FRIDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 2004 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 09:02.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers and meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                           QUORUM REQUIRED

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, before I proceed with the business of the House, I wish to alert you to the fact that a quorum will be needed - unless Whips are arranging for their members to return on Monday, would you kindly ensure that. I am going to call for a quorum that all members are here. The Appropriation Bill is much too important to just decide without the presence of members in the House.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

      (Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee thereon)

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move:

That the Report be adopted.

The SPEAKER: The Report will be adopted when there is a quorum in the House.

Decision of Question postponed.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

                       (First Reading debate)

Ms B A HOGAN: Madam Speaker, after a decade of ANC Government, I and many others who will come after me to this podium, come in the absolute confidence that the management of the South African economy has never ever been in better hands in the history of this country, than it is now in the hands of the ANC. [Applause.] The soundness of our economic indicators are proud testimony - and I say a proud testimony- to this fact: Historically low interest rates, low inflation, low budget deficits, ever and ever decreasing public debts, steady economic growth.

Given the shambles of our economy that we inherited years ago, our achievements, to quote one commentator in the Business Day yesterday, have left hardnosed bankers, financiers and asset managers in the US, Europe, Asia and Latin America, rubbing their skeptical eyes in disbelief. Indeed, through the sound management of this economy, we have achieved miracles.

These achievements did not come easily. As we all know and as we were told repeatedly how decisions had to be made, much as we would have wanted, we could not spend freely, to redress the historical imbalances and injustices of the past. The huge weight of apartheid debt, the devastation of the economy lay like a heavy albatross around our necks. Much as we wanted to move to a brighter future, we could not escape the reality of the past and of an international globalising environment.

Much as we wanted to move and provide health facilities, jobs, education, water and sanitation, electricity to our people, we were constrained by the harsh realities in which we came to Government. We live in a society now, where more people than ever before have access to health, education, water, sanitation, electricity and telephones. This bears testimony to the fact that we are indeed enjoying the first fruits of democracy bestowed upon us by the peace and the very careful management of our economy.

We live in a society so rich in its history and diversity, its people so resilient and energetic, where public discourse is so vigorous and robust. We have a civil society that is alive, well and active; a society in which so many South Africans are freely developing their new identities and proudly so. This bears testimony to the fact that, ours indeed is a wonderfully vibrant and flourishing democracy.

I have become a talk show junky. When I am driving in my car I love tuning in and listening to what ordinary South Africans are saying. I love going to the imbizos and hearing what South Africans are saying. What really strikes me, in our society, is just how implacably people feel that they have the right to express their opinions, and my, the range of opinions, thoughts and attitudes that pertain in our society is a wonder. We are growing in ways that we never ever thought we would, even within the first ten years of democracy. It is one thing to say: meet the basic needs of the people. It is another thing to say: listen to what people are saying. Let people’s voices be heard. And my, the voices of South Africans are heard every day - so loudly and clearly.

I love the fact the we can no longer look at a person and find that, from the way that person dresses or appears before us, we can deduce what their politics are. We have South Africans who, ten years ago, we would have thought would never be committed to a new South Africa. We see them now coming to the fore, strong, willing, putting their shoulders to the wheel and growing this country. It is indeed a marvel.

And the basis of this new flourishing democracy has been achieved by the strong economic fundamentals on which this democracy is based. Democracy cannot flourish when the economy is declining and is on the rocks. The economy which we have created is one which is not only progressively providing better and better services to all of our people - better work opportunities - but it is also providing the bedrock for good democracy.

But, as the Minister reminded us, this is not the end of the road. We have come a long way and set a course to a new South Africa. We have set that course. But we have a long way to go. Many people are still without the basic services, the economic growth which is still not yet what we would want it to be. The high unemployment rate still says to us that we have a long way to go. It is for this reason that I would like to focus on two aspects of this Budget, which clearly define the way in which we would be going in the next ten years.

One, is a rollout on the infrastructural programme. There has been a call for this Government to provide a comprehensive social security net. And I am sure that this Government is very sensitive, as I am, to such a cause. The levels of poverty mean that it would be wonderful if we could improve the social security net. But simply giving a once-off welfare grant, helps the person who receives it, but does not build a basis for that person to improve his or her condition. It is simply an elastoplast that helps to cover a particular wound.

By investing in infrastructure, making sure that local municipalities are going to build water and sanitation works, pavements, roads, energy networks, and by using as many people as possible in that local community, via labour intensive methods, it means that we are able to provide work opportunities to people, at the same time as improving their living conditions. And that, surely, is a step better than simply providing a welfare grant. It is saying: Let us, in one measure, kill two birds with one stone. Let us put money in your pocket and improve your living conditions. That is why we are placing such an emphasis on an Expanded Public Works Programme.

As we have said continuously, Government cannot create jobs, but it can use mechanisms at its disposal to improve conditions of the economy and those under which ordinary people live. So, with regard to the Expanded Public Works Programme, as one goes through the Division of Revenue Bill, it is a comprehensive programme aimed at the provincial and municipal governments in particular and their capacity to roll out on that programme. We have seen significant improvements in that regard. We look forward to the fact that we will be seeing major improvements in the communities and to the economy.

But the infrastructure programme also stands on building the economic infrastructure needed to expand this programme. And for that the parastatals are going to be critical to the rollout of new ports, railways, all the economic and IT structures that we need for this economy to grow.

This is the path that we are choosing. We are not choosing a clearly popular path of just saying, throw money to the people and that will then encourage economic growth. We are going beyond that. We are saying, engage the people and put money in their pockets. But engage the people in building this country and in that way they will get skills and grow.

In the same way, we are concentrating on human resources. One of the biggest steps has been human resources and lack of skills necessary to grow the economy. In the next ten years, the concentration on human resource development will be unrelenting.

I know that there are those amongst us who feel that we have failed in our task of providing job opportunities, that we didn’t privatise fast enough and that our labour markets are inflexible. Those matters simply do not address the issues which we are facing at the moment. Labour market infexibility is a myth. The IMF has already said that we stand 19th in labour flexibility out of 133 countries. No one can tell us that labour inflexibility is central to our economy not being able to grow. [Applause.] Let us not forget that we are committed to creating a just society. Let us not forget that there are people who leave major corporations with R38 million payouts.

We expect workers to work at salaries of R1 000, R2 000 and R3 000, that we as parliamentarians can’t live on as pensioners. But we say to them: Live on that, and make sure that we can fire you far quicker. It is grossly inhuman and insensitive to our people to believe that labour market inflexibility is what is causing our economy not to grow. I would say that it is the opposite. Decent wages and a decent, safe working environment will cause our economy to grow.

Secondly, to say we haven’t privatised fast enough. My goodness! When we are now assembling the forces of our parastatals to roll out in a big way, to develop the economy of our country, how can we say that privatisation has been the answer? How can we say, when we look at British Rail, that privatisation is the answer? We have to harness all the forces of public utilities at our disposal to grow this economy.

There are those who will always look at half a glass of water and say that it is half empty. There are those of us who will say this half glass of water in South Africa is half full. We are filling this country with democracy. We are bestowing growth on this country and in the next ten years, we will make sure that we meet our contract with our people, as we have done in the last ten years. And I am proud to say that. The ANC supports this Appropriation Bill. Thank you. [Applause.]

Ms R TALJAARD: Madam Speaker, hon Minister, colleagues, famous American magnate John D Rockerfeller once said: ``If you want to succeed, you should strike out on new paths, rather than travel the worn paths of accepted success.’’

In the 2004-05 Budget, Minister Manuel, you opted to strike out on a new path, a path of mild fiscal expansion - mild fiscal expansion because despite a deficit projection of 3,1% in 2004-05, you gave the market a very clear signal that you would not jeopardise South Africa’s hard-won reputation for sound fiscal policies by projecting a lower budget deficit for 2005-06, of 2,8%.

This brave step will ensure that the kudos earned for fiscal discipline will not be lost. Having done this on the eve of an election, when the temptation for profligate public spending will always be upon any government of any political persuasion is indeed commendable and must be lauded. In his online newsletter, ANC Today, the President writes as follows, and I quote:

The Budget is not merely an annual record of revenue and expenditure figures decided by the Government, it represents the financial interventions by the democratic state to give effect to the dialectically interconnected processes of revolution and reform. In reality, each annual Budget is a programme and instrument of reform.

Unfortunately for the President and indeed for the Minister of Finance, factors that have hampered South Africa’s economic prospects have more often smacked of revolutionary rhetoric to appease political partners than substantive reform. Unfortunately for the President and for the Minister of Finance, too many successive annual Budgets have failed to be convincing instruments of reform, culminating in the unemployment and poverty crisis facing South Africa today.

In your Budget Speech, Minister, you stated that the Budget must be measured in its impact on the lived experience of people, families, organisations and businesses. It is in this respect that the lack of vision lodged at the heart of this Budget is most worrying. This is the reason it has been criticised for failing to be bold when South Africa deserves higher rates of growth to create jobs.

Your own speech concedes this point, and I quote: But we recognise that the pace of economic growth has to be accelerated.'' But where is the visionary detail in this speech of how these higher levels of growth will be achieved? What are the modalities and courageous policy moves that you undertake and will undertake for higher growth? In short, where is the game plan for higher economic growth, Minister Manuel, for it is definitely not contained in this Budget. You stated that ... [Interjections.] Mr Pahad, I would rather answer the questions on Iraq if I were you, instead of interjecting. [Applause.] You say that, and I quote:We can celebrate the many ways in which we have pushed back the tide of poverty.’’ This statement is made but cannot be defended when the FFC’s submissions on the Division of Revenue Bill clearly show an increase in poverty levels, directly attributable to the unemployment crisis, and indeed highlight increased pressure on social grant take-up rates, not only by virtue of the new roll-out of the child support grant, but by virtue of unemployment and poverty. Surely this is not the type of impact budgets should be applauded for: growing welfare spending and low jobless growth.

Madam Speaker, there is an ominous sense of complacency and arrogance in the ANC-led Government. This complacency was reflected in the President’s statement during the opening of Parliament, that there was no need for new policy initiatives, and that only implementation was lacking; a clear mischaracterisation pertaining to challenges facing our society. [Interjections.] Minister, you were already instructed once this week to withdraw a statement. I think you should refrain from interjecting.

This complacency was again present when the Budget failed to deliver a bold vision for growth and job creation. Minister, this Budget delivers words, not deeds, on job creation, despite the Expanded Public Works Programme. It delivers too little, too late, in the fight against crime. While it delivers big money on combating HIV/Aids, it cannot deliver political commitment, which continues to be the missing key ingredient, with 53 000 patients for the roll-out targeted for March already set to be missed as a target.

On poverty alleviation and social security, this Budget fails to deliver any BIG, and yes, this means Basic Income Grant, idea or a clear vision of affordable social security in the midst of an aggravated incidence of poverty owing to a 31,2% unemployment rate.

This Budget fails to address unemployment and youth unemployment in particular. The announcement of a R3,2 billion Expanded Public Works Programme, over the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework period will only create low-skills-level jobs that are not sustainable, even if they continue in terms of operation and maintenance of infrastructure.

This will not dent unemployment queues or crushes, such as the recent one in Durban, nor will it alleviate poverty. This is the single biggest failure of this Budget: that growth rates of 2,9%, 3,6% and 4,1% are simply not high enough to counter poverty and arrest the jobs crisis. South Africa deserves bold ideas, bold growth and a bold consensus vision to address the 31,2% unemployment rate and the levelling off of any jobs growth in 2003.

The DA believes that South Africa deserves an alternative vision for our society expressed in different spending and revenue raising priorities. That is the reason we produced a comprehensive alternative budget that focused on higher savings and investments for growth and jobs as a priority, spending on HIV/Aids, the fight against crime and addressing the skills deficit in our society as critical priority areas; and may I add, addressing the skills crisis in our society in a more efficient way than the SETA system is currently doing.

We are pleased to see that there are at least three areas in which the Minister has agreed with our alternative proposals: the prioritisation of investment and savings, and the exemptions from tax on interest; making broad-based empowerment the focus and feasible through targeted employment equity participation, with a favourable tax dispensation to match; broadening home ownership through the abolition of stamp duties, which will contribute to enhancing and growing the pool of home ownership in South Africa.

This Budget is not a boring bean-counting exercise. It is fundamentally an expression of Government’s macroeconomic policies. [Interjections.] And to those in the back who interject and say that I do not care about South Africa, this is my home as much as it is yours, and I care. It is fundamentally an expression of Government’s macroeconomic policies.

In assessing the Budget the DA, therefore, looks beyond the Budget figures as such, and looks at the cornerstones of the economic policies that underpin it.

It was interesting to know that the chair of the committee was quite offensive on labour market reform and on privatisation. While the chair of the committee is correct to raise concerns about energy failures in California and in the United States recently, as well as about the experience of railtrack in the United Kingdom, this, unfortunately, is a fact that has to be taken into consideration only when you are dealing with an integrated network, which is the case with both railtrack and electricity growth. So the debate is slightly different from what it has been characterised.

The cracks in the macroeconomic edifice of Government policy are starting to show: paltry levels of savings and investment, with only R2,6 billion in foreign direct investments flowing in in the first three quarters of 2003; delays in privatisation that not only impact negatively on the public sector borrowing requirement, but also make us uncompetitive in terms of our costs for telephony services, transport and energy; deregulation in the labour and output markets in the public and private sectors; uncompetitive corporate tax rates and increased utilisation of foreign exchange controls as a policy tool to facilitate inward investment in Africa, instead of committing to a clear timetable for dismantling in a gradual phase; the impact of quiet diplomacy on Zimbabwe’s rapidly deteriorating economy and the contagion, in fact, this has if one’s first and foremost trading partner in the region is facing economic collapse and a 100% inflation rate

• 1 000%, in fact, way over a 100% inflation rate; the ineffective SETA training which is not producing the skills the economy needs, where it produces skills at all.

While the South African economy is subject to the vagaries in the global economy that hamper progress to a higher growth path, especially the volatility of the rand, and the overall levels of volatility in foreign exchange markets noted recently by the G-7 Finance Ministers in a declaration, the DA fundamentally believes that there are economic policy levers under the control of the ANC-led Government that are simply not being utilised owing to ideological considerations.

This Budget has vividly provided examples of the consequences of these actions, for example the public sector borrowing requirement shooting up from R7 billion to R34 billion, with R7 billion of this contributed by the absence of the proceeds of privatisation. Minister, as I indicated to you in the committee meeting, the targets for privatisation are not being laid down by the opposition, they were laid down by the Minister of Public Enterprises himself and he has failed for two years in a row to reach his own target. You can no longer be silent on this matter when you look at the consequences this has for the public sector borrowing requirement.

While we can play smoke and mirrors with the ideological debate on the shifting line between the public and private provision in nearly every aspect of public sector service provision, the figures are simply startling and they are starting to speak for themselves. Whether it is in SA Airways’s R7 billion hedging loss liability, which is a contingent liability, or whether it is in the minimal capital investment by parastatals, the writing is simply on the wall on this matter.

The then DP and its current successor the DA, have expressed many of these concerns in the policy debate around the growth and employment and redistribution strategy in the past 10 years of our democracy, since 1996 indeed - eight years. They have become even more lamentable failures when one considers the many opportunities for bold action that were missed by this Government in many areas of liberalisation. It is clear that job creation is the defining feature of debate on South Africa’s macroeconomic policies and economic future.

In recent embarrassingly transparent attempts at propaganda on jobs on the eve of our election, the Minister of Trade and Industry, Alec Erwin, confessed that Government does not claim to be solving the unemployment problem, despite the verbage in this Budget about halving unemployment by

1. A large part of the so-called job creation touted by Minister Erwin is not job creation at all. It does not reflect a change in the actual numbers of the unemployed, but rather in the way in which a number of people employed were counted.

The two million jobs claim is therefore false. Any job gains took place in the informal economy and in subsistence activities. This is indicative not of growing prosperity, but of growing desperation as retrenchments in the formal sector and the absence of any new jobs forced many into the survival economy.

Mr Minister, you plead that the unemployment challenge should not be politicised, but the problem with this argument is that it basically excludes a debate on the fundamentals of economic policy, aside from the fiscal plaudits which you already received.

To ensure there will be job-creating growth, the DA would implement policies that would catapult us onto a higher growth path, including the following: One, encouraging businesses and households to employ labour by providing tax incentives to hire workers; two, dramatically increasing the levels of domestic and foreign investment by cutting taxes, streamlining labour regulations and phasing out exchange controls; three, fostering a real knowledge economy with real skills development where education and training are prized initiatives on offer - not only high quality provision, but also skills provision that produces what the market and economy require for an expansion in the services and IT sectors, and indeed in the sectors that currently drive our economic growth.

Whilst this Budget is boring at best, it has clearly shown that the consequences of short-sighted policy making or ideologically driven positions, both lead nowhere. Government’s handwringing - the President’s blanket declaration that we no longer need new policies - as well as the rather, with respect, Minister, lacklustre Budget, will not address the eight million unemployment crisis that we currently face. Bold, not timid action, is required to combat unemployment and eradicate poverty, and place us on a higher growth path.

I would like to take this opportunity to pay special tribute to my colleagues Ken Andrew and Nigel Bruce, who will be speaking in this debate and who are retiring from active politics. I would also like, Minister, to compliment you on the task that you have undertaken in the past years of this democracy, and indeed the fundamental role you played in establishing our credentials in the international markets, particularly in terms of our reputation for maintaining fiscal discipline. I think it is no small tribute to you that that has continued to be one of the factors that have featured very prominently in our increased and enhanced trade ratings, and I think a tribute is due to you on that score, particularly personally. I would also like to compliment your team in the National Treasury, who have worked ceaselessly and very hard over the past years, and those in the agencies linked to the National Treasury, in revenue services and in the other agencies, Statistics South Africa and the Reserve Bank. I think these agencies have, indeed, played quite a fundamental role in our democracy, and I think those who have worked hard in this regard deserve the compliments that are due.

To my colleagues in the finance committee who I have served with, I would like to compliment all of you for your unstinting dedication, all set to your own skills improvement. All of us have been involved in studying in various ways in the past few years, and I would like to compliment all of you for carrying both that load and your parliamentary workload. It is no small feat. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr N M NENE: Thank you, Madam Speaker and hon members. I think Ms Taljaard, you should have confined your speech to your last portion. You did put it very well. Today South Africa is a democratic country with a democratically elected Government which represents the will of all its people. It has amongst the best constitutions in the world, ensuring human rights and dignity to all, irrespective of race, gender, religion and language. All are equal before the law, the rights of women are recognised and are increasingly finding expression in real life and the same applies to the rights of persons with disabilities.

Today South Africa has a growing economy, managed with skill by the ANC Government. We have links with almost all countries across the globe and there are no apartheid restrictions on professions. The right to do business or the right to education and skills is also guaranteed. This is an extract from the ANC’s very modest manifesto which we launched in January 2004 in Pietermaritzburg.

This year we celebrate our 10 years of democracy and an ideal that the ANC has struggled for since its birth in 1912. Throughout its 92 years of existence, the ANC has not changed its objective of liberating the people from all kinds of oppression: True liberation, political liberation, social and economic liberation.

Today we can proudly say that we have gone a long way in realising this objective. On the economic front a number of successes have been recorded, contrary to what the hon Ms Taljaard sees when she looks at a half empty glass instead of a half full glass. One of the successes is a healthy balance of payments that has been growing consistently in the past few years. Net capital inflows amounted to R33,4 billion in 2002 alone and R35,5 billion in the first three quarters of 2003. The taxpayers have been relieved of the burden of the net open forward position and today the Reserve Bank is sitting with a negative net open forward position. Apartheid was not only inhumane and cruel but it was also a very selfish form of government. The perpetrators of this crime were deliberately and systematically excluding the majority of the people from sharing in the country’s resources. The formation of this organisation, the ANC, was the only appropriate response to this dehumanising and uncaring order. The insulting conditions under which our people were made to work and live as subhumans were called employment at that time. The discriminatory laws and regulations that governed this were referred to as the rule of law. The homeland system and the Group Areas Act were the acceptable system of self- determination along ethnic and racial lines. Job reservation was a sacred labour policy that would ensure white supremacy eternally. That was the life pre-democracy that we still hear people yearn for today in this House as we heard the previous speaker calling for it.

The ANC has always been consistent that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, both black and white, that the people shall share in the country’s wealth, that the land shall be shared among those who work it and that all shall enjoy equal basic human rights. No one believed us when we said this in 1955, but here we are today, a democratic country with a Government based on the will of all the people.

In order for this democracy to thrive, it needs to be supported by a strong economic policy that recognises the developmental nature of our democratic state. When the ANC inherited an economy on the verge of collapse with a negative growth, declining employment, double-digit inflation, a huge budget deficit and a huge debt we needed a master plan to save the nation. Tough policy choices had to be made, even when it affected relationships within our own ranks. A master plan had to be found because we had an economic disaster on our hands.

Indeed we have travelled this far and the country was saved. Of course there have been trade-offs. I offer an assessment of some of these trade- offs. Whilst it reports on a number of our successes, it also identifies a number of challenges that still confront us. These challenges can be summarised as follows and I will mention but a few: Governance and administration where we need to improve service delivery, and the capacity of local and provincial government on financial management also need to be improved. We need to improve accountability too and contact with the general public at all levels. We need to develop and maintain a partnership with civil society and provide leadership to these partners through the rearticulation of the encompassing framework for South Africa’s development in the next decade and beyond.

Regarding our social challenges, we need a more efficient delivery of social services to rural beneficiaries and the elimination of corruption and the incorporation of these beneficiaries into a system of comprehensive social security. We need the acceleration of the Expanded Public Works Programmes. We need to address HIV/Aids and other emerging diseases by reducing the incidence of infection among high risk groups, treatment of those infected and increasing access to home-based care. We also have the challlenge of matching skills to the requirements of the economy, unlike the hon Taljaard who just said we need economic growth as against economic development. Because you can have economic growth at the expense of people who do not have the skills to fit into our economy.

Our economic challenges include the implementation of key GDS recommendations to identify sectors for urgent investment and learnerships and employing at least 5% of the investible capital from relevant funds in productive activity. We need to continue with our prudent macroeconomic policies leading to a more stable currency and lower real interest rates and improve the public sector’s investment performance.

The ANC’s reponse to all these challenges is a clear programme as it has been captured in our manifesto. Our manifesto calls for a people’s contract to create work and fight poverty. The ANC has always been a mass-based organisation that believes in the potential of all individuals to change their material conditions and hence this mass mobilisation again. The ANC Government has created an environment conducive to the realisation of the objective of job creation and increased investment, broadbased Black Economic Empowerment and skills development.

Government can create an environment to promote higher rates of investment and it can also create some employment in the Public Service and in the Public Works programmes and it can also encourage labour intensive methods in parts of the economy. But long-term employment depends mainly on higher rates of private investment. It also depends on strategies for growth in key economic sectors. It depends on skills development and leadership in both the public and private sectors to provide work experience.

Our manifesto is a clear blueprint of how the challenges confronting us, particularly economic challenges, are going to be addressed. The ANC Government has identified the following programmes: A programme to grow the economy which will ensure that low interest and inflation rates and low Government debts and increased social spending aimed at poverty alleviation is accelerated, as well as building infrastructure and creating job opportunities.

We need to invest R100 billion in the Extended Public Works Programmes for infrastructure development whilst addressing the skills shortage problem. We spend R15 billion to facilitate broadbased economic empowerment, take more young people through learnerships so they can gain skills and work experience and intervene to ensure proper functioning of skills development authorities; encourage labour intensive methods in sectors of the economy which lend themselves to this form of operation, including through the government procurement system. We also have to conduct research into the full impact of casualisation of labour and outsourcing and devise ways of dealing with their negative impact on workers and the economy as a whole.

We need also to sustain livelihood by creating a million job opportunities through the Extended Public Works Programme, completing land restitution programmes and speeding up land reform with 30% of agricultural land redistributed by 2014, combined with comprehensive assistance to emergent farmers.

These are but a few practical steps that this ANC Government is engaged in to ensure a better life for all, through a people’s contract to create work and fight poverty. Under the ANC Government, a better life for all is certain and our people will not be fooled by those that want to take us back to the past as they claim that it was better. I thank you.

Dr G G WOODS: Madam Speaker, to combat our vast problems of poverty, unemployment, sickness and criminal activity, high levels of economic growth is the only solution we know of. And here it has been estimated that at least 15 consecutive years of an 8% growth would be required to bring us up to the lower end of the living standards of the developed countries. Such is the scale of our economic deficit and as we understand it such an improvement would then happen through a resultant and significant reduction in our unemployment levels and through the generation of a tax base large enough to support a welfare system which raises the quality of life of the poorest 60% of our citizens.

So the question we all ponder is: How do we achieve that necessary economic growth? And let me begin by saying on this occasion that the Budget’s ability regarding economic growth is greatly exaggerated by many commentators. For one, the expansionary qualities one finds in the Budget through its tax relief and productive expenditure sides are far too limited in their very nature to strongly influence and drive growth. Neither can the other incidental Budget initiatives, such as the various supply side initiatives or infrastructure developments, be what really initiates and drives growth.

In fact national budgets over the past 10 years have at one time or the other incorporated various notional growth initiatives and in that respect we can see that these have not achieved what was hoped for. The current Budget for its part persists with a selective incorporation of speculative type growth initiatives. This approach is even more noticeable in the election manifestos of various political parties.

Relevant literature will indicate these to be at least 40 of these popular policy-type initiatives, a number of which have been part of growth success in countries around the world and how we can improve investment incentives, savings promotions, privatisation programmes, deregulation, small business diversification, etc. But the tendency of many of these policy scenarios on offer in South Africa suggests a select few of these policy initiatives to be the obvious answer to high economic growth with no explanation of the behavioral relationships of these policies - why certain policies are not considered and why there is no overall context in which these policies should be applied, thus making it all seem rather arbitrary or random.

The proposition I am therefore arriving at is that no one seems to work to a sufficiently comprehensive policy picture covering the fuller extents of the real economy, its internal and external relationships and interactive dynamics. And here of course I must direct myself to the Government as the institution given the responsibility to realise the country’s economic growth potential. Further, I am in the main referring to the range of policy areas which pertain to the microeconomy where the Department of Trade and Industry has attempted many of those 40 policy areas on offer, some more than once over the past 10 years.

And it is when we try to factor all these DTI and budget policy initiatives into a well-tested and reputable econometric growth model that our suspicions are confirmed. We see that there is no comprehensive, no coherent and no co-ordinated growth development plan in this country. We also see overlaps, gaps, strange sequencing and counter activity from the range of policies attempted. And this is borne out when paging through the DTI’s annual reports and other policy documents over the past seven years and noting how many enthusiastically announced initiatives there have in fact been and at the same time noting how modest DTI’s successes have been across these policies. And I am far from alone in pointing out the ambivalent nature of many of DTI’s policy programmes. We need to understand why this is if we are to have a chance of raising growth levels to the desired extent.

Now at the time Gear was released we saw that, as a plan, in fact it did incorporate a wide range of integrated growth policy intentions, which had emerged from the five large econometric exercises undertaken at the time. But as it turned out, the implementation of Gear was a very tentative affair with a number of its policy recommendations either being ignored or delayed indefinitely. This, together with the fact that Gear was never subjected to revision as relevant economic circumstances changed, saw Gear failing to achieve its growth targets. And within a year it was apparent that Government had reverted back to a more ad hoc approach across areas of industrial, trade and incentives policy.

My argument is therefore that Government is not relating and working to a sufficiently big and inclusive enough understanding of our economy as it exists in the globalised setting and as such has not developed a sufficiently comprehensive and integrated policy master plan, which is necessary to achieve the high growth we talk about. Of course DTI will point out that it does plan policy through models but what we can show is hard evidence that these models or the way they are used are inadequate. They will also say, as they say every year, that growth is coming next year, but with the most recent assessments showing that we are slipping in the international competitive and entrepreneurial rankings this remains unlikely. We can now also see that the 2002 upward blip in South Africa’s economic growth curve was more a consequence of a temporary and peculiar crash in the value of the rand which, now in its recovery phase, has brought our growth back to 2% as Statistics SA has informed us just this week.

The credit we hear taken for the growth, albeit low growth, over the past decade, which has somewhat hiccupped along, should be treated with some caution. Because I think there is much to suggest that the opportunity after 1994 to free the South African economy from its international isolation and other strictures was also an opportunity to mobilise a powerful, pent up entrepreneurial potential which existed and had been waiting to express itself. And which, given a more appropriate policy environment, could have produced considerably higher growth than has actually been achieved.

Returning to my main line of argument, I need to incorporate a few irrefutable economic realities. The first being about the markets and that economic growth is only really possible through an increased share of markets. And the second is about the nature of incremental increases in supply and demand or demand and supply and how they feed on each other and which is the necessary basis of any sustainable economic growth path en route to building up that market share I referred to. It is around these two basic tenets that ongoing considerable research should be conducted as a matter of course to identify and prioritise promising sectoral arrangements which in turn should be tested against the comprehensive growth model I have referred to.

It is more than apparent that our research into markets and the relevant industries and what is happening internationally is inadequate. Having achieved this degree of coherence, greater direction for fixed investment incentives, infrastructure programmes, skills training and supply-side measures could also be gained, all of which help to eliminate policy contradictions and weaknesses which often characterise Government’s seemingly less co-ordinated and current multipronged approach. The more realistic and more representative big picture approach to economic growth will also help to inform a better balance between many areas of policy. For example, between those policies which on the one hand promote economic activity and those which on the other hand divert entrepreneurial energies towards very important corrective type policies so that Government could, for the first time establish how much affirmative action, how much BEE, how much preferential procurement, how much of particular labour- related policies we need, how much detracts too much from economic growth and do what we presently have to detract at all. The Government could then for the first time contemplate such policy balances in a more considered and realistic way and in a way which would be more favourable for growth.

The contention that DTI and therefore Government as a whole could be more effective in the pursuit of economic growth through more comprehensively considered and planned policies should not suggest that DTI has not achieved certain important industrial restructuring, established strategic agencies, negotiated promising trade agreements and done a number of other things which in time could well prove helpful to growth. Also in respect of DTI, I remind you that this department has amongst the most difficult objectives to achieve and by my suggesting that they are not being astute and comprehensive and methodical enough in working towards the realistic growth plans, I am not suggesting that this is easy to achieve.

In fact, the easier side of economic policy and management is by far the macro side where the proven established policy parameters are not too different to those required to run a commercial organisation like managing debt, spending, cash flow and collecting moneys that are due. Of course this all requires exceptional discipline and a particular financial astuteness as our Minister of Finance has shown over his successful term and as other ministers of finance in many other countries have been unable to show.

The microeconomic policies are however far more complex, far more variable and difficult to implement and enforce. And this is all the more reason for the expansive policy development approach we are advocating. Last year in the President’s state of the nation debate my leader, Minister Buthelezi, posed the question which many others wrestle with as well. And the question asks why, given the great job that Minister Manuel is doing and given the strong fundamentals he has secured, does growth remain so low and unemployment and poverty remain so high? The central purpose of my input into this debate today has been to offer an explanation as to why.

Sound macroeconomic policy through both the fiscal and monetary sides and the stability and certainty of the macroeconomic environment it produces is an essential precondition to high economic growth, but in itself would not produce that growth. It is the appropriately established arrangement of microeconomic policies which would stimulate the actual economic growth engine which in turn will capitalise on and interface with the strong macroeconomic situation. And it is here that the Budget through greater certainty, through a clearer plan and the thinking that follows and through better strategic planning of target markets and growth paths could be used more purposefully to promote that master growth plan and achieve the growth that South Africa so desperately requires.

Madam Speaker, I would like to end, as the hon member Taljaard did, by expressing thanks to a number of people, starting with my colleagues on the finance committee and particularly the chairperson Barbara Hogan, and to just say two or three goodbyes. And while there are a lot of people to say goodbye to who we will miss, I think there are a few people in particular who I worked with very closely who will be missed. One is of course Ken Andrew, who I worked with in a number of committees over the past ten years. What a pleasure it has been to work with him. And then there are Comrades Laloo Chiba and Billy Nair, who I learnt a lot from and who I have the greatest respect for. I’m going to feel saddened when I come back, as it appears I might, and not see them in the corridors of Parliament. [Applause.]

Mr B W KANNEMEYER: Madam Speaker, Comrade Deputy President and hon members, in the state of the nation address, the President said that the Budget is one of the principal instruments in the hands of the democratic state to bring about the changes we need to make to achieve our revolutionary goals. For us, the Budget is not merely an annual record of revenue and expenditure figures decided by Government to address whatever issue might seem important during a particular year.

As we speak in Parliament today, there is general agreement that our country’s economy has never been better managed. Even the DA agrees with this. Consistent growth, even though at lower than optimal rates, has resulted in a more competitive economy with increased volume and diversity. Workers’ rights are protected. Vulnerable workers such as domestic workers and farmworkers have been given greater protection. Funds have also been made available for people to own businesses as one aspect of black economic empowerment.

At the heart of some of our challenges are two linked concerns that we address in our election manifesto. The first is to create work and roll back poverty. To achieve this, we need a stronger partnership among all South Africans and a people’s contract for a better South Africa. Therefore, in the election manifesto, as stated in the state of the nation address and in the debate by the Minister of Finance, we then commit ourselves to practical measures to ensure we have a growing economy and sustainable livelihoods.

These practical measures include the process to ensure lower interest rates, lower inflation rates as well as low Government debt so that more resources are spent on attacking poverty, building economic infrastructure and creating work opportunities. We further commit, as one of the practical measures, to the completion of the land redistribution programme, the speeding up of land reform, with 30% of agricultural land redistributed by 2014 combined with comprehensive assistance to emerging farmers. We also commit ourselves to ensure the involvement of communities in local economic development initiatives and others.

The ANC commits itself, and it can boldly do so, to these programmes because discrimination and abuse are still taking place. Women still find themselves, in very large numbers, among the poorest sections in our society. Too many young people are still unemployed and millions of them come from poor households.

Unfortunately, it is this reality that ignites the inherently sick and opportunistic tendencies in opposition parties such as the ``Desperate Alliance’’. As the ANC, we speak with confidence because we have been at the head of this national effort to change our country for the better. We know that together, with our people, we can do more and even better.

As an example of the ANC’s commitment to implement these policies, we have seen that under an ANC/New NP government in the Western Cape, more people from historically disadvantaged areas have benefited from procurement. Before the year December 2001 under the DA control in the Western Cape, there was a policy that prevented the majority of black companies from tendering for contracts worth more than R2 million. We have changed this policy and the results are obvious, especially since the province has set a 40% target for historically disadvantaged individuals. During the period 1 January to 31 December 2001, under DA control in the Western Cape, the total contract value that was awarded to historically disadvantaged companies and individuals totalled R222 million or 26%. At the end of 31 March 2003, for that same period, the total contract value amounted to R345 million or 48% of total procurement in the Western Cape province. We are not just talking about policies and how we should change things, we are actually doing it.

Allow me to inform this House and the people of our country, but especially the unemployed youth from the Southern Cape towns of George and Langeberg municipal areas about the double standards of the DA. The DA misleads voters by telling them one thing and then doing exactly the opposite. Flowing from the presidential imbizo in the Western Cape some time last year, we started a process in the Southern Cape and George, working with the local municipalities on a project designed to enhance the skills levels and thus the employability of unemployed matriculants in the Southern Cape.

The idea was a very simple one. One of the South African Police Service’s criteria for a potential employee is for them to have a driver’s licence. Most of the youth from disadvantaged communities have never had the opportunity to obtain a driver’s licence. They were only exposed to driving in vehicles, in most instances, when using public transport. That very criterion, therefore, dictates against numbers of black people getting into the police force.

We have started talking about this and it has already been addressed at a very high level in our organisation and the Cabinet. We went ahead and contacted local communities and local municipalities. Of the seven municipalities in the Southern Cape / Klein Karoo area, there are three municipalities that are controlled by the DA. Five municipalities in the Southern Cape, under ANC/New NP control, contributed very little amounts of R20 000 or R30 000. That facilitated the process where 180 matriculated youth could be enrolled into a programme to assist them to get their driver’s licences.

I approached the George municipality controlled by the DA and I personally spoke to the Mayor, a Mr Marius Swart. I asked him to ignore our political differences and see what we can do for the youth of that area. Sadly, the response of both the George and the Langeberg municipality, where the leader of the DA in the Western Cape is the mayor, was to refuse to participate. They refused to participate and give the youth of their towns an opportunity. [Interjections.]

I am wondering if this party is serious when they call on the youth to support them but when an opportunity presents itself, the government where the DA is in control in two municipalities decide that the youth is not important to them. In preparing for this debate, I must confess that I did something that could potentially be very harmful to my own education and sanity. I visited the DA’s website. In doing so, I was struck by the bankruptcy of ideas and policies on the part of this supposed official opposition. I read the economic policies of the DA. In their economic policies on black economic empowerment, the sum total of the DA’s policies, as it is posted on their website, is four sentences. Not four paragraphs or four pages but four sentences on black economic empowerment.

These are the people who claim that they are trying to be a nonracial party yet they have four sentences on black economic empowerment. A footnote on that same page says that a full policy on the DA’s black economic empowerment is in another document. I then searched everywhere but there is no such document. Such a document is nowhere on their website. They can search it for themselves. They are trying to fool the people by saying that they are committed to black economic empowerment. There is nothing. [Laughter.]

Allow me to speak further on black economic empowerment by illustrating how the DA is once again telling the people of this country something and then doing something else. This party is desperate for a few votes and will not allow the truth to stand in their way when they visit poverty-stricken areas, in their protective clothing like excited children going on a field expedition. They are never there in our communities. When they do go there they get all excited. They are never there where our people are suffering.

The DA’s spokesperson on Trade and Industry the hon Lowe said, South Africa deserves genuine and effective broad-based economic empowerment that focuses on job creation, skills development and training.'' In his reply to a statement made by the Minister of Trade and Industry, the hon Lowe continued by saying thatThe DA supports black economic empowerment as a means of growing our economy and ensuring that all South Africans have access to employment and entrepreneurial opportunities.’’

On 14 February 2004 the hon Tony Leon, on the question as to what he expected from his party’s public representatives, said that they will not only represent the DA, but will represent all the people of South Africa. Everything that is done should be done on behalf of the people who elected them. This is what he said. The Black Economic Empowerment Bill was then placed before this House. In this Bill’s memorandum, the objectives of that Bill state that South Africa’s economy cannot operate to its full potential because the majority of South Africans earn very low incomes and are still excluded from ownership and fixed assets. This is to the detriment of all South Africans and it is therefore necessary that steps be taken to increase the effective participation in the economy by the majority of all South Africans. Every public representative of the DA voted against this Bill in this Parliament. They voted against what they themselves had proclaimed when they went to our people and made speeches from platforms. Yet when they come to Parliament where people cannot see them and they press the ``against’’ buttons, they think they fool the people of our country. They think they can get away with this. Unfortunately, our people may be unemployed or illiterate but they are not stupid. No one can fool our people by standing on public platforms and telling them something and then turning around and doing the opposite. [Applause.]

I am calling on the people of our country, in supporting the Appropriation Bill, not to be fooled by the two-faced DA and to vote for a party that made change possible and is a caring party. Vote ANC. [Applause.]

Dr W A ODENDAAL: Hon Deputy Speaker, we agree with the Minister that the targeted, rather than the basic income grant, will deliver better long-term results for South Africa. The New NP is, however, convinced that the approach to social security measures should shift from social to empowerment grants. We support the continued roll out of child support grants even up to the age of 18 years and as soon as the country can afford it.

The problem, however, is that thousands of families have now grown to rely on social grants as their only source of income. The aged and the young are now caring for thousands of families all over South Africa. The role of the breadwinner in the family is being seriously eroded to the detriment of the social order of our country. The New NP believes that people should be empowered to be self-sufficient and the dignity of the breadwinner has to be restored. Social grants should only form part of a safety net to alleviate extreme poverty. Job creation and skills enhancement programmes must enable breadwinners to care for their own families. We therefore support the Extended Public Works Programme as a means to an end, to provide temporary job opportunities to, at least, a million unemployed people. It is a sound start but the problem looms when the programme draws to a close. Who will employ these people who stand to lose their temporary jobs? The HSRC found that 50% of all matriculants cannot find work. It urges Government to devise permanent solutions to the unemployment problem through job creating initiatives.

For this reason, the New NP suggested that an employment fund, aimed at assisting emerging entrepreneurs to specifically employ unemployed people, be considered urgently. Details can be found in the New NP’s election manifesto. The aim of the plan is full employment. Everybody in South Africa must work.

On the other hand, the DA, the South African Communist Party and Cosatu support the idea of a basic income grant. What strange bed fellows. The latter two parties support the idea because they believe that the state should take responsibility for the welfare of everybody. The DA, in contrast, represents the racist, ugly face of capitalism. [Interjections.]

Die DA staan hierdie basiese toelaag voor omdat hy ‘n rookskerm nodig het waaragter hy sy fundamentele filosofie van rassistiese rykmansbevoorregting kan verberg. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die toelagie is bloot ‘n stukkie handige skynheilige ``tokenism’’ waarmee die hardvogtige, siellose gewete van die party gesalf moet word. Die DA staan vir die beskerming van ‘n bevoorregte, snoesige witmansbestaan. Mense van kleur en mense in nood moet self sien kom klaar; hulle ontvang mos ‘n toelagie as ‘n aalmoesie van die rykmanstafel!

Die masker van rassisme en gierigheid van die DA word gelukkig nou stuk vir stuk afgepluk. In Pinetown bedank die ganse takbestuur van die DA omdat die DA nie in die welsyn van arm mense belangstel nie. Sondae word saamtrekke kammakastig in die townships gehou, maar die doel is net om swartmense as stemvee te werf. Tony Leon gee nie om nie!

Die verkiesingsveldtog van die DA in die Wes-Kaap berus suiwer op rassisme. Theuns Botha praat kiesers bang met ‘n swart premier. Die boodskap is dat alle swartes noodwendig ‘n gemors maak van alles wat hulle aanpak. Wat anders beteken die boodskap? Suid-Afrika kan rassisme nie langer duld nie. [Applous.] Die politiek moet nou daarvan gesuiwer word as dit ons erns is om ons demokrasie te laat slaag.

Die DA is gevaarlik vir Suid-Afrika. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hulle gierigheid en neerbuigende onverdraagsaamheid teenoor mense van kleur en mense wat swaarkry sal nog ‘n klasse- en rassestryd ontketen wat die einde van die demokrasie in hierdie land kan beteken. Hierdie onkruid in ons politiek moet op 14 April 2004 met wortel en tak uitgeroei word. Die DA is ‘n ongure oorblyfsel uit ons koloniale verlede waarsonder Suid-Afrika gerus kan klaarkom. [Applous.]

Die tyd vir versoening het aangebreek. Die pad na deelnemende veelpartyregering in hierdie land van ons moet nou oopgebreek word. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The DA supports this basic grant because it needs a smoke-screen to disguise its fundamental philosophy of racist favouring of the rich. [Interjections.] This small grant is just an example of useful sanctimonious tokenism with which the callous, soulless conscience of the party must be salved. The DA stands for protecting the privileged and cosy existence of the white man. People of colour and people in need are left to their own devices; after all, they do get a small grant as an alm from the rich man’s table!

Fortunately, the DA’s mask of racism and greed is being pulled off piece by piece. In Pinetown the whole branch executive of the DA has resigned because the DA has no interest in the welfare of the poor people. There are supposedly gatherings in the townships on Sundays, but the purpose is only to enlist support from black people as voting cattle. Tony Leon does not care!

The election campaign of the DA in the Western Cape is purely based on racism. Theuns Botha scares voters with a black premier. The message is that all black people inevitably make a mess of whatever they take on. Can this message mean anything else? South Africa can no longer tolerate racism. [Applause.] Politics must now be purged of it if we are serious about making a success of our democracy.

The DA is a danger to South Africa. [Interjections.] Their greed and condescending intolerance towards people of colour and people who are battling will unleash another class and race struggle that can mean an end to democracy in this country. This weed in our politics must be completely eradicated on 14 April 2004. The DA is an unsavoury remnant from our colonial past which South Africa can gladly do without. [Applause.]

The time has come for reconciliation. The road to participatory multiparty government in this country of ours should now be cleared. I thank you. [Applause.]]

Njing L M MBADI: Sekela-Somlomo, Sekela-Mongameli namalungu ahloniphekileyo, bantakwethu xa seyilele ngecala, ifile, ayibi sabethwa kokwethu. Bayekeni, sebefile.

Malung’ ale Ndlu abekekileyo, besikho apha kule Ndlu ngomhla we- 18 kule imiyo, xa injoli yezemali ibitshila kule nkundla isithi: Wagwetywa ndlala''. Ibisithi ikati isusiwe eziko kumzi nomzi, ingakhethi phela emasini. Nani apho emakhaya nizivele oka Masala esithi Le njoli mayikhawuleze, ithume oonozakuzaku bayo babe izithebe, amaxhego namaxhegokazi angade omiwe yingwiqi.’’

Siphakamela ukungqina ukuba ibingengawo amampunge lawo. Jonga ke, zibekwa nje, injoli ijongene nekat’ eziko kwizibonelelo zabantwana, ibacuntsulela ishumi ngenyanga. Khumbulani ke mawethu ukuba ukususela ku-2003 esi sibonelelo uRhulumente usinabisele kubantwana abaminyaka ilithoba, latsho inani labantwana abaxhaswa sesi sibonelelo laya kutsho kwizigidi ezine. Kulo nyaka esi sibonelelo siza kunatyiselwa kubantwana abangaphantsi kweshum’ elinanye ukuze kunyaka ozayo sinabele kwabangaphantsi kweshum’ elinesine.

Siyabeva oonokrawuzana besenza intlekisa ngentlungu yentswelo yabantwana abazalwa ngabantu abahluphekileyo. Bambi bathi lo Rhulumente ukhuthaz’ inzala kumantombazana. URhulumente omkhatheleleyo umntu ujonge intlupheko yomntwana, hayi ekanina. URhulumente uphelise isigwebo sentambo, angathini ke ngoko ukukhuthaza imbulala-bantwana abangazizelanga kweli lizwe. Ewe kambe, buninzi bona ubuqhophololo nobutshijolo obenziwa ngabantu kwesi sibonelelo. Amagosa kaRhulumente nento kaNqakula makabusiphule nengcambu obu bukrelemnqa.

Isibonelelo sabadala, inkam-nkam, kwanesabakhubazekileyo, sinyuswe ngama-40 eerandi, ukuya kuma 700 eerandi ngenyanga. Bambi bathi le mali incinci xa kuthelekiswa nentswela misebenzi phaya emaphandleni. Bafuna ke ngoko inyuswe ibe li-1000 leerandi. Kaloku khumbulani mawethu ukuba kugaywa iivoti ngoku. Nilibala msinya. Izolo oku bekukho ucalucalulo kwezi zibonelelo. Abamhlophe befumana ngaphezulu, abamnyama becuntsulelwa nje, nako oko kusenziwa emva kweenyanga ezimbini. Ngoku, oko kwangena lo Rhulumente wesininzi, ezi zibonelelo ziyalingana kumntu wonke, yaye ziphuma nyanga zonke. [Kwaqhwatywa.] Ucuntsu akafani noshici. Kuya kulunga ngenye imini. Asimanga ndawo nye. Eluthethelela olu Hlahlolwabiwo-mali, okaManuel uthi inani labafumana izibonelelo linyukile kule minyaka ilishumi idlulileyo, lisuka kwizigidi ezibini nangaphezulu ukuya kwizigidi ezisixhenxe nangaphezulu. Kambe nangona kunjalo, idabi lokulwa intlupheko liyaqhuba.

Eyokuba ubomi emaphandleni babungcono kunangoku bubuvuvu obungena sihlahla. Ndizelwe, ndakhulela, yaye ndisahlala khona nangoku. Buyandazi, ndiyabazi. Ndilapha, ndilaphel’ intlalo nempilo yabantu basemaphandleni. Iintlungu neentlupheko ndabelana ngazo nabo. Ngubani owayesazi ukuba abantu bangahlukana nokukha amanzi kude, okanye babelane nezilwanyana emithonjeni, emilanjeni nasemadamini? Amanzi kule mihla acocekile, aphuma ezimpompini oku kwasedolophini. Imizi emininzi inawo nasezindlwini. Bakwasebenzisa la manzi nakwizindlu zangesese.

Ewe siyavuma, olu phuhliso alukafikeleli kuzo zonk’ iindawo, kodwa siyaya kuzo. Bekufudulwa kusiyiwa endle, kodwa kule mihla phantse yonke imizi inezindlu zangesese. Qhuba isithuthi phakathi ezilalini ebusuku, dolophu yakwabani. Phantse yonke imizi inezibane zogesi, kuphekwa ngogesi.[Kwaqhwetywa.] Izithunzela noothikoloshe abanandlela yakuhamba … [Kwahlwkwa.] … kanti kwanamagqwirha nabenzi bobubi boyika ukusolwa kuthiwe: ``Uyabonwa.’’ [Kwahlekwa.]

Iilali ziyekile ukubhalwa ziindledlana zeebhokhwe eziya emadlelweni. Kukho imigaqo ehamba kuyo iimoto. Ewe abanye abantu baneemoto eziquqa ziquqile ukuthutha abantu zibas’ edolophini. Izileyi zayekwa ekuthwaleni izidumbu. Kuphucukiwe, akusadliwa ngendeb’ endala. Mphulaphuli, akunakho ke ngoko ukumfamekisa umntu wasemaphandleni uthi ubomi bebungcono ngaphambili kunangoku. Uyaxoka!

Ukubonelelwa kwabantwana ngokutya, phantsi kwePrimary School Nutrition Programme, kwenze abantwana badlamka, basegazini, bazithanda nezikolo. Besiphi esi sibonelelo ngaphambili? Zinguqu ezi ezize noRhulumente wesininzi, okhokelwa nguKhongolose (ANC). Siyazingca ngalo Rhulumente obeka umntu phambili. Sinjalo isikhukukazi ukuwakhathelela amantshontsho aso.

Esi sibonelelo, okwa ngoku, siphantsi kolawulo leSebe lezeMpilo. Ukususela ku Apreli walo umiyo siya kuba phantsi kolawulo luka Mdengeentonga, into ka- Asmal - ayikho ngoku apha eNdlwini - iSebe lezeMfundo ukutsho. Kucace mhlophe okwekat’ emhlophe ehlungwini ukuba esi sibonelelo songeza ukondliwa kwabona bantwana bahlelekileyo kumabanga aphantsi ezikolweni. Intsebenziswano phakathi koRhulumente nabantu basemaphandleni iya lunqumamisa uxhinelo-zidolophini ngelokuya kufuna umsebenzi. Kaloku, nto zakuthi, la matyotyombe asezidolophini adalwa ngabantu abaze kufuna imisebenzi begxothwa yindlala emakhaya. Uphuhliso lwasemakhaya lulo oluya kudala uzinzo kweli lizwe. Ubutyebi beli lizwe makwabelwane ngabo.

Masiy’ ebantwini, sibaxelele ngokwenziweyo ngempumelelo nokuseza kwenziwa. Masingababethi ngemf’ iphindiwe. Masinyaniseke ukuze basithembe. Maz’ enethole! [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa speech follows.)

[Prof L M MBADI: Deputy Speaker, Deputy President and hon members, at home we inflict no further assault on our fellow people if they are down and out. Leave them alone. They are already devoid of effectiveness.

Hon members of this House, we were here in this House on 18 February 2004 when the Minister of Finance, whilst extremely bold, proclaimed the end of poverty. He was saying that the plague of poverty had been taken away from each household without any discrimination. You, too, at home heard the son of Masala saying that this butler must make haste and send his delegates to dispense the trays before the grandmothers and grandfathers choke as a result of swallowing saliva.

We stand up to confirm that that was not just idle talk. Look, the butler immediately dealt with poverty in that he provided the small sum of R10 a month for the child support grant. Remember, fellow people, that as from the year 2003 Government has extended the child support grant to include children who are nine years old, thereby bringing the total number of children supported by this grant to four million. This year provision will be made for this grant to include children who are under 11 years old and in the following year it will be extended to children under the age of 14.

We hear the people making a mockery of the pain of being needy, which is experienced by children born to poor people. Others say that this Government encourages girls to give birth. A government that cares about people concerns itself with the hardship the child experiences, and not the mother. The Government did away with the death sentence; how can it promote the killing of children who did not come into this world of their own accord? Yes, of course, there is a lot of corruption and roguery that people engage in with regard to this grant. Government officials and the son of Nqakula must root out this scoundrelism.

The old age grant, ie pension, and the grant for the disabled has been raised by R40 to R700 per month. Some say this is a meagre amount if one takes into account the unemployment rate in the rural areas. They want it increased to R1 000. Fellow people, remember that votes are being canvassed for now. You are quick to forget. There was discrimination in these grants just yesterday. White people were getting more. Blacks were given a little bit, and that, too, happened once in two months. Since this democratic Government took over, these grants are now equal for everyone, and they are given out every month. [Applause.] Half a loaf of bread is better than none. Things will come right one day. We are not standing still.

In his argument for this Budget, the son of Manuel said that the number of grant beneficiaries has increased in the last 10 years from over two million to over seven million. But, despite that, the war against poverty goes on.

To say that life in the rural areas was better then than now, is rubbish which has no substance. I was born there, I grew up there and I am still living there. Life in the rural areas knows me, and I know it. I am here for the sake of the way people in rural areas live and for the sake of their health. I share with them their pain and hardships. Who knew that people could be free from fetching water from afar, or from sharing the water with animals at fountains, rivers and dams? These days the water is clean and it comes out of taps, like in the cities. Most households have it. They also use this water in the toilets.

We are agreed that this development has not yet reached all the areas, but we are going to them. People used to go out in the open to relieve themselves, but these days almost all households have toilets. Drive a vehicle at night in the villages - what a city! Almost all households have electric lights, and cooking is by means of electricity. [Applause.] Zombies and tokoloshes cannot wander … [Laughter.] … on the other hand, the witches and those who do bad things are afraid of being blamed and being yelled at, to say that they are being seen. [Laughter.]

The villages are no longer marked with small paths caused by goats going to the fields. There are roads on which vehicles travel. Yes, some people have cars that frequently ferry people to the town. The use of sledges to convey the dead has been stopped. There’s improvement; primitive lifestyles no longer exist. Thus, listener, you cannot mislead the person of the rural areas and say that life was better before than now. You are telling lies!

The feeding provided to children under the Primary School Nutrition Programme has vitalised the children, has caused them to be in good health and has made them like going to school. Where was this provision before? These are the changes brought about by the democratic Government under the ANC leadership. We are proud of this Government, which places the human being first. So is a hen in caring for its children.

At the moment this grant is under the control of the Department of Health. From April this year it is going to be under the control of Mdengeentonga (The Minister of Education), the son of Asmal - he is not in the House now

• ie the Department of Education. It is abundantly clear that this provision augments the feeding of the indigent children in the lower standards at schools. The co-operation between the Government and people in the rural areas puts a stop to the rush to the cities to look for jobs. The shacks in the cities, my fellow men, have indeed been caused by people who have come to seek employment, being driven away from home by poverty. It is rural development that will bring stability to this country. Let’s share the wealth of this country.

Let’s go to the people and tell them about what has been done successfully, as well as what will be done. Let’s not cheat them. Let’s be honest so that they trust us. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr L M GREEN: Deputy Speaker, hon Deputy President Ministers and members, the ACDP is pleased that there is a lot of emphasis on social spending in this Budget. Yet how we spend this Budget must be given much thought. I do not know how many tips the hon Minister has received in Tips for Trevor, but I am sure that the taxpaying public would like to see that spending in fact is targeted at reducing poverty more dramatically, which would translate into employment growth and increased skills development.

According to the latest information released by Statistics SA, our country’s GDP showed growth of only 1,9% last year. The Minister of Finance estimates that the economy will escalate to 2,9% this year depending on the growth in the global economy, but I want to ask the hon Minister today: Tell us why we cannot achieve the economic growth of the Asian Tigers? Tell us today why we cannot achieve a growth of 6%, 7% or even 8%? The huge spending at R19,6 billion on Public Works projects to halve the employment rate of 40% by 2014 is commendable and it is an effort to get South Africans back to work to earn their keep and to maintain their dignity.

In as much as we need progressive policies to dismantle the inequalities of the past, we must also remember that our economy is connected to the global market and therefore it is imperative that we must employ circumspection in enticing foreign investment yet keep a vigilant eye on our own internal concerns - the fine balance of knowing how to adapt to global levels without having to die for what we perceive is paramount in our national interest.

It would have been a great boost to expatriates to hear the Minister call upon them to return to South Africa and use their skills to assist in raising the economic growth strategy of this country. Somewhere in his speech the hon Minister could have alluded to a repatriation tax incentive that will encourage our people and especially our young people to come back home and build this country. Of course, we have many immigrants from other parts of the world and Africa who are doing their fair share to build this economy, but there is something special about our own people, our own South African people that we dare not lose permanently to other countries. This is the opportune time to welcome them back to help us, for the next decade, with the creation of job opportunities.

The Government’s plan to create one million jobs is commendable, but the Government alone cannot stop unemployment. It remains the responsibility of the South African public at large through their entrepreneurial skills, their finances and their resources to develop their own jobs. Our Government, I think, is also spending too much time on international concerns instead of just looking at our own problems. Zimbabwe, Haiti, the Middle East and other foreign problems are fine to deal with, but our country needs strong-felt leadership at this moment. It is estimated that we have between five to six million registered taxpayers that contribute to sustaining our economy and sociopolitical needs and we think that this tax base needs to be broadened.

In conclusion, we would like to commend the Minister of Finance and his entire staff for a job well done. We trust hon Minister Manuel that the trees you gave us on Budget day will be fully grown in the next decade and that we would find comfort in their shade. With these words the ACDP supports the Appropriation Bill. I thank you.

Mr K A MOLOTO: Madam Deputy Speaker, Deputy President and hon members, in a certain sense the story of our struggle is a story of problems arising and problems being overcome. A profound statement indeed made by that great leader of our people, Walter Sisulu. These words continue to inspire all South Africans to face their challenges with determination and confidence.

In 1994 we inherited an economy that was globally uncompetitive and virtually on the verge of collapse. It was an economy that no longer had the capacity to create jobs. Our people led by their organisation, the ANC, turned the situation around and built one of the most sophisticated modern economies on the African continent. We are truly witnesses of problems being overcome. It has one of the most advanced financial services industries and a manufacturing industry, which is now internationally competitive. It is our national asset. We need to use its resources to address our developmental challenges. This is the part of our economy which is highly skills intensive.

There is also a second part of our economy, which you may call an informal sector that is characterised by a low skills base, poverty, joblessness and uncertain income. Unfortunately, by the design of apartheid policy-makers the second economy is defined by race. The vast majority of black people are trapped in the second economy. The second economy comprises spaza shops, taverns, stokvels, the taxi industry and it has a dynamic link with the first, established or advanced economy. Vast amounts of money leave these impoverished communities daily and are injected into the first economy. Very little reinvestment into these communities takes place. Our people do not enjoy the benefits of the first economy, even when it thrives or grows, because they do not have the skills required in the first economy. There is very little that trickles down to the unskilled and the unemployed masses.

Conservative economists would want us to believe that high economic growth on its own would solve joblessness. It is not necessary to stand on this podium and reject these theories. The harsh reality on the ground has already done so, hence the ANC believes in a strong developmental state that would intervene to correct this anomaly. The ANC outlines a proper development path in its manifesto. The ANC believes that the answer lies in huge investment in education and training that would ensure that workers and the unemployed are empowered with skills to participate in the first economy. The ANC aims to create one million job opportunities through the Expanded Public Works Programme. The involvement of the communities in building infrastructure will assist in providing work opportunities. We believe that this is a correct development path. It is incorrect, therefore, to hold the view that South African labour laws are an impediment to job creation.

The proponents of these quick-fix solutions, the DA, argue that employers should be empowered to hire and fire as they wish and suddenly, miraculously more than one million jobs will be created. What muddled economic thinking. It is populist thinking. What is the view of other international development agencies on this matter? The World Bank and the International Finance Corporation released a publication called Doing Business in 2004. They give different countries scores after assessing their labour laws. The ranking looks at the flexibility of hiring and firing and conditions of employment among others. A higher score implies that the country in question has more rigid or inflexible labour laws. The scores range from zero to hundred. South Africa was given a score or ranking of 36. The question is whether South Africa has an inflexible labour market as alleged by the DA.

Let us analyse the scores or ranking of other developing countries and compare them to the South African score of 36. Brazil has a score of 78 - a score much higher than South Africa, which implies it has rigid labour laws. Chile has a score of 50; China has a score of 47; Botswana has a score of 35; Argentina scored 66; Mexico scored 77 and Morocco scored 51. Let us turn to the Asian Tigers and let us not forget the South African ranking of 36. Taiwan has a score of 57; Japan has a score of 37; Malaysia scored 25 and Thailand scored 61. Let us also turn to developed countries. The South African ranking is still 36 and let us not forget that fact. Israel has a score of 38; Ireland scored 49; Germany scored 51; Finland scored 55; Portugal scored 79 and France scored 50.

It is clear that the DA, which claims that South African labour laws are rigid, cannot sustain its argument. The argument has no basis and only serves as an election slogan. It is a fact that jobs will not be created by taking away the rights of other workers. This will only serve to deepen poverty in our communities. These are just lies from desperate people looking for free votes from our people. Our people cannot be fooled. Their conscience and the truth will guide them.

Ka Sesotho bare, e re ge boesa le tswalele mesoro, motho wa maaka o etla, leokobu letla le ahlame. [In North Sotho they say that you always have to be ready, as you might be taken for a ride.]

Ms N C NKABINDE: Madam Deputy Speaker, Deputy President, hon Ministers and hon members, the Budget, as the Minister of Finance pointed out, should be an expression of the Government’s priorities and its commitment to addressing the needs and aspirations of the nation. Indeed the Minister’s Budget speech does seem to reflect an acknowledgement of the major challenges facing South Africa, namely unemployment, crime, HIV/Aids as well as education and skills development.

The Minister even succeeded in delivering a speech which does not refer to Gear at all, instead we were reminded of the admirable objectives set out in the Reconstruction and Development Programme. The truth, however, is that the RDP was mothballed and replaced with Gear. The truth is that Gear was a policy put in place where a million jobs were destroyed.

While Gear was not mentioned in the Minister’s speech, it continues to be the primary force behind this Appropriation Bill. This makes sense when read in conjunction with the state of the nation address when the President assured us that there would be no significant policy changes. We were promised more of the same and if one reads the fine print of this Appropriation Bill, that is what we have won.

Given the challenges that we face of widespread unemployment and poverty, unnacceptable levels of crime, a rampant HIV/Aids pandemic and a severe shortage of skills, it is necessary to ask whether more of the same is good enough. Our argument remains that Government must do more, especially when it comes to these challenges. Major policy shifts are required, but unfortunately this is not evident in the Appropriation Bill.

On the expenditure side of the Budget the UDM welcomes the increased commitment to HIV/Aids, although the continued delays in the actual roll- out seem to reduce this additional funding to an immaterial promise. The increased focus on infrastructure development and job creation is also welcome, but seems inadequate, given the huge infrastructure maintenance backlog, which runs into tens of billions of rands. For three years now the UDM has called for more government investment and intervention in the economy to protect and promote South African jobs and businesses. The central pillar of that call has been infrastructure development.

The increases for police costs and prisons are similarly welcome, but also seem too little and projected delivery is promised too far into the future. Increases for education are welcome, but too small, given the huge challenges. Only two days ago we were reminded of the extent of the crisis when the HSRC reported that more than half of all school leavers every year join the ranks of the unemployed. A third of all unemployed people are younger than 24. This is a socioeconomic tragedy that condems an entire generation to poverty. We had hoped for far more significant increases in the old age and children’s grants. Overall, amounts of R740 and R710 are just too little in the face of widespread poverty and unemployment. Until such time as the unemployment crisis is adequately addressed, Government has a moral responsibility to provide a safety net for the 20 million poor people in this country. South Africans want change now, not in 10 years time.

On the revenue side, Government is immediately taking more tax while it promises delivery some time in the future. The UDM, however, supports the Bill. I thank you.

The MINISTER FOR AGRICULTURE AND LAND AFFAIRS: Madam Deputy Speaker, Deputy President and hon members, I am very happy because I come from a party that does not just talk, nor does it listen only, but it does something. When hon Madikiza stood here and said, South Africa wants change now"; I say, South Africa has got change.’’ [Interjections.] It had it from 1994. It continued to have it and it will continue as such. When you say the interventions made in the restructuring of the economy through Gear had never borne results, I would actually wonder which country you live in. Because it is through those interventions when we restructured our economy, that we are able today to enjoy the fruits of what we have done. That is why we are able to spend more on social delivery as well as giving some more input into economic growth through what we have done. And for that I say indeed the policies are correct. What we need to deal with are the blockages.

On 11 February two senior citizens of our country, by name Mr Dan Ndzabela and Mr Ebrahim Moorat, took possession of new houses in District Six here in Cape Town, marking a return to the land of their birth. In their company was Comrade Madiba, Comrade Trevor Manuel, Comrade Ebrahim Rasool and many others. In their participation they were affirming that indeed, as the ANC- led Government, as the movement of its people, we are not only there when they are happy, but we are also there when they are in pain. These stories and many others in our country have been a symbol of our commitment as the ANC-led Government to build a nonracial, nonsexist and democratic South Africa. When people of Botshabelo and Middelburg in Mpumalanga received their land, one of the old women there actually started her speech with a song. She said,

Koloi ya lefase ga e dume e ya tsamaya. [The land car does not rumble, but it is going.]

Indeed all of us in this House can attest to that, …

… Koloi ya lefase ga e dume e ya tsamaya, ga se sekorokoro. [… the land car does not rumble, but it is going, it is not an unroadworthy car.]

Madam Deputy Speaker, what we have done in the delivery, particularly of land in this country and many other things, echoes what the majority of South Africans who gathered in Kliptown in 1955 said about the ideal of the country they longed for, even then. A South Africa that belongs to all who live in it - black and white. A South Africa that will share its country’s resources equitably amongst its citizens. A South Africa that will assure that those who work the land will benefit by its ownership beyond just being workers. A South Africa whose people will share in its wealth. This, I believe, is what we have started doing in this ten years of our democratic rule.

Through legislation that was passed in this House, we have created a better land dispensation that takes into consideration the centrality of land ownership and use for any country’s social and economic development. Through Government’s pragmatic interventions and financial resources, through the Budget, as we can see today, we have also ensured that this land dispensation is done in a manner that recognises the interest of all. This is different to what the previous apartheid policies did when they forcibly removed people from their land. Indeed, we are a society that cares, because for us South Africa belongs to all who live in it. And this is contrary to what Phillip du Toit says in his book The Land Scandal, that the way we have undertaken our land reform leaves much to be desired. I am sure, members in this House and many other South Africans can attest that we have done better and we will continue to do better. [Interjections.]

Today, as we discuss the elements of this country’s Budget for 2004-05 and beyond, we can clearly see how the policies and ideals we have for our country’s development are firmly supported by financial resources that will make it possible for us to fight poverty and change the lives of our people for the better, thereby ensuring that the ideal of a prosperous South Africa is realised.

I am reminded of what Ronald Reagan once said. He said, ``We declared war on poverty, and poverty won.’’ However, we can proudly say that poverty will not win. We will continue to make the lives of our people better than ever before. [Applause.]

One of the examples that gives us confidence that indeed we will be able to have a prosperous South Africa, is the evaluation of our performance over the past ten years as the Government, this Parliament and as the various executives and legislatures in our country. In 1994, as we ushered in our democratic dispensation, we had to reconstruct a new society by ensuring that we set up the various institutions that support it. At the same time we had to create confidence in the future by making sure that the economy is well managed, while on the other hand we initiated the process of restructuring and positioning our economy so that it can be competitive and inclusive. At the same time we had to undertake programmes that meet the basic needs of our people without discriminating against the needs of those who have always been privileged. When the hon Deputy President responded to the questions yesterday, he said that we not only liberated those who were oppressed, but we also liberated our oppressors.

Somlomo, uma sibheka ukuthi senzeni mayelana nezomhlaba, ukwabiwa kanye nokuthukukiswa kwawo, singasho ngokungazenyezi ukuthi abantu abaningi bale ngabadi bayaziqhenya namhlanje. Bazibona bengomninimuzi ngoba namhlanje sebeyazi ukuthi banawo umhlaba ongowabo. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

[Madam Speaker, if we look at what we have done with regard to land, its redistribution and development, we can say without doubt that many people of this country are proud today. They see themselves as home owners because today they know that they have land that belongs to them.]

Ngitsi-ke mine kubo bonkhe labantfu baseNingizimu Afrika bayati kutsi ngubani lowente loku lengikhuluma ngako. Akusibo bantfu labasatsi tsine sitawukwenta, tsine sitsi sentile, kungako nje sikhuluma kodvwa singatichenyi. Siyi African National Congress sitawuchubeka sitawuchubeka sente kakhulu kunakucala. Ngitsembe -ke kutsi labo labasele ngemuva batawugibela lenkalishi lehambako ngobe yetfu incola ayisiso sikorokoro kodvwa iya embili. (Translation of Siswati paragraph follows.)

[I am saying that all South African citizens know who did the things I am talking about. We are not people who say, we will do'', we say that we have done it’’, that is why we do not talk proudly. As the ANC, we shall continue doing good deeds, even more than before. I hope that those who are left behind will join us along the way because once we start we do not look back.]

If you look clearly at our land reform policies and programmes, they address three fundamental issues. Through land restitution we have created a rights-based dispensation which restored the rights people lost regarding land. Secondly, our land redistribution programme deals with issues of redress. This programme deals with the legacy of exclusion of many people from the economic mainstream. Through this programme we have given an asset base that individuals and communities can use for economic and social development and thereby bringing back meaning to what it is to be people again. Through this programme we have built new black farmers who can now contribute towards food security for the nation as well as ensuring that they can make their contribution to the local economy in their districts, their provinces and the country as a whole.

Farmers like Mr Khombisa in Mpumalanga, who was one of our first beneficiaries of the LRAD programme, have changed the character of the economic players in Mpumalanga.

Utsi uma akhuluma babe Khombisa,atsi”namuhla ngingakhuluma ngekuticheny,ngitsi nami ngingulomunye lowakha imisebenti’’. Uma sitsi-ke tsine siyi ANC sakha imisebenti, sisho kutsi sivula ematfuba kute kutsi bonkhe bantfu bakwati kusebenta. Ngiyetsemba kutsi sonkhe siyawati umehluko emkhatsini wekwakha imisebenti kanye nekucashwa. (Translation of Siswati paragraphs follows.)

[When Mr Khombisa speaks, he says, ``today I speak with pride, because I am one of those people who creates jobs’’. When we say that we are the ANC, we create jobs. We mean that we open opportunities so that everybody can work. I hope that we all know the difference between job creation and being employed.]

When the ANC says we want to build a contract with our people in order to create work, we are differentiating between work and job creation, because if you create jobs you expect to be employed and become a worker. But when you create work, you create opportunities. Then you participate in the development of new opportunities so that many more people can be employed - a difference from those who are destructing us on this objective. [Applause.]

The farmworkers of Grabouw who came together through our support in terms of the share equity scheme, are today selling their wines locally and internationally under the label of Thandi, thereby making us proud and confident of what we have done. Who can say we have not delivered? Who can say South Africa has not changed? Those farmworkers and those farmers who have worked with this Government in order to create a better life for all say, ``yes things have changed’’.

Our tenure reform has and will continue to be about recognising diversity in our society and giving legal recognition to all forms of tenure. The Communal Land Rights Bill which this House has passed is the first step in ensuring that we create a system that opens up possibilities for development while retaining the security of tenure for our rural communities. On the other hand tenure reform has been about codification of social norms in a manner that allows for the social integration of these traditional societies in our communities.

The Lubombo Spatial Development Initiative, which we created in KwaZulu- Natal as a response to dealing with issues of rural poverty, is but one example where, through tenure reform, we have made a difference. Through the Ingonyama Trust Board where we created opportunities for lease agreements for that land that was required for development we can say today that the people of Ingwavuma along the Lubombo Spatial Development Initiative have work and their lives have improved. The Maleluke claim in Limpopo created opportunities for participation for those communities in ecotourism, thereby allowing them to become part and parcel of the economic activities of the Kruger National Park. The settlement of the Zebediela claim which not only gave back the land as an asset to these communities, but also created economic livelihood through partnership with the private sector, is but one such example.

Hon Minister Manuel, I hope that indeed with these public-private partnerships that we have seen, the commitments of our private financial institutions in the financial charter will go some way in responding to the challenges of rural financial needs as well as agricultural development in this area. I trust that under your leadership we will be able to see these ideals realised.

Clearly for our development to succeed, there is a need to improve integration within Government and among the various spheres of Government. Looking at the Budget today, one can see these elements of integration. New allocations have been made to support land reform beneficiaries as well as improving the capacity of our provincial Departments of Agriculture in responding to the growing needs of this sector. The Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme, commonly known as Casp, which focuses on the need for support through information, a technical advisory service, market information and market development, finance and on-farm and off-farm infrastructure is just another way of ensuring that indeed we can work in an integrated way.

As we look at what we have done and what we will continue to do, it is important not to lose sight of the need for continuous monitoring and evaluation so that we can continue to improve our capacity to respond to our challenge. Because we are a government that cares and want to build a caring society, we have set aside resources to address the challenges of our vulnerable people. We have also done so when we responded to the drought challenges that our farmers are facing. We did this because we are a government that cares.

We said in 1955 that South Africa belongs to all who live in it - black and white. Through this work we will continue to build a nonracial, nonsexist and democratic South African society that can share in our country’s wealth. I am sure a number of people who are looking at who they need to give another mandate to govern, will no doubt vote for the ANC, because indeed we have done what we promised. [Applause.]

Mnr P J GROENEWALD: Agb Adjunkspeaker, die agb Minister van Finansies dien jaarliks sy begroting in, en baie mense in die land sê dit is ‘n goeie begroting. Ek wil vir die agb Minister sê dit help veel hy dien ‘n begroting in, maar as ons gaan kyk na die korrupsie wat in ons land plaasvind, onder die beheer van die ANC, sien ons dit help niks dat ons só ‘n begroting het nie, want die geld word nietemin wanbestee.

Ek wil vandag na drie voorbeelde van korrupsie verwys. Eerstens, op 25 Februarie verlede jaar het ek in hierdie Huis vir die agb Minister van Behuising ‘n vraag oor korrupsie, wat verband hou met behuising by Huhudi in die Vryburgse munisipaliteit, gevra. Die agb Minister het my op 25 Februarie 2003 geantwoord en gesê hulle is bewus daarvan, hulle het ‘n ondersoek gedoen en die saak sou verder deur die Nasionale Vervolgingsowerheid ondersoek word. Dit is ‘n jaar later en die Nasionale Vervolgingsowerheid is steeds besig om dié saak te ondersoek; net mooi niks word daaromtrent gedoen nie. Miljoene rande is ter sprake, maar ons bly net ondersoeke loods.

Die tweede saak waarna ek wil verwys gaan so ver terug dat ek ‘n vraag op 18 Mei 2001 - u hoor reg, in 2001 - in hierdie Raadsaal gevra het. Dit het gegaan oor ‘n persoon wat na senior burgers gegaan en hul beleggingsgeld gevat het. Hy het R72 miljoen van ons oumensies se geld gevat - dit het verdwyn. Die persoon het rondgeloop en gesê dat niks met hom sou gebeur nie, want hy was lid van die ANC. Ek het vir die agb Minister die vraag gevra en die antwoord was: ja, daar is ‘n klagte gelê by Brooklyn se polisiekantoor, ‘n ondersoek is gedoen en Arthur Anderson-rekenmeesters is aangestel. Daar is twee kriminele klagte wat deur die kommersiële tak van die SA Polisiediens ondersoek word. Dit is drie jaar later en die oumensies se geld is steeds weg - R72 miljoen - en die persoon loop nog steeds rond en sê: ``ek is lid van die ANC; niks sal met my gebeur nie’’. Dít is ‘n bewys van die korrupsie wat aangaan en die ANC-regering wat niks daaromtrent doen nie.

Die derde geval behels korrupsie in die Gautengse onderwysdepartement. Ek het ‘n brief aan die agb Minister van Onderwys geskryf. Sestien motors is by dié departement gesteel, en daar is bewyse van nepotisme. Ek het ‘n dik lêer aan die agb Minister gegee. En wat skryf die agb Minister vir my terug? Hy sê dat hy geen jurisdiksie oor die onderwysdepartement in Gauteng het nie. As hy geen jurisdiksie oor korrupsie in die Gautengse onderwysdepartement het nie, watter jurisdiksie het hy? Hoekom is hy dan die Minister van nasionale Onderwys?

As ‘n mens na hierdie dinge kyk, en let op die wyse waarop die Ministers dié sake hanteer, dan is niemand verbaas dat misdaad in Suid-Afrika floreer nie. In ‘n onlangse ondersoek is getoon dat van die totale aantal misdadigers wat gevang word, slegs 9% suksesvol vervolg en gestraf word. Dít beteken dat ‘n misdadiger wat ‘n misdaad pleeg ‘n 91%-kans het om daarmee weg te kom. Daarom sê die VF Plus: ``Sê nee vir die ANC se regstellende aksie wat onbillik is. Sê nee vir korrupsie waar Ministers net hul skouers optrek. Sê nee vir misdaad.’’ (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr P J GROENEWALD: Hon Deputy Speaker, the hon Minister of Finance tables his budget every year, and many people in this country say that it is a good budget. I want to tell the hon Minister that it is a good thing that he tables a budget, but when we take a look at the corruption taking place in our country, under ANC control, we see that it is of no use to have such a budget, because the money is misappropriated anyway.

Today I want to refer to three examples of corruption. Firstly, on 25 February of last year, in this House, I asked the hon Minister of Housing a question on corruption in relation to housing at Huhudi in the Vryburg municipality. The hon Minister answered me on 25 February 2003 and said that they were aware of this, that they had investigated it and that the matter would be further investigated by the National Prosecuting Authority. It is a year later and the National Prosecuting Authority is still investigating the matter; absolutely nothing is being done about it. Millions of rands are at stake, but we just keep on launching investigations.

The second case I wish to refer to dates so far back that I put a question on 18 May 2001 - you heard correctly, in 2001 - in this Chamber. It involved a person who approached senior citizens and took their investment money. He took R72 million from our senior citizens - the money has disappeared. This person went around saying that nothing would happen to him, because he was a member of the ANC. I put the question to the hon Minister and the answer was, yes, charges had been laid at the Brooklyn police station, an investigation had been launched and Arthur Anderson chartered accountants had been appointed. Two criminal charges were being investigated by the commercial branch of the SA Police Service. It is three years later and the senior citizens’ money is still missing - R72 million - and this person is still going around saying: ``I am a member of the ANC; nothing will happen to me.’’ This is proof of the corruption that is going on and the ANC Government that is doing nothing about it.

The third case involves corruption in the Gauteng education department. I sent a letter to the hon Minister of Education. Sixteen motor vehicles have been stolen from this department and there is proof of nepotism. I handed a thick file to the hon Minister. And what did the hon Minister write to me in response? He said that he has no jurisdiction over the Gauteng education department. If he has no jurisdiction over corruption in the Gauteng education department, what jurisdiction does he have? Why is he then the Minister of national Education?

When one looks at these things, and notes the way the Ministers are dealing with these issues, then nobody is surprised that crime is flourishing in South Africa. In a recent investigation it was found that out of the total number of criminals who are apprehended only 9% are successfully prosecuted and punished. This means that a criminal who commits a crime has a 91% chance of getting away with it. That is why the FF Plus says: ``Say no to the ANC’s affirmative action which is unreasonable. Say no to corruption where Ministers merely shrug their shoulders. Say no to crime.’’]

I want to say that the ANC is so soft on corruption that ANC now stands for the ``agency for national corruption’’. I thank you.

Mr B NAIR: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon Minister of Finance, all the Ministers and members of Parliament, it gives me great pleasure - this being my last day in Parliament - to actually get this opportunity to address the House. I was prompted quite late, while I was seated here, that I was due to speak. So, I will take the opportunity also to say au revoir to all the members later.

Now, the impression that has been created consistently by members of the opposition - particularly the DA, and not only in this House, but publicly

• is that the country’s economy is in chaos. Emphasis has been placed on unemployment and the figure of one million has been thrown about. Some have even exaggerated further and said that approximately two million people have become unemployed.

But little did they apply their minds to what gave rise to this. You must remember that quite a number of supporters of the DA, in particular, and probably other parties, are major financiers. Already in 1992 and 1993 quite a number of them began to take their capital out of the country. Some of them went for tax havens. Many of them also filched the scarce resources, accumulated by the hard work of the working class. They took this out of the country in massive amounts. These were lodged in tax havens, and so forth. The end result of this has been that capital became scarce within the country and other countries, for instance China, where labour is cheap, attracted capital.

You find that the DA and others say we must deregulate and privatise. By deregulation is meant that we must actually do away with minimum wages and other labour protective measures so that labour would become cheap, equivalent to that of China and other countries. That will be the incentive for investment. That is what is actually meant by it. They must come off it and tell us the truth.

The thing is, capital has actually been accumulated with an input by labour, as well as the capitalist class, but the accumulated amount is completely in the custody of the capitalist class. Labour has no say over it. So, these moneys continually shift.

Notwithstanding all the problems, the Treasury, this Government, and particularly the Minister, have been lauded by everyone concerned for having done a pretty good job over the last seven years since Mr Manuel became the Minister of Finance. Collectively, along with the other members of the executive, they have taken responsibility for delivering a number of things - not with any of the limitations that we have had - that is water, electricity, food, housing, clinics, hospitalisation, health, welfare, and so forth.

Now, these have been mentioned over and over again. This was largely done through a properly managed economy. No one, except our opposition, can deny that much has been done. They have in fact alleged and insisted that life was better in 1994, or before that, than at present. I join the Minister who said: ``Go and ask the people whether their lives before 1994 were better or whether it is better now.’’

This is crucial. Responsible members of Parliament - and especially senior members of Parliament, leaders they are supposed to be - actually incite the people to a disgraceful degree when they suggest that life was better then, therefore you have to harp back to the good old days of apartheid and division, separate development, and so forth. That is what it amounts to. Let me take the opportunity - I think I have a few seconds, a few minutes, hopefully - to say it has been a pleasure serving in Parliament. I am retiring and I will not be returning to Parliament after the elections. And, on behalf of my colleagues, Laloo Chiba, Reggie September and others who will also be retiring, I also want to say thank you for giving us the opportunity of interacting with the various political parties within Parliament and contributing the little that we could in the last days of our lives here in Parliament. As it is, I have already aged, I am 74 - going on for 75 - and I do not think I will be able to see 100. [Laughter.]

So, therefore, it has been a great opportunity. We can only hope that our small contributions have helped Parliament. We served on various committees: public accounts, finance, the budget committee, and so forth, and we hope that the little we have done will be appreciated by the members. [Applause.] We thank you all. Au revoir, we wish you all the very best in the future. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Madam Deputy Speaker, Deputy President and colleagues, let us thank the last speaker, Mr Nair. We only hope we will also reach that age.

This year’s Budget, like those in the past three years, is directed towards growth. And, it was not surprising that the Minister aptly chose plants as his model for growth.

That the greater chunk of the Budget is set aside for provincial and local government authorities is proof that Government has come to terms with the delegated authority which points to a federalist outlook. We in the UCDP have always stood for this - to give power to the people. It is unfortunate that some Ministries are at pains to take away even the few powers given to provinces by the Constitution.

The Minister is to be commended for having succeeded in cutting down the indebtedness to 3,1%, and thus being in a position to reduce taxes by a whopping R4 billion. We could not have asked for more and concur therefore with the Minister that there are better days ahead. It is up to the other two levels of government to use the money profitably for the nation.

A real balancing act was performed in the Budget. Each cluster has seen an increase in their allocation. While the Budget is meant to improve the quality of life of the citizens, it cannot be denied that it is also used to direct people which way to cross. We accept that Treasury cannot prescribe to departments how to use money allocated to them. But in the same breath, we hope that the department, with the support of Parliament, will ensure that the directives, as set out in the Public Finance Management Act, are followed to the letter, otherwise the good work that Treasury is doing will go up in smoke.

For us, a good Budget should address the needs of the poor. It should ensure that the have-nots are catered for. It is great news that land restitution has been catered for so that the landless and those whose land was usurped could finally have peace of mind by tilling the land and producing food for themselves. This is a step in the direction of self- reliance, a maxim which we believe in.

In the five years of the current Parliament, the President has in two state- of-the-nation addresses stated that the Government is tiring of underperforming and perhaps nonperforming employees. This is an indictment on the calibre of public servants in Government. Our advice is that they should serve the public, and not meddle with politics. They should derive pleasure in serving the nation.

The increased allocation for putting up a fight against HIV/Aids should be directed at that. We hope that the relevant department will indicate how they will use the money but appreciate that Treasury has made a clean breast on this matter by providing the funds.

Finally, on a lighter note: the issue of a third term in office has been bandied around in some circles in recent times and there is no doubt that Minister Manuel has successfully paved his way for consideration to appointment to Cabinet for the third term in the economic cluster for the good work he keeps doing. Thank you, Mr Minister.

The UCDP supports the Appropriation Bill.

Bishop L J TOLO: Motlhomphegi mosepidiši wa modiro, pele ga ge nka tšwela pele ka polelo ya ka, ke nyaka go laetša Ngwako wo gotee le borwa bja Afrika ka kakaretšo ka ga lekgotla la ANC. Motlatša-Presidente, mohlomphegi Mna J G Zuma, ge a be a fetola dipotšišo ka Laboraro o swaile gore ge o ka tšeya lepotlelo gomme wa lebantšha molomo wa lona le moo moya o tšwago ntshe, o tla kwa gore go direga lešata le legolo bjang. Bjaloka moetapele wa go hlomphega, o be a laetša gore moetapele wa lekgotlakganetšo, mohlomphegi Tony Leon, ke motho wa go bolela ka kudu; ke gore o swana le lepotlelo. Ka papetšo ye, Motlatša-Presidente o tloge a nepile.

Maafrikanere a Christiana, go la North West, a ile a laetša Afrika-Borwa le lefase ka moka gore go na le boradipolitiki bao ba bolelago ka kudu eupša ba sa dire selo, le gore ge e le ANC yona ge e seno bolela e a dira. Taba ye re e hlatsela ge re theeletša radio. Ke gopola mokgekolo yo mongwe a re: (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Bishop L J TOLO: Hon Speaker, before I can proceed with my speech, I would like to tell this House and the whole of Southern Africa about the ANC organisation. The Deputy President, the hon Mr J G Zuma, when he was responding to questions on Wednesday, pointed out that if you take a bottle and point it in the direction of the wind, you will hear how much noise it makes. As an hon leader, he was pointing out that the Leader of the Opposition, the hon Tony Leon, is talkative; it means he is like a bottle. The Deputy President drew a correct conclusion there.

The Afrikaners in Christiana, in the North West, showed South Africa and the whole world that there are politicians who talk too much and do little, and that the ANC do something after talking. This can be attested to when we listen to the radio. It reminds me of an old woman who once said:]

Ons gaan vir die ANC stem. Ek weet hy gaan ons help, want ons sien hy gee huise aan die mense. [Applous.] [We will vote for the ANC. I know that the ANC will help us because we see them giving houses to the people. [Applause.]]

Ge e le mohlomphegi Tony Leon yena o fo bolela eupša ga a dire selo. Nna ke motho wa go tšwa magaeng. Mabapi le methopo ya dihlabollo le go hlola dikgoba tša mešomo dileteng tša magaeng, nka swaya gore pele ga 1994 re be re tloga magaeng re ya go tsoma mešomo ditoropong tša go swana boGauteng le mafelong a mangwe a kgole. Efela mola ANC e tšeyago marapo a mmušo - le nkweng gabotsebotse gobane le botšwa ke motho yo a dulago magaeng - e fakile mohlagase dileteng tšeo.

Ke gopola polelo ya Mohumagadi Thoko Didiza ge a be a re go dira mošomo le go hlola dikgoba tša mošomo ke dilo tše pedi tšeo di farologanego. Ka tsela yeo ANC e dirilego ka gona, ge o ka lebelela o tla hwetša gore ba bangwe batho kua magaeng ba šoma ka go momagantšha tšhipi - mafesetere, dikeiti, difense - gomme ba hirile batho ba go ka ba lesome le go feta mola ba ba bangwe ba iša ditšweletšwa tšeo go bareki. Seo ke go hlola dikgoba tša mešomo.

Batho ba magaeng re be re kwešiša gabotse gore ge motho a be a nyaka go ya Checkers, o be a tlemegile go sepela leeto la dikhilomithara tše 160 go išago tše 200. Ge ANC e seno tliša mohlagase magaeng, mabenkele a boCheckers, Spar le Plaza bjale a hwetšagala magaeng. Batho ba gaborena ka moka bjale ba thoma go hwetša mešomo.

Puku ya Pele ya Bakorinthe 7:1 e bontšha gore monna le mosadi nako le nako ba swanetše go dula ba le mmogo; ge e se fela ge ba sa kgone go dula mmogo ka mabaka ao ba a kwanetšego. Ke bolela bjalo gobane ge dikgoba tša mešomo di bulegile magaeng, nako le nako basadi ba dula le banna ba bona le banna ba dula le basadi ba bona. Peleng re be re tloga gae re ya boGauteng, mafelelong motho a hwetše lethašana gomme a nape a itulele sa ruri a se sa hlwela a boela gae. [Disego.] [Legofsi.] Bjale ANC e hlotše dikgoba tša mešomo magaeng gomme magaeng go swana le ditoropong. Mafelong a mangwe Kgoro ya tša Paballo ya Leago e thuša basadi ka go reka met šhene ya go paka marotho. Ke le botša gore bjale re ja borotho bja go fiša kua magaeng; ga re sa ja bja go tonya. Tše ka moka ke dikgoba tša mešomo tšeo di hlotšwego ke ANC.

Nywagasomeng ya bo1980 magae a be a atetšwe ke bolwetši bjo go bego go thwe ke hwashi'' gobakgošiakgoro’’, e lego bolwetši bja tlala bja go swara bana ge ba se na dijo. Mebele ya bana e ba le letlalo leo le senyegago. Mehleng yeno bolwetši bjo bo hweletše sa ruri ka ge ANC e hlola dikgoba tša mešomo magaeng gomme batho ba paka marotho, ba lema ditšhengwana tša merogo mola ba bangwe ba apeela bana dikolong. Bana ba rena dimpana di tšeya ka tshwanelo.

Bjale ga ke kwešiše gore mohlomphegi Tony Leon ge a re batho ba lahlegelwa ke mešomo o ra bjang. Ebile yena o dula Sandton, tulong ya majabajaba.

A ke bontšhe gore kua magaeng re na le dibanka - boStandard Bank, boFirst National Bank le boABSA. Gape re na le mabenkele a magolo a difenishara ka ge Mmušo wa rena o ile wa laela gore go be le ditlhabollo magaeng. Re na le diposo le dikgwebo tšeo di farologanego. Seo se ra gore batho ba gaborena ba hwetša mešomo ka bokgauswi; ba bile ba robala ka malapeng a bona. Pitlagano yela ya ditseleng ge ba be ba ya go tsoma mešomo ditoropong tše kgolo ga e sa le gona.

Batho ba gaborena ba swanetše go kwešiša gore ka 1912 ANC e bontšhitše gore re tla lwela gore batho ba hwetše tokologo. Ka 1994 batho ba hweditše tokologo. Se, se hlatsela boikokoropo bjo ANC e bo tšweleditšego. Gomme re re ka 14 Aporele 2004, batho ka moka, ba bašweu le babaso, ge ba ya go kgetha, ba šomiše tlhaologanyo ka tshwanelo, ba kgethe ANC.

Lentšu la Democratic Alliance la ``swartgevaar’’ le aroganya setšhaba sa Afrika-Borwa. Mo Afrika-Borwa re dikile re fapana, ba bašweu le babaso re sa kwane. Efela ANC e dirile gore re boelane, re swarelane gomme re phele gabotse. Se, se ra gore ge batho ba ya go kgetha ka la 14 Aporele 2004, ba netefatše gore ka moka ba kgetha ANC.

Mohlomphegi Mike Ellis ke hlatse ya gore gore re be badiidi re dirišitšwe ke phathi ya bona. Ke a leboga. [Nako e fedile.] [Legofsi.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[The hon Tony Leon just talks and does nothing. I am from the rural areas. With regard to the development and creation of jobs in the rural areas, I would like to point out that before 1994 we used to go and look for jobs in Gauteng and other distant areas. But since the ANC-led Government came into power, those areas are electrified, and you have to listen carefully, because someone who lives in the rural areas tells you.

I remember when Mrs Thoko Didiza said that creating jobs and creating job opportunities are two different things. What the ANC has done is to enable other people in the rural areas to work with steel, making window frames, gates and fences, and they have hired about ten or more people, while others sell the products. That is what job creation opportunities are all about.

The rural people knew that when they had to go to Checkers, they had to travel for about 160 to 200 kilometres. After the ANC brought electricity to rural areas, shops like Checkers, Spar and the plazas are now available in rural areas. Our people are now able to get jobs nearby.

In the Scriptures, 1 Corinthians 7 it is said that a man and a woman should always be together, and they only live apart if they agree on that. I say this because when we have job opportunities in rural areas, the men will always be with their families, as well the women. In the past we used to go to Gauteng, and in the long run we would have girlfriends and no longer go back home. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Now the ANC has created job opportunities in the rural areas, and so now the rural areas are like the urban areas. In other areas the Department of Social Development helps women by buying them machines to bake bread. I tell you, we now have hot bread in the rural areas; we no longer eat cold bread. All these are job opportunities created by the ANC.

In the 1980s rural areas had a disease called ``Koshiakor’’, which was found among children who did not have enough to eat. The children developed skin problems. We no longer have this disease because the ANC has created job opportunities in the rural areas and because now people bake bread and have vegetable gardens, while some cook for children at schools. Our children now have nice-looking tummies.

I do not understand why hon Tony Leon says people are losing jobs. And he lives in Sandton, a very expensive suburb. Let me indicate to you that we now have banks in the rural areas - Standard Bank, First National Bank and ABSA. We also have furniture shops as our Government has given the go-ahead for rural development. We have post offices and different businesses. This means that our people get jobs nearby, and they sleep at home. The traffic jam on our roads caused by people going to look for jobs in big towns is no longer there.

Our people need to understand that in 1912 the ANC indicated that it would fight for people to get freedom. In 1994 people got freedom. This indicates the commitment that the ANC has shown. Now we say that on 14 April 2004, all the people, both black and white, when they go to vote, should apply their minds well and vote for the ANC.

The word ``swartgevaar’’ [black peril] that was used by the Democratic Alliance divides the South African people. Here in South Africa we were against each other, the blacks and whites differed. But the ANC made it possible to have reconciliation, to forgive each other and to live in peace. This means that when people go to vote on 14 April 2004 they have to make sure that they vote for the ANC.

Hon Mike Ellis can testify that we are poor because of their political party. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr T GODI: Chairperson, comrades and hon members, the PAC would like first and foremost to congratulate the Minister on his Budget speech, presented towards the end of the second democratic National Assembly and the completion of a decade of democratic rule. It was, therefore, logical that the Budget was presented with a glance backwards at the road traversed.

The PAC agrees with you, Comrade, that the South Africa of today is completely different from that of 10 years ago. Fundamental transformation has taken place on a number of fronts, key to which is the democratisation of the state at all levels and the creation of institutions and systems for accountability and monitoring which have given the wretched of the earth a platform and a voice.

The PAC is happy and proud of these achievements. The transformation programme is the agenda of the democratic and progressive forces that waged a protracted and bitter liberation struggle for political democracy, social dignity and economic justice for the African people in general and the working class in particular. From its inception the PAC was fired by the vision of a society that is democratic, informed, nonracial in character and socialistic in context. [Interjections.]

The PAC is in agreement with you, Comrade Minister, bearing in mind the above, that in your words, we still have far to walk'' and that there is more to be done’’. The call of the PAC is that since we still have far to walk, let’s hasten our pace. Let there be renewed and sufficient political will and progressive policies to tackle head-on the stumbling blocks to economic equity. The heart-rendering poverty amongst the majority of our people is the biggest barrier to the expansion of the frontiers of human fulfilment.

In a country like ours characterised by acute disparities and deprivation, for the majority it is only correct that the Budget must have a strong preponderance towards social spending. We applaud the increased spending on education, health, housing, basically on all departments. However, we need to point out that despite all these, education is still neither free nor compulsory. School fees remain an instrument of exclusion. We welcome the increased spending on health, particularly the fight against HIV/Aids.

We are happy with the allocations that increase capacity in the justice department to deal with crimes against women and children in particular. We also welcome the allocation for our Pan-African duties in the DRC and Burundi. The PAC fully supports the deployment of our troops in these African states.

In respect of Zimbabwe we are happy and support the Government’s correct and consistent position. We, however, say Government should, as much as possible, do more to assist the government of Zimbabwe.

It is the considered view of the PAC that a considerably higher allocation should have been made for land reforms. The correct intention of substantive and faster agrarian reform will be handicapped by a lack of funds. Whilst we support the progressive expansion of social security, it is the considered view of the PAC that the unemployed and the destitute deserve to be an integral part of our social security programme.

The Public Works programme for infrastructural development cannot be considered to be a serious and sustainable poverty alleviation strategy. It is too short term and the bulk of the resources go into the pockets of the individuals who have been given the tenders. Comrade Minister, the PAC is dead set against the privatisation of social services like water and electricity. In an environment of mass poverty it raises questions of affordability and accessibility. The frontiers of human fulfilment are restricted and not expanded.

We are not yet where we want to be. There is still much to be done. The PAC guarantees itself as a ready and principled partner in the transformation programme. I thank you.

Dr E E JASSAT: Deputy Chairperson, hon Minister, hon members, this is also my swan song. As I leave this Parliament today, never to return to this august Chamber, I would like to thank the presiding officers, my colleagues in the ANC, and members of all other parties, for the comradeship and friendship over the past 10 years. My gratitude also goes to the parliamentary staff and the nursing sisters, who have always been so courteous and helpful during my stay here. Special thanks to those members of Parliament who indeed gave me the honour to treat them medically.

The Budget reflects the substantial deprioritisation that has been achieved since 1994. We have increased our spending on social services and infrastructural development which is targeted at the needs of the poor. The Government is to be congratulated for laying a secure foundation for sustainable social development. Not only have we drawn from a wide spectrum of development policies and practice, but we have shown our commitment to the people of this country by investing in them. Our key priorities have been people driven. We are upgrading schools, hospitals and clinics. We have built homes, thus giving millions of people a roof over their heads.

In the last 10 years, we have worked hard to ensure effective and balanced spending on Public Services. We have moved closer towards a much more efficient tax system. We have introduced a Medium-Term Expenditure Framework process, which is a significant improvement on the incremental … [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! This is the hon member’s last speech. I think you should do him justice by listening to it, especially members in the governing benches - he is your colleague. Thank you.

Dr E E JASSAT: Deputy Chair, we have introduced a Medium-Term Expenditure Framework process which is a significant improvement on the incremental ad hoc approach to budgeting of the past. Improved planning that starts at national level and improved policy co-ordination will eventually provide a much needed link between inputs, outputs and outcomes. We have included local government in the vertical split - as required by the Constitution - to enhance local governments’ ability to upgrade municipal infrastructure and to provide electricity, sanitation and refuse-removal services - services which have been sadly lacking in many parts of our country for many years.

We have made tangible changes to the lives of our people. Let me use health to illustrate my point. We have unravelled the past by laying the foundation for an effective and efficient health service. Today, pregnant women, young children and the elderly have access to free health services in our country. We have increased the supply of doctors to areas of need and we have introduced incentives such as the scarce-skill remuneration package for health professionals.

This year we are increasing the hospitalisation grant to R912 million. This is for the upgrading and revitalisation of 27 hospitals. To improve the management and the quality of care in our hospitals, a R142 million has been allocated. We have built 701 new clinics and upgraded existing ones.

Nevirapine is available at 150 sites for pregnant women and their newborn babies. This makes the programme the largest in the world. We are reducing backlogs of assistive devices, such as wheelchairs and hearing aids, and we are spending over 13 million for this purpose this year. We have increased immunisation coverage across the country to 74%. No death due to measles has occurred since 1999, and we have eradicated polio and tetanus completely.

New information systems are being implemented. Provincial health information budgets have gone from nil to over R10 million per year. Major new legislation has been introduced to deal with issues affecting both the public and the private health sectors. These include the Medical Schemes Act which outlaws discrimination against the sick and the elderly. We have taken strong measures to ensure that people living with HIV/Aids are not discriminated against, and more importantly, are not prevented from joining a medical scheme. In addition, we have broadened the definition of a dependent to make it more consistent with South African families.

We are putting a stop to the domination of commercial interest which has begun to take precedence over the needs of the public at large. Progress is being made to improve the supply and the availability of affordable medicines, and we have introduced the Tobacco Products Control Act to discourage people, especially the young, from starting to smoke and to protect the rights of nonsmokers.

With regard to HIV/Aids, we can anticipate rising demands for health and social services over the next few years. But the impact can be mitigated by managing a process that can redirect the path of the epidemic and make a difference to the lives of people affected and infected by HIV/Aids. The test of the national response does not lie, therefore, in the many disparate activities undertaken, knowing the organisationally efficient approach, but rather in the process of engagement with people living with HIV/Aids and with the broader society.

I want to congratulate the Department of Health on the excellent implementation programme, on the management, care and treatment of people with HIV/Aids. For 2004, R300 million has been set aside. This is a major commitment and a major undertaking that all of us must support.

Before I conclude, I want to direct a few comments to the opposition parties. They have sustained their attack on reform, and particularly health care reform in this country, and in doing so, they have constantly contradicted the interests of their own voters.

Everything we do and every day that passes is one during which we are transforming and trying to extricate our country from our chaotic and ruinous past. Today we are introducing better systems, improving management structures and financing … [Time expired.] Thank you. [Applause.]

HON MEMBERS: Malibongwe! [Praise!]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Igama lamakhosikazi! [The name of the women!]

HON MEMBERS: Malibongwe! [Praise!]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Deputy Chairperson, Minister, hon members, the MF notes the intense work required in devising a suitable, productive and workable Budget for South Africa, and notes the many calamities and challenges facing this country.

Over the past few years, the MF has been pleased with the strategies devised by the hon Minister and his team in addressing the challenges of the South African economy. In view of the Appropriation Bill the MF notes the fine work done by the department. The challenge of poverty in South Africa is immense, and the MF agrees that an earnest activation on job creation would help us sufficiently in fighting poverty.

We are proud to note the 2 million jobs created in the past decade. We join the earnest determination and intention to further create as many jobs as possible in the next five years through the use the promising Expanded Public Works Programme. It is sincerely hoped that the R20 billion invested in the project will be utilised effectively in attaining promising results.

Another major challenge South Africa faces is the harsh realities of HIV/Aids. The MF has, in its own capacity, embarked on HIV/Aids awareness efforts amongst our people as have many other governmental, NGOs and other projects.

Crime and safety in our country is another factor that the MF is very concerned about, and it is pleasing to note that the department has made a substantial effort in addressing the problem by providing more police personnel, equipment, finance and police stations.

A substantial allowance for education has also been made with the allocation of R700 million. National and provincial levels are receiving attention too. The Government’s intention to spend R318 billion on delivering services to the people and which will be divided between the different spheres of Government appears promising. It is hoped that these funds shall be utilised effectively in doing so.

Regarding the increase to municipalities, it is hoped that it will lead to improved standards of living and conditions throughout South Africa. The MF is pleased with the age adjustment made in child support grants from nine years in 2003 to 11 years in 2004, and the promise of extending it to 14 years in 2005 and hoping to reach 18 years. However, we are not pleased with the increase of only R10 in the child grants, making it R170. How does one provide for a child with R170? The MF knows the difficulty in providing for our children. They are our responsibility and we hope to see a minimum of R500 per child at least.

Another concern is our pensioners who were granted a sad R40 increase. I ask: What does this increase do for an adult who is aged and most likely hampered by a number of illnesses? The MF calls and appeals for a rise in the old age and disability grants from R740 to a minimum of R1 000 per month. Our people cannot survive on what we are giving them.

In view of the structure of the Bill, the division of roles between the various departments appears intact. The MF takes this opportunity to compliment our hon Minister of Finance and his department on the fine work. We hope that your strategy will attain promising results. The MF thanks you, hon Minister, for your success. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mrs B M NTULI: Deputy Chairperson, hon members, the President said in a statement on 8 January:

As we advance towards the next elections and the celebration of our first decade of liberation, we must work harder to draw more and more of our people into the Letsema and Vukuzenzele campaigns. We must strengthen the people’s contract to push back the frontiers of poverty and expand access to jobs and a better life for all.

Only the ANC-led Government can do that. Prior to 1994, the South African economy was underperforming because of the low income earned and generated by the majority of its people. Economic growth was called to a halt but the ANC-led Government was able to cut expenditure and reduced the debt and budget deficit. After 1994 both the debt and deficit are now under control, and the debt service costs have been declining in real terms. Overall economic stability has been achieved because the economy was deracialised.

Now Government can start to release more resources to stimulate the economy. This is possible because we have the quality of leadership in the ANC. Our leadership has a history of sacrifice. They can take unpopular decisions if need be. They have the ability to remove the chains of oppression and redress the imbalances of the past to provide a better life for all.

South Africa has experienced a persistent structural unemployment problem and with it household poverty and vulnerability. The ANC seeks to provide more, better and sustainable jobs - in short, decent jobs for all. The ANC has created a range of immediate interventions in order to achieve that. More than 2 million net new jobs had been created between 1996 and 2003. Indeed, the South African economy is well-managed by a caring and people- centred ANC-led Government based on the will of the people. We have, in the first 10 years of democracy, lived up to the ideal stipulated in the Freedom Charter that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. We are the ANC today, yesterday and tomorrow; unlike the changing DA, who dress in a sheepskin when campaigning and a wolf-skin when they are voting in the Chamber.

Liyasho-ke neBhayibheli lithi, bazokuza kini bembathise okwezimvu kanti ngaphakathi bayizimpisi. [Even the Bible says they will come to you as wolves in sheep’s clothing.]

The ANC-led Government has made miraculous progress in the first 10 years. In our effort to roll back the frontiers of poverty, we have created work by removing many of the inherent aspects of the system of apartheid that had systematically and purposefully restricted the majority of South Africans from meaningful participation in the economy because they had no asset base.

This is in line with the Government’s vision 2014. This vision is targeted towards an adaptive economy characterised by growth and employment equity built on the full potential of all persons, communities and geographic areas.

In the past year’s state of the nation address, our President emphasised this call when he said:

As we approach the first decade of our new democracy, the need for economic transformation that brings about effective and significant black economic empowerment becomes more pressing.

Today more black people are becoming professionals, managers and technicians. The black economic empowerment theme has been a consistent theme in the ANC policy from the time of the Freedom Charter. Two of the main demands of the Charter were that the people shall share in the country’s wealth and the land shall be shared among those who work on it.

We believe, as the ANC, that economies that increase participation of their people in production through equity, ownership, skills development and public-private ownership are more likely to become competitive and this will lead to economic growth.

Black economic empowerment is a broadbased inclusive process associated with governance and part of Government’s growth strategy. In addition, BEE Act 53 of 2003 focuses on issues of ownership, skills development and serves as the lever for implementing Government’s BEE initiatives. Hence, the introduction of the Broadbased Economic Empowerment Act last year was only one of the five policy instruments of the black economic empowerment strategy.

In addition, the strategy document had the proposed code of good practice which includes definitions, references on the advisory council including a draft constitution to help expedite growth and empowerment in the economy through the continuing process of recruiting black people into executive decision-making positions in companies.

We believe that black economic empowerment will work if the private sector forms partnerships with every organ of state in the implementation of black economic empowerment in their companies.

In all this, the ANC leads. In order to achieve this, we need to embark on skills development in an aggressive way, and the DA is opposed to this. [Time expired.] [Applause.] Mnr C AUCAMP: Agb Voorsitter, agb Minister, ‘n begroting kan nie in isolasie beskou en beoordeel word nie. Dit is nie ‘n losstaande dokument nie, maar die neerslag van ‘n dieperliggende ekonomiese en fiskale filosofie. Dieselfde geld vir die Begroting van minister Manuel.

Dit moet gelees word teen die agtergrond van president Mbeki se openingsrede waartydens hy die belangrike onderskeid gemaak het tussen die sogenaamde eerste ekonomie en die tweede ekonomie; ‘n baie meer sinvolle onderskeid as die tweenasie-onderskeid. Die kernstelling in dié verband, waarop hy ook tydens die TV-onderhoud ná die openingsrede uitgebrei het, is: ``You can’t develop the second economy by hurting the first economy.’‘(Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr C AUCAMP: Hon Chairperson, hon Minister, a budget cannot be viewed and judged in isolation. It is not an isolated document, but the embodiment of a fundamental economic and fiscal philosophy. The same applies to the Budget of Minister Manuel.

It must be read against the background of President Mbeki’s opening address during which he made the important distinction between the so-called first economy and the second economy; a far more meaningful distinction than the two nations distinction. The crucial statement in this regard, on which he also elaborated during the television interview after the opening address, is: ``You can’t develop die second economy by hurting the first economy.’’]

With that philosophy the NA can identify itself.

Ons glo dat die Minister met sy Begroting in ‘n redelike mate in hierdie doel geslaag het. Die kernvereiste vir ‘n begroting wat aan hierdie doelstelling beantwoord, is dat ‘n balans tussen drie sake gevind moet word, naamlik besteding aan infrastruktuur en kapitaalprojekte, maatskaplike besteding en belastingverligting oor ‘n breë spektrum.

Die Minister het ‘n goeie balans tussen genoemde drie vereistes gevind. Ons moet egter sê die balanseerbalk waarop hy sy balanseertoertjie moet uitvoer, is besig om smaller te word. Dit blyk uit die feit dat vir 2003 R300 miljard ingevorder is teenoor die verwagte R304 miljard.

Die NA is positief oor die volgende aspekte van die Begroting wat die eerste ekonomie kan stimuleer: die verhoging van die belastingvrye inkomsteperk na R32 000 per jaar, en vir persone bó 65 na R50 000 per jaar; die verhoogde toekennings vir kapitaalprojekte; die afskaffing van seëlregte op eiendomstransaksies en die verhoogde intreevlak op hereregte, en die nietoestaan van ‘n basiese inkomstetoelae aan alle persone, wat ‘n sosialistiese praktyk sou wees wat geen positiewe uitwerking op groei sou hê nie. Met betrekking tot die tweede ekonomie is daar talle maatreëls: die verhoging van ouderdomspensioene en kindertoelae, verhoogde vigsbesteding en verhoogde onderwys- en ander maatskaplike besteding.

Die NA is negatief oor die volgende aspekte van die Begroting wat groei in die eerste ekonomie kan strem: eerstens die feit dat die belastingvrye perk op aftreefondse nie verhoog is nie, maar slegs R120 000 bly, welke bedrag oor die afgelope 15 jaar konstant bly en deur inflasie geërodeer word. Verder is daar die gebrek aan ‘n belastingkorting op grond van uitgawes wat deur die publiek aangegaan word om hulle te beveilig as gevolg waarvan miljarde rande spandeer word aan ‘n saak waarvoor die Regering reeds belastings het. Die gebrek aan belastingaansporings om groei, belegging en besparing te stimuleer, en die buitensporige bedrag van R1,1 miljard wat opsy gesit word vir militêre operasies buite ons grense is verdere knelpunte. Suid-Afrika dra ‘n té groot las in dié verband.

Die NA wil waarsku teen die volgende: munisipaliteite beskik nog nie oor die kundigheid en die bevoegdheid om die groter verantwoordelikheid waarmee hulle beklee word, veral ten opsigte van kapitaalontwikkeling en die daarstelling van infrastruktuur, effektief na te kom nie. Tweedens, die Begroting is soos die sakeplan van ‘n firma; die toets van die som lê in die uitvoering daarvan en dit is waar miljarde rande oneffektief aangewend word of selfs nie eens bestee word nie.

Derdens kan die addisionele befondsing van opkomende boere toenemend in ‘n bodemlose put beland indien die keuringsproses nie drasties opgeknap word nie en die beleid om onekonomiese stukkies grond aan soveel as moontlik mense toe te ken nie drasties hersien word en deeglike planne vir indiensopleiding nie daargestel word nie.

In die geheel is dit ‘n begroting wat kort voor die verkiesing soveel as moontlik mense gelukkig wil hou en dalk ook daarin geslaag het. Die ware lakmoestoets lê in die uitvoering daarvan. Ten slotte moet die Minister krediet gegee word vir ‘n inspirerende begrotingsrede wat veel meer is as ‘n relaas van kille ekonomiese feite en gewis ook bydra tot die proses van versoening in Suid-Afrika. Die NA steun die Begroting. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[We believe that the Minister achieved this goal to a reasonable extent with his Budget. The most important requirement for a budget which achieves this goal is that a balance must be found between three matters, namely expenditure on infrastructure and capital projects, social expenditure and tax relief over a broad spectrum.

The Minister has found a good balance between the said three requirements. We have to say, however, that the balancing beam on which he has to perform his balancing act is becoming narrower. This is apparent from the fact that R300 billion was collected for 2003 as against the estimated R304 billion.

The NA is positive about the following aspects of the Budget which can stimulate the first economy: the increase in the tax-free income limit to R32 000 per annum, and for persons older than 65 to R50 000 per annum; the increased allocations for capital projects; the abolition of stamp duty on property transactions and the increased entry level on transfer duty, and the non-allocation of a basic income grant to all persons, which would be a socialistic practice that would have no positive effect on growth. With regard to the second economy there are many measures: the increase in old- age pensions and children’s grants, increased Aids expenditure and increased education and other social expenditure.

The NA is negative about the following aspects of the Budget that can hamper growth in the first economy: firstly, the fact that the tax-free limit on retirement funds was not raised, but remains only R120 000, which amount has remained constant and has been eroded by inflation over the past 15 years. Furthermore there is the lack of a tax rebate on the basis of expenditure incurred by the public to safeguard themselves, as a result of which billions of rands are spent on a matter for which the Government already has taxes. The lack of tax incentives to stimulate growth, investment and savings, and the exorbitant amount of R1,1 billion set aside for military operations outside our borders are further problem areas. South Africa is bearing too heavy a burden in this regard.

The NA wants to warn against the following: municipalities do not yet possess the expertise and the competing effectively to meet the greater responsibility entrusted to them, especially in respect of capital development and the building of infrastructure. Secondly, the Budget is like the business plan of a firm; the proof of the pudding is in the eating, and that is where billions of rands are utilised ineffectively or not even spent at all. Thirdly, the additional funding of emergent farmers could increasingly end up in a bottomless pit if the selection process is not drastically tightened up and the policy to allocate uneconomic pieces of land to as many people as possible is not drastically revised and thorough plans for in-service training are not introduced.

On the whole it is a budget that wants to keep as many people as possible happy just before the election and has possibly also succeeded in doing so. However, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. In conclusion the Minister must be given credit for an inspiring Budget speech which is far more than the enumeration of cold economic facts and certainly also contributes to the process of reconciliation in South Africa. The NA supports the Budget.]

Nkst D G NHLENGETHWA: Mgcinisihlalo, emalunga lahlon, i-ANC igubha iminyaka lelishumi yatfola inkhululeko. Iminyaka lelishumi siphumile ekucindzetelweni, silwisana nebuphuya nendlala. Mine ngisho inkhululeko yekutsi bantfu baseNingizimu Afrika batfole, kwekucala ngca, tindlu letingetabo, emanti lahlobile, nagezi nalokunye lokunyenti. Ngisho inkhululeko yekwelekelelwa nguHulumende loholwa yi-ANC ngesondlo sebantfwan. Inkhululeko yekutsi bantfu besifazane babe netindlu nemihlaba lokungekwabo.

Sekela Sihlalo, ngitawutsatsa lelitfuba ngimeme balingani bami lapha ngesheya kwekutsi siwugubhe kanye nabo lomkhosi wenkhululeko ngobe bebatsi bacindzetele tsine kantsi nabo baticindzetele. (Translation of Siswati paragraphs follows.)

[Mrs D G NHLENGETHWA: Chairperson, hon members, the ANC is celebrating 10 years since it gained independence. It is 10 years since we emerged from oppression and from struggling with poverty and hunger. What I am talking about is an independence where, for the first time, all citizens of South Africa are able to own houses, have access to clean water, electricity and many other basic human rights services. I am speaking of a freedom where the ANC-led Government gives support to children in the form of grants. In that independence women are free to obtain and purchase land and houses of their own.

Deputy Chairperson, I would like to take this opportunity to invite my colleagues on the other side to join us in celebrating our 10 years of independence. Unfortunately, they thought that they were oppressing us when they were, actually, oppressing themselves in the process.]

They were almost bypassed by opportunities to see our ordinary people in South Africa taking part in Parliament, participating in law-making processes through consultation, izimbizo, people’s forums and giving a mandate to the government of their choice and to the government of their hopes. Lastly, Chairperson, they almost denied themselves an opportunity to see me, an ANC rural woman, addressing them from this podium on behalf of the ANC. [Applause.]

Deputy Chairperson, the ANC is saying we should have ``a people’s contract to create work and fight poverty’’. The question is: How? We are not singing praise songs here like Mam’ uNkabinde and the DA saying that we have lost jobs and, in the meantime, they have got nothing in their plans that shows how are they going to remedy the situation of job creation.

As the ANC we are saying this could be achieved through the Expanded Public Works Programmes. The ANC expects to create one million jobs that will target women and children. We have also been able to take the first step to ensure that the economically marginalised both in urban and rural areas are empowered to join the economic mainstream. The ANC commenced the continuing effort of Government to improve the skills base of the youth and women through the Department of Labour. Through the partnership between Seta, the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, and the public sector, 51% of resources are targeted for women and 4% for the disabled.

The Mpumalanga treasury will commence with a graduate development programme as from April 2004; 15 unemployed graduate youth will be trained in several areas of financial management in an attempt to make them employable.

Furthermore, Deputy Chairperson, through the efforts of the ANC, there are MPs who are first-year students in the economics faculty. The second-years will be graduating with their advanced diploma in economics on 17 March

1. [Applause.]

Through perseverance, the snail has reached the mark. The ten years of freedom mark the end of the beginning. The ANC policies have transformed our people into a better society. Women are engaged in projects that benefit them economically, socially, politically and with a positive impact on their families. Women in KwaZulu-Natal, in the Indwedwe area, were mining kaoline. They have turned that project into an economically viable project and with the support of the Department of Minerals and Energy, it has changed and touched the lives of their families.

Women at Osizweni who were mining coal and clay have developed it into a viable economic project with the support of the Department of Minerals and Energy. This project has resulted in creating sustainable jobs. We thank Corobrick for forging a partnership with the women and making the project a success.

Today, women in Orlando East in Gauteng are able to sell their fruits and vegetables through their vendors and allocate time to their studies. The Abet course in Orlando library has empowered women by teaching them reading, writing and numeracy skills. It also helps them to overcome the phobia of using technology as they confidently switch on the computers and go through the lessons without any fear.

At Middelburg in Mpumalanga, there is a women’s project called ``Creating something out of nothing’’. Mrs Sarah Skhosana started this women’s project by recycling tins, bottles and plastics. With the plastic bags they managed to produce door mats, table mats, shoes and hats in ANC colours. The project attracted many tourists through the Department of Finance’s gambling and tourism, and they managed to grow and are now exporting their beadwork products.

Furthermore, through learnerships and skills development programmes, Ma Sarah is able to use a computer that they won in the women’s awards to manage the programme. She is exposed to exporting regulations. Through that project, 100 women are employed.

In conclusion, Madam Speaker, I would like to wish Baby Thabo Mkoena a speedily recovery. He was admitted to Ermelo Hospital in January 2004 due to illness. He was then put into an extremely hot bath by an enrolled nurse saying that she was bathing him. The baby is now in pain. The ANC wishes to express their deepest sympathy to the Mkoena family. Umntfwana wami ngewakho; wakho ngewami. [My child is your child; your child is my child.] I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M S BOOI: Deputy Chair, my colleagues in the House and the Minister, we would like to thank the Minister for the contribution he has made in being able to put R1,9 billion aside for the police and being quite specific about what it is supposed to do with that money. This allows for recruiting additional personnel, modernising and expanding the vehicle fleet and upgrading the support system. The police are very thankful for that, Minister, because it does help us to be able to go forward.

Before I go into the speech itself, there is one important thing I want to talk about which is the killing of the police, because it is the police who do the work and it is the police who defend democracy. One of the things that happens is when they fight with criminals, they get killed. As the ANC, we would like to say that we are with them during difficult times. We stand with them and we work with them throughout the process. As we are going to celebrate ten years of democracy, we will never forget them. Their families must always know that we value the contribution they make in society and we definitely feel that they have to be defended. We will always be fighting with them to combat what the criminals are doing.

Minister, as we continue going forward - you said that you do not want to make it an electioneering platform - there are difficulties, because crime has become an issue that many parties are relating to. That is why Patricia de Lille could not be here today. She is trying to get members for her party and she is not here to come and explain what her view is.

It is important for us to be able to reflect on this, because it is impacting on our programme as we go ahead, on what work and what type of policing we are talking about and bringing on more and more because as you put on these expenditures, as the economy is improving, it is quite clear that the police have to continue being seen to do the sterling job that they always do. We say it is paying a lot of dividends; in a way, they are helping themselves.

In the Western Cape, that is what the hon Tony Leon was not able to relate to yesterday when he went to Mitchell’s Plain and he has not been able to understand what the performance of the police was. I know that the MEC of the province has tried to make some information available to him so that he can make him understand how many people are involved in bringing crime down and what it means to us as a province and the involvement of different institutions, not only the Minister himself making a statement that the crime rate has gone down. Even the media, the editors agree. I just want to read from one of the newspapers, namely Beeld:

As daar een saak is waaroor alle Suid-Afrikaners, ongeag die bevolkingsgroep, waartoe hulle behoort, baie sterk voel, is dit die ontoelaatbare hoë vlak van misdaad. Dit is iets wat ryk en arm, wit en swart, Guatenger, Wes- en Oos-Kapenaar tref.

In die laaste jare is die nasionale en provinsiale regerings kwaai hieroor gekapittel. Daar is gesê - en nie altyd ongeregverdig nie - dat die Regering nie die erns van die saak besef nie; dat die leiers nie voldoende voeling met die gewone mense op voetsoolvlak het nie, asook dat die politieke wil ontbreek om misdaad behoorlik vas te vat. Uiteindelik het een provinsie wel bewys wat wel gedoen kan word. Die syfers wat in die Wes-Kaap oor die daling van misdaad bekend gemaak is, is ‘n les vir die Oos-Kaap en alle ander provinsies waar mense soggens koes-koes hulle huis oppad werk toe verlaat. Volgens die syfers het misdaad in die Wes-Kaap oor die feestyd met 18% gedaal. Die daling was te danke aan ‘n ekstra poging wat die polisie, wie se beamptes in baie gevalle naweke en vakansies opgeoffer het om hulle medeburgers te beveilig.

Op een vlak, moet ‘n mens die mans en vroue in blou hiervoor eer. Ofskoon die SAPD sekerlik nie bo kritiek verhewe is nie, bly dit ‘n feit dat baie van sy lede gereeld hulle lewe waag om die res van die bevolking gerus te laat slaap. Op ‘n ander vlak, wys dit wat gedoen kan word as die politieke wil maar daar is. Te dikwels ontbreek dit daaraan. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[If there is one matter that all South Africans, irrespective of which population group they belong to, feel very strongly about, it is the unacceptably high levels of crime. This is something which affects rich and poor, white and black, residents of Gauteng, the Western and Eastern Cape.

During the last few years the national and provincial governments have been severely rebuked about this. It has been said - and not always without justification - that the Government does not realise the seriousness of the situation; that the leaders have lost touch with ordinary people at grassroots level, and that there is a lack of political will to clamp down on crime. In the end one province has showed what can be done. The figures that have been published in the Western Cape regarding the drop in crime are a lesson to the Eastern Cape and all other provinces where people have to duck quickly out of their homes in the morning in order to go to work. According to these figures crime decreased by 18% in the Western Cape over the festive season. This drop was thanks to the extra effort made by the police, whose officers in many instances sacrificed weekends and holidays to safeguard their fellow citizens.

At one level, one should pay tribute to the men and women in blue for this. Although the SAPS is certainly not above criticism, it still remains a fact that many of its members regularly put their lives on the line so that the rest of the populace can sleep easily. At another level, it shows what can be done if the political will is there. Too often it is lacking.]

This is what one of the newspapers is saying about what is happening about crime in the province. Now, as the hon Leon went to … [Interjections.]

Ek praat. Baie, baie dankie, meneer. [I am talking. Thank you very much, sir.]

Tony Leon was going around yesterday campaigning in Mitchell’s Plain and is continuing to make it difficult for us to penetrate into Boys’ Town. One of the things you have to know about what is happening in Boys’ Town is that it is not an issue that started yesterday. It is an issue that Tony Leon and the hon Helen Zille have been working on for some time. Now, the documentation we have - I regret that the hon leader of the opposition is not here … [Interjections.]

HON MEMBERS: He is here!

Mr M S BOOI: Okay.

On 16 September 2001, Helen Zille sent a particular statement to the hon Tony Leon. They have returned and distributed this document to their senior colleagues for the following reasons: One, to serve as the basis of a submission to the Independent Complaints Directorate to investigate the conduct of the Langa police and to assist Minister Hennie Bester in his oversight over the police; to serve as the basis of a media strategy to expose the ANC’s agenda of driving the DA out of Langa; to provide a case study that will assist in informing the developing national and provincial strategy to extend DA support into new areas; in particular, to ensure the DA devotes the necessary resources to supporting our members who are under concerted and sustained attacks; to help shift the debate within the DA towards a focus on the difficulties we have in taking the fight to the African National Congress, a struggle that will become commensurately greater if we want to succeed in our objective. That is the reason we continue finding that it is impacting on the way we want to come into Khayelitsha.

Now, with what the DA is saying and what the hon member was saying yesterday, which the members have tried to bring to his attention, he has not been able to understand and not been able to reflect correctly on what is happening in the province itself.

All the cases that Helen Zille has been able to report to the police have been investigated but the motives of the cases have not been genuine. They have been cases to try to help the DA to make inroads into our own constituencies. That was why, yesterday, the police were saying that the hon Tony Leon comes to our constituencies and looks for votes, but at the end of the day, he is not able to reflect on the genuine contributions the police are making within our constituencies. He is not able to give any respect to the work that the police are doing, given that type of analysis and given the fact that, even yesterday, the police were saying that this hon member does not understand what is happening within the service itself.

He generalises most of the time as he makes his attack on Government. He does not have the details. He lacks the ability to put facts and figures to the issues that he raises. The one issue that he raised yesterday was to use Ted Leggett in his analysis. He definitely knows that Ted Leggett does a lot of good work and a lot of analysis, but he has not been able to say that what that reporter, Ted Leggett, has done about the Western Cape as a province is a little bit old. He has not really been informed about what has recently been happening.

Before I leave here, there is something I need you to note and to take very seriously. As I was saying about Boys’ Town, the hon leader of the opposition with his constituency have been making it difficult for us to be able to campaign and canvass in that particular constituency.

Under Hennie Bester it has always been difficult, because there was the Pagad issue which, when the DA was in power in the province with the New National Party, they were unable to resolve. Today … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr N S BRUCE: Chairperson, I thought that the hon Bruce Kannemeyer supported the poor. [Interjections.] Instead he supports the white boys in empowerment. Next year he will want to join the FF Plus. But I must say that I am flattered that the hon Billy Nair should have a high opinion of my financial acumen. He should really listen to what I have to say.

The famous actress Tallulah Bankhead once remarked, looking down at her bosom: ``There is less in this than meets the eye.’’ [Laughter.] I hope that is not the case with the two important targets in the Budget on economic growth and unemployment reduction, for the Minister has constantly had difficulty getting up his GDP to the targets of Gear, despite the grip he has had on the former Director-General of Finance and which he might not have on the new Director-General.

This is the third conservative Budget in which disposable incomes have been increased through personal tax cuts and social infrastructure spending. It will boost demand without any measured attempt to increase supply. As demand outstrips supply under the watchful eye of an inert central bank, renewed inflationary pressures are inevitable.

Presently they are being contained by a rising rand inflated like the Australian dollar by a commodity rally, but also inflated by a speculative demand for high-yielding rand securities, stimulated by interest rates that have been too high for too long. Its manifestation is a turnover in rand securities. It is several times higher than that of investments in comparable currencies. It is a bubble that will burst.

When it does, investors will look with dismay at the medium-term budget policy that commits Government to keeping taxes at 25% of GDP when they are instead at 28%, raising the burden on those capable of increasing supply. They know that the average annual growth of GDP has fallen from 6,28% in the 1960s to just about 2% now, while per capita growth rates are down from 2,44% to - 0,73% at the close of the century, and manufacturing value added is down from 9,8% to 1%.

Since 1994 our capital markets have moved offshore. More South African shares are bought and sold in London and New York than in Johannesburg. This reflects stalled privatisation and broken exchange control promises.

What Roy Campbell said of our novelists applies to those who wrote this Budget:

You praise the firm restraint with which they write - I am with you there, of course: They use the snaffle and the curb all right, But where is the bloody horse?

[Laughter.] The Budget does appear to acknowledge that there are factors outside of its direct purvey that also influence growth, social and labour laws that raise the prices of the factors of production are among them, nor should the alchemy of the Cabinet be overlooked. To argue that BEE is without economic risk, is as candid as saying that beetroot will prevent Aids.

We missed the last upturn in world economic activity and we should be very wary of doing so again. To prolong our economic travail by setting targets that are not met is the most cruel and insensitive thing that Government can do to the poor and the unemployed. Both will happen unless there is a willing coalition between Government, labour and business at the highest levels in which each acknowledges without rancour or prevarication that each has to make sacrifices to achieve the growth rates that are vital to our peace and prosperity, and which none can on its own deliver. While compromise may be the key to economic growth, it is not the stuff of democratic opposition. The clash of ideas is what makes Parliament a parliamentary democracy. I do not think that democracy can survive the constant substitution of party vainglory for intelligent debate. The good news is that this is the last time that you have to listen to me. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] The bad news is that you will instead have to listen to many more liberals than you ever thought possible, although how many will be an elaborate drag I am not sure.

I thank the President for the hours he has afforded me of quiet contemplation, if not undisturbed slumber; the Speaker and the presiding officers for their courtesy, if indifferently vouchsafed; the comrades for their noisy accommodation and my soon to be erstwhile colleagues for their forbearance. Farewell. [Applause.]

HON MEMBERS: Malibongwe! [Praise!] [Applause.] Ms N S MTSWENI: Deputy Chairperson, Ministers and hon members, South Africa’s destiny is closely tied to the Southern African region and Africa as a whole. Promoting peace, stability and security in Africa, especially Southern Africa, is crucial in promoting South Africa’s foreign policy goals, but also for the wellbeing of South Africa itself. This is why South Africa has been actively engaged in a variety of processes in attempting to realise this goal.

Building a peaceful continent offers us a possibility of building democratic institutions that are sensitive to the needs of the poverty- stricken masses of Africa. Peace will allow us the opportunity to create conditions for economic growth and prosperity. Peace will allow us to build a government that will be sensitive to the people and their human rights. Peace will allow us to offer the chance to build a better life for all in the continent.

The ANC Government, convinced that our umbilical cord is tied to the continent, has budgeted an amount of R1,1 billion over the MTEF period to contribute to a struggle for peace, democracy and economic prosperity.

In 1996 the Leader of the Official Opposition declared:

I am African. An African by birth, but also an African by choice.

Yes, hon Leon, an African by choice. I am an African woman, not by choice, but by the creation of God - hence my commitment to the African continent is also not by choice.

It is that choice that makes the ANC different from hon Leon and his herd of sheep. We will not decide the presidency of another independent African country as articulated by the DA’s manifesto. During the apartheid violence we advocated peace. Those who had difficulties with peace then are exposing themselves that they have not accepted that they lost the war in Zimbabwe and Angola in the 1980s.

An African by choice makes changes at all times when their choice is not appropriate. Peace also dictates that we address poverty. Nepad aims to increase the economic growth rate for the next 15 years, to reduce poverty by half, to encourage debt cancellation, to further reduce conflict and to provide greater access to the world markets. Nepad is the cornerstone of the AU, and is the real plan to fight poverty and underdevelopment.

We must particularly commit ourselves to practically assist with the social normalisation and economic reconstruction of Zimbabwe, the DRC, and Swaziland. It is also important that we improve co-operation among countries of the south, especially with respect to economic relations and sociopolitical programmes, and actively support programmes which ensure peace and equitable global relations. It is also important that we promote a collective multilateral approach to global changes and ensure the democratisation of the UN, the IMF, the WB, and the global institutions. We must make sure that development and environmental goals of humanity are followed through.

We have worked, and we must continue to work, towards the success of the African Renaissance, and we must do whatever we can for the renewal of the continent. We must ensure that the system of international governance is improved, so that the foundation of the peaceful and free world, with prosperity, equality, and friendship are among all people.

The protocol relating to the establishment of the peace and security council is a critical intervention by African leaders to enhance intrastate security and reduce the possibilities of people like the hon Leon, who has ambitions of invading other African countries where the inhabitants do not have the privilege of deciding when to be an African and when it is not appropriate.

South Africa has contributed to the Great Lakes peace process and reconciliation. We did that because we were motivated by the desire to contribute our share of responsibility to peace-building. Those who have choices when they become Africans tell us when they are not, that if voted for they will tell Africans how they must behave.

It is the masses of our people who on 14 April 2004 will walk to their voting stations to vote for peace, prosperity and rule of law, and they will in doing this sign a contract that together we will fight poverty and underdevelopment.

A vote for the ANC is a vote for human rights and peace in South Africa and the continent. A people’s contract continues to fight not only for the poor in South Africa, but in Africa and the continent as a whole.

Mr Tony Leon, together we will create a better Africa. Together we will create a better life for all in Africa. Together we will defeat poverty. Together we will create peace and prosperity. Forward to the ANC victory on 14 April, forward! [Interjections.]

HON MEMBERS: Forward! [Applause.]

Ms M P MENTOR: Chairperson, hon members, South Africans inside and outside this Chamber, it’s not easy to stand here today, at the end of the first decade of democracy and at the threshold of the beginning of the next decade. For others it is very easy because what they have to do and what they always do is to stand on the rooftops and cry foul all the time, and dish out criticism left, right and centre. For us in the ANC it is a moment for us to ponder seriously where we come from, what we have achieved and what we can still improve on. We do not have the luxury of creating havoc and mass hysteria for any reason because many decades ago we took it upon ourselves to build a free, democratic, nonracial and nonsexist South Africa.

I have entitled my speech, ``Quest for truth’’. I have entitled it thus because there is very little truth being told from a lot of quarters in South Africa today. We need to go back to basics and check whether we are truly taking society to where we should be taking it. Honesty and truth are very necessary ingredients for building a new nation and for building a winning nation.

I want to speak to South Africans today about the problems of HIV/Aids and corruption. Towards the end of my speech I will also speak about poverty and the Budget - the very Budget we are debating here.

Last year I lost a sister to HIV/Aids. She was not employed and was 29 years old. We didn’t share the same surname, so very few people knew that she was my sister because she was my mother’s daughter from her second marriage. She lived in Schweizer-Reinecke and later in Wolmaranstad, and when she died she was in Mafikeng. So she spent the whole of her life in the North West province.

After discovering that she was HIV-positive, she received antiretroviral drugs from a public clinic. She was on the drugs for nine months, after which, without our knowledge, she stopped taking the drugs. By the time she resumed taking her antiretrovirals, her body had developed resistance. She died of TB and meningitis.

I have another sister who is HIV-positive. She is a social worker employed by the Department of Correctional Services. I am telling you this because she has also disclosed her status like my deceased sister did. When she discovered that she was HIV-positive she was devastated and she wanted to resign from her work. The department and her colleagues encouraged her and ensured that she received support. Today she is taking her antiretroviral drugs and her CD count has grown a lot. She has gained weight and is back at work.

With these two scenarios, I would like to show you that there are people in South Africa, especially on my right hand side, who come from the DA and who are actually dancing on the misery and the pain of our people. They are using the problem of HIV/Aids as an electioneering tool. Actually, they do not live amongst the poor people. They do not live among the sick people. They do not care a bit. They make the loudest noise, claiming that they care when they actually don’t. [Applause.]

We, in the ANC, have vowed to build a caring society. We make calls to our people everyday. We ask them to roll up their sleeves because there is no known cure for Aids and there is no vaccine for Aids. So it helps very little to shout every day and say that the Government is doing nothing, when actually the Government has done a lot.

Comrade President Thabo Mbeki is on record, and no government of the world has disputed what he said, as having challenged governments of the world to state that they have a programme on HIV/Aids that is comparable to South Africa’s. No government has done so. [Applause.]

We were in the streets of the Western Cape, last week, canvassing. We met a poor woman in Memani Street in Crossroads. It was almost lunch time, and she was mixing fresh milk and water to feed her kids and grandchildren. As we entered, the only thing you could smell was overcooked porridge. We spoke to her and asked her whether anybody in the household had registered with the Department of Home Affairs and was receiving grants. She said that the old man received an old age pension and she welcomed the news that this would increase.

I also asked her whether she herself had applied as she was also eligible for the pension grant. She said they were happy with the old man’s pension and that they didn’t want to be greedy and apply for another one. No amount of persuasion could convince her to apply for child grants for her grandchildren. She was eternally grateful for the little that she was getting. In fact, in her own words, on HIV/Aids, she had this to say - my Xhosa is not good but I will try to quote her verbatim:

UTony Leon uthi uza kuyithini i-Aids? Uthi uMbeki makayithini i-Aids? UBush yena uza kuyithini i-Aids? Abantu abadala nabantwana mabaguquke. [What is Tony Leon going to do about Aids? What does he propose that Mbeki should do about Aids? And what should Bush do about Aids? Adult people and youth must change their lifestyle.]

Let them change their ways. Let them change their lifestyle. That is the only salvation for humanity.

[Applause.] Our people understand the seriousness of the challenge of Aids. The ANC is the last organisation on earth that stood up when apartheid was declared a heinous crime against humanity. For that reason the ANC took up arms against apartheid. Today HIV/Aids is threatening humanity. The ANC is the last organisation to be lax or not to care when it comes to HIV/Aids.

I want to tell you something that I was not sure I should tell this audience today. As early as 1991, whilst we were negotiating the sunset clauses and better things for the public servants of the apartheid regime, we were going around the country, together with Comrade Rapu Molekane, a then member of Sayco, which later became the youth league, talking to old and young people alike, selling them the negotiations and also telling them that Aids would succeed where apartheid had failed if we do not respond to it. We were saying that apartheid had failed to wipe us out, but Aids would. So anybody who suggests that the ANC does not care where HIV/Aids is concerned is telling a blatant lie, and our people know that. [Applause.]

As I conclude the HIV/Aids issue, Nombuliso Hlwele, of Khayelistha in Cape Town, once had a CD count of one. She is on antiretrovirals now, and these were supplied by neither the DA, nor the private sector, but by our own clinics. She is now a full-fledged artist. She has drawn the face of Thabo Mbeki and not that of Tony Leon, asking people to go and vote. What does that mean to you?

So you can claim to be representing the people, but you are not representing Nombuliso Hlwele, who has survived because of assistance from this Government.

Moving to corruption. Corruption is also a threat to the realisation of national development. Therefore there is no way the ANC can be lax or turn a blind eye to corruption because corruption threatens the attainment of what we stand for. We have gone to great lengths putting institutions in place to deal with and expose corruption, but those that shout at the top of their voices, those who want to create mayhem and are prophets of doom, in the country and internationally, are ridiculing our people and our Government, and each and every step that we take.

However, we are not bothered because the people of South Africa that are poor, and amongst whom we live on a daily basis, not those that are visited by others only during election time, know for sure that the ANC said a long time ago that with its might and everything at its disposal, it would ensure a free and a safe democratic South Africa. Therefore, because corruption is a cancer that eats into what we are trying to build, the ANC will never tolerate it. President Mbeki has called for a zero tolerance for corruption. We have measures that I can say are unprecedented in terms of exposing corruption.

We are making a call to our people that they must not be idle. They should roll up their sleeves and prevent HIV/Aids by changing their lifestyle, and also showing some care as we are trying to build a caring society. They should help those that have been affected by or infected with Aids and make sure that the comprehensive strategy for the treatment and care of HIV/Aids patients works.

They should make their own contribution and tell us what is it that we can do to improve the situation, because the Government has put aside R2,1 billion for HIV/Aids alone. It has also increased social spending, which is also going to affect the programmes related to HIV/Aids.

Our people know by now that when the DA says west, they must go east. History has taught them that when they say north, they must go south. So they continue to shout and shout and shout. The more they shout, the more they make the ANC successful and the more they encourage the majority of our people to join the ANC. [Applause.]

Mr Tony Leon, I have an eight-year old son and a twelve-year old daughter. They have asked me many times why Mr Tony Leon is so rude. I have said to them that I’m also wondering why he is so rude. I have not told them yet that he is not only rude, but that he also never tells the truth. I have not told them that because I’m trying to protect the integrity of Parliament. [Interjections.]

Mrs S V KALYAN: Chairperson, is it parliamentary for the hon member to make the comment she has made about the Leader of the Opposition?

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon Ms Mentor, could you withdraw the remark, please?

Ms M P MENTOR: I withdraw it, Chairperson. I thought it was important to indicate to the House what my children think. But I apologise. [Applause.]

You see, we have a responsibility to build. We should be careful about the manner in which we conduct ourselves because our children are watching. What kind of legacy and heritage do we want to leave them …

Mrs S V KALYAN: Chairperson, that was not an unconditional withdrawal. [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, on a point of order: We would, in fact, appeal to you that the record has to be studied closely so that an informed ruling could be made on this very same subject. So we don’t agree, in the first instance, with the first ruling, but also with the follow-up point of order made by the hon member. Thank you.

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon Chief Whip, we will look at the record, if it can be produced timeously, otherwise we will have to revisit the ruling. Please continue, hon member.

Ms M P MENTOR: In Atlantis we saw abject poverty where the DA had ruled. We were touched by the many young girls who had been raped and are not at school. Hon Tony Leon may deny it because he has once denied this on record, that he had links with Paratus, which was a mouthpiece for the former SADF. You see, the apartheid regime depended on corruption to survive. They had to do it. [Interjections.] If you can stretch your mind you will remember the gangsters, the Mexicans, all over Galeshewe. In the townships they would make sure that they set up gangsters. They would make sure that even in the prison cells and police station holding cells women were raped by the police and the SADF as a way of extracting information from them, and Tony Leon had links with them.

Today you are actually saying our Government is corrupt because you are actually longing for the corruption under which you were thriving. You see, they also spread this lie, just to give you an example, that when they say, east, we must always go west. They told a lie … I’m sorry, I beg your pardon, Chairperson. [Laughter.] There was an untruth …

Ms R TALJAARD: Chairperson, on a point of order …

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: What is your point of order?

Ms R TALJAARD: I do believe that the Rules require … [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Order! Ms R TALJAARD: Chairperson, we are apparently dealing with the Appropriation Bill debate and the Rules require that when we deal with the Appropriation Bill debate, we indeed deal with the Budget … [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon member, your time has also expired. [Applause.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Chairperson, with regard to the point of order raised by the hon member, just for her benefit as well as that of this House, there is no such Rule. Thank you. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon members, getting to the point of order taken earlier, I had ruled that it was unparliamentary for the hon member to say that another hon member does not speak the truth. In the interest of rounding off business today and not to prolong an outstanding ruling, I think my ruling was correct, and the member has withdrawn, and I think we’ll leave it at that. Mr J DURAND: Thank you, Mr Chairperson. I want to congratulate the Minister of Finance … [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Order!

Mr J DURAND: … on once again presenting a Budget which can compete with the best in the world. The Minister always manages to perform well even if the circumstances are not favourable.

The New NP agrees with the Minister that economic growth should be accelerated in order to create jobs and fight poverty, and believes that this Budget will go a long way in doing just that.

While listening to the hon Taljaard finding fault once again with almost everything in the Budget, I could not help but feel very grateful that she is only the shadow Minister of Finance, as she likes to refer to herself, and not the real Minister of Finance. Luckily, she will never be the real Minister of Finance. [Interjections.]

Chairperson, the reason I am grateful that the DA will never be in any position to be in charge of South Africa’s money is because we have first- hand experience of how they are unable to handle large sums of money. The best example is the City of Cape Town. Here the DA showed that they have absolutely no idea how a budget works, and how to manage money.

In die tyd toe die DA aan die bewind was in die Stad Kaapstad, was oorbesteding, wanbetaling en die uitsetting van arme weerlose mense aan die orde van die dag. Die DA-regering het die stadsraad se finansies letterlik in die afgrond in bestuur. Só erg was dit verlede jaar toe die Nuwe NP-ANC- regering oorneem, dat ‘n spesiale taakspan aangestel moes word om die gemors te beredder. Die voorsitter van die komitee is die Nuwe NP-adjunk- burgemeester, Pierre Uys, en die raadslid belas met finansies is nog ‘n Nuwe NP-lid, Mev Maatje Malan. Binne ‘n paar maande het hulle dit reggekry om die Stad Kaapstad se geldsake tot só ‘n mate reg te ruk dat dit vir die eerste keer in jare nie meer in die rooi is nie.

In drie maande het die kontant en beleggings van die stadsraad met meer as 300% verbeter. Kontantinkomste is met R11 miljoen meer as die begrote bedrag in Desember opgestoot … (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[During the time the DA was in power in the City of Cape Town, overspending, default payments and the eviction of poor vulnerable people were the order of the day. The DA government literally managed the finances of the City Council into the ground. It was so bad last year when the New NP-ANC Government took over that a special task team had to be appointed to put the mess in order. The Chairman of the Committee is the New NP Deputy Mayor, Pierre Uys, and the councillor charged with finances is another New MP member, Mrs Maatje Malan. Within a few months they managed to straighten out the financial affairs of the City of Cape Town to such an extent that for the first time in years it is no longer in the red.

Within three months the cash and investments of the City Council improved by more than 300%. Cash revenue has been increased by R11 million more than the budgeted amount in December …]

Mr J P I BLANCHÉ: On a point of order!

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, hon Durand. Please take your seat. Yes, hon member.

Mnr J P I BLANCHÉ: Mnr die Voorsitter, is ons besig met Kaapstad se begroting of hierdie Begroting? [Tussenwerpsels.] Kan ons vir daardie agb lid vra om hierdie Begroting te bespreek? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.) [Mr J P I BLANCHÉ: Mr Chairman, are we dealing with Cape Town’s budget or this Budget? [Interjections.] Can we ask that hon member to discuss this Budget?]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Order! That is not a point of order. Please continue, hon member.

Mnr J DURAND: Dankie, Voorsitter. Dit gaan oor die vermoë om met ‘n begroting te werk. Dit is ‘n voorbeeld van mense wat met geld kan werk. Die ANC en die Nuwe NP bewys dit, en daarom verkies die Nuwe NP om saam met die ANC-regering te werk sodat ons ons eie kundigheid tot voordeel van al Suid- Afrika se mense kan aanwend. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Mr J DURAND: Thank you, Chairman. What is at issue is the ability to work with a budget. This is an example of people who can work with money. The ANC and the New NP prove this, and that is why the New NP prefers to work with the ANC Government so that we can apply our own expertise to the benefit of all of South Africa’s people.]

Furthermore, we all know by now about the DA’s election baby called the basic income grant. With this plan the DA effectively takes bread from the mouths of poor people and gives it to the rich. Let me explain. The income grant is supposed to go to everybody in South Africa, probably including the hon Leon, the Cabinet, and all the members of the DA as well.

They want to fund it by adding 1% to VAT, which in the end will mean that the poorest of the poor will have to pay more for food. And the suggested R110 will have no effect on dealing with poverty, while the rich, who obviously do not need the R110 and will not go hungry as a result of higher food prices, will benefit all the way. Now I ask you, how in the world can one deal with poverty with such an insane plan?

Dit maak my net weer eens dankbaar dat die DA nooit meer aan die bewind sal kom nie. Die DA se radio-advertensie sê hulle gaan meer sogenaamde kundige mense in die staatsdiens aanstel. ‘n Mens kan net wonder of dit nie weer eens ‘n regse reaksie op regstellende aksie is nie, soos die gewraakte mediokrasie oftewel ‘n regering deur deskundiges wat in verskeie lande verwerp is. Ons dink maar aan die DA se flater met die kundiges in Kaapstad … (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[This once again makes me grateful that the DA will never govern again. The DA’s radio advertisement states that they will be appointing more so-called experts in the Public Service. One can only wonder if this will not once again be a right-wing reaction to affirmative action, like the unsuccessful mediocracy or a government by experts who have been rejected in various countries. We only have to think of the DA’s gaffe with the experts in Cape Town …] The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, hon member, your time has expired.

Mr J DURAND: Ek dank u. [Applous.] Thank you. [Applause.]]

Ms L L MABE: Hon Chairperson and the House at large, in the book you are the Boss it is stated that one always knows the truth. Every time you want to innovate, you threaten someone who does not want change to happen. Expect some resistance to your ideas, and prepare for it in advance. This quotation is relevant to the ANC, and I would like to illustrate why I say so.

What the ANC did, and will continue doing in the next decade of our democracy, is to implement the people’s mandate as outlined in the Freedom Charter, the `Ready to Govern’ document and the RDP document, as well as the Constitution of South Africa.

The goal is to create a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa. The RDP document clearly states that Government will meet the basic needs of society. And it is not by chance. Therefore, we will continue to deliver services to our people, and will continue doing so for the next decade and the decade after that. To achieve all this, the ANC consults and involves communities in decision-making through meetings, imbizos and ward meetings. And let me inform you that these imbizos and ward meetings are attended in large numbers, because people want to say whatever they want to tell their Government. This is democracy in action. [Applause.]

I want to indicate that some people have forgotten where we come from, and I want to tell our people of South Africa: you must vote for the ANC, because if you don’t vote for the ANC and vote for the DA you will go back to apartheid, because the DA is totally against progress and this country is on its path. [Interjections.] But I also want to indicate that South Africa must know that we, as the ANC, have delivered houses, clean running water, health care, electricity, communications to people in the townships as well as the rural areas. And it is not by chance, it is what the RDP has told us.

Gone are the days when the townships could be identified from afar by a thick cloud of smoke in the mornings and in the afternoons. Today, we have electricity in townships and rural areas.

A re se lebaleng gore bontsi jwa batho bo sale bo ikwadisetsa go nna le matlo ka bo1970-71. E bile a re se lebaleng gore gompieno ke ANC e e nayang matlo go batho ba ba saleng ba leta go simolola ka bo1970. DA, e fano e itseng go bua botoka, e kgatlhanong le gore ANC e neye batlhoki matlo. Ke rata gape gore ke re … (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

[Let us not forget that many people have been on the waiting list to receive houses since 1970-71. Let us also not forget that today it is the ANC that allocates houses to people who have waited since the early 1970s. The DA, which now wants to be seen to care, is against the move by the ANC to allocate houses to the poor. I would also like to say that …]

… the RDP continues to inform us that we must develop human resources. As the people’s congress we utilise the private sector and civil society to assist us to develop human resources.

Kgetse ya tsie e kgonwa ka go tshwaraganelwa. [A job becomes easier when many people give their assistance.]

In 1994 the ANC took over a government and an economy that had a pathetic skills deficit with a huge unskilled and unemployable labour market. It is not my fault that we have this huge skills shortage, and a low number of black matriculants who pass maths and science. The problem cannot be addressed overnight, even by prophets of doom who claim to have better solutions to the problems of this country.

Consequently, the ANC calls on all South Africans to participate in a people’s contract to create work and fight poverty, as their patriotic contribution to speed up service delivery and grow the economy for a better life for all.

Lere la rona la RDP la re re age le go godisa ikonomi ya naga e e neng e le gaufi le go sugagana pele ga 1994. Ka jalo … [Our RDP programme states that we should build and grow our country’s economy, which was on the brink of collapse before 1994. Therefore …]

… the Government had to turn around the macroeconomic and microeconomic policies, and introduce institutional reforms in financial management at all levels of government.

A re se lebaleng gore Puso e, e amogetse boswa jwa sekoloto se se bokete go tswa mo pusong ya tlhaolele le dinagamagae tse bangwe ba lona fa ba neng ba di goga kwa pele. A re se lebaleng gore ke Puso e, e e fetotseng selebo sa setshwantsho se ke ratang fore ke le bontshe sona. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

[Let us not forget that this Government inherited a heavy debt from the apartheid government and the homelands, which some of you led. Let us not forget it is this Government that changed the shape of the picture that I am trying to show you.]

Tax infrastructure and management which were in a terrible state, are now on firm ground to collect sufficient revenue for Government to speed up service deliver. For the first time in our history we have reliable census statistics that include all South Africans, who also appear on a common voters’ roll and have the right to choose the government of their choice. Furthermore, Government was compelled to democratise the state and society that were divided in various forms, as directed by the RDP document.

I also want to indicate that 10 years ago we had highly repressive and hostile police and defence forces that were big enemies of our people, as well as of the liberation forces. Integration and transformation to form a democratic state machinery continues, and the ANC has ensured that, amongst these, women and youth form part of democratic structures that were dominated by white minority needs.

Development programmes like the Public Works programme, infrastructure development, extension of telecommunications, building of additional classrooms, health care centres, police stations and the provision of electricity to rural areas are some of the things that the ANC has done. But I want to give this illustration that in 1984 my parents in Mabeskraal, Rustenburg, had to pay R900 to access electricity from the former Bophuthatswana government. How much was R900 at that time? The ANC, right now, gives people easy access to electricity - 20 years later. [Applause.] I also want to say that our traditional leaders have long been waiting for this Parliament to finalise the Bill on traditional leadership, because they want the ANC to deliver services to people in their areas - because they cannot afford to do so without the ANC Government.

I want, members, to give you this picture of the ANC, which I relate to ``setlhare sa motswere’’, a mahogany tree. A mahogany tree can withstand strong winds. It can withstand all hostile weather conditions, but it will stand firm, grow tall and strong. And that is the ANC. [Applause.] From 1955 the ANC was prepared to ensure that all South Africans have a better life …

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Order!

Ms L L MABE: Today the ANC is still prepared to make sure that you have a better life. Thank you. [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, your time has expired.

Mr K M ANDREW: Mr Chairman, my late father advised us, if you don’t have anything good to say about a person rather remain silent. Little did he realise that one of his children would become a politician. However, in this, my last speech to Parliament, I shall adhere to his advice.

The documentation submitted with this Budget, which includes measurable objectives for each programme of each Vote together with the multiyear medium-term budget policy statement, put Parliament in a position to consider the issues properly, and to scrutinise and oversee executive action as required by the Constitution. The quality and quantity of budget information supplied … The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, there is a point of order. Please take your seat. What is your point of order, hon member?

Mr D J SITHOLE: Chairperson, being a young man in this House I find it quite difficult to understand - and I need your help - if it is appropriate that members come to this House wearing clothes that are used for sleeping? [Laughter.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: That is not a point of order. Please continue, hon Andrew.

Mr K M ANDREW: Thank you, Chair. The quality and quantity of budget information supplied is of the highest order. It conforms with and sometimes exceeds international best practice. One of the most exciting and encouraging aspects of our Parliament, after 1994, was the determination to strive to be as good as, or better than, the best in the world, rather than finding excuses for accepting mediocrity. My plea today is that we keep alive that bold spirit to be amongst the best in the world in every respect.

My second request is that we recognise and respect the importance of the institution of Parliament so that it can play the critical role set out for it in our Constitution. Parliament is more important than any individual or political party. In this regard I would plead that further consideration be given to incorporating a proper constituency element in our electoral system. Without it, I believe that Parliament will not achieve its full potential, and the people of South Africa will become increasingly alienated from their representatives in Parliament.

I have been fortunate to have been a member of Parliament for 23 years, and to have contributed in a small way to the many positive changes that have taken place. I thank the people, the parties and the voters who have given me this opportunity, and especially my wife and family for the support and encouragement they have given me over the years, and for the sacrifices they have made on my behalf. I would also specifically like to thank colleagues from all parties with whom I have had cordial relations. Amongst the longest standing ones are hon Colin Eglin, on whose behalf I canvassed at the age of 18 as a member of the Progressive Party in 1961 and hon Tony Leon, leader of the Democratic Alliance, who has been consistently supportive, the hon Errol Moorcroft, a gentle giant with talents often hidden by his modesty, and from other parties, the hon Laloo Chiba, the hon Barbara Hogan, and the hon Gavin Woods, to mention a few with whom I have worked on a number of committees in a friendly and productive way. Thank you to all of you, and to the very many that I have not mentioned.

Finally, let me say, South Africa is a great country with boundless potential. Let us all ensure that its potential is realised to the full. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr G C OOSTHUIZEN: Chairperson, everyone in this House could see that the hon Andrew became increasingly uncomfortable. We wish you well in your retirement, Ken, and we hope that you will make a more positive contribution than the DA subjected you to over the past couple of years. [Interjections.]

President’s Mbeki’s vision for improved economic, social and political progress in South Africa, and then the African Renaissance, continue to rally us as a nation and continue to rally our continent.

Vandag is die Minister van Finansies die lieflingkind van die aandelebeurse. Hy word gerespekteer deur multinationale instellings soos die IMF en die Wêreldbank. Die internasionale graderingsagentskappe vertrou hom en hulle vertrou die ANC-regering. Anders as die opposisie-doemprofete in Suid-Afrika, slaan daardie agentskappe nie soos ‘n skulpie toe wanneer die ANC-regering en die ANC-leierskap ondernemings gee, wetgewing deurvoer en internasionale inisiatiewe neem nie, veral nie op ons kontinent nie. Trouens, hulle staan nader om hulp te verleen, en soos die meerderheid Suid- Afrikaners word hulle gerusgestel, want hulle weet dié land en sy ekonomie is en was nog nooit so goed bestuur soos tans die geval is nie.

Ek wil vir die Minister sê dit is lekker om in ‘n koerant soos Beeld te kan lees:

Trevor Manuel stel nasie gerus. Oorsese ekonome soek vergeefs begroting- slaggate.

Dit is lekker om te lees dat ons Regering internasionaal bespreek word, en hulle kan niks anders sê nie as:

Die Begroting was voorspelbaar. Hy is gebou op ‘n stewige fondament van gesonde fiskale dissipline en bestuur wat Manuel en sy span die afgelope agt jaar gelê het.

Minister, ons wens u geluk daarmee. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Today the Minister of Finance is the darling of stock exchanges. He is respected by multinational institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank. International rating agencies trust him and they trust the ANC Government. Unlike the opposition’s prophets of doom in South Africa, those agencies do not clam up when the ANC Government and ANC leadership give undertakings, pass legislation and take the initiative internationally, specifically not on our continent. In fact, they come closer to lend assistance, and like the majority of South Africans their minds are set at ease, because they know that this country and its economy have never been as well managed as at present.

I want to say to the Minister that it is good to read in a newspaper such as Beeld:

Trevor Manuel stel nasie gerus. Oorsese ekonome soek vergeefs begroting- slaggate.

It is good to read that our Government is discussed internationally, and that they cannot say anything other than:

Die Begroting was voorspelbaar. Hy is gebou op ‘n stewige fondament van gesonde fiskale dissipline en bestuur wat Manuel en sy span die afgelope agt jaar gelê het.

Minister, we congratulate you on this. [Applause.]]

The Budget review is our vehicle, as the ANC, to translate our policies into reality. That reality is a people’s contract to create a better life for all and to push back the frontiers of poverty. This - the commitment of the ANC to push back the frontiers of poverty - is understood by the majority of people in this country. And this is why I predict that on 14 April they will cast their votes to be winners. The majority of people will enter into the contract with the ANC, and they will vote for the ANC. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

We are a resourceful nation - hard-working - and our diversity is increasingly a strength and an asset. Notwithstanding the past, the future affords us all an equal chance. We, as South Africans and Africans, should all become part of the mainstream to reach the goal of nation-building - a diverse, but a united nation.

In die filosofiese sin is ons almal as Afrikane mekaar se bloedfamilie. Die Afrikaners wat in die apartheidsera die bus bestuur het, moet wegbreek uit hul verlede en deel word van die uitdagings van Afrika en Suid-Afrika. Ons moet deel word van nasiebou en versoening en as Afrikane ons deel in dié land bydra, sowel as opeis. Ek vra dit, want die mense wat in die vorige bedeling verdruk is, kon maklik op groot skaal op hul destydse verdrukkers wraak geneem het. Hulle het nie, hoewel die meeste van hulle nog oneindig slegter daaraan toe is as die mense wat voorheen bevoordeel is, en stel hulle vir die wêreld ‘n voorbeeld met die versoenende houding wat daagliks ingeneem word.

Wanneer ek verkiesingsplakkate en uitsprake van die opposisie sien en dit rassevrese manipuleer, kiesers se emosies opjaag en ``swart gevaar’’ skreeu, word een belangrike aspek van die 2004-verkiesing uitgelig, en daardie aspek is hoe vêr of hoe na moet die Afrikaners van die Regering, die ANC en die swartes in die algemeen staan, en hoe toegeeflik of hoe ontoegeeflik en onversetlik moet hulle wees oor die sake wat hulle ná aan die hart lê?

Dít is mos die sentrale tema van ‘n groot koor in hierdie opposisiebanke. Nou, ek besef vandag, gegewe ons land se geskiedenis van konfrontasie - ongeag foute wat deur die ANC-regering gemaak is, want ons is net mense - is een ding seker, president Mbeki en sy voorganger, ons geliefde Madiba, is opreg met nasiebou en versoening, en hulle is ook opreg met die rol van die Afrikaner.

Hiervan getuig Die Burger op 23 Februarie 2004 in sy hoofberig - en laat ek sê dit is ‘n hoofberig en ‘n standpunt waarvoor daar waardering is en waarvoor daar baie respek is. Ek haal aan:

Met sy toespraak Vrydag tydens die plegtigheid waarop hy ‘n eredoktersgraad van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch ontvang het, het Mbeki uit die hart gepraat.

Later in dieselfde berig:

Hy erken ook die rol wat Stellenbosch speel as die bakermat van die taal, maar daardie leiersrol bring ook die verantwoordelikheid om toe te sien dat die taal en sy sprekers deel van die hoofstroom word om ‘n nie- rassige gemeenskap in Suid-Afrika te bou.

Ons stem heelhartig daarmee saam.

Ek wil net graag vir president Mbeki sê, meneer, deur u eerste termyn, en op die vooraand van u tweede termyn, het u elke Afrikaanse hart geraak. Baie van ons mense daar buite kan huis toe kom. Dit is net die DA, die VF Plus en ‘n paar ander wat by eergister vasgesteek het.

Die DA is in ‘n politieke woestyn; hulle verstaan nie president Mbeki se internasionale leierskapsrol nie, nóg minder verstaan hulle nasiebou en versoening. Die DA is ‘n opposisie wat die verlede ontken, en ook nie deel is of wil wees van Afrika nie. Trouens, vanwaar ek sit, kyk ek só na hulle en met ‘n uitsondering hier en daar, lyk hulle slegter en erger as die ou KP’s van die Volksraad van daardie dae. [Applous.]

Dit is mos die agb Tony Leon wat sê: wat sleg is vir Suid-Afrika, is goed vir die DA. Sy vertrekpunt is negatief en ‘n mens kan sy lojaliteit teenoor Suid-Afrika en die mense van hierdie land ernstig bevraagteken. Kom ons sê vir mekaar sommer padlangs: die goeters in die bos spook by die DA. Trouens, dit gee hulle ernstige nagmerries.

‘n Ander dorslandtrekker in hierdie verkiesing is nie nou in die Raadsaal nie - die VF Plus. Die VF Plus en hul leier stel my effens teleur, want vandat hulle die KP ingesluk het definieer hulle etniese identiteit as ras- eksklusief. Ras-eksklusiwiteit beteken noodwendig rassisme. Dít is die dood in die pot. Jou Afrikanerskap sit in jou hart, in jou verstand - nie in die kleur van jou vel nie. Suid-Afrika se demografie is onherroeplik ‘n roereier. ‘n Volkstaat in die Noord-Kaap - nogal met die belaglikheid van sy eie geldstelsel - is ‘n droom. Ek wil vra, maak eerder vrede met jou verlede, al is dit hoe pynlik, en aanvaar die werklikheid. As jy dít doen, sal jy tuis voel in jou vaderland, Suid-Afrika. Die tyd is verby dat die volk uit een mond praat. Daardie strewe na een identiteit, een stem, is die ander gogga in die bos wat aangespreek moet word. Laat staan daardie gekheid; kom terug op die pad waar u was, leier van die VF, dit was ‘n positiewer pad, maar ná die feesmaal aan die KP lyk dit vir my daar is ‘n sooibrand wat jou die woestyn laat intrek.

Ek vra Afrikaners om nie onrealistiese beloftes deur opposisieleiers ten prooi te val nie. Hierdie beloftes manipuleer eintlik net mense se diepste rassevrese en dra niks tot versoening by nie. Die DA en die ander Afrikanerpartye wat dan vry en dan baklei, is die een mislukking na die ander. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hulle sukkel nou nog met die sooibrand van hul verlede, hoor net daar!

Trouens, hul onbeholpenheid om versoening en nasiebou in hierdie land te bevorder, sou komies gewees het as dit nie so tragies was nie. Die rasbeheptheid van die verlede is ‘n duur les wat party mense - so lyk dit vir my - net nie wil leer nie. Die geleentheid vir ‘n ruimte van politieke gees doen hom nou op 14 April voor. Die Afrikaner moet hom nou loswoel, losdink en loswikkel van ‘n hartseer geskiedenis. Hulle moet nie inwaarts negeer nie; hulle moet van die goggas, die goeters in die bos ontslae raak. Hulle moet die hoofstroom betree en saam bouers van ‘n beter toekoms word. Veertien April is die tyd om huis toe te kom en deel te word van die hoofstroom.

Ons rig hierdie versoek, want die eksklusief, wit oorheersde debat om ‘n sterk opposisie tot stand te bring, is maar net nóg ‘n hersenskim soos so baie ander onhaalbare ideale wat in hierdie land nagejaag is. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hierdie debat van ‘n sterk opposisie in die sogenaamde belangegroep-opposisie gaan net weer lei tot ‘n volgende rondte van wit Afrikaner-ontnugtering. Die Afrikaner is deel van Afrika en hulle moet nie weer op ‘n etniese grondslag in een hoek gejaag word nie; hulle moet daarteen opstaan. [Applous.]

Op die vooraand van die tweede termyn van president Mbeki is ons opnuut geïnspireer deur die versoenende rol wat hy speel. Daar is ‘n groeiende getal Afrikaners daar buite wat deel sal wees van die hoofstroom van die politiek, want hulle wil. Hulle sal president Mbeki se hand vat om die ongelykhede van die verlede uit te wis. Hulle wil werk vir blywende voorspoed en namate ons boodskap wortel en vrugte dra, sal hulle, anders as Kanna, huis toe kom om hier te kom presteer. [Applous.]

Ek vra, ter afsluiting, van alle Suid-Afrikaners, en veral die Afrikaners, om my voorbeeld te volg op 14 April, naamlik om die President van dié land se hand te vat, ‘n bouer te wees en ANC te stem, want dié land is ook jou land. Baie dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[In the philosophical sense we as Africans are all related to one another by blood. The Afrikaners who drove the bus during the apartheid era must break away from their past and become part of the challenges of Africa and South Africa. We must become part of nation-building and reconciliation and, as Africans, play our part as well as claim our share in this country.

I am asking this, because the people who were oppressed under the previous dispensation could easily have taken revenge on their former oppressors on a massive scale. They did not do so, although most of them are still infinitely worse off than the people who were previously disadvantaged and they are setting an example to the world with the reconciliatory attitude they adopt daily.

When I see election posters and statements by the opposition, and that they manipulate racial fear, incite the emotions of the electorate and shout ``swart gevaar’’, one important aspect of the 2004 election is singled out, and that aspect is how far from or close to the Government, the ANC and the black people should the Afrikaners stand in general, and how accommodating or unaccommodating and inflexible should they be concerning the matters that are dear to them.

Surely this is the central theme of a large choir in these opposition benches. Now, I realise today, given our country’s history of confrontation

• irrespective of the mistakes that have been made by the ANC Government, because we are just people - one thing is certain, President Mbeki and his predecessor, our beloved Madiba, are sincere about nation-building and reconciliation, and they are also sincere about the role of the Afrikaner.

Die Burger testified to this on 23 February 2004 in its editorial - and let me say it is an editorial and a standpoint for which there is appreciation and great respect. I quote as follows: Met sy toespraak Vrydag tydens die plegtigheid waarop hy ‘n eredoktorsgraad van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch ontvang het, het Mbeki uit die hart gepraat.

Later on in the same report it stated:

Hy erken ook die rol wat Stellenbosch speel as die bakermat van die taal, maar die leiersrol bring ook die verantwoordelikheid om toe te sien dat die taal en sy sprekers deel van die hoofstroom word om ‘n nie-rassige gemeenskap in Suid-Afrika te bou.

We agree wholeheartedly with this.

I would just like to say to President Mbeki: Sir, throughout your first term, and on the eve of your second term, you have touched every Afrikaner heart. Many of our people out there can come home. It is only the DA, the FF Plus and a few others who are bogged down in the day before yesterday.

The DA is in a political wilderness; they do not understand President Mbeki’s international leadership role, and they understand nation-building and reconciliation even less. The DA is an opposition that denies the past, but is not nor does it want to be, part of Africa. In fact, from where I am sitting, I look at them and, with an exception here and there, they look worse than the old CPs of the House of Assembly of those days. [Applause.]

It is, after all, the hon Tony Leon who said: What is bad for South Africa is good for the DA. His point of departure is negative and one could seriously question his loyalty to South Africa and the people of this country. Let us say to one another in plain language: Unseen spectres are haunting the DA. Indeed, this is giving them serious nightmares.

Another Thirstland trekker in this election is not in the Chamber now - the FF Plus. The FF Plus and their leader are disappointing me somewhat, because since they have swallowed up the CP they define ethnic identity as racially exclusive. Racial exclusivity necessarily means racism. This is a dead-alive situation. Your Afrikanership is in your heart, in your mind - not in the colour of your skin.

Demographically South Africa is irrevocably like scrambled eggs. A volkstaat in the Northern Cape - indeed with the additional ludicrousness of its own currency - is a dream. I want to ask, make peace with your past instead, no matter how painful it is, and accept reality. If you do this, you will feel at home in your fatherland, South Africa. The time is over when the people spoke with one voice. That desire for one identity, one voice, is the other thing lurking in the bushes that must be addressed. Stop that madness; come back to the path on which you were, leader of the FF, it was a more positive path, but after feasting on the CP you would seem to be suffering from indigestion that is forcing you into the desert.

I am asking Afrikaners not to fall prey to unrealistic promises by opposition leaders. These promises actually manipulate people’s deepest racial fears and do not contribute one jot to reconciliation. The DA and other Afrikaner parties are either courting one another or quarrelling with one another, are experiencing one failure after the other. [Interjections.] They are still struggling with the indigestion of the past, just listen to them!

In fact, their ineptness in promoting reconciliation and nation-building in this country would have been comical if it had not been so tragic. The racial obsessiveness of the past is an expensive lesson that some people - it appears to me - just do not want to learn. The opportunity for openness of political spirit will present itself on 14 April. Afrikaners must now struggle to disengage, dissociate and detach themselves from a sad history. They should not become inwardly negative; they must get rid of the spectres lurking in the bushes. They must enter the mainstream and become builders of a better future. On 14 April it will be time to come home and become part of the mainstream.

We make this request, because the exclusive, white-dominated debate on establishing a strong opposition is just another mirage, like so many other unattainable ideals that have been pursued in this country. [Interjections.] This debate on a strong opposition in the so-called interest group opposition will just lead to another round of white Afrikaner disillusionment. The Afrikaner is part of Africa and they should not be driven into a corner on the basis of ethnicity again; they must rise up against this. [Applause.]

On the eve of President Mbeki’s second term we are inspired anew by the reconciliatory role that he is playing. There are a growing number of Afrikaners out there who will be part of the mainstream of politics because they want to be. They will join forces with President Mbeki to eradicate the inequalities of the past. They want to work for lasting prosperity and as our message takes root and bears fruit they will, unlike Kanna, come home to flourish here. [Applause.]

I want to ask, in conclusion, of all South Africans, and especially the Afrikaners, to follow my example on 14 April, namely to take the hand of the President of this country, to be a builder and vote ANC, because this country is also your country. Thank you very much. [Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Chairperson, hon members, let me express appreciation to everybody who participated in this debate. It is an open political debate and I think many of the contributors had focused largely on the matter at hand, namely the Appropriation Bill. So, I would like to express my sincere appreciation for that.

I think that one of the key issues that we need to talk about on an ongoing basis is economic policy in general and how it resonates. I think that there is still a degree of misunderstanding about the power of the state and the ability of the Budget to do all of the things that we think it ought to do.

In an article published in the name of Prof Servaas van der Berg on Tuesday this week, he wrote:

Government economic policy has a potentially asymmetrical impact. Bad policies can be disastrous. But good policies usually cannot improve outcomes all that much since outcomes are also influenced by market forces and other events outside of the Government’s control such as global economic conditions.

This is something that some members reflected on and I think some members chose, in the debate, to be oblivious of. It’s important that we come back to this issue. It’s important that we again realise that the Budget at hand is one that builds on the past, but one that only has a measured contribution to the future. It is not a Budget intended in a cruel way, in respect of the poor, to try and say things to them that can’t be done simply because we want to catch their votes. So, understanding global trends and understanding what the Budget can and can’t do and why this Budget takes the position that it does is exceedingly important.

The second issue is the matter of employment. Now here, clearly, people have all kinds of weird and wonderful ideas. But what the Budget Review does on page 44 is to recognise that the way in which we measure unemployment or employment at the moment is inadequate and that we need to undertake a lot more work because the base of what we measure is insufficient. And, having recognised that, we must then go forward and say, as we have said, that 2 million net jobs have been created since 1994 and not dispute that because that can be proved and then move on to the next base. [Applause.]

It’s exceedingly important that we deal with the position of the unemployed, because what political parties are doing that is so wrong is to lie to the unemployed. You lie to the unemployed because you don’t understand the dehumanising impact of unemployment on the individual, families and communities. I say without fear of contradiction that there is no political party in this House or those desiring to enter this House which has any panacea for unemployment in this country. [Applause.] So let us not lie to the poor. Let us recognise what the impact of this is. Let us recognise what the constraints are.

Hon Odendaal, we would all like full employment. Full employment is not realisable in any country, at this stage. So, there are constraints and we must deal with those issues for what they are. But we must also, in trying to deal with those, not fail to recognise … [Interjections.]

Mr T D LEE: [Inaudible.]

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Mr Lee, I want to say goodbye to you today for good reason, so let me speak first. You see, what we must not do is fail to recognise the history of this country, what poverty does to people and why workers’ rights matter in South Africa. So, this notion of untold flexibility, of the ability of employers to treat workers as floor rags, is not something that will ever resonate with working people in this country. [Applause.] Let’s take that out of the equation and deal with the issues for what they are. Let’s deal with the rights of people for what they are. I make this very strong appeal, because if we ignore that then we will fail to realise the collective responsibility that we have to communicate a set of messages about change that is positive, and change that impacts on the lives of the poorest of our people. It’s in this context then that the issue of the Expanded Public Works Programme needs to be understood.

I don’t think that there is anybody on the side of Government who would say that these jobs are permanent. But, what we are saying is that, in recognition of the impact of unemployment and the minimal access to training opportunities for young people in South Africa, equipping people with a set of portable skills can be done and will be done. And once people have passed through these programmes with the skills they have, they will be in a much better position to undertake what we have described as sustainable livelihoods.

At the moment the gap between where young people are since they have left school and where they need to be is too great and this is an intervention that is calculated and designed to support this enormous gap. So, it will reach a number of people. It will grow in impact. It will improve on the quality of infrastructure that people have. But I don’t think that we should delude ourselves into suggesting that these would be permanent in nature.

There were also debates about the state of the economy and the issue of privatisation was trundled out by the opposition parties. Well, it so happens that by and large business and Government and the trade unions are ad idem about the position of both the energy sector and the transport sector in South Africa. You see, if you deal with this energy sector negligently and fail to recognise that the bulk of our industries are energy intensive, you will destroy the industrial base. And, unless we deal with the transport sector to unlock the potential by looking at logistics quite differently from how they have been looked at in the past, we will fail to unlock the potential of the vast industrial part of South Africa which happens to be very far from the ports through which we need to export. So we much approach these issues and if we break up these companies for the sake of the ideology of privatisation, we will destroy the base of our economy. [Applause.]

The hon Groenewald raised issues - he is not in the House - about corruption. Let me say that I agree with him, and certainly with the passion of the hon Mentor, that we must work together to root out corruption from society. I want to agree with the hon Mentor that it is a curse and a cancer, and we must root it out. But I want to also say without fear of contradiction that the ANC has never been afraid to act against its own where instances of corruption are proven. [Applause.] We must guard against this notion that every allegation is a fact. But where allegations, through the process of law, are proven, it’s necessary to deal with these individuals, whoever they are. Regarding where the hon Groenewald got this idea that some people may be untouchable, I would like to engage with him a bit more, but we must never allow corruption to take root in a way that it can’t be dealt with.

In the course of the debate the hon Jassat made a very important point because I think he debunked one of the myths that’s trundled out in respect of Government’s caring. He did so by demonstrating that the Government has the largest programme to prevent mother-to-child transmission anywhere on the globe. [Applause.] That is not what people are saying. It’s not what people are saying in the way in which election campaigns are structured. It’s not what people are saying. Also, in recognising this, we must recognise that the use of drugs like nevirapine have now produced side effects which previously weren’t known. We must remain alive to the debates and not merely be satisfied with chemical interventions and believe that all problems will be solved. [Applause.]

Let me also draw attention to the fact that there was a fair amount of populism in the debate. We need to caution against populism. I would have hoped that before this House rose today I could get an abacus or at least a pocket calculator for the leaders of the opposition parties so that we don’t say the things that we do because we confuse the poor. You see, even my sister, Comrade Rajbally, in suggesting that the child support grant be increased to R500 a month, would see the numbers move from R6,7 billion to R24,6 billion in this year. That is unaffordable. If we say those things to people we will destroy our own credibility. We will raise their hopes that would only be dashed. I think the privilege that we have in a democratic South Africa is that the poor are unbelievably tolerant. But, we will destroy that and we will destroy it through populism.

On the subject of populism, Madam … - who is in the Chair now? - Madam Deputy Speaker. I thought that there was a different person there. I have done some calculations on some of the party manifestos on the subject of populism. The manifesto of the DA would push up costs by R28 billion, in addition to what we are spending. It would add a further 2,1% to the deficit, pushing our deficit to R70 billion or 5,2% of GDP. The debt service costs on that would be R15 billion that wouldn’t be available for spending. And in addition to that, we know that VAT would be increased and that would impact on the poor. I want to say to the DA that your macroeconomic populism is unsustainable and doesn’t accord with what you are saying in this House. [Applause.] Do the calculations and you will be embarrassed. Do the calculations and you will be embarrassed, because what you are putting on the table by way of a basic income grant, the abolition of certain taxes, the abolition of property taxes, allowing businesses to deduct the first 15% or the first R2 000 a month, the opportunity vouchers and the bursary voucher programme, are unaffordable in South Africa. You will not do it in a million years of Sundays. Forget it. [Applause.]

But, fortunately the voters will not be misled. I think that it is a good thing that our voters, as the hon Mentor has said, may not have had all the benefits of education but they aren’t stupid.

Let me express my sincere appreciation to the many stalwarts of this Parliament who are taking leave of us. Certainly, regarding Comrade Billy Nair who has been there, not just in the 10 years of Parliament but in contributing to democracy all his adult life, it’s a big moment to take leave of you; but, the same applies to Comrade Reg September, Comrade Iso Chiba, Comrade Essop Jassat. They are four of the stalwarts whose life contribution has been to bring about democracy in this country. I think we owe all of them an enormous round of applause. [Applause.]

But I think it is also appropriate that we express our appreciation to members of other parties who have indicated that they are leaving. It’s in the spirit of what we do here. Ken Andrew has worked with me in the committee on Trade and Industry and later in the committee on Finance. I am sorry that your speech was interrupted because we don’t interrupt swan songs or maiden speeches. I want to say: Thank you very much for your contribution. I am glad that you are stepping out in African style on design day today. [Applause.] To Colin Eglin and to Moorcroft: Thank you very much, stalwarts in the House. You particularly, hon Eglin, I think have earned the title `hon’ over and over again. Thank you very much for your contribution to democracy. [Applause.] And then, to the incorrigible but wonderfully charming at the podium Nigel Bruce, the best speaker of the afternoon: We wish you well, as well, Nigel. [Applause.]

Who else did I … [Interjections.] Oh! I didn’t know that the hon Dr Odendaal is leaving but thank you also. We have seen you and we have felt your presence in the committee on Finance. [Applause.] I want to wish you pleasant cycling on that wonderful bicycle of yours, Dr Odendaal.

Deputy Speaker and hon members, it is also the conclusion of a term of office. I keep saying I don’t know what’s going to happen. Maybe Cassie Aucamp will come back as the President. [Laughter.] We know Patricia de Lille is too busy trying to become the President to be in the House here. But, I want to express my sincere appreciation certainly to the members of the Portfolio Committee on Finance who have worked very closely with us over the past decade. Thank you very much. You have kept us on our toes and you make it so much more of a pleasure to serve South Africans. Thanks so much. [Applause.]

Debate concluded. Question put: That the Bill be read a first time.

Division demanded.

The House divided:

AYES - 223: Abrahams, T; Abram, S; Ainslie, A R; Arendse, J D; Aucamp, C; Baloyi, M R; Baloyi, S F; Bapela, O; Benjamin, J; Bhengu, F; Blaas, A; Bloem, D V; Booi, M S; Cachalia, I M; Carrim, Y I; Chalmers, J; Chauke, H P; Chiba, L; Chikane, MM; Chohan-Khota, F I; Cindi, N V; Cronin, J P; Cwele, S C; Daniels, N; Davies, R H; De Lange, J H; Diale, L N; Didiza, A T; Dithebe, S L; Dlamini, B O; Doidge, G Q M; Dudley, C; Durand, J; Fankomo, F C; Fazzie, M H; Fihla, N B; Frolick, C T; Geldenhuys, B L; Gerber, P A; Gillwald, C E; Godi, T; Gogotya, N J; Goniwe, M T; Goosen, A D; Gumede, D M; Gxowa, N B; Hajaig, F; Hanekom, D A; Hendricks, L B; Hendrickse, P A C; Hogan, B A; Jassat, E E; Jeebodh, T; Jeffery, J H; Joemat, R R; Jordan, Z P; Joubert, L K; Kalako, M U; Kannemeyer, B W; Kasienyane, O R; Kgarimetsa, J J; Kgauwe, Q J; Kgwele, L M; Komphela, B M; Koornhof, G W; Kotwal, Z; Landers, L T; Lekgoro, M K; Lishivha, T E; Louw, J T; Louw, S K; Lyle, A G; Mabe, L L; Mabena, D C; Madasa, Z L; Magazi, M N; Magubane, N E; Magwanishe, G B; Mahlangu-Nkabinde, G L; Mahlawe, N; Maimane, D S; Maine, M S; Makanda, W G; Makasi, X C; Malahlela, M J; Maloney, L; Malumise, M M; Manie, M S; Manuel, T A; Mapisa-Nqakula, N N; Martins, B A D; Masala, M M; Maserumule, F T; Masithela, N H; Mathebe, P M; Mathibela, N F; Matsepe-Casaburri, I F; Maunye, M M; Mayatula, S M; Maziya, M A; Mbadi, L M; Mbombo, N D; Mentor, M P; Meruti, V; Mfundisi, IS; Middleton, N S; Millin, T E; Mnandi, P N; Mngomezulu, G P; Mnguni, B A; Moatshe, M S; Modise, T R; Modisenyane, L J; Moeketse, K M; Mofokeng, T R; Mohamed, I J; Mohlala, R J B; Mokoena, A D; Molebatsi, M A; Moloi, J; Moloto, K A; Mongwaketse, S J; Montsitsi, S D; Moonsamy, K; Moosa, M V; Morobi, D M; Moropa, R M; Morutoa, M R; Moss, M I; Mothoagae, P K; Motubatse-Hounkpatin, S D; Mpahlwa, M B; Mshudulu, S A; Mthembu, B; Mtsweni, N S; Mudau, N W; Mutsila, I; Mzondeki, M J G; Nair, B; Nash, J H; Ndou, R S; Ndzanga, R A; Nel, A C; Nene, N M; Newhoudt-Druchen, W S; Ngaleka, E; Ngcengwane, N D; Ngcobo, N; Ngculu, L V J; Ngema, M V; Ngubeni, J M; Ngwenya, M L; Nhleko, N P; Nhlengethwa, D G; Njobe, M A A; Nqakula, C; Nqodi, S B; Ntombela, S H; Ntuli, B M; Nzimande, L P M; Odendaal, W A; Olckers, M E; Olifant, D A A; Oliphant, G G; Oliphant, M N; Oosthuizen, G C; Phadagi, M G; Phala, M J; Pieterse, R D; Radebe, B A; Rajbally, S; Ramakaba-Lesiea, M M; Ramotsamai, C M P; Rasmeni, S M; Ratsoma, M M; Rhoda, R T; Ripinga, S S; Robertsen, M O; Routledge, N C; Rwexana, S P; Saloojee, E (Cassim); Schippers, J; Schneeman, G D; Schoeman, E A; Seaton, S A; Seeco, M A; Sekgobela, P S; September, C C; September, R K; Sibande, P M; Sigwela, E M; Sikakane, M R; Simmons, S; Sithole, D J; Sithole, P; Skhosana, W M; Skosana, M B; Smith, V G; Solo, B M; Sosibo, J E; Sotyu, M M; Swart, S N; Tarr, M A; Thabethe, E; Tinto, B; Tolo, L J; Tsheole, N M; Tshivhase, T J; Tshwete, P; Turok, B; Twala, N M; Van der Merwe, S C; Van Jaarsveld, A Z A; Van Wyk, Anna; Van Wyk, Annelizÿ; Van Wyk, J F; Van Wyk, N; Vos, S C; Woods, G G; Xingwana, L M T; Zondo, R P; Zulu, N E; Zuma, J G.

NOES - 32: Andrew, K M; Bell, B G; Blanchÿ, J P I; Borman, G M; Camerer, S M; Clelland-Stokes, N J; Da Camara, M L; Eglin, C W; Ellis, M J; Farrow, S B; Gibson, D H M; Grobler, G A J; Kalyan, S V; Koornhof, N J J van R; Le Roux, J W; Lee, T D; Moorcroft, E K; Mulder, C P; Nel, A H; Pretorius, I J; Redcliffe, C R; Schalkwyk, P J; Schmidt, H C; Semple, J A; Smuts, M; Steele, M H; Swart, P S; Taljaard, R; Van Aswegen, R; Van Deventer, F J; Van Niekerk, A I; Waters, M.

Question agreed to.

Bill accordingly read a first time.

                      UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE

                              (Rulings)

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I’ve just been reminded that I actually wish to first make some rulings, before moving on to the next piece of business.

I wish to give a ruling on a point of order raised by the hon Nhleko on 10 February 2004 about remarks made by Ms T E Millin in her speech during the debate on the President’s state of the nation address. Mr Nhleko asked whether the expressions Ms Millin used were appropriate language for the House, and I undertook to examine the Hansard.

Having had an opportunity to study the unrevised Hansard, I wish to rule as follows: The expressions used by Ms Millin are not strictly unparliamentary in that they do not reflect on the integrity of another member. Therefore, I will not request her to withdraw the offending phrases. However, I do want to appeal to members, as public representatives, to refrain from resorting to coarse or vulgar language that detracts from the dignity and decorum of the House.

The Chief Whips have recently been discussing the issue of decorum in the House, and have agreed that they will be more vigilant about such matters. One trusts that the Whips of the next Parliament will be equally vigilant and that they will have the co-operation of all members, especially those who come back after the elections, in maintaining the esteem in which this House and the next Parliament would always seek to be held.

Hon members, I also wish to give a ruling on a matter that arose the day before yesterday. During questions in the House on Wednesday 25 February, the hon Mr Andrew raised a point of order concerning the hon Mr De Lange’s remark that the hon Mrs Kalyan had deliberately misled the House.

I undertook, before giving a ruling, to study Hansard both in regard to what Mrs Kalyan had said earlier, and in regard to the remark by Mr De Lange. I have had the opportunity to study the Hansard and wish to give my ruling.

I’d like to deal first with the remarks made by Mrs Kalyan. As I understand it, Mrs Kalyan’s remark that the Minister of Health was misleading the House arose from the Minister’s reference to Mr Waters. The Minister said that the question Mr Waters put to her, in the House, should have been asked in the meeting of the portfolio committee, but that nobody did so. Mrs Kalyan then corrected the Minister by saying that she had personally asked the question in the meeting of the portfolio committee, but that the Minister was not there at the time.

In response to a point of order raised by Mr De Lange, that it was unparliamentary for Mrs Kalyan to say that the Minister was misleading the House, I ruled that it is only unparliamentary when one member accuses another of deliberately misleading the House.

I will now deal with the remark made by Mr De Lange. Mr De Lange clearly said that Mrs Kalyan had deliberately misled the House. In compliance with my ruling that it is unparliamentary to accuse a member of deliberately misleading the House, the hon Mr De Lange should, therefore, withdraw the remark. [Interjections.]

Adv J H DE LANGE: Thank you, Deputy Speaker. In respect to your ruling and in deference to the outgoing Mr Ken Andrew, I withdraw, unconditionally, the word deliberate''. I , of course, however, do not withdraw the word misleading’’, as the member accused … [Interjections.] I do not withdraw the word ``misleading’’. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon De Lange, I do not wish you to put a condition on what you are withdrawing, because I asked you to just withdraw the remark. First, you say you are unconditionally withdrawing, then you say you are not withdrawing a part of it.

Adv J H DE LANGE: Madam Speaker, I said I’m unconditionally withdrawing ``deliberate’’, but not the other word. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon De Lange, I really wish for your co- operation. I just want you to withdraw, please.

Adv J H DE LANGE: I unconditionally withdraw, Madam Speaker. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, we will now go back to the first Order of the Day.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

(Decision of Question Adoption of Report of Portfolio Committee thereon)

Question as moved by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party put: That the Report be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Report accordingly adopted.

                           FAREWELL SPEECH

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, I now wish to take this opportunity while I’m still in the Chair, because I’m about to vacate it, to say my own farewell. I wish to take the opportunity to thank South Africa for allowing me to grow from this Chair. I’ve learned a lot from being in the office that I’ve been occupying and, of course, it is in the nature of politics that none of us know what’s going to happen after the elections.

Therefore, I should like to take this opportunity to say thank you very much for your co-operation, for the lessons we’ve all learned together, both from positive and difficult situations, from which I’m quite sure all of us, individually and collectively, developed.

I also wish to take advantage of this opportunity to speak to the members who have said farewell, in particular members who are definitely not coming back. I will not go through the names, but I want to single out the hon Colin Eglin, with whom I personally have had the opportunity to work, especially during the Constitution-making days.

Hon Eglin, thank you very much, for being a very good colleague and a very good South African, I must say. [Applause.] I remember the experiences we have had, including a bus breaking down in the middle of the night on our way from New Delhi to Jaipur in India. [Interjections.] An HON MEMBER: How many were you?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: There were about 10 of us. [Laughter.] I hope that, hon Eglin, when you get home you will sit down and write, because I think that the history of the process of coming up with a new Constitution, in particular, is one from which all of us, and in particular our greatgrandchildren and our grandchildren, can learn a lot; just the process itself - the interactions, the challenges and how we were all called upon to put aside our personal preferences, our political preferences and put South Africa first. It was a very rewarding experience. [Applause.]

I also must, of course, in particular, thank our veterans, those who have given many years of their lives to bring South Africa to where it is today. Thank you, very much. Go and have a very well-deserved good life, because you still have a long life from here. [Applause.]

I will also thank my comrade, Valli Moosa. I’ll never forget arriving from abroad and checking my messages, and there was Cyril Ramaphosa’s message saying, ``Only our friend could do it’’, and I wondered what was happening. It was only later, when I got to the airport that I read the newspapers about Valli being naked somewhere in some part of the country. [Laughter.] [Applause.] I hope that he will enjoy whatever he’s now going to do, and remain as energetic as ever.

I would now like to go back to the Order Paper, and the Speaker will be taking over the Chair. [Interjections.] [Applause.] No, not yet. I just wanted to say my own farewells. The Speaker will be coming to take the Chair shortly. In the meantime, let us go back to the Order Paper.

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON COMMUNICATIONS - ICASA VACANCIES

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: There is no list of speakers, so are there any objections to the recommendations of the Portfolio Committee on Communications? [Interjections.]

Question put: That Dr T Cohen, Adv Z R Masiza and Mr P Mashile be recommended for appointment as councillors to Icasa.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, the DA does have objections and calls for an opportunity to make a declaration.

Mrs S A SEATON: Deputy Speaker, the IFP also objects and we would also like to make a declaration.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I will give you time for declarations in a minute.

Mr J DURAND: The New NP does not object, but we would like to make a declaration, Madam Speaker.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Before calling for declarations, I would like to first put the question and ask that all those in favour say aye'', and those againstno’’. [Interjections.] I think the ayes have it. I would like to allow parties an opportunity to make their declarations.

Declarations of vote:

Ms M SMUTS: Deputy Speaker, Icasa is not just any old sectoral regulator. It is a constitutional Chapter 9 institution, because the governance of broadcasting had to be put beyond the reach of Government in order to protect free speech.

Now, since the time that the Constitution was finalised, technological convergence has brought broadcasting and telecommunications, including the information technologies like the Internet, under one regulatory umbrella. The filling of vacancies such as the three now occurring under the statutory rotational appointment system is therefore of unusual importance. The four sitting councillors who remain are Chairman Mandla Langa, Lumko Mtimde, Nadia Bulbulia and Mamodupi Mohlala.

One of the three new nominees was a universal choice. We were all willing to compromise with the ANC on the second choice, even though we are worried by his view that the licensing authority can actively seek out and encourage applicants for community broadcast licences. This is a recipe for the political patronage which many people suspect is already occurring.

We were willing, however, to compromise, even though it meant losing the chief economist at the Competition Commission and though the Act requires economics as a skill. The Competition Commission has, in fact, just recommended that Telkom be fined 10% of turnover for anticompetitive behaviour towards the Internet companies, which Icasa itself has so far failed to control. Now I have said that we were willing to compromise on that second candidate, but the ANC, regrettably, no longer seeks consensus or compromise. In the end, the issue between us is the sitting councillor Gerhard Petrick whom the ANC flatly refused to consider or to discuss. Gerhard Petrick has the confidence and the multiple nominations of the industries; he has the confidence of Icasa itself at which he has acted as chair; he has the confidence of all of the parties except the ANC.

The ANC no longer gives reasons for its choices. It no longer seems to care even about appearances. One is left to speculate about what it is that it does care about, possibly control. It is in these circumstances that we very greatly regret that we cannot support the full slate. [Applause.]

Ms S C VOS: Thank you, Madam Speaker. The IFP cannot be a complacent participant in the further disempowerment of Icasa. We have to ask ourselves why not one significant foreign company was prepared to invest the kind of money that this country needed to build infrastructure in the second national operator as competition for Telkom.

Why are those shares now parked? A few British pennies emerged, belatedly, in one of the rejected bids - absolutely nothing else. And if we are honest, we know why. Two leaders of two European telecommunications giants personally informed me that they wouldn’t touch our telecommunications market with a bargepole. Why? Because they said our regulator, Icasa, was seen as weak, that it lacked capacity and, critically, that our councillors were not seen to be sufficiently independent of Government, that is ANC control.

Icasa and the SABC Board have to stop being seen as repositories of jobs for comrades, irrespective of their capacity to add real value. This is not to deny the outstanding work that has been done and is being done by certain hugely talented and committed councillors and board members over the years.

However, the Icasa council, as currently being rammed through Parliament, does not now possess the range of skills and experience that the law requires, and the IFP will vote against these appointments. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mev A VAN WYK: Mev die Speaker, die Nuwe NP dra graag gelukwense oor aan dr Tracy Cohen, ‘n pasaangewese nuwe lid van Okosa. Sy is een van drie wat aan die einde van Junie hul plekke sal inneem. Sy is uitnemend gekwalifiseer om dié werk te doen.

Soos in die geval van die aanstelling van die SAUK-raad, is die aanstelling van die Onafhanklike Uitsaai-owerheid van Suid-Afrika ongelukkig ook reeds gebrandmerk as ‘n verspeelde geleentheid. In hierdie land is daar die wonderlikste talent, vermoëns en gewilligheid, maar as ons kyk na die aanstellings van owerheidsweë word dit nie voldoende weerspieël nie, en dit is waarom die beste planne, bedoelings en liggame op elke vlak struikel. Die ontsluiting van die positiewe kragte van die enorme onderbenutte mensehulpbronne berus by die aanstelling van die regte drywers, die regte leiers.

Okosa sukkel, maar van die beste leierstalent is reeds al in die kortlysstadium oor die hoof gesien. Dit lyk asof die portefeuljekomitee, wat hom vantevore onderskei het vir sy objektiwiteit en moed, nou in trurat gegaan het. Die SAUK-raad het dié vermoede laat ontstaan; die vul van die vakatures op Okosa bewys dit. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mrs A VAN WYK: Madam Speaker, the New NP would like to convey its congratulations to Dr Tracy Cohen, a newly appointed member of Icasa. She is one of the three members who will take up their positions at the end of June. She is extremely well qualified to do this job.

As in the case of the appointment of the SABC Board, the appointment of the Independent Broadcasting Authority of South Africa has unfortunately already been branded as a wasted opportunity. In this country there is the most wonderful talent, capacities and willingness, but when we look at the appointments by the authorities, this is not adequately reflected, and this is why the best plans, intentions and bodies stumble at every level. Unlocking the positive powers of the enormously underutilised human resources depends on the appointment of the right drivers, the right leaders.

Icasa is struggling, but some of the most talented leaders were already overlooked at the shortlisting stage. It seems as if the portfolio committee, which distinguished itself in the past for its objectivity and courage, has gone into reverse gear now. The SABC Board caused this presumption to arise; the filling of the vacancies in Icasa has proved it.]

In section 3(b)(1) of the Icasa Act it is clearly stated that when viewed collectively persons appointed ``are representative of a broad cross- section of the Republic’’. The authority, as newly composed, will not meet this requirement.

Section 3(b)(2) requires that the persons possess suitable qualifications, expertise and experience of, among other things, broadcasting and telecommunications policy, engineering technology, etc.

The one engineer, as we’ve heard, councillor Gerhard Petrick, who has been in this position for a scant year and has been doing sterling work, has been inexplicably dropped. Such unreasonable and harsh treatment of a person who left an excellent career to join Icasa reflects poorly on the portfolio committee. Moreover, in this respect as well, the council will not fulfil the legal provisions of the Act.

The New NP regrettably does not support the list of vacancies. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Mr M K LEKGORO: Madam Speaker, I am satisfied that the committee has complied with the requirements of section 5 of the Icasa Act, which guides the constitution and appointment of councillors to Icasa. We would also like to assure all those who were interviewed that not having selected them is not a vote of no confidence in them at all. It is a simple reality that there were only three vacancies to fill.

I hope that the complaint of the opposition parties is not that each party could at least have got their preferred candidates onto the council, because whatever dissatisfaction they have cannot be on the grounds that we have selected people without the necessary knowledge for the type of work.

When you short-list people for an interview, you are by your own admission saying that they are candidates who, in their varying ways, could qualify for the job. It is not surprising that on a panel there will always be differences of opinions as to who is more outstanding among the candidates, more so when among your interviewees you have sitting members of that council. Naturally, a dispute would arise as to the retention or the substitution of such members. That is why on matters of this nature, whether in public or private, those who take such a decision do so on the basis of popular feeling.

We could not be different. We had different preferences based on different perceptions of what the job at this point in time required. All the names that were put forward from different committee members were names of respected people in the different fields of expertise. At the end of the day, the popular view prevailed. It is against this background that we ask the National Assembly to ratify the names of these men and women who are of undoubted expertise in the communications industry. They are Adv Z R Masiza, Mr P Mashile and Dr T Cohen. Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr C P MULDER: Madam Speaker, I rise on a point of confusion. Could we please perhaps give the New NP an opportunity to clarify their position, because it is unclear to me what their position is going to be?

Mr J DURAND: Madam Speaker, I said very clearly that we would not vote against this, but that we wanted to make a declaration. That’s all.

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, let me also assist in clarification and in taking the process further. The Deputy Speaker has already declared that the ayes had it. We’ve given an opportunity for members to make statements in declaration of their vote or of their intentions. Do any parties wish to record their objections? If so, please just indicate.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, but that doesn’t mean to say that you will not be putting the vote as well. We do want to record our objection. Thank you.

The SPEAKER: I will be putting the vote. I will now ask those in favour to say aye'', and those against to sayno’’. Those against please say no. I think the ayes have it.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, is this not a Chapter 9 body where we have to vote anyway?

The SPEAKER: We do not need to record the vote.

Question agreed to (Democratic Alliance, Inkatha Freedom Party, African Christian Democratic Party, National Action and Independent African Movement dissenting).

Dr T Cohen, Adv Z R Masiza and Mr P Mashile accordingly recommended for appointment as Icasa councillors.

                      COMMUNAL LAND RIGHTS BILL

(Consideration of Bill and of Report of Portfolio Committee thereon)

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move:

That the Bill be passed.

Motion agreed to.

Bill accordingly passed.

CONSIDERATION OF REQUEST FOR APPROVAL BY PARLIAMENT OF PROTOCOL ON THE AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTIVE ACT OF THE AFRICAN UNION

There was no debate.

Protocol on the Amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union approved.

    CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON JUSTICE AND    CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT - REMUNERATION AND CONDITIONS OF SERVICE OF
                          PUBLIC PROTECTOR

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move:

That the Report be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Report accordingly adopted. CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PRIVATE MEMBERS’ LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS AND SPECIAL PETITIONS ON PARDON INVESTIGATION PROCEDURE BILL

  CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PRIVATE MEMBERS'
LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS AND SPECIAL PETITIONS ON PREVENTION OF ILLEGAL
    EVICTION FROM AND UNLAWFUL OCCUPATION OF LAND AMENDMENT BILL

  CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PRIVATE MEMBERS'
LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS AND SPECIAL PETITIONS ON ELECTORAL SYSTEMS BILL

  CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PRIVATE MEMBERS'    LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS AND SPECIAL PETITIONS ON ELECTORAL LAWS AMENDMENT
                                BILL

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move: That the Reports be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Reports accordingly adopted.

                  ROAD ACCIDENT FUND AMENDMENT BILL

      (Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee thereon)

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move:

That the Report be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Report accordingly adopted.

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF JOINT BUDGET COMMITTEE - CHAPTER 13 OF 4TH
                REPORT OF SA HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move:

That the Report be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Report accordingly adopted.

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND   ADMINISTRATION - VISIT TO ALEXANDRA URBAN RENEWAL PROJECT AND FREE STATE

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF PORTFOLIO COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC SERVICE AND
                 ADMINISTRATION - PLANNING SESSIONS

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madan Speaker, I move:

That the Reports be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Reports accordingly adopted.

CONSIDERATION OF FIRST REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF SECOND REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF THIRD REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF FOURTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF FIFTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF SIXTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF SEVENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF EIGHTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF NINTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF TENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF ELEVENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF TWELFTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF THIRTEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF FOURTEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF FIFTEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF SIXTEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

 CONSIDERATION OF SEVENTEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC
                              ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF EIGHTEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF NINETEENTH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF TWENTIETH REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC ACCOUNTS

CONSIDERATION OF TWENTY-FIRST REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC
                              ACCOUNTS

There was no debate.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move:

That the Reports be adopted.

Motion agreed to.

Reports accordingly adopted.

                          FAREWELL SPEECHES

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, this is a very special day for most hon members. The general election will be held soon and I understand that something like a third of the members will not be returning. I refer to MPs retiring voluntarily and involuntarily.

Some, like my colleagues Nick Koornhof and Frik van Deventer and many others, leave after decades of service to their parties and some after decades of service in Parliament. We wish them all well and thank people from all parties for their service to our country and to our people.

Some, like my close colleagues Ken Andrew, Colin Eglin and E K Moorcroft, have never had the privilege of serving in government. They have served in opposition throughout their political lives, but they retire having made a significant contribution to the fight for human rights, democracy, the rule of law and good governance in our country. [Applause.]

This second Parliament has been a very interesting one. People often ask me what it is like being in the National Assembly. I tell them that I like Parliament. I feel very comfortable with colleagues from every party, language, colour, religious background and area in South Africa. This Parliament is a true reflection of our country and it is a precious democratic possession which we must treasure.

I like parliamentary debates and I enjoy nothing more than trying to communicate with the people of South Africa while honourable colleagues opposite scream and shout. I find that I can shout even louder than they can and it is certainly one of the highlights of my time in Parliament.

The SPEAKER: Order! I have noted that, hon Gibson.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Yes, Madam Speaker. This Parliament has worked better than the first Parliament. The reason for this is obvious. Many more members have now had experience of being public representatives and of being in Parliament and how to run an institution such as this. For this reason, it has not been nearly as frustrating being an MP during the last year as it was before 1999. It is still by no means perfect.

Some of the delays and the failure to support members are things which I regret. I know that these are also regretted by the presiding officers and some of the officials. I hope that we are going to recognise that in the third Parliament there is great room for improvement. We need far greater efficiency and speed in decision-making and efficiency in carrying out those decisions.

Members can do with considerably more backing and support to enable them to live up to their full potential and to serve the public of our country better. I am still not happy with the whole arrangement concerning constituency offices. The amount which Parliament pays is insufficient to enable every member to have an independent office to serve the constituency allocated to her or him by the party.

The amount needs to be increased so as to avoid having several MPs grouped together and sharing one office, thus creating an area of service that is so large that one becomes remote from the public. Members of the public then do not have proper access to help when they need it. This does not apply to me. I am very fortunate, but it certainly applies to many other members of this House.

Concerning presiding officers and all of the officials at every level, I want to thank them for their unfailing courtesy and consideration to me. They always treat me well and I really do appreciate this. I would like to thank the Whips of the ANC and all other parties for their friendly co- operation. I wish to thank my deputy, the hon Mike Ellis, and all DA Whips for their loyal support. I am very grateful to my party for having honoured me by appointing me as Chief Whip for the whole of this last term. It has always been a challenge.

Finally, I would like to thank the voters for having given me this term in Parliament. It is a privilege and an honour to be a member of Parliament in South Africa. We must never forget this. It is something which I cherish and I will never take this for granted. May I wish all of you Godspeed and good fortune. Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika. [God bless Africa.] [Applause.]

Mrs S A SEATON: Madam Speaker, as many speakers during today’s debate and throughout the past week have said, we have come a long way in South Africa, as a nation, over the past ten years. We are now at the end of the first decade, and we have got to a stage where we are just at the end of the second term of office.

Millions of lives have been transformed, and we have new hope in the country, and we are generally a nation proudly South African. We have made a start, but we still have a long way to go. We still have to create jobs to eradicate the major unemployment problem that we have in this country.

We still have to uplift many rural communities, and provide many more functional schools. We still have to effectively and efficiently combat crime. There are many issues still to be addressed, and the onerous task lies with the next Parliament.

As a Parliament we have seen transformation: major changes in procedure; strengthening the committee system; the formation of the Chief Whips Forum; the introduction of a new financial system; improved budgetary processes; and one could go on. While one can proudly say we’ve come a long way, we must acknowledge that we still have a long way to go.

We still have to make substantial changes to our rules of Parliament, to the code of conduct for members of Parliament, to the functioning of committees, and to the composition of committees. We still have to improve the parliamentary budgeting process, the attendance of meetings, providing adequate resources and facilities for members to undertake their parliamentary obligations sufficiently and effectively, and the list can go on.

But today we should not dwell on what still needs to be done, that is for the next Parliament. We need to acknowledge the many successes over the past ten years, and in particular over the past five years, and those who have made a contribution to the success that has brought us where we are today. And I too would like to add my congratulations and good wishes to people like Colin Eglin, and Billy Nair, and many others who will be leaving us voluntarily. Good luck, God will bless you all.

To the Presiding Officers - Madam Speaker, I congratulate you and the Deputy Speaker, on the way you have conducted yourselves in this House. You’ve been unbiased and you have certainly helped things to improve in this Chamber over the years. To the Chief Whips of the ANC and other Whips, thank you for your co-operation to myself and to my party throughout this time. To all the officers of Parliament, the Secretary, the Secretary of the National Assembly, as well as all other officers, and service officers, and all staff, we thank you most sincerely for all you’ve done for our party, for myself, and for Parliament and this nation as a whole.

We’ve made many friends over the past years and, as Mr Douglas Gibson has just said, we have made friends across party politics. Members become friends notwithstanding their party-political differences. There has been tremendous co-operation amongst the members, generally, and for this we thank you all.

To those of you who are to be redeployed, or are retiring, may we wish you every success, happiness and peace. To those of you hoping to return, good luck. The IFP will be back here in large numbers. Good luck to the rest of you. To you all ``hamba kahle’’, go well, God bless. [Applause.]

Mr J DURAND: In this final session, it is my pleasure to say a few words of thanks on behalf of the New NP, and to convey our best wishes to all.

Die afgelope vyf jaar was besondere betekenisvolle jare waarin die Parlement steeds verder sy eie karakter ontwikkel het. Dit was ‘n tyd waarin daar weer eens oomblikke van plegtigheid en ook oomblikke van erns was, maar ook tye van skerp debat en gesonde humor was aan die orde van die dag. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The past five years were particularly significant years in which Parliament continued to develop its own character further. It was a time during which there were once again moments of ceremony and also moments of seriousness, but also times of keen debate, and healthy moments of humour were the order of the day.]

The fact that the parliamentary processes as a whole ran like a well-oiled machine was, however, not only because of the members, but also because of the hard work of a diverse group of people. And therefore we want to express our thanks and appreciation.

Namens my party wil ek graag aan ander lede dank betuig met wie ons in debat kon getree het - soms vriendelik en soms krities - maar waar die debatte soms hewig was, het ons dit egter almal met een doel voor oë gedoen, en dit is omdat elkeen van ons wou hê dat Suid-Afrika ‘n suksesvolle land moet wees. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[On behalf of my party I would like to thank other members with whom we could enter into debate - sometimes friendly and sometimes critical - but whereas the debates were sometimes hectic, all of us, however, participated with one purpose in mind, and that was because all of us wanted South Africa to be a successful country.]

It is my pleasure to thank you, Madam Speaker, the Deputy Speaker, the Chairperson and the Deputy Chairperson of Committees, for the manner in which you managed the Chair, sometimes under very difficult circumstances - especially during the past year with the number of parties increasing from 13 to 17, which complicated matters even more.

Our thanks to the Chief Whip and Deputy Chief Whip of the majority party for the co-operation we enjoyed in specific forums. I would also like to thank the Whips of all the other parties for the co-operation that existed between us.

To the Secretary of Parliament, Secretary of the National Assembly, table personnel, service personnel, caterers - especially oom Sam and Barnie at the two bars [Laughter.] - the security personnel …

… aan die media wat ‘n belangrike rol speel om die Parlement se werk aan die gemeenskap daar buite bekend te stel, wil ons graag ons dank betuig en waardering. Baie van die lede wat hierdie Parlement verlaat het ‘n besondere rol gespeel in die geskiedenis van hierdie land en in die skep van hierdie demokrasie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[… to the media who play an important role in introducing the work of Parliament to the community outside, we would like to express our thanks and appreciation. Many of the members who are leaving this Parliament have played a special role in the history of this country and in the creation of this democracy.]

I am sure a lot of what we have experienced over the past ten years, has been made possible because of your character, your stature, and the fact that you have put South Africa first. To the Minister who is leaving - I spoke to him a few evenings ago in one of the bars - it is a great loss to South Africa and to our Cabinet. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mnr A BLAAS: Speaker, dit is half nostalgies om te staan by die einde van hierdie tweede Parlement van ons Republiek. Ek voeg my graag by die mense wat dankbetuigings uitgespreek het aan almal wat hierdie trein op sy spoor hou. Dis somtyds moeilik, somtyds loop die wiele langs die wa, maar in hierdie chaos is daar tog metodiek. En ons sê vir die mense wat vir ons ondersteun en wat hierdie proses aan die gang hou, ‘n warm en baie opregte dankie.

Tweedens, sê ons graag totsiens. Ons sê totsiens aan kollegas, ons groet hulle met die hoop dat ons na 14 April die geleentheid kan hê om mekaar weer te groet. Ons wil glo dat die kundigheid wat hier opgebou is in ‘n groot mate gaan terugkom, sodat die parlementêre proses na die verkiesing vinnig oppad kan kom, en dat daar nie onnodige ontwrigting sal wees nie.

En dan derdens sê ons vaarwel. Ons sê vaarwel aan ‘n klomp pioniers wat oor ‘n periode, nie net in die laaste tien jaar nie maar langer, aan hierdie ontwikkeling gewerk het en wat hierdie land gedien het. Daar is opregte waardering vir hulle, en ons wens hulle ‘n rustige aftrede toe.

En dan sê ons totsiens aan vriende, vriende oor politieke grense heen, vriendskappe wat lopgebou is buite hierdie Huis, op toere, met ander interaksies, vriendskappe wat gaan hou vir die res van ons lewens. Ons glo dat dié vriendskappe sal sterk staan, en daar is besondere waardering daarvoor. Ek dink self aan die keer toe ek en Duma Nkosi op ‘n besoek aan Noord-Transvaal in ons adamspakke getoyi-toyi het, en dit is werklik vriendskap bou. Ons leer mekaar verstaan, en ons leer mekaar vertrou, en ons kan ‘n pad vorentoe loop. Baie sterkte aan almal vir die verkiesing, en mag dit met ons almal baie, baie goed gaan. Dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mr A BLAAS: Speaker, it is quite nostalgic to be at the end of this second Parliament of our Republic. I would like to associate myself with the people who have expressed their thanks to everyone who keeps this train on track. Sometimes it is difficult, sometimes the coach derails, but there is nevertheless still method in this chaos. And we extend our sincere and heart-felt thanks to the people who support us and who keep this process going.

Secondly, we would like to say good-bye. We say good-bye to colleagues, we greet them in the hope that, after 14 April, we will be given the opportunity to greet one another again. We want to believe that the expertise that has been developed here will return to a great extent, so that the parliamentary process will be up and running soon after the election, and that there will be no unnecessary disruption.

And then thirdly we say farewell. We say farewell to a group of pioneers who, over a period of time, not only in the past ten years but before that, worked on this development and served this country. We appreciate them sincerely and wish them a peaceful retirement.

And then we say goodbye to friends, friends across the political divide, friendships built up outside this House, during tours, during other interactions, friendships that will last for the rest of our lives. We believe that these friendships will stand the test of time, and there is special appreciation for that. I myself remember the occasion when Duma Nkosi and I toyi-toyied in our birthday suits during a visit to the Northern Transvaal, and that is how true friendships are formed. We learn to understand one another, we learn to trust one another, and we can face the future together. All the best to everyone in the election, and may we all do extremely well. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr G T MADIKIZA: Madam Speaker and hon members, the second democratic Parliament of South Africa is winding down its business. Despite our many differences and disagreements we can all look back with a sense of gratitude and wonder, recognising a miracle of a truly representative assembly of the people of South Africa, debating and working on building a new society after the long night of apartheid.

Looking back on the past five years of this democratic Parliament, each of us should do some introspection and ask this question: Have I remained true to the oath of office that I took? Whilst recognising the miracle of a representative and democratic Parliament, when we can all still remember the oppression of our recent past, we should not lose sight of the massive task that lies ahead.

For those who will return to the next Parliament, this continuing task of building a more just and equitable society must remain foremost in their minds. To those who will not return we extend our gratitude for their contribution in whatever fashion to the debates and consultations that are the bedrock of multiparty democracy.

In the past five years we have often disagreed with each other in this House but yet, even in our differences, we have confirmed our commitment to meeting and debating here in this assembly of the people instead of expressing our differences in other undemocratic ways.

We have conflicting ideas and personalities but we should all thank God that we no longer resort to armed conflict. I would like to extend a special word of thanks to the office bearers, the committee chairs, as well as the parliamentary and political staff. We are grateful for their contribution in keeping the wheels of this institution turning.

Abahambayo, bahambe kakuhle, kanti abasalayo, basale kakuhle. Enkosi. [We wish those who are leaving well and we wish those who will be remaining, good luck. Thank you.]

Dr C P MULDER: Madam Speaker, thank you for the opportunity to say a few words on behalf of the FF at the end of this short session, but quite long term. I think reality will soon reflect the basic truth that nature has four principle ways of thinning out the herd, namely, drought, famine, floods and elections.

Madam Speaker, I would also like to convey my heartful thanks to you, the Deputy Speaker, the Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson of Committees for the very competent manner in which you have led the House during this term, sometimes under very difficult circumstances.

I also want to express our sincere gratitude to the Secretary, each member of staff of Parliament, the Table staff, Hansard staff and the entire administration of Parliament, service officers, the catering section, as well as the police service which takes care of our safety. To each one of them we would like to express our heartfelt thanks for the selfless work that they do, which we sometimes just take for granted.

I also want to address a word of thanks to the press who report everything that happens in this House. To all the Whips from various parties, the Chief Whip from the governing side as well as from the opposition, as well as all the other Whips, a word of sincere thanks, and also to each an every member of this House.

Today is a very important day, being the 27th of February. On this day, in 1881, the Afrikaner Boer forces defeated the then world power, the America of the 19th century, the British. So, we intend to do the same but unfortunately I have to warn you, Mr Deputy President, that you have approximately six weeks to govern. When we come back after the elections we will then be happy to take charge.

I would like to end by not saying goodbye on behalf of the FF because that could send a wrong message. I would like to use the Afrikaans words, ``tot wedersiens’’ which means, until we see one another again. We intend to be back after 14 April to play the role that we are playing. We will be back in larger numbers and we would like to ask that each one of us, during the campaign, plays a positive role and does our democracy proud in the way in which we behave ourselves. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Madam Speaker and hon members, the Book of Ecclesiastes states that there is time to come and a time to go, a time to meet and a time to part and that moment has dawned for us. From this afternoon we shall be partying and going our ways as parties and individuals.

There are those who leave Parliament in honour after serving for years. Amongst them we note stalwarts such as the hon Nair, Reggie September, Colin Eglin, the doyen of South African politics, and others. We wish them all the best in their well-deserved retirement.

We accept that the battlelines are drawn and we shall be traversing the length and breadth of this country in a quest for votes after which some in this House will be casualties, who may not be able to grace the portals of this institution again, perhaps ever. Those who will survive the onslaught, inter alia, the UCDP, will come back full of life and with more members at the expense of others.

We pray a lot for the strength of the indefatigable Madam Speaker and the Deputy Speaker. They showed lots of commitment to the task at hand and we hope that the baby they are nurturing with great passion, the AU, will grow from strength to strength to find a permanent home in Umzans’Afrika.

We thank the chairpersons of committees and our colleagues in those committees for appreciating that some parties have been hamstrung by their lack of numbers. We could not make it without the assistance of the affable service officers in the sometimes forgotten Marks Building and even in the Chamber. They have done us proud.

The Secretary to Parliament and the entire administration have at times appeared to be hard on members but have never hesitated to show maturity and revise their earlier thinking where it mattered. My colleagues in the Whips’ Forum under the chairmanship of the gentle giant, hon Nhleko, deserve a big round of applause for keeping the proceedings of the House intact. Otherwise, the altercations we have seen in this House are merely comparable to a Sunday school picnic.

To all of us in this House, I say fare thee well wherever and whenever we meet, let us do so in peace and not in pieces. Let us go and place our Constitution of South Africa above all personal and political party considerations. Let us go out there and learn to find common ground in our differences and in our attempts to win the hearts of our compatriots to vote for us. May God be with you. [Applause.]

Mr T GODI: Madam Speaker, comrades and hon members, as the curtain falls on the second democratic Parliament and the first decade of our liberation, we cannot avoid looking back with some measure of satisfaction. The democratic and progressive forces have consolidated the political transformation of our country beyond doubt. Parliament has been the focal point of this transformation. Many pieces of legislation have been passed in line with our democratic mandate.

Who could forget the floor crossing legislation and the drama it created in our country? The PAC still bears the scars of this legislation.

Coming to Parliament was, indeed, a personal experience and as we close today I want to extend my gratitude to colleagues from across the political spectrum who have helped to ease my arrival in Parliament.

For the PAC, our third democratic election is still defined by our past. It is a contest between the progressive forces on the one hand and the antitransformation forces on the other. These elections must hand the democratic forces a decisive victory to create space for accelerated transformation.

Dialectically the next decade must generate a dynamism of its own to propel our country forward. We are looking forward to the elections as the PAC, we are prepared and we are confident. We wish all democratic and progressive forces the best outcome possible. [Applause.]

Mnr J P I BLANCHÉ: Mev die Speaker, die FA is in 1999 verkies tot die Parlement om opposisiepartye tot die besef te bring dat kiesers wil sien dat hulle kan verenig en sodoende demokrasie in Suid-Afrika versterk. Ons missie is afgehandel. Die FA groet u. Ons het in ons doel geslaag. Die fondament vir ‘n sterk opposisie is gelê en ons wil die DA gelukwens met sy meer as 1 000 stadsraadslede, sy formidabele lys parlementêre en provinsiale kandidate wat landswyd genomineer is en sy besielende leier, mnr Tony Leon. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Mr J P I BLANCHÉ: Madam Speaker, the FA was elected to Parliament in 1999 to bring opposition parties to the realisation that voters want to see that they can unite and thus strengthen democracy in South Africa. Our mission has been completed. The FA greets you. We have succeeded in reaching our goal. The foundation for a strong opposition has been laid and we want to congratulate the DA on its more than 1 000 city councillors, its formidable list of parliamentary and provincial candidates nominated countrywide, and its inspiring leader, Mr Tony Leon.]

We have succeeded in convincing supporters of the opposition parties to unite behind the DA’s agenda to cut down the numbers of the ANC. [Interjections.] Dr Van Niekerk and I gladly take leave of Parliament to help build the DA. [Interjections.]

Aan die ANC sê ons: julle bly in ons visier en ons gaan julle jag, van Berseba tot Dan! [Tussenwerpsels.] Aan die res van die opposisie sê ons sterkte! Daar’s ‘n stryd te stry, daar’s ‘n nasie te lei, daar’s werk! [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.) [To the ANC we say: You remain in our sights, and we are going to chase you from Bersheba to Dan! [Interjections.] To the rest of the opposition we say: Keep up your spirits! There is a battle to fight, there is a nation to lead, there is work to do! [Interjections.]]

To the voters of South Africa we say: Vote DA, because South Africa deserves better! [Interjections.]

En aan u, mev die Speaker, sê ons net tot siens. Baie dankie. [And to you, Madam Speaker, we say only goodbye. Thank you very much.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Speaker. It is amazing how time flies as we all say farewell after another term of governance. However, we conclude proudly, knowing how much we have achieved and how much further away we are from our horrific past.

Hon President, Deputy President, hon members of the electorate, legislature and judiciary, all spheres of government, NGOs and all South Africans, we have worked hard to achieve this democracy for all our people. The MF is proud to be part of this history, but we are even more proud, with eager determination, to make every effort to uphold and strengthen our democracy.

The MF calls upon everyone to be careful, rational and civil during our break for the election. We should bear in mind that South Africa is united in diversity. We should especially during this period uphold our national Constitution and respect individuality and diversity. The MF prays for a peaceful, democratic and safe 2004 election all the way. I wish you all well upon the adjournment of the House, may your endeavours be met with success and may we all return for a new term with the determination and zeal necessary to improve South Africa.

To the Speaker and Deputy Speaker, the Secretary to Parliament, the National Assembly Table, the Chair and Deputy Chair and all our parliamentary staff, a very big thank you for your kind assistance during this term of office. Thank you to the MF supporters and voters, and to Mr A Rajbansi, leader of the MF, for giving me these five years in Parliament. Farewell to all those who are retiring. The MF wishes you well. May you all enjoy your retirement and your golden years.

To you, hon Minister Valli Moosa, fare thee well and I wish you well on your retirement and I hope we don’t go back to plastic bags again! Thank you very much. [Interjections.]

Mr C AUCAMP: Madam Speaker …

An HON MEMBER: Cassie, waar’s jou rugbyspan, jong? [Cassie, where’s your rugby team, man?] Yes, the rugby team … It didn’t go so well. It was a very rough and tough game, but then I sent on the hon Manie Schoeman and Joe de Lange as impact players, and that changed the complexion of the game! [Laughter.]

Unfortunately, this is my last farewell speech in this House. [Interjections.] After the elections one of my whips will perform this duty. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Today is really what we can call D-day; deposits day, and for every party, paying its deposit at the IEC has a different meaning. For Patricia de Lille it is like playing the Lotto; you have a chance, but it’s one in a million. [Laughter.] For the DA it’s like buying a Beetle for a Grand Prix; it will not win, but at least it makes a helluva noise. [Laughter.] For the UDM it’s like the Jew of the town who said to the boere-omies [old farmers] when they were going to church on a special day of prayer for rain: Julle kan maar traai, maar die wind waai wes!'' [You can do your best, but the wind's blowing west!] [Laughter.] For the New NP it is like taking out a funeral policy with Avbob ... [Laughter.] ...Betaal nou vir jou gat en sien hom later’’! [Pay for your hole now and see it later!] [Laughter.] The FF Plus, I understand, has a problem. They want to pay their deposit in the new Orania currency, but the IEC does not accept the rijksdaaler anymore. [Laughter.] They will now try the koeksister! [Laughter.]

On a more serious note, I want to thank each and every one for the role they have played during the past five years. First of all, you, Madam Speaker, who led not only this House, but also the whole place with a dignity and authority of your own; the co-chairs, whips, colleagues from all parties, personnel, security staff, catering staff, everyone, and the people from the media with the impossible task of satisfying every one of us. Whoever comes back in April, it will be the same place, but a new Parliament.

Personally, I will always be grateful for having been part of this Parliament that ends today. Being part of it was a most enriching experience, since the very first day when I arrived here as, of my party, the sole MP, but never a lone MP. [Laughter.] Amidst all the rough and tumble of politics I witnessed a strange kind of goodwill that tells me we will make it in this country. [Applause.]

I wish everyone a peaceful and troublefree election campaign. I would like to say, may the best team win, but I know this will not happen; not this time. I thank you! [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Ms T E MILLIN: Madam Speaker, this is a time of mixed emotions for those of us who are approaching the end of an era, a time when one looks back over the years, particularly those spent in active politics. In my case it is from 1994 to February last year as an IFP MPL in KwaZulu-Natal. This last year was spent as an MP and a leader of my own party, the IAM, which, judging by the many ANC members who chant its name, they would very much like to join. Watch out, ANC! I am privileged to have participated in the NA proceedings, which has indeed been the cherry on top for me, surrounded by the unsurpassed beauty of Cape Town and its surroundings, not to mention the magnificence of our Parliamentary precinct.

Warmest thanks must go to all the presiding officers and Parliamentary support staff, who, without exception, have been so helpful. Also to hon colleagues in the House, including the ruling party and opposition benches, who have not hesitated in offering assistance in so many ways. There is one person without whom none of my amazing ten years in politics would have materialised, namely the hon Dr MG Buthelezi. Even though things might not have panned out quite as planned, regarding the IFP and myself, I want to sincerely thank him for the priceless opportunity beyond all measure he afforded me all those years ago.

In conclusion, while I personally shall be taking a back seat, the IAM will be participating in the forthcoming elections in the province of KwaZulu- Natal, where my 28-year old son, Mark Millin, an Economics Masters graduate and currently lecturing in economics at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, will be standing as our number one candidate, not only because he is a candidate of the highest calibre, but because the IAM believes it is time for our youth to become actively and constructively engaged in Government. The future belongs to our youth. The youth are our future. Nkosi Sikele’l iAfrika. I thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Speaker, I am privileged to have come to Parliament. I am privileged because when I came here, I was again associated with many of the comrades that were with all of us in bringing about the change that we deserve. When I came here for the first time I could not draw a distinction between the staff members around here and myself. I got confused when I got to areas where it said ``members only’’. I was asking myself: What is this separation about? I think at the Chief Whips’ meeting some of you noticed when I was arguing very vehemently that I did not approve of this separation. I did not understand it and I still don’t. [Interjections.]

With the limited time that I spent here, I have come to learn that in my organisation, Azapo, this is indeed another arena of struggle. When I came here, we had been theorising about the different arenas of struggle and we felt, well Parliament is Parliament. My stay here has convinced me that when I come back, it is another arena of struggle for the poor.

I want to take this opportunity to say to the Ministers that more often than not when I came to the podium, I did not greet you. It is because of the limitation of time. Let me take this opportunity now to greet all the Ministers that I have never greeted. [Applause.] I am also taking this opportunity to say: Fare thee well, Comrade Billy Nair; Comrade Laloo - those of us who were together on Robben Island. I hope we will meet again, because where you are going, it is yet another arena of that struggle.

Let me thank my comrades in the portfolio committees that I served in; the chairpersons - I enjoyed serving in those committees. Lastly, I want to thank the Chief Whip of the Majority Party and his deputy for the ``broederskap’’ that they have shown to me and I hope that we will continue to be associated; even if I do not come back. [Applause.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, Madam Deputy Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, comrades, this House is happy today. The House is happy for it has successfully concluded the business of its second five-year term. At the close of our first decade of freedom it knows that life is indeed better for all. But, before allowing myself to get carried away by these smiling walls, I must do as they say: first things first.

Somlomo, umkhulu kakhulu wena mama wethu. Phini likaSomlomo, hhayi, besiyini phela thina. Wena wangasenhla! [Uhleko.] Sihlalo wamaKomidi nePhini lakho, siyabonga bantu bakithi ngomsebenzi wenu omkhulu omuhle eniwenzile. [Hon Speaker, our mother, you are so great. Deputy Speaker, we, the humble creatures here, salute you. [Applause.] Chairperson of committees and your Deputy, we thank you, good people, for the great work you have done.]

These walls are smiling not only because they are rejoicing at being the site of democratic struggles, but more importantly because of your beautiful performance. These walls are smiling at witnessing the majestic dances of our Presidency …

Bona abayibiza phansi bayishaye phezulu. Siyabonga maqhawe esizwe. Sibonga umkhombandlela. Singekhohlwe-ke isifuba sempi elwa nendlala nokuhlupheka - oNgqongqoshe bethu namaPhini abo. [We thank them for their hands-on leadership and direction. We also thank our Ministers and Deputy Ministers, who form the top leadership in the fight against poverty and hunger.]

And, at this particular point we should also take this opportunity to wish our retiring Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, Mr Valli Moosa, well. I am told you like the story about birds flying upside down. It’s quite an interesting one. But we wish you luck in everything you undertake after the elections.

The forces of poverty and suffering know your devastating blows and that is why they are forever retreating. Sinethulela isigqoko nina balweli benkululeko. [We salute you, freedom fighters.] Regarding the advisers to the President and Deputy President - sometimes we refer to them as hangers-on, whatever that means because you can’t define them as to where they actually stand or something, not politically though - we wish to thank them for excellent work done in terms of operating the areas that they have been assigned to.

Committee chairpersons, whom we regard as drivers in the engine rooms of Parliament, we thank you for contributing to making this Parliament a people’s Parliament. To ANC Whips, we thank you for your comradeship, your collective wisdom and the discipline, dedication and hard work with which you executed your tasks. Our thanks also go to members of the Chief Whips’ Forum. We wish to express our appreciation for the good working relationship that we enjoyed in the forum and for your co-operation in ensuring that Parliament functioned smoothly, as mentioned by the President, who belongs to my party and who spoke here before me. To members, your dedication and sacrifices have brought tears to many eyes but they have made these walls smile in the knowledge that slowly but surely from one day to another we have moved towards our ideal of a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic, people-centred and people-driven society.

We also pause at this stage to wish members that are retiring ie Comrade Billy Nair, Comrade Laloo Chiba, Comrade Valli Moosa, Comrade Reggie September, Colin Eglin and Mr Ken Andrew well. We remember those members who started this journey five years ago but who are not here with us today. We say to them: Rest in the knowledge that your spears have been picked up.

Regarding the Deputy Chief Whip of the Majority Party, the ANC, I would just like to tell this story. When we were assigned to do this work together, members of the ANC caucus may remember that I actually threatened to poison him. I am very happy to announce that I actually never got around to doing it. ``So baie dankie, broer.’’ [Thank you very much, brother.]

We want to conclude doing first things by extending our appreciation to the Secretary to Parliament and all members of the parliamentary service, cleaners, service officers, security personnel, catering staff, managers, Hansard staff, Table staff, legal advisers, the media, parliamentary officers, staff in the Office of the Leader of Government Business and other members of the Public Service, support staff of various parties and organisations of civil society - in short, all those who contribute on a daily basis to enable Parliament to serve the people of South Africa.

We are about to hold national and provincial elections. We would want to share this secret with other parties: a fish quietly goes about laying a million eggs while a chicken, after laying just one egg, will cackle the whole day. We wish you good luck for we fully appreciate your situation. [Laughter.]

Fellow members, as we leave this Parliament, let us rededicate ourselves to honouring our contract with the people to create a better life for all. May you all have safe journeys home. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Hon members, we bring to an end the second term of South Africa’s democratic Parliament as this country prepares to enter its second decade of democracy. The evaluation of our achievement, the lessons we have learned and the preparations to meet new challenges will in the next few weeks be submerged, regrettably but inevitably, in the rhetoric of electioneering. But no one can truthfully challenge or deny the measure of our achievement as an institution that has helped to consolidate our democracy.

We have created and put in place the legal framework which will protect our society and ensure the realisation of the promise of our first President, Nelson Mandela, at his inauguration. He said then, ``Never and never and never again will it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.’’

The achievement of parliaments is not measured in the number of laws enacted. It is the intention and objective of the laws, the degree to which they improve society and the quality of life of South Africans that must be our test. The final judgment will be that of history, but I do not hesitate to presage this verdict.

By any measure, our achievement has been positive and considerable. The steps we have put in place have given flesh to our Constitution and resulted in the realisation of its principles, and have deepened democracy. I will not list the many areas where we have changed or transformed South African society.

In addition to the legislative over load, and I use that word deliberately, members have carried out many of the other functions of MPs which rarely get publicised in the media. In addition to maintaining oversight over the functioning of departments, committees have travelled and presented reports from across the country on how departments are performing.

We have still to develop the capacity to scrutinise the implementation of the programmes of departments as they are being put in place as well as to bring reports of what is happening in constituencies for the attention of the House and the executive.

A task for the new Parliament is to improve its own procedures for developing the budget of Parliament and engaging with Treasury to ensure appropriation of greater and adequate resources to help it to realise a vision for the second decade of democracy.

This Parliament has begun to develop its own role as a player in international relations. We can be particularly proud of the role we have played on the continent of Africa. We have hosted members and staff and assisted many new parliaments as they come on study tours. We have helped to bring together parliaments across the continent and played a major role within SADC in developing the protocol on the Pan-African Parliament, and now as it will be constituted at its inaugural session in three weeks’ time. We believe we can continue to play a role in building continental unity, democracy and good governance in the years ahead, and in particular if South Africa is selected to host the Pan-African Parliament.

In all these areas, notwithstanding our achievements, much more needs to be done. We can improve our procedures to allow broader participation of all members in debates and not confine knowledge and discussion on legislation to members of particular committees. We can improve the quality and content of our debates so that we are truly the national forum for engaging ideas, challenging perspectives, and enhancing and strengthening mutual understanding.

One member, yesterday, referred to the need for fewer speeches and more debates. I would add: less heckling and more repartee; less rhetoric and sharper wit; greater competition for the hon Aucamp in his efforts to bring more humour to the House; and more substance and less noise. That sounds like a Speaker’s wish list and it is, but it is only part of it.

Whatever our shortcomings and whatever the evaluations that may be made by the next Parliament, we can be proud that we bequeath to that Parliament and our citizens sound democratic foundations and practices. Many people have contributed to this legacy.

To all staff at all levels, the Secretary, Deputy Secretary and Assistant Secretary, the Secretary and Table staff of the National Assembly, Chamber personnel, legislation and oversight, legal advisers, library and information services, finance, committee section, human resources, cleaning and catering staff and many more, we owe a great deal and our sincere appreciation.

We also need to acknowledge the work of the trade unions in Parliament and their shop stewards who help to keep us functioning relatively smoothly. Our appreciation must go to the protection services of the SA Police Service who have enabled us, in troubled times, to function in security and with complete safety.

I would ignore the media at my peril, the tensions and differences between politicians and commercial media are inevitable and not necessarily unhealthy. What I would hope for is more analytical reporting based on proper research, and not on leaks and sources, as well as more factual information on what Parliament does. That is a request which, perhaps more appropriately, should be directed to the editors for more space than to members of the PGA who work hard and deserve our thanks.

To all our counterparts in the National Council of Provinces, including especially the presiding officers, I express our thanks. We in the National Assembly sometimes overlook the very vital role they play in making this a national Parliament, and in ensuring co-operative governance both horizontally and vertically.

My appreciation must also go to the Chief and senior Whips and to all Whips who carry out their responsibilities as both shop stewards and supervisors of all the members of their political parties. Thank you for facilitating the functioning of the National Assembly on a daily basis; for generally helping to promote order and debate and only occasionally or rarely rising on spurious points of order in order to make a party political point.

The Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson of Committees have gone into their expanded function with ease and have contributed much thought to developing an improved committee system which we will pass onto the new Parliament. The parliamentary advisers have been diligent in maintaining liaison with the President and Deputy President, and have facilitated communication and understanding at all times.

The Leader of Government Business has not neglected Parliament, notwithstanding the burden of office as Deputy President. We have sympathised with you, sir, as you have tried to whip Cabinet and colleagues into setting and abiding by priorities, and working with us to ensure the completion of Government’s legislative programme. [Applause.] We have appreciated your co-operation in ensuring also that Parliament’s business such as questions and other aspects have been able to proceed relatively smoothly.

I want to thank each member who has served in this Parliament. You have contributed significantly to the development of democracy over a crucial period in our country’s history. To those of you who intend to retire, we thank you and wish you well in whatever ventures you intend to undertake.

I will not repeat the remarks made earlier this morning nor list the names of those who are leaving, from all parties. Many of you came here after decades of serving the South African people in the struggle for democracy. You can go forward satisfied with what we have achieved. You will, I am sure, maintain vigilance over this House to ensure that your legacy is not dissipated. To the Deputy Speaker I owe an immeasurable debt. She has provided both counsel and comfort, and has willingly undertaken the many tasks that one tends to delegate. These are often neither the easy nor the pleasant duties. As a result, she shares most of the burdens and problems but not an equitable part of the more pleasant aspects of the responsibilities of the Speaker. [Applause.]

Hon members, you have conferred on me the unique honour and privilege of serving as the Speaker of the National Assembly for a decade. For this, I thank you. I have endeavoured to live up to your expectations and trust; to always protect the interest of Parliament and its members; to speak out for democracy, human rights and good governance; to ensure the principles of our Constitution underpin our legislation; and to imbue our culture and practices. From that unique vantage point I am only too aware of how far we have travelled and yet how far we have to go.

As we go forth from here, we will have to account for our actions and face the verdict of those who sent us here and have power to do so again. Go well, dear colleagues. [Applause.]

The House rose at 14:42. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Bills passed by Houses - to be submitted to President for assent

 (1)    Bill passed by National Assembly on 27 February 2004:
     (i)      Communal  Land  Rights  Bill  [B  67D  -  2003]  (National
          Assembly - sec 75)

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation on Provincial Visits, dated 24 February 2004:

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 Report to be considered.

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Social Development on Study Tour to KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape, dated 25 February 2004:

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 Report to be considered.

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Health on Annual Report:

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1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism on Annual Report:

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1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Finance on Annual Report:

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1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Transport on Annual Report:

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