial  Statements  of  the  Northern  Flagship
     Institutions (NFI) for  2002-2003,  including  the  Report  of  the
     Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP  172-
     2003].


 (b)     Replies  from  the  Minister  of  Arts,  Culture,  Science  and
     Technology in regard to the 30th report of the  Standing  Committee
     on Public Accounts, 2003:


     Referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.

1. The Minister of Public Enterprises

 Report and Financial  Statements  of  South  African  Forestry  Company
 Limited (SAFCOL) for the year ended 30 June 2003, including the  Report
 of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements  for  the  year
 ended 30 June 2003.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry

   of the South African Council for the Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction for the year ended 30 June 2001.

2. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of  Bloem  Water  for  the  year
     ended June 2003, including the Report of the  Independent  Auditors
     on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of Bushbuckridge Water  for  the
     year ended June 2003,  including  the  Report  of  the  Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2003.


 (c)    Government Notice No 3435 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25865 dated 19 December 2003: Call for nominations  of  persons  to
     serve on the Water Tribunal, in terms of the  National  Water  Act,
     1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).


 (d)    Government Notice No 18 published in Government Gazette No 25897
     dated 9 January 2004: Release of part of the la Motte State  Forest
     which is no longer required for  forestry  purposes,  in  terms  of
     section 50(4) of the National  Forest  Act,  1998  (Act  No  84  of
     1998).

                     WEDNESDAY, 28 JANUARY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Reintroduction of Bills

 (1)    The Minister of Social Development:
     (i)     Children's Bill [B  70  -  2003  (Reintroduced)]  (National
          Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory  summary  of  Bill  and  prior
          notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette  No
          25346 of 13 August 2003.]


     Introduction and referral to  the  Portfolio  Committee  on  Social
     Development of the National Assembly, as well as  referral  to  the
     Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of  Joint
     Rule 160, on 28 January 2004.


          NOTE:
          The  Portfolio  Committee  on  Social  Development  has   been
          instructed by the Speaker in terms of National  Assembly  Rule
          249(3)(c) to consult the Portfolio Committee  on  Justice  and
          Constitutional Development, the Joint Monitoring Committee  on
          Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of  Children,  Youth
          and Disabled Persons and any other committee that has a direct
          interest in the substance of the Bill.


     In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the  classification  of
     the Bill may be submitted to  the  Joint  Tagging  Mechanism  (JTM)
     within three parliamentary working days.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

 Government Notice No R74 published in Government Gazette No 25777 dated
 28 November 2003: Assignment of the Transkeian Development and  Reserve
 Fund Act, 1964 (Act No 3 of 1964), to the Province of the Eastern  Cape
 under Item 14 of Schedule 6 to the  Constitution  of  the  Republic  of
 South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

                      THURSDAY, 29 JANUARY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Local Government: Municipal Systems  Amendment  Bill  [B  49D  -
     2003] - Act No 44 of 2003 (assented to and signed by  President  on
     22 January 2004); and


 (2)    General Intelligence Laws Amendment Bill [B 47D - 2003] - Act No
     52 of 2003 (assented to and  signed  by  President  on  22  January
     2004).

TABLINGS

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 Letter from The Presidency to the  Speaker  of  the  National  Assembly
 requesting  the  National  Assembly  to   commence   the   process   of
 recommending   candidates   for   appointment   to   the    Independent
 Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA).
 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Communications for consideration
 and report.

                       MONDAY, 2 FEBRUARY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Translations of Bills submitted

 (1)    The Minister of Health


     (i)      Wysigingswetsontwerp  op  Tandtegnici  [W   63   -   2003]
          (National Assembly - sec 76)


     This is the official  translation  into  Afrikaans  of  the  Dental
     Technicians Amendment Bill [B 63 - 2003] (National Assembly  -  sec
     76).

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 On 25 November 2003, the National Assembly adopted the  Report  of  the
 Joint Committee on Ethics and Members' Interests concerning a complaint
 against Mr M A Maziya regarding non-disclosure  of  income.  The  House
 thereby requested the Speaker to issue a written reprimand to Mr Maziya
 in this regard. The decision of the House has been implemented  by  way
 of the following written communication to Mr Maziya:


     19 January 2004


     Dear Mr Maziya


     BREACH OF PARLIAMENT'S CODE OF CONDUCT


     The Joint Committee on Ethics and Members'  Interests  reported  to
     the National Assembly on 19 November  on  its  investigation  of  a
     complaint  concerning  alleged  non-disclosure  of   interests   by
     yourself in the Register of Members' Interests.


     The  National  Assembly  adopted   the   Committee's   report   and
     recommendations on 25 November.


     The Committee found  firstly  that  you  only  partially  disclosed
     details of your shareholdings and, secondly,  that  you  failed  to
     disclose certain payments you received by way of income  from  such
     interests.  The  Committee  accordingly  recommended  that  you  be
     cautioned in respect of the first finding  and  be  issued  with  a
     written reprimand in respect of the second.


     As public representatives, members have  through  the  Register  of
     Members'   Interests   committed   themselves   to   constitutional
     principles  of  good   governance   and   accountability   to   the
     electorate. You will therefore realise, I am sure,  the  importance
     of  full  disclosure  of  all  your  financial  interests  in   the
     Register. A partial disclosure fails to give meaningful  effect  to
     our commitment as members. I trust that your  full  compliance  can
     be relied on in future.


     Your complete failure to disclose  payments  you  received  from  a
     company by way of income indicates  a  wilful  non-compliance  with
     the Code which is unacceptable as it  undermines  public  trust  in
     Parliament as a democratic  institution  and  calls  into  question
     members'  commitment  to  being  held  accountable.  This   blatant
     disregard of the Code is inexcusable and,  by  instruction  of  the
     Assembly,  I  hereby  reprimand  you  for  your  non-disclosure  of
     income.


     This letter will  in  due  course  be  published  in  the  document
     "Announcements,  Tablings  and  Committee  Reports"   for   general
     information.


     Yours sincerely


     FRENE GINWALA, MP

1. The Speaker

 The following Bill has, in terms of Rule 274(1)(a), been placed on  the
 Order Paper of the National Assembly for debate and decision:


 (i)    Education Laws Amendment Bill [B 38D - 2003] (National  Assembly
     - sec 76).

TABLINGS

National Assembly

1. The Minister for the Public Service and Administration Report and Financial Statements of Vote 12 - South African Management Development Institute (SAMDI) for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 182- 2003].

                  WEDNESDAY, 4 FEBRUARY 2004
   

TABLINGS

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 The President of the Republic submitted the following letter  dated  21
 January 2004 to the Spekaer of the National Assembly informing  Members
 of the National  Assembly  of  the  employment  of  the  South  African
 National Defence Force:


     EMPLOYMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH  AFRICAN  NATIONAL  DEFENCE   FORCE   IN
     COMPLIANCE WITH THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF  THE  REPUBLIC  OF
     SOUTH AFRICA IN ASSISTING THE GOVERNMENT OF THE  REPUBLIC  OF  IRAN
     IN A SEARCH AND RESCUE MISSION


     This serves to inform the National Assembly that I  authorised  the
     employment of the South  African  National  Defence  Force  (SANDF)
     personnel to fulfil the international obligations of  the  Republic
     of South Africa in assisting the  government  of  the  republic  of
     Iran in a search and rescue mission as a result of the  devastating
     earthquake in the province of Bam.


     This employment was authorised in accordance  with  the  provisions
     of  section  82(4)(b)(ii)  read  with  section  227(1)(d)  of   the
     Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1993 (Act No  200  of
     1993), [which sections continue to be in force  in  terms  of  Item
     24(1) of schedule 6 to the Constitution of the  Republic  of  South
     Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996)],  read  together  with  sections
     18(1) and 11 of the Defence Act, 2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).


     A total of 13 crew members from the  South  African  Air  Force  is
     employed for the mission.


     One 707 SAAF Boeing is utilised for the mission.


     The duration of the mission is 4 days.


     The total estimated cost for two return flights is R2 724 241.  The
     final cost may fluctuate due to  weather  conditions  and  possible
     diversions. The Department of Foreign Affairs  if  responsible  for
     the costs of this Deployment.


     I will also communicate this report to the Members of the  National
     Council of Provinces, and  wish  to  request  that  you  bring  the
     contents of this report to the notice of the National Assembly.
     Regards


     SIGNED
     T M MBEKI

1. The Minister of Finance

 (a)    Government Notice No R1739 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25776 dated 28 November 2003:  Amendment  of  prescribed  fees,  in
     terms of the Pension Funds Act, 1956 (Act No 24 of 1956).


 (b)    Government Notice No 1751 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25791 dated 28 November 2003: Statement of  the  National  Revenue,
     Expenditure and Borrowing as at 31 October 2003, in  terms  of  the
     Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).


 (c)    Government Notice No R1737 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25773 dated 28 November 2003:  Treasury  Regulations:  Erratum,  in
     terms of the Public Finance Management  Act,  1999  (Act  No  1  of
     1999).


 (d)    Government Notice No R1733 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25766 dated 5 December 2003: Amendment of Regulations, in terms  of
     the State Tender Board Act, 1968 (Act No 86 of 1968).


 (e)    Government Notice No R1734 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25767 dated 5 December  2003:  Regulations:  Framework  for  Supply
     Chain Management, in terms of the Public  Finance  Management  Act,
     1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).


 (f)    Government Notice No 1784 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25821  dated  5  December  2003:  Approval  of  Allocations  to  be
     transferred to Provinces, in terms of the Division of Revenue  Act,
     2003 (Act No 7 of 2003).


 (g)    Government Notice No R1782 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25812  dated  12  December  2003:  Exchange  Control   Regulations:
     Cancellation of appointment as  an  authorised  dealer  in  foreign
     exchange: Corpcapital Bank Limited:  PSG  Investment  Bank  Limited
     and Real Africa Durolink Investment Bank Limited, in terms  of  the
     Currency and Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of 1933).


 (h)    Government Notice No 1828 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25781  dated  15  December  2003:  Explanatory  Memorandum  to  the
     allocations set out in Schedule 3, 6, 6A and 7A of Annexure  A,  in
     terms of the Division of Revenue Act, 2003 (Act No 7 of 2003).


 (i)    Government Notice No R1846 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25881 dated 22 December 2003: Designation of institution  of  which
     activities do not fall within the meaning of  "The  business  of  a
     bank" ("Financial Service Co-operation"), in  terms  of  the  Banks
     Act, 1990 (Act No 94 of 1990).


 (j)    Government Notice No 1845 published  in  Government  Gazette  No
     25871 dated 30 December 2003: Statement of  the  National  Revenue,
     Expenditure and Borrowing as at 30 November 2003, in terms  of  the
     Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).

1. The Minister of Transport

 Report and Financial Statements of the  South  African  National  Roads
 Agency Limited (SANRAL) for 2002-2003,  including  the  Report  of  the
 Auditor-General on the Financial  Statements  for  2002-2003  [RP  216-
 2003].

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs on the Communal Land Rights Bill [B 67 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 27 January 2004:

   The Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs, having considered the subject of the Communal Land Rights Bill [B 67 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 67A - 2003].

2. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs on the South African Citizenship Amendment Bill [B 55 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 4 February 2004:

   The Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs, having considered the subject of the South African Citizenship Amendment Bill [B 55 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill without amendment.

3. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs on the Films and Publications Amendment Bill [B 61 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 4 February 2004:

   The Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs, having considered the subject of the Films and Publications Amendment Bill [B 61 - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 61A - 2003].

                    FRIDAY, 6 FEBRUARY 2004
   

TABLINGS

National Assembly

1. The Minister of Finance Government Notice No R1847 published in Government Gazette No 25883 dated 29 December 2003: Exchange Control Regulations: Appointment of an authorised dealer in foreign exchange, in terms of the Currency and Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of 1933).

2. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

 (a)    Draft Regulations pertaining to Assessors, in terms  of  section
     93quat(5) of the Magistrates' Courts Amendment Act,  1998  (Act  No
     67 of 1998).


 (b)    Proclamation No R73 published in  Government  Gazette  No  25768
     dated  27  November  2003:   Commencement   of   the   Cross-Border
     Insolvency Act, 2000 (Act No 42 of 2000).


 (c)    Proclamation No R77 published in  Government  Gazette  No  25792
     dated 1 December 2003: Commencement of sections  4  and  7  of  the
     Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Second Amendment  Act,
     2001 (Act No 61 of 2001).


 (d)    Government Notice No R1594 published in  Government  Gazette  No
     25638 dated 10 December 2003: Amendment of  Regulations:  in  terms
     of Judges' Remuneration and  Conditions  of  Employment  Act,  2001
     (Act No 47 of 2001).

                       MONDAY, 9 FEBRUARY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Agricultural Produce Agents Amendment Bill [B 53B - 2003] -  Act
     No 47 of 2003 (assented to and signed by President  on  28  January
     2004);


 (2)    Restitution of Land Rights Amendment Bill [B 42D - 2003]  -  Act
     No 48 of 2003 (assented to and signed by President  on  28  January
     2004); and


 (3)    Spatial Data Infrastructure Bill [B 44D - 2003] - Act No  54  of
     2003 (assented to and signed by President on 28 January 2004).