TUESDAY, 25 MAY 2004 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 14:02.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

            APPOINTMENT OF LEADER OF GOVERNMENT BUSINESS

                           (Announcement)

The SPEAKER: I have the following announcement to make. The hon President has informed me that he has appointed the Deputy President as Leader of Government Business in the National Assembly in terms of section 91(4) of the Constitution. [Applause.]

                             NEW MEMBERS

                           (Announcement)

The SPEAKER: The following seats in the National Assembly were or became vacant: Mr T M Mbeki; Mr M L Mokoena; Mr B Nair; Mr M J Mahlangu; Ms J Kgoali and Mr E Ebrahim.

These vacancies have been filled with effect from 14 May 2004 by the nomination of the following members, respectively: Mr N J Gogotya; Mr J J Maake; Mr O M Mogale; Mr B L Mashile; Mrs N J Ngele and Mr D V Mabuyakhulu.

These members have made and subscribed the oath or solemn affirmation in my office, and so I have already welcomed them to the House. [Applause.]

DEBATE ON THE STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, I rise on a point of order.

The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member, what is your point of order? The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: This relates to the speaking order and the speaking turn of the hon Leader of the Opposition in this debate. The ANC Whips, without consulting the other Whips, have placed the hon Mr Dipico as the first speaker, preceding the Leader of the Opposition. [Interjections.] I might say that the speakers’ lists were sent to our offices after one o’clock today. I draw your attention both to the agreement reached at the time Mr F W De Klerk became the Leader of the Opposition and also to the recent ruling of your hon predecessor.

In the most recent state of the nation debate, Speaker Ginwala ruled that my point of order on exactly this point was correct, and that the Leader of the Opposition has the right to speak first after the introducer. The ANC Whips were present when that ruling was given and can only have acted out of malice and with what I regard as an abuse of power. They are no doubt hoping that you will state that this is a matter for the Whips to resolve.

I submit that when the ANC Chief Whip abuses his power, the dispute is not capable of being resolved by the Whips, and it is right and proper for the Speaker to intercede and see that justice is done. It is part of the Speaker’s function to protect hon members, and to protect the opposition against oppressive action by the majority.

I ask you to rule that the Leader of the Opposition be accorded the courtesy and recognition to which he is entitled, and that you call on him to address the House. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party, will you allow me to deal with the point of order as raised?

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Yes.

The SPEAKER: Hon Gibson correctly reminds those of us who were part of the past Parliament that there was a ruling by the then Speaker, Speaker Ginwala, on 9 February 2004 when a similar point of order had been raised. Regrettably, there wasn’t enough time after that ruling because, as you will know, within that month the House dissolved. Therefore, given that the point of order is raised at this point when we have a speakers’ list before us, I would like to rule that this matter should go to a forum where it can be properly processed - such an opportunity arises at the Rules Committee meeting tomorrow - so that the issue of whether or not the Leader of the Opposition ought to exercise the right of first response after the President’s address is a matter that is agreed upon.

I rule that, at the moment, we proceed with the speakers’ list as it stands. [Interjections.] We will process how the matter should be dealt with in future.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Surely the convention in this Parliament for the last 10 years has been that until a Speaker gives a different ruling, the House should be bound by the existing ruling?

The SPEAKER: Hon Gibson, I have ruled that this issue will receive the necessary attention it deserves, and that an opportunity will arise at the Joint Rules Committee meeting tomorrow. [Interjections.] After that, we will proceed according to how we decide at that …

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: So we ignore the previous ruling?

The SPEAKER: For now we will proceed according to what I am saying. Mr E M DIPICO: Madam Speaker, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon leaders and members of Parliament, comrades and friends, after this ruling it feels good to be South African and indeed to be an African. [Applause.] Indeed I feel good because South Africa is a winning nation. I feel good because the election campaign throughout the length and breadth of this country was peaceful, free and fair. I also feel very good because the ANC received a resounding victory, an overwhelming victory, from our people. [Applause.]

I feel good as a South African and also as an African because of the leadership displayed by our hon President. By humbling himself and the ANC after such a victory, he was very courageous and showed leadership in calling all other people to join his Government and lead the people of South Africa. That is good, and that is what we want to see - South African people being a winning nation. The example you have set, hon President, is humbling indeed. It is an example for the wonderful people of South Africa. These are blessed people. They are blessed because they have not, as people have said, joined the sinking Titanic on the 14th. In reality it was a victory we all deserved. [Applause.] We are proud as we meet today. Today marks a very important day in the history of our country and the continent. Today, it is 24 May 2004. It is Africa Day. Forty-one years ago, African leaders gathered in Addis Ababa to put in place a structure that would seek to advise the interests of the African people. We have come a long way since that historic day and have since transformed the OAU into the African Union. South Africa has played an important part in the realisation of the dreams and aspirations of the African leaders who set out on the path to ensure that this continent and its people occupied their rightful roles in the world’s political and socioeconomic arenas. We wish all Africans on the continent and of the diaspora everything of the best. May this continent thrive for the better.

Almost 50 years ago, the people of South Africa declared for all our country and the world to know that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government could justly claim authority unless it was based on the will of all the people. We pledged ourselves to striving together, sparing neither strength nor courage, until democracy had been won.

The Freedom Charter was drafted only after an army of volunteers had scoured the most remote corners of our country. They spoke and listened to all our people: in town and countryside; brothers and sisters without land; children without schooling; the miners of coal, gold and diamonds; the workers on the farms and in the forests; the teachers, students and preachers; and the mothers and daughters. Led by our former President, Nelson Mandela, these cadres for a better life listened to the people’s grievances. They dutifully recorded the solutions that the people themselves proposed to the problems of everyday life. The Congress of the People, which convened in Kliptown in 1955, was a preview of a free South Africa with a clear vision of a better life for all her people built on the values of freedom and dignity.

Once again, over the past twelve months, South Africa has witnessed a nationwide mobilisation of the people. Thousands of volunteers led by our hon President Mbeki scoured the length and breadth of our vast nation, armed with nothing more than a commitment to the vision of a better society as proclaimed in the Freedom Charter.

The election campaign served to explain to our people how they should realistically act together with the Government, in a practical manner, to overcome the many issues they confront in their daily lives. It sought to mobilise millions of our people into direct engagement with the country’s political leadership. Going from house to house, from shanty to shanty, from village to town, from north to south, in every community, we patiently interacted with the people. At taxi ranks, shopping centres, sports events and religious gatherings, we spoke and we listened to the many voices of South Africa’s beautiful human complexity.

Our people did not only offer complaints and misgivings, although it cannot be denied that these were apparent in no small measure. Reminding us of the endless creativity of the people in motion, they also offered insightful analyses and practical solutions to the complex problems of everyday life. The solutions they offered, grounded in the realities of their own existence, must form the bedrock of our advance towards the ideals envisioned in the Freedom Charter.

Our hon President has outlined the responsibilities that the executive must fulfil, but the newly elected premiers and Ministers have a dual responsibility. Not only must they ensure that the tasks outlined by our hon President are implemented within the timeframes given, they must also conduct themselves in a manner that builds upon these lessons in democratic practice. The context of mobilisation during the election campaign has set a new standard for the manner in which our Government interacts with the people. Building on traditions established by the Congress of the People, and advancing beyond the rich experience of imbizos over the past five years, we have indeed set ourselves a daunting benchmark.

All Ministers and Premiers and MECs and all of us here as members of Parliament and the legislatures must earn our leadership through the daily interaction with our people and ensuring that there is a concerted interaction with our people on their daily work as we proceed to do our work.

As legislatures, too, the extent of the tasks is awesome. Not only must we hold the executive to account, ensuring the punctual implementation of the detailed programmes that our hon President has outlined for the Government, not only must we act on the decisive mandate received from the people continuing to develop the legal framework on which to build a democratic nonracial, nonsexist and a prosperous South Africa, but we must also maintain and advance the momentum of democratic mobilisation that has charactersized our campaign for election. Consciously rejecting the tendency towards lazy self-satisfaction, we must conduct ourselves, each and everyday, as if we were in the midst of an election campaign.

It is not enough for us to rest on our laurels, waking up to seek a mandate again in five years’ time. Instead, the consent of the nation must be renewed each day at the coalface of labour amongst the people - going to where they live, helping them to solve problems, navigating on their behalf the difficult terrain of public service that is still striving to realise the principles of Batho Pele, and most importantly, drawing on their creative genius by listening to the solutions they themselves pose to the problems they confront in their daily lives.

Our Government’s programme can only succeed if the people act as their own liberators. We as MPs and members of the NCOP and of the provincial legislatures are not simply representatives of those people but we must become the full-time organisers of the revolutionary transformation of our society. Our mandate from the people is truly humbling.

On 14 April 2004, the poor, the unemployed, the workers and the landless voted in overwhelming numbers, demonstrating their confidence that democracy can and will deliver a better life for all. The consequence of this awe-inspiring mandate from the masses of our people is that we must now act decisively to implement the people’s contract to create work and to fight poverty and ensure that participatory democracy is part of the fabric of our society. This is the contract that we should all enter into as South Africans, each of us with one another, Government and each citizen, each community, each organisation, each sector of society.

The South African people have shown their readiness and enthusiasm to participate in such a partnership to tackle the challenges of poverty and unemployment. It is now up to us, their elected representatives, to deliver on our part of the contract. Among our immediate tasks will be to engage communities across the country to discuss the people’s contract in the context of local Integrated Development Plans. We are also aware that such work remains to be done in building local government as the hands and feet of our developmental efforts.

As MPs and MPLs, we must ensure that every locality has a clear set of priorities and an agreed-upon programme of action to achieve these priorities. We must ensure that all stakeholders in the community know and understand their respective responsibilities. Our effort to build a people’s contract must also build on the foundation laid at the Growth and Development Summit. Civil society, NGOs, cultural groups, sports groups, churches, trade unions and businesspeople must be drawn into our daily programmes through practical work and honest engagement.

As public representatives, when we leave this august House, we must ensure that we go out to inform our people about the state of the nation address, about the tasks which have to be carried out by all of us, and ensure that we communicate in all the languages of our people and that we can assist them to build this country to unblock areas for speedy delivery of services. It is important that we ensure that our people are united and organised in a national effort to create work and push back the frontiers of poverty. In confronting these tasks, let us be inspired by the noble commitments of our forebears. As they adopted the Freedom Charter they pledged themselves to strive together, sparing neither strength nor courage until democracy was won. The hon President has outlined the responsibilities of all of us, including the executive. As we enter the second decade of freedom, let us once again pledge ourselves to striving together, sparing neither strength nor courage until poverty is eliminated and a better life created. Let us all, those who love their people, the South African people and those who love their country now say: Side-by-side, we dedicate our lives to advancing the cause of our people.

Together we can and will do more. Together we can and will continue to strive towards a nonracial South Africa, a nonsexist South Africa, a South Africa united in diversity, a prosperous South Africa and a democratic South Africa. Let us all be united in achieving that goal. That is what our people want. We dare not fail them. The President has given us the directive. Hon President, we will carry out that work. We are going out of this august House to work with our people, together to bring about the changes you had in mind, of a true South Africa which is a winning nation. Together we can create the work you said we should create. Together we can fight poverty and bring change to our people. As we leave, we go out here inspired by your words, inspired by the timelines you have given us, and we go out to our people to ensure that the work begins. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, hon colleagues, South Africa has begun its second decade of democracy in a spirit of celebration and optimism. Not only have we succeeded in holding our third democratic general elections, as Mr Dipico reminded us, but we have also won the privilege of hosting the 2010 Fifa World Cup.

These achievements, among many others, show that there is literally no limits to what our nation can accomplish. When we focus on our goals and work together there is no obstacle that we cannot overcome.

The truth is that South Africa earned the right, if one ever earns the right, to host the world cup and we should not be afraid to say so. Of all the countries that competed for the bid, South Africa was the only true democracy among them.

Today is Africa Day, as the previous speaker reminded us. There is no greater symbol of Africa’s liberation and hope than South Africa. We are the best choice, therefore, to represent the continent. But the purpose of this Parliament, of course, as the President reminded us, is to set goals for the years ahead. How will we prepare for 2010? What kind of democracy will we be celebrating 10 years from now in 2014? What foundations are we laying today for a better South Africa tomorrow?

President Mbeki has provided us with a bold version of the future. I said on Friday afterwards and outside this House that I believed his state of the nation address was brave because he set forth dozens of goals, targets and commitments that the Government would work to achieve.

There were a few important goals that were however missing from his list. The President said nothing in his speech about the economic growth target of 6% per annum which the Government committed itself to in its Gear policy, and which our economy has yet to reach. The President also pledged that 53 000 people with Aids will be receiving antiretroviral treatment by March next year. Yet that target was already supposed to have been reached by March this year. Further, the hon President failed to set a target for reducing the HIV infection rate which has continued to increase.

President Mbeki also neglected to set a target date for the restoration of democracy and stability in Zimbabwe. [Interjections.] Last year, at the World Economic Forum in Durban, he promised the resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis by June 2004. Yesterday, however, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, the hon Aziz Pahad, admitted that this deadline would be missed. We, in the DA, believe that the Government must now change its policy along with the changed deadline.

We were very pleased, however, to note that the President committed himself and the Government to a charter of victims’ rights in respect of the criminal justice system. We were happy to hear about the expansion of the police force to over 150 000 officers by an earlier deadline than expected. We were also delighted to hear that the Government plans to re-establish the agricultural credit scheme. These were all measures that the DA had put forward in campaigns and debates over the past several years. [Interjections.] We are delighted that the Government has decided to accede to them; and, it actually proves that persistency and principle pay off over time.

Broadly, then, we can say that there is an agreement between Government and Opposition about the major goals our society needs to reach. Yet, while we agree on ends, we disagree on means. We need to explore this disagreement, I submit, more carefully in order to understand it and to understand each other.

It seems, on a careful analysis of the hon President’s speech and related documents, that the ANC believes that the state, the Government, should guide South Africa’s economic development and virtually everything else. The conclusion and affirmation have come right now. The conclusion of the Government’s 10-year review which has yet to be debated in this Chamber was, that the state should ``assert its leadership role beyond the realm of areas under its direct control’’.

In contrast, the DA believes that the people and the private sector, the faith-based initiatives and the nongovernmental organisations make better choices and deliver better results than government alone. That is the lesson of decades of experience, not just in South Africa but around the world. We believe that the state should and must intervene to protect the lives of its citizens. That is why we favour far more aggressive Government policies on, for example, crime and HIV/Aids.

We also believe that the state must and can intervene in circumstances in which people are unable to enjoy their rights and freedoms because of poverty and need. That is why we support free basic services for the poor - and, indeed, through the municipalities under our control have provided them - and the basic income grant.

Beyond performing those duties, we believe that the state must yield. It must allow the people themselves to determine their own futures. That leads us to another area of disagreement. The ANC is pursuing a policy of transformation in every sphere of life in South Africa. The DA agrees on the need for radical and fundamental change. But, the policy of transformation, with respect, as the ANC defines it, aims at something more. The goal of this transformation, about which there has never been a full and proper engaged debate in this Parliament - maybe we will have one

• is to achieve representivity: a state of affairs in which every institution, public and private, reflects the demographics of South Africa as a whole.

The ANC’s version of transformation therefore views demography as destiny. The role of the individual citizen is determined in advance by his or her race. The value of a company or the worth of an organisation is no more than the sum of its demographic parts. In contrast, we believe in a change that is guided by the principles of nonracialism which were defined in the words, many years ago and in a different era but still valid today albeit from a different continent, of Martin Luther King Junior who said that a person should be judged not by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

We believe there is difference between encouraging diversity on the one hand, which is a good goal at the end, and enforcing a blunt version of representivity on the other. We believe that the Government should create equality of opportunity but that it can never hope to create equality of outcome. The most common and most damaging accusation in South African politics today is that if you criticise transformation, as the ANC defines it, then you are opposed to change and you are clinging to racial privilege. [Interjections.]

Indeed, much of the 10 years of this Parliament, for those who have survived the past 10 in this Parliament, was largely based around that empty and hollow debate. The truth is that transformation, in many respects, institutionalises privilege. It benefits the elite rather than the many. Instead of changing South Africa, it props up the old social structure albeit reinforcing it and changing its racial composition in which there are few winners and a great many losers.

Furthermore, there is simply no way that the Government can meet all the delivery objectives outlined by the hon President and many on which we agree while at the same time pursuing hard-line racial transformation all at the same time. The Public Service cannot deliver if it loses experienced civil servants. The economy cannot grow if the Government has to raise from within it R700 billion to cover the costs of black economic empowerment.

When demography becomes destiny we start to ask the wrong questions about Government policies. We worry more about the skin colour of a teacher and less about what he or she delivers to the children in the classroom, and that, surely, is wrong.

To reiterate, both the Government and the Opposition agree that we want South Africa to be a winning nation, in the words of the previous speaker. But we disagree on the means to achieve that end. We disagree on the role of the state: how much state and how much private initiative? While we agree on the importance of change, we disagree about the ANC’s policy of transformation which defies the principle of nonracialism.

We were told a minute ago that it is important that Parliament becomes an arena of participatory democracy, and I agree with that completely. But it is critical that we debate these very issues. That is what a democracy is all about. We are constantly called to reach a consensus but we cannot, in truth, have true unity until we have a full and proper debate.

Parliament can’t simply be a rubber stamp for Luthuli House, nor should it be used for state functions and celebrations. [Interjections.] We must use this forum to examine our country’s policies, to propose new ideas and to reject the bad ones. If you go outside Parliament there is a huge banner there which says that Parliament has passed 300 laws in the past 10 years, and that is great. But, surely, we should be more concerned with quality than quantity. We should not be afraid to fix or throw away laws that are not working. And, at all times in this process we must respect differences of opinion among the majority and the minority.

There was a very interesting argument raised in the Sunday Times two or three weeks ago by the Minister for the Public Service and Administration, the hon Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi. She said and I quote: ``We must join the caravan of a single vision for South Africa.’’ [Interjections.]

I’ll put it to you, Madam Speaker, that implicit in that concept is a fundamentally antidemocratic concept that goes against all that we and the nation have struggled for. [Interjections.] Democracy, surely, depends on tolerance for diversity - diversity of cultures, diversity of beliefs, diversity of viewpoints. As Karl Popper argued, open societies such as ours are threatened by ideologies that claim to possess the ultimate truth. We are on dangerous ground when we suggest that dissent is equivalent to treason. A maturing democracy is not marked by greater uniformity of thought but actually by greater diversity of ideas, greater tolerance for criticism and greater inclusion of dissent. There are many, many points of view represented in this Chamber, especially within the ranks of the ANC itself. [Interjections.] Diversity is the essence of what it means to be a rainbow nation.

Today, tolerance is more important than ever before. Today, South Africa is living with a curious paradox: as the economic gap between black and white is shrinking, the political gap between black and white is growing. [Interjections.]

In the past election, both the DA and the ANC set out to win support in new areas. President Mbeki took the courageous step of campaigning door-to-door in white neighbourhoods such as Silverton and Die Moot, and the DA launched its election manifesto in Soweto. [Interjections.] And yet when the ballots were counted they revealed that South Africans are still deeply divided along racial lines. The DA had won approximately 75% of the vote in predominantly white voting districts, while the ANC won approximately 82% of the vote in predominantly black areas.

Of course, the DA does not only represent racial minorities, just as the ANC does not represent only the racial majority. [Interjections.] Obviously, the ANC disagrees with that suggestion. Maybe they know something we don’t. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Racial quotas.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Don’t worry, Minister of Labour, there are no quotas here. People got there on their rights not because they were representing a racial quota. [Applause.] And your Employment Equity Act doesn’t apply here. In any case, there is no shame in representing minorities. I believe that the President was mistaken during the election campaign, if in fact he was correctly quoted, when he said that representing minorities ``should not be a question of pride, but rather one of shame’’.

But it is clear that both parties must do more to reach out beyond what has become traditional constituencies. A democracy that votes with its skin cannot be a healthy democracy over time. The ANC must win more white votes, and the DA must win more black votes. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] To achieve that, in my view, ironically, we have to move our national dialogue beyond race. We must recognise, criticise, punish and honour black men and women in exactly the same way as we recognise, criticise, punish and honour white men and women, and any people of any colour.

We must listen to what other people have to say and evaluate it on its merits before we question their motives. We must give equal respect to people whose views we disagree with and whose life experiences may have been different from our own. We must work together to develop a common dialogue about the issues facing all South Africans. And then will we truly begin to break through the enduring racial barriers.

South Africa’s future, in our view, depends on economic growth; and so economic growth must become the passion and the core of our national debate. That is not to say that economic growth is the only important issue; there are certainly many others. But, unless we achieve rapid growth of at least 6% per annum or higher, as announced in the Government’s economic plan six or seven years ago, we will not be able to achieve many of the goals or any of the significant ones that the President set on Friday.

The Government today announced that its growth rate has been adjusted to 3,1%, something we didn’t achieve in the past year. But even 3% growth is nominal, and in real terms amounts to a negative growth rate, if you factor in inflation.

It is good, for example, that the Government has set about creating temporary jobs through the Expanded Public Works Programme. But these are no substitute for the millions of sustainable jobs that can only come about through rapid economic growth.

The rise in economic growth announced today by the Government was driven almost entirely by the growth in manufacturing indices. That shows we must rely on the private sector to create jobs, and, with respect, not the state. The Minister of Trade and Industry announced yesterday that parastatals must ``be at the heart of the job creation drive’’. With respect, if we rely on the parastatals to create jobs, we will, in essence, be creating very few of them.

In his address on Friday, the President spoke of a First Economy and a Second Economy. Here we can safely assume that he was referring to the formal, developed economy on the one hand, and on the other, the informal, underdeveloped economy that exist side-by-side in our nation. We should not, with respect, treat these two economies as if they are doomed to perpetual separation. We should be doing all that we can to break down the walls that separate the second from the first. And if we are honest in the debate we are going to have, and to which we have been summoned, we should actually examine those walls and knock them down; the walls created by rigid labour laws that destroy jobs; the walls created by heavy regulations that keep new firms from entering the market; the walls created by collective bargaining agreements that leave no room for small businesses to survive and thrive; the roadblocks obstructing communications and the information superhighway. [Interjections.]

We must also build bridges - the President calls them staircases - to connect the one economy to the other. And surely, the most important and fundamental bridge is to give every child a sound education, to expand land ownership among the poor and to create business support centres in disadvantaged communities. We cannot continue to have two separate economies in one nation. Economic growth must be a goal for everyone, not just for the few.

The President also spoke on Friday about measures to promote broad-based, black economic empowerment. With respect, none of these proposals dealt directly with the question of how to increase ownership and entrepreneurship among millions of black people in this country.

The Economist of 7 April 2004 said that this Government’s empowerment policy is hostile to investment. It went on to say ``it retards the economic growth that might make the poor less so’’. And that actually needs to be put on the table in this Parliament, because if it is not debated here that debate won’t happen anywhere.

As for the empowerment charters that have been produced, they have so far proved to be little more than a costly way to shift economic power from the old elite to the well-connected members of the political elite . Let’s take one example: A very well-known former politician in that party made national headlines when he made a deal to buy 10% of Absa Bank, worth about R4 billion. But everyone forgot about the tens of thousands of Absa employees, 65% of whom are black, who were only given 1% of the bank as part of an employee share ownership scheme.

The proper way, surely, to encourage empowerment is through measures that will accelerate economic growth, because without that economic growth and job creation, broad-based empowerment will remain little more than a dream.

When we have this enduring debate about privatisation, surely, privatisation and its impetus must come because that is the way to sell or indeed give away shares to the poor at reduced prices, just as Telkom did with the Khulisa offer. We must encourage businesses to provide shares to their employees. And above all, the focus of empowerment must shift from rich tycoons to ordinary people who are still waiting, in the words of the President, to enjoy the fruits of freedom.

The irony about the ANC’s approach to issues such as empowerment and transformation is that in many ways we are recreating an old elite structure that owed its origins to the previous order - not just in terms of the fixation on race, but also in terms of the cosy relationships among elites in every centre of power.

The governing party is consolidating its power through a practice it calls deployment. It assigns its cadres to leading roles in every institution, public and private. It expects that these cadres will perform their duties faithfully, but that they will retain their loyalty to the party first and foremost.

Deployment, with respect to all the other fine achievements of democracy, is undermining the integrity of institutions that are meant to be independent. From the SABC, to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts of this Parliament, to the boards of major corporations, ANC cadres have risen to positions of dominance. [Interjections.] She says, so what?'' Well let me tell youso what’’. The dangers of such a concentration of power in the hands of a ruling party - any ruling party - are clear. A society that is controlled by a small group of people, regardless of its mandate, loses its robustness. It cannot respond to challenge or change. [Interjections.] I believe that this Parliament should pass legislation to make it more difficult for high-ranking governmental officials to leave Parliament and immediately assume roles in the private sector that mirror the roles they held in the public sector. [Interjections.] I believe that this Parliament, if it is to show its robustness and strength, must insist that it does not turn over the precedent established over the past 10 years and that, indeed, it insists that a member of the Opposition serves as Chairperson of Scopa, in line with the practice in the rest of the Commonwealth to which we belong. [Interjections.]

The handshake that President Mbeki and I shared on the occasion of his re- election one month ago could, I hope, be a starting point for a new era in South African politics. As Government and Opposition, the ANC and the DA obviously have different roles to play. But, as I have said before: we are rivals, not enemies. What we must all strive for is a society in which the rights of each and every individual are upheld. We must remember that the struggles for freedom and equality were never waged on behalf of the masses, they were waged on behalf of human beings.

We must also remember that the concept of the individual is also reflected in the notion of ubuntu. We must recognise that our individual identities are shaped through the primary relationships of family and community. We must also acknowledge the obligations each of us has towards people, especially the less fortunate.

We must do all this to create a new ethic of citizenship. The one unmentioned feature of the last election campaign, whatever the gains were for that side and indeed for the DA, was, in fact, that the voters have become remarkably apathetic. The ANC itself has lost two million votes in the past 10 years. [Interjections.] We must make the Government obviously more sensitive to the needs of the people, and encourage the people to become more involved in the process of government and delivery.

The Government says that there is a people’s contract. Indeed there is, and it is called the Constitution. It makes clear that our mission as a nation is to produce the social, economic and political conditions in which each and every citizen can fully and equally enjoy their rights and freedoms.

We should, however, in all this, obey several dictums. One of them was from Edmund Burke, who advised us not to destroy those free institutions which are the most essential to the survival of liberty in our haste to reform them. He said:

You possessed in some parts the walls, and, in all, the foundations of a noble and venerable castle. You might have repaired those walls, you might have built on those old foundations but you began ill, because you began by despising everything that once belonged to you.

We should also learn from the simple but powerful declaration of President Mandela made 10 years ago in this Chamber: ``Never and never again, shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.’’

Those are the ideals. And we shall fulfil this optimistic spirit that leaps in the heart of each South African, when we fulfil them. And then the dream of a rainbow nation in 2010 and beyond would be a reality. I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms M R MORUTOA: Madam Speaker, Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members of Parliament and the public at large, I would like to speak to you about local government. I will be responding to the President’s address to the first joint sitting of the third democratic Parliament which took place on 21 May 2004. I will speak on issues that emanate from the Freedom Charter launched in 1955 at Kliptown.

The people of South Africa, black and white, have always longed for a programme of governance that is free of injustice and inequality. When they converged on Kliptown in 1955 they said: ``There shall be houses, security and comfort.’’ By this they wished for improved surroundings at local government level and a good quality of life the indicators of which are free basic services, like electricity, clean water, clean surroundings, recreational facilities, etc.

In 1955 they longed for low rental payments. Today a billing system for rates and services that is reasonable and compassionate in terms of the poor and vulnerable is necessary and must be implemented by local government, for instance the indigent policy. In 1955 the people wished that the slums would be demolished and that new suburbs would be build where they lived, with adequate transport, lighting, playing fields, clinics and crèches, etc. Today these services must be provided as part of local development strategy and as a component of the Expanded Public Works Programme at local level.

After celebrating 10 years of democracy we need to intensify our delivery. The President’s imbizos and the ANC’s door-to-door campaign revealed that there are many problems at local government level. Therefore the local governments are expected to play a proactive role in the social, economic and material development of local communities. At local government level the disparities in South African society are distinctly noticeable between the rural and urban areas and between the townships and suburbs. Attention to these disparities often takes race but not gender into account.

The Local Government: Municipal Structures Act explicitly defines gender equity as a developmental outcome. This makes the empowerment of women a local government responsibility. In rural areas, which are where most of the poor women and children are, there is little easy access to such basic services as running water in homes, sanitation and fuel. On average, the time of people residing in these areas is spent on water and fuel collection. Poverty-stricken people who are part of the second economy, as espoused by the President, are found in rural areas or in townships and are mostly women. Therefore there is a need for a detailed programme to respond to the challenges of this second economy.

The Expanded Public Works Programme intended for urban renewal and the Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Programmes at local government level should take the initiative by doing the following: training our people in horticulture and landscaping and employing them to improve the environment in the townships so that the people who reside in these areas are afforded an opportunity to own shopping centres. And they can provide the shopping centres with goods and services. For instance, women who do baking can provide cakes and those who are able to manufacture clothing can be the ones that market their projects. These beautiful malls should be built within the townships and rentals should be made affordable in order for our people to be able to have access to the market.

With regard to building social and economic infrastructure, for example, construction and building, those involved in any construction project that takes place in our communities should take a conscious decision of capacitating our people by training them, for instance, to build bridges and to become qualified road constructors. This should be done in conjunction with the Department of Labour.

The rearrangement of social patterns should be in line with our nonracial objectives. Clinics and schools should be built within the townships. This would make it convenient for patients to access treatment on time without having to travel long distances and, in the end, be denied treatment because they came from somewhere in Soweto.

In pursuing the development of local economies, public-private partnerships should be formed between municipalities, metros, civil societies, for example women’s groups, and the private sector, for example banks, to further development at local level.

It is a known phenomenon that traditional governance is male dominated. The involvement of women in traditional leadership at the decision-making level is critical so that issues affecting women and children can receive attention at all times.

There should be mobilisation of all sectors of the public at local level, including participation in ward communities. Giving them direction is of utmost importance. Job creation means that local government should be charged with the responsibility of creating a databank of skills within the communities and of tapping into the undiscovered potential within the communities in their respective wards. Capacitating all the people will enable them to establish their own businesses.

In the ANC, when we speak about the creation of jobs, we do not mean the stereotype notion of boss and slave. We mean creating areas of work and training people for them to be able to establish their own businesses.

It is a great pleasure to be part of South Africa, a nation that persevered so long in its bid to hold the Soccer World Cup that its time has arrived to host the cup in 2010. This means there is a great challenge for all of us to commit to unity in changing the bad attitudes of other fellow South Africans. One expects this country to host the Soccer World Cup successfully, because we have a history of hosting successful events in South Africa such as the WSSD, Aids conferences, the racism conference, you name them.

Let me complete this speech by assuring our people who gave us the mandate to govern that we are definitely on the correct track. We hope to fulfil the 1955 mandate given to our leaders that the people shall govern. This is what the ANC means when it calls for the people’s contract. Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr M G BUTHELEZI: Madam Speaker, His Excellency the President, hon members, we are conducting this debate against the backdrop of an election which has redefined roles and responsibilities. All political parties campaigned primarily on the five substantive issues of unemployment, crime, HIV/Aids, poverty and corruption. The ANC received an overwhelming mandate to deal with and redress these issues. We are not contesting or challenging this mandate because, as a democrat, I fully respect the will of the South African people. It is now my responsibility and that of my party to provide our contribution to ensure that the mandate of the South African people will be respected and fulfilled.

The South African people do not deserve another season of empty promises. In his address the President shifted the emphasis from planning to implementation. We must turn over a new leaf to ensure that integrity, accountability and honesty now enter the realm of politics and change the way our country is governed. For this reason both I and my party have committed ourselves to providing our people with a democracy which holds the benefits of a much-needed moral opposition.

Our moral opposition will be constructive. We shall applaud when praise is due and we shall voice the moral indignation and anger of the South African people when their mandates are being ignored. Our moral opposition will reflect the way I have always acted in the past 50 years of service in politics. We will focus on shortcomings in policies, programmes and legislation, and we will deal with issues, not with people, without personalising matters.

We feel that it is the role of a moral opposition to bridge the divisions, which have been generated within this House because of a lack of respect. The ruling party must learn to listen to the merits of what is being said without rejecting good proposals merely because they may not like the messengers.

We are emerging from an election that has strengthened the ruling party and weakened our democracy. We have spent six years negotiating a constitutional framework for our country that is now almost meaningless from a political point of view as the Constitution is liable to change as the ANC pleases. [Interjections.]

Unfortunately, the crossing-of-the-floor legislation has shown the willingness of the ANC to tamper with the Constitution, not only at will but even at whim. We are emerging from an election that has concentrated 100% of the political power in the hands of a few people, who may end up acting as a small and self-serving elite. Under these conditions, the responsibility of a moral opposition is that of providing the last sets of checks and balances, without which our democracy is in great peril.

We need to keep at bay the ever-present forces and pitfalls lurking in the shadow of a one-party state. In our nation’s interests the ruling party is to be held accountable to ensure that our people’s expectations are met. In his address His Excellency the President mentioned important programmes, such as those relating to black empowerment. These programmes will extend the power of the ruling elite to wider segments of our economy, and social and cultural life. It will be our role to voice the expectations of the South African people that these programmes are indeed about the empowerment of the many, rather than the enrichment of the few.

Now, more than ever, our democracy needs checks and balances. I feel that both I and my party are now truly free, free at last to provide the full measure of our constructive moral opposition to ensure that our democracy may survive in a context in which 100% of the power is so highly concentrated in the hands of a few people. We need to ensure that our democracy begins to recognise the need of separating the party from the state.

The state cannot belong to the ANC, only to the South African people, and the ruling party ought not to use the state as if it were an extension of its political machinery for its own political purposes. We must strengthen the role of Parliament and its centrality to ensure that it is not regarded by the executive as a tool on demand, which carries out the wills and dictates of the centre. Democracy is vested in this Parliament, not in the corridors of Tuynhuys and the Union Buildings.

We in this Parliament have the responsibility of making laws and developing public policy. The executive should limit its role to implementing what has been thought, formulated and decided here. Unfortunately, we all know that in the past 10 years the overwhelming majority of what has been legislated was, in fact, thought and formulated outside of this Parliament, whether it was from within the departments of state, or from within the policy backrooms of the ruling party.

The next five years must give rise to the supremacy of Parliament and our collegial responsibility of fulfilling the mandate we received from the people. This Parliament must express the conscience of South Africa. We, as the moral opposition, shall voice the bad conscience of the ANC in respect of matters in which it is not living up to the promises it made. Together we must react whenever the executive falls prey to paralysing denial, whether it is denial about corruption, HIV/Aids or Zimbabwe. In these chambers there cannot be space for any more of this syndrome of denial. With all of you, I wish to champion the centrality and supremacy of this Parliament. Too much has not been attended to in spite of many promises, and our reaction cannot be that of denial, but ought to be that of caring self-criticism.

We must recognise the dramatic nature of the problems confronting us and against them assess the adequacy of the measures proposed by the President. In his address the President made proposals that are good, but the issue is whether they are indeed good enough. Unemployment is now at 42% of our population and it is rising. The expansion of the Public Works Programmes is not a sufficiently vast and sustainable response to such a dramatic problem.

We still do not have a comprehensive strategy to accelerate our rate of economic growth, provide South Africa with an industrial basis, and enable our country to have a long-term successful and profitable presence with its products and services on the global markets. As we contested the elections, my party, as well as other parties, formulated viable proposals to accelerate economic growth and unleash the hidden potentials in our economy by liberalising market forces.

It is essential that the ruling party has the humility of recognising that might is not necessarily right and that those in the moral opposition may indeed have a contribution to make to the general good, by means of better ideas and strategies to generate employment through economic growth, rather than placebo measures such as the expansion of the Public Works Programme.

Similarly, I am deeply saddened that the President’s address seems to ignore the dramatic nature of the HIV/Aids pandemic, which would have required more than a passing mention in the strategy of Government. HIV/Aids cannot be a priority amongst many. It must be one of the first priorities, because our nation is dying while its rulers ignore this with complacent denial. Across the board, I feel that we are far from creating the parameters of a truly caring society. The lack of sufficient recognition and care for those who are infected and affected by HIV/Aids is the tip of the iceberg.

Poverty remains our country’s major unattended problem. A country like ours has the resources to ensure that all our children go to bed every night with food in their stomachs, and yet the malnutrition of our children and their daily hunger have become an occurrence to which, with complacent denial, most of our leaders have grown accustomed.

As the moral opposition, we are committed to voicing the anguish of those who are ignored, because our society shall never become one in which those who have become rich and powerful, or merely achieved a level of comfort, become oblivious and insensitive to the plight of our compatriots. A moral opposition must be a patriotic opposition, which recognises that this country of ours must provide for all South Africans.

We cannot allow the politics of race to be replaced by the politics of class, in a context in which those at the top remain, in the future, as insensitive to the plight of those at the bottom as they were in the past. We must care and we must be able to transform our caring into action. To this end, it is necessary to strengthen the delivery capacity of the state. Policy and statements which do not translate into tangible delivery are a further insult to the plight of the poor.

I’m concerned about the President’s address underpinning a centralistic logic of delivery, which is at odds with the decentralised structure of our state. One cannot make commitments from the centre to delivering houses when the matter is handled by provinces. This constant centralising and centralised perspective will remain a major impairment in actual delivery. If we are to bridge the gap between policy and implementation, we must recognise that in our country in our system of Government, and in our reality, implementation and delivery are the responsibility of provincial and local government. We’ll provide our contribution to making the ruling party realise that the role of central Government should be that of enabling provincial and local government, providing them with autonomy and capacity.

We are still dealing with a highly inefficient state apparatus, which is made worse by the unwillingness of the ruling party to reform it on the basis of the devolution of powers, decentralisation and autonomy so as to redress the state’s weak delivery capacity. We remain committed to the practice and philosophy of local empowerment, because we can no longer afford for the state to remain part of the problem rather than part of the solution in respect of delivery.

We must become more sensitive to bread and butter issues. We cannot rest while people are still without electricity, access to running water or tarred roads. A lot was done by the past Government in which I participated, and more must be done by this Government, as the President announced in his address. We must break the cycle of poverty and ignorance by fighting adult illiteracy. Our role would be that of reminding Government that if we were to drive progress, the chain with which we would do so would only be as strong as its weakest link, which lies in the neglected masses of South Africa.

We’ll continue to support the Government to increase the delivery of services, and in this respect have no intention of being destructive, even when voicing our criticism. We compliment the President for having begun attaching timeframes to certain aspects of service delivery, shifting emphasis to implementation and away from promises which hang in the air. I’ve noted the remarks made by the President, in passing, relating to traditional leadership. In many other respects the address of the President reflects statements which he made one year ago, the previous year and the year before that. Many of the promises have been repeated and some have been increased. However, in respect of traditional leadership we have now reached what seems to be a policy of wooing without even promises being made, as this year less has been promised for traditional leadership than in any of the past years when much was promised and little or nothing was delivered. I feel that our country has yet to develop a real policy on traditional leadership and offer traditional leaders fair and just accommodation in the new, democratic dispensation.

I’ll continue to voice the aspirations of traditional leadership, not because we wish to protect the interests of a few leaders, but because, on the strength of more than half a century of experience, I know that traditional leadership has a fundamental role to play in the renewal of our society and the development of our communities. I think it would be idle talk to talk about an African Renaissance without the contribution of traditional leaders, as they are the custodians of traditional values. Our country has great opportunities. The next five years will be remembered as the time in which these opportunities were seized or forever missed. We pledge our role and commitment to ensuring that the Government of South Africa becomes an instrument in these opportunities being seized before they are lost.

Both my party and I remain long-term runners. We feel that our role in the service of our democracy is now more important than ever. Like our society, democracy too is also a chain as strong as its weakest link. It is the role of a moral opposition, and the role I will play in this Parliament, to ensure strength in the weakest links of our democracy. I hope that as I respect the role of the ruling party and the mandate that it has received from the South African people, the ruling party will learn to respect my role and the role of the opposition. [Interjections.]

We need to learn to look upon an opponent not as an enemy and to become more respectful of one another. I often find the proceedings in this Parliament to be appalling, to say the least, both because of the jeering and heckling which takes place here and because of the unwillingness to listen and learn from what is being said here. [Interjections.] If we are serious about providing the full measure of our contribution as members of Parliament, and if this Parliament is to become more than a clapping crowd, obsequiously applauding the work and policy of the executive, we must rise to the challenge of becoming more professional in our debates and more respectful of whatever is said here, irrespective of who says it. I hope that, also in this respect, the next five years will be better than the past five years.

We must ensure that the momentum we gained in this first decade of our democracy is not lost. We have not arrived. The struggle for our liberation and the struggle for democracy are far from complete. We have dedicated our lives to those struggles and we shall see them through. Let us, my brothers and sisters, ensure that the second decade of our democracy may, indeed, surpass the first one in achievements, in glory and in hope for all the people of South Africa. I thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]

Mr B W KANNEMEYER: Madam Deputy Speaker, I want to start by agreeing with the hon Buthelezi that indeed it is important for us to listen and learn. But because I am still in the learning process, one of the things I want to learn, hon Buthelezi is, if indeed, according to public opinion and political analysts, one of the weakest links in our democracy is the lack of strength of opposition parties how that can be laid at the door of the governing party that managed to get more than 70% of the support? [Applause.]

Secondly, to the Minister of Education, if possible, could you assist Parliament in our training programme by arranging a basic session on arithmetic? Because I can’t see with all my bits of education how 70% can constitute a small group of people, as has been indicated by both opposition leaders, both hon Leon as well as hon Buthelezi. [Interjections.]

I believe it is not our political eloquence, or the robustness of debate, or the quality of the legislation that we pass that informs our local communities of the quality of government that they are having; it is rather the much simpler things such as clean drinking water, adequate shelter and living in a safe and secure environment. This, of course, is one of the understandings that separates the governing party from parties on our left.

Local government, within the broader governance context, is where people experience basic service delivery, where people experience the different manifestations of Government, whether it is good or bad. This sphere of government is central to all major areas of governance and service delivery

• from access to clean water, to social grants, schooling, safety and security, health services, etc. All these services are delivered in this physical and geographical domain of public representatives elected at the local sphere of government. It is therefore this very simple reality that then places such a tremendous and challenging responsibility on local government, at leadership, political, organisational, management and administration levels.

The 2002 ANC National Conference’s resolution on transforming the state and governance, adopted in Stellenbosch, asserts the following:

We seek to build a developmental state capable of implementing the creation of a better life for all. And acting as the driving force for socioeconomic transformation, the state, as the key instrument for the delivery of basic services, should develop appropriate systems and structures in order to facilitate a more quality and sustainable delivery machinery.

Again, this places an immense and awesome responsibility on us to ensure that the capacity exists, especially at local government level. Central to addressing these challenges that are faced by Government at all spheres, of course, as the President indicated, is the need for reliable information so that programmes can be designed appropriately and resource allocations be done accordingly. Linking the need to our system of monitoring and evaluation, the President then indicated the necessity for an improvement of our statistical and information base.

I am of the opinion that with the appropriate skills deployed at local levels we should be able to build a very reliable data basis in all the different communities where we work, live and play. Comrade President, I would venture to suggest that close interaction between the different arms of Statistics SA and local authorities might indeed make a significant contribution in this regard.

Again, in adopting the conference resolution on local economic development, we correctly asserted that local economic development is critical for balanced, employment-creating, equitable and dynamic growth. Apart from the measures already undertaken, the President announced some very specific measures that will contribute to this.

The President indicated the following clear tasks in his address to the nation last Friday. The sectors he identified within our macroeconomic reform strategy are, among other things, explaining the incentives available; review of the regulatory framework that impacts on the small and medium business sector; the creation of a unified enterprise development agency; broad-based black economic empowerment remaining a pivotal element of Government policy; the Expanded Public Works Programme; the process of skills development and the compilation of a register of all graduates, in order to link them with Umsobomvu learnerships and other schemes and institutions that would help them to start their own businesses or get jobs.

A much more proactive, vibrant, interactive and dynamic approach is therefore required from our cadres deployed in this important sphere of government at local level. Let me venture to make the following suggestions in this regard. It would certainly be in the interests of every local authority to be fully versed in the key growth sectors, as well as the different incentive schemes of the relevant departments, so as to determine what benefit could accrue to the local authorities and local communities if they creatively combine their own investment incentives with local Government, both those of national and provincial levels. This argument is as relevant for the review of the regulatory framework for the small and medium business sectors.

On black economic empowerment one would assume as obvious the role and responsibility of local authorities as they relate to preferential procurement policies, but also providing support and opportunities for black economic empowerment in setting procurement targets for black economic empowerment companies. As the Expanded Public Works Programme finds implementation at local level, it is the clear task of local authorities to ensure that all red tape, as it relates to local planning and development, is smoothed out to give effect to the President’s directive that we launch the 21 nodal points in September this year.

Even though the skills development focuses more on a sectoral basis, there is nothing that prevents provinces, and more specifically metro and district municipalities, to disaggregate the national sectoral targets and interact with the relevant Setas and local business and industry about the placement of learnerships. Therefore in the same way local authorities need to develop their own locally based database of both graduates and matriculants in different areas, so as to improve that interaction.

Hon Morutoa already touched on some of the areas of the traditional local government services such as water, sanitation, electricity and other forms of service provision. Let me touch on the linkage between a safe and secure environment and local authorities. The President said on Friday that we also have a duty to improve the safety and security of all our citizens. In this regard, engaging meaningfully with the police, Justice, Correctional Services and Social Development, local government can indeed play a pivotal role, together with volunteer community workers, in the setting up of physical infrastructure to complement the victim support programmes, especially as these relate to the victims of violent crimes and domestic abuse - who in most cases are women, children and the elderly.

But more than this, I believe it would be in the interests of all local authorities to ensure a safe and secure environment, not only for the very important local communities, but also for the potential investors in their local areas. The continued interaction between and support to councils, community police forums and neighbourhood watches must therefore be encouraged and strengthened.

On the aspect of social cohesion within our communities, which I also think finds the greatest expression in our different local authorities and local communities, the President states that in the coming months a thorough review be done on the impact of socioeconomic transformation on social cohesion within our communities, and across society as a whole including qualitative issues such as nonracialism, nonsexism and the role and place of family value systems, identity and moral regeneration. We hope that this exercise, which will involve structures of civil society, will help us better understand who we are and better appreciate quality of life beyond the material.

The Stellenbosch resolution, again on transforming the state and governance, correctly asserts that the challenge of nation-building remains the primary task of the ANC. The ANC places a particular responsibility also on local government leadership interacting with all strata and sections of the community to contribute to the review as suggested. Despite resistance from certain quarters, I think we will have to ask and answer the tough question whether indeed our communities are today experiencing a society that is more equal, nonracist and nonsexist.

The divide between peoples of all races in our countries, cities, villages and on farms has not been the result of any accident or natural occurrence. Hence, the reconstruction of a nonracial and nonsexist society cannot be left to chance, but requires very concrete and conscious content in each and every programme of socioeconomic transformation.

The President went on to speak on the need for greater integration between different spheres of government, which would impact on the ability of local authorities to improve their own role where they find themselves.

In the last remaining minutes I want to move on to another aspect that the President touched on. When he started his address he congratulated members of Parliament for having been elected, and he continued by saying that the April elections reinforced the legitimacy of both national and provincial legislatures and our national and provincial executives. This strengthens the mandate of these institutions to discharge their responsibilities as defined by the Constitution. I am raising this particularly, because for me it links up with the very important question of work in our communities at ward level, as well as at parliamentary constituency level. The President continues to say that we will also assist local government to ensure that the system of ward committees functions as visualised in the national legislation.

It is common knowledge that where people are not involved in the decisions that affect their lives, social policies and social interventions are less likely to succeed. Ward committees are one of the considerable advantages the ANC has made in transforming our system of governance into one in which the people are able to actively participate. This has been done through various structures and mechanisms such as school governing bodies, community police forums, ward committees, imbizos, constituency offices, etc.

However, in order to render assistance, assessment of all these structures and mechanisms is probably necessary, based on how it is currently operating and functioning. In 2002 we already asserted that the ANC takes active steps to promote participatory democracy by creating opportunities for the effective involvement and participation of men and women, of the illiterate as well as the literate, the rural, the poor, the working people, and people with disabilities and other targeted groups to gather and express themselves on matters relevant to basic conditions.

I have not seen the Minister of Finance, and I think the Speaker is probably on her way, but what is important is the next part: The conference resolution on this aspect continues to say that resources should be made available for the expansion and consolidation of participatory democracy and the functioning of ward committees and parliamentary constituency offices in order to ensure that residents and sectors of society are mobilised to actively participate in programmes of governance and socioeconomic development.

I am very definitely arguing, Comrade Deputy Speaker, that there should be more time for constituency work, and greater availability of adequate resources to enable members of Parliament to respond more effectively to the challenge related to that field of work.

Let me conclude by saying: Comrade President, in a variation of your famous I am an African" speech, which states that it is good to be an African, let me say that as good and as sweet as the election results were at national level, you will forgive me and share my elation that after 10 years it is indeed good for the Western Cape to join the rest of the country and to also be liberated and free. [Applause.] I now have a much better understanding of Martin Luther King Junior's words:Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last.’’

Mr President, it feels good to be an African. It is amazing to be a South African, and today I can say: ``Dis mngca om ‘n Wes-Kapenaar te wees.’’ [It’s wonderful to be an inhabitant of the Western Cape.] [Applause.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President and hon members, the UDM welcomes President Mbeki’s state of the nation address made on Friday last week. We welcome the commitments made, as well as the targets and deadlines that have been set. We doubt neither the wisdom nor the necessity of the President’s economic and employment goals. We have been urging for the adoption of many of them for some time now. The time has arrived for the highly skilled public servants in various departments to implement the President’s plans, while Cabinet members play a leadership and monitoring role.

The managers must now be allowed to manage without political interference. It is therefore appropriate for me at this time to thank the President for the confidence shown in the UDM by inviting us to supply a Deputy Minister for the critical portfolio of Public Works. The UDM and other major parties in this House already administer taxpayers’ money at provincial or local government level. In these instances all the major parties have to deal with the ANC national and provincial governments on a daily basis.

It is one of the virtues of our Constitution that many parties can contribute to governance, despite our political or ideological differences. We view this appointment in the same fashion. It is yet another opportunity for the UDM to participate in nation-building, and the creation of a more prosperous nation. At the same time the UDM will continue to play an active role as opposition party, and carry out the mandate of our voters, namely to campaign for our policies, which they supported. It means that we will support policies that we concur with whilst we will voice our opposition to those actions or policies that we disagree with.

We will criticise and campaign for solutions that we believe are better suited to the challenges facing the nation. Yes, indeed, both the ANC and the IFP will agree that in the past the UDM was ready to contribute to government and nation-building when called upon to do so. Yes, we supported the IFP two years ago during the floor-crossing in KwaZulu-Natal. At that time the will of the majority, as expressed in the previous election, was on the side of the IFP. Similarly, after the voters had spoken in the last election, the UDM, amongst others, was called upon to assist in resolving the KwaZulu-Natal governance issue. This is a principled position that allows us to behave consistently without sacrificing our policies or role as opposition party. [Applause.]

I believe that Deputy Minister Kganyago will make a meaningful contribution to the Department of Public Works. His appointment means that the UDM has a heightened responsibility to ensure that the department succeeds in its objective. I would like to use this opportunity to call upon the ANC leadership that we should compare notes on a periodic basis with regards to solutions and strategies for the Department of Public Works. I hope together we can ensure that Public Works becomes the engine for growth and employment which we agree it should be.

For instance, there are already fears being expressed about the permanency of jobs created through the Public Works Programme. The UDM would like to see the establishment of infrastructure maintenance units to absorb semiskilled labour. These jobs will have the potential of becoming more permanent, and lasting beyond the construction phase of a project.

The UDM is pleased that gradually a shift in economic thinking has occurred in Government. Greater economic intervention by Government through Public Works and other strategies is in our opinion a relevant and necessary approach. South Africa has many backlogs and imbalances inherited from the past. The so-called Washington Consensus is designed for developed countries. By the President’s own admission, South Africa has two economies. The solution to the problems of those in the second economy cannot be found exclusively in strategies designed for developed economies. We applaud Government for recognising this reality that we have been pointing out for a long time.

Madam Deputy Speaker, we believe Government must move one step further and recognise that the initiatives announced by the President must be underpinned by an expanding economy, otherwise they will have no lasting effect. In this regard Government needs to acknowledge that it is one of the main sources of inflation. Continuous tax cuts are recouped with higher administered prices and at the same time interest rates are kept high to deal with this inevitable inflation. The results are that Government directly causes the high cost of capital in the country, therefore economic growth cannot get into a higher gear.

In 2010 South Africa will host the Soccer World Cup. Indeed, South Africa is in a carnival mood, and if Government can meet the target set by the President, that mood can be sustained. The UDM congratulates every member of the bid team, and all those who assisted them.

Madam Deputy Speaker, 2010 is a mere six years away. We appeal to Government to recognise that in such a short period of time, medium-term budgeting and roll-overs will not suit our purposes. We require a different style of year-on-year budgeting - one that clearly spells out annual targets, and which Parliament can monitor on a continuous basis. We believe that the 2010 World Cup should galvanise us to pursue our development agenda with even greater vigour. I submit that this provides us with the necessary incentives and opportunities to bring forward the deadlines for some of the development programmes.

This includes the targets that were set at the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Growth and Development Summit. Previously stakeholders have spoken of deadlines in 2014 and 2015. I believe that these timeframes should be reduced to fall within the 2010 timeframe. The 2010 World Cup should be a rallying point to accelerate development and delivery, one that will leave a lasting legacy. Here we are speaking about much more than a few big stadiums. The legacy that we must create will be in areas such as improved transport, infrastructure, housing, security, education, sports development, as well as tourism and the environment.

There are many potential strategies to exploit the overlap between infrastructure and human development. For instance, there is a great deal of latent sporting talent in the townships and rural areas. This talent lies dormant for lack of recreational facilities. The social benefits of giving all South African children access to constructive sport and recreation are countless. In the long run it will contribute to an environment where criminals, gangsters and drug peddlers will not be able to easily tempt children into their nefarious activities.

We propose, for instance, that every construction project that exceeds a certain cost, say R1 million, should also construct a basic sporting ground in the area. Here we are talking merely of using the construction equipment already there to level the ground and fence off the area and perhaps plant turf. In this fashion the construction of a road, for instance, becomes something more. It becomes both economic and social investment in the community. This is how we can build a lasting legacy through the 2010 World Cup.

Of course, this is but one example. What we foresee is that Government would draft a social investment code that forms part of every construction tender. This would include a menu of options, such as the sporting ground mentioned above. But it would also include other options such as clinics, school laboratories and community libraries. Contractors will then consult with the community where a project is awarded, to pick a social investment to complete along with the major project itself. Naturally, Government should set specifications for these social investment projects to ensure that every sporting ground, library or laboratory meets certain minimum standards.

An immediate priority concerning the World Cup is to inculcate a culture of ownership among all South Africans. This culture of ownership and of responsibility is sadly inadequate in our country. One example of this is the fact that our cities and neighbourhoods are blighted by littering. South Africans are not dirty people. Once you enter their homes, they are neat and tidy. But what will our guests in 2010 think when they see our cities and neighbourhoods? How do we explain to them this filth and grime? How do you explain to people that Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban and Pretoria are filthy and drowning in litter whilst Nairobi and Cairo are not?

I believe that it is time for Government at the highest level to take up these efforts and establish perhaps an environmental trust. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Deputy Speaker, I apologise that my name is not on the list. Hon President and hon Speaker, as we celebrate Africa Day today it seems that the dust around this election is finally settling now. It was an election in which many lofty promises were made by many political parties. As the ANC said at the time though, your party, Mr President, would be the one with the responsibility of actually implementing those promises.

The ANC won this election under the promise of a people’s contract to create work and fight poverty. We in the ID are determined to ensure that you do not default on the letter and the spirit of this contract. The concept of a people’s contract speaks to the very heart of our new democracy. It is a sad fact that the lack of democracy in the apartheid years led to the severe underdevelopment of the majority of our people in this country.

The challenge we are all faced with now is to turn the power of our democracy into a force of development. The ID is completely committed to the principle and practice of true democracy in South Africa. People need to be able to direct and guide Government on the most appropriate form of development needed for their circumstances. Too often these voices are not heard, and projects and plans are sometimes implemented with disastrous effects.

What we need is more consultation and not consultants. According to Government’s own 10-year review, almost a quarter of Government’s procurement budget is spent on consultants. We should be using that money to build capacity within Government departments so that they can interact with communities themselves and find the right long-term solutions. Government must also put mechanisms in place to find out where the lack of capacity is being used as an excuse for inefficiency.

Mr President, if you want your bold plans to succeed, you will need to crack the whip and ensure that Ministers and public servants implement your programme according to the timelines spelt out by you. You will be very busy indeed implementing this plan. So, I do not want you to worry about the noise from the small boy on this side, I will deal with him. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

One of the greatest dangers our new democracy faces is that of poverty. If we are unable to turn the tide of the ever-increasing levels of poverty in South Africa, many of the hard-won victories for freedom and democracy would have been for nothing. Poverty is a threat to the very existence of an individual and society at large. It attacks a person’s dignity and self- worth, and eats away at a person’s self-esteem. It creates moral dilemmas between choosing a life of crime and basic survival.

The Government has embarked upon some initiatives to stem the rising levels of poverty, such as social grants and the Public Works Programme. The only real long-term solution, though, is tackling the unacceptably high unemployment level in South Africa. The rallying cry against poverty must be jobs, jobs and jobs.

Now, once again, Mr President, you have promised the country one million jobs. I ask you though, what has suddenly changed? We have heard these promises before, but the jobs did not materialise. The ID believes that the only sustainable way of creating jobs in larger numbers is by giving priority, and directing our resources, to SMMEs. Government and large business cannot do this alone and, in fact, they are the ones that are currently shedding jobs.

One practical way of doing this is to award a R100 million worth of infrastructure contracts to SMMEs. They should be the contractors who are responsible for overcoming the huge backlog that exists and maintaining our much-needed infrastructure. By awarding it to these contractors, Government will be helping them to overcome the hurdle of capital they need to turn their businesses into viable enterprises.

South Africa also needs to make a link between our education system and the kinds of skills that are required for our economy to prosper. The ID also believes that as a nation we need a critical debate on controversial issues. We cannot shy away from these debates, as our new democracy was built through negotiating and debating and finding each other on divisive issues.

On the economic level we should be critically debating amongst all key sectors the precise role Government’s intervention in the economy should play. This will prevent a situation where different sectors simply determine the role for Government. Like you, Mr President, the ID does not want to see our children being taught in conditions where they are exposed to the elements. We will go further and claim that every child in South Africa deserves the quality education guaranteed in our Constitution. Like our access-to-education initiative, the ID will be presenting a number of practical solutions over this coming year to show that this can be achieved.

The ID also supports Government’s national antiretroviral roll-out programme. But we are concerned that the current rate of implementation will not achieve Government’s target of 1,4 million people by 2008. To achieve this, we must provide roughly 300 000 ARVs per annum and not the current 53 000. This virus, Mr President, is outmanoeuvring us as a nation and we need to play this virus as a team - like we did so successfully for the 2010 soccer bid. Mr President, do you really think that there is a need to create a special joint task team to apprehend the 200 worst criminals in South Africa? In what way will this task team differ from the Scorpions, and does this then mean that the Scorpions have been unable to fulfil this task? We in the ID also share your vision which you spelt out to the country in your state of the nation address. It is a bold plan in which all of us will have to play a part to ensure that it gets implemented according to the timetable laid out by you.

The ID will be there every step of the way to ensure that Government is held to account in regard to this plan. It will also encourage a lively spirit of critical debate within Parliament to ensure that the country is being exposed to all the different policies available to us.

In conclusion, I must make a comment, because so many parties referred to the role of the opposition, and I think it is about time that we debated this role. Opposition parties are created by voters exercising a choice for different views, and therefore opposition parties must send out a nonracial message to our country, underpinned by the values of the Constitution and not race. I am sick and tired of hearing all this talk about race coming from this side. [Interjections.] We have a role to play in making certain that we send out a nonracial message. Opposition must also speak the truth to power so that South Africans can begin to trust them, because they do not trust opposition parties at the moment. Opposition parties must ensure that the principle of separation of powers is adhered to. [Interjections.]

Parliament must remain independent, and therefore it is critical that as opposition parties we do not just shout and scream, but also look at ourselves and the role we must play. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr K O BAPELA: Deputy Speaker, President, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon leaders and hon members, many in the House have been asking why flags of the 53 African countries are displayed outside the Marks Building. I hope the answers were sufficient: that today, 25 May, is the 41st anniversary of Africa Day.

I want to join other speakers, and I also want to embrace and join millions of people on the continent, in celebrating this historic day. It was a day when, in 1963, African leaders and people resolved to launch the Organisation of African Unity which was to unite Africans and consolidate the freedoms of those who got freedom from colonialism, and to support those who were still in the bondage and shackles of colonialism.

We have now achieved transforming the OAU into the African Union - which has new goals and objectives that have been determined by new challenges, as espoused in Nepad. The African Union is to carry the founding vision of its predecessor. In some of the African countries, this day is declared a holiday. President, I’m not calling for any additional holiday. However, as a country we need to debate such a possibility in future, particularly if in July we win the hosting of the African Union.

Our people must also learn the national anthem of the continent, understand their own continent and be proud Africans. I have heard that some schools are having events in recognition of this day. The Department of Foreign Affairs has organised a luncheon with the media. This event alone is not enough for such a significant day as Africa Day.

We are also responding to the President’s state of the nation address to Parliament. In Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, delegates from African countries have gathered, including our own - who are led by the Deputy President and accompanied, among others, by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma - to witness and be part of the historic event, that is the launch of the African Union’s Peace and Security Council. We wish the new organ of the AU success in its endeavours. Its tasks are to ensure collective security, early warning arrangements, and to facilitate a timely and efficient response to conflict and crisis in situations in Africa.

One of its functions will be to act as the standing decision-making organ for the prevention, management and resolution of conflict. However, its success depends on support from all governments and people on the continent, including the South African Government and its people. For information purposes, I would like to state that the 15 members of the Peace and Security Council were elected on 16 March 2004 by the executive council of the AU.

As we celebrate Africa Day, we can pride ourselves, President, on some of the achievements pronounced when we declared this century an African Century. At the turn of the millennium, we can pride ourselves on the achievements on this continent, some of which are the reconstitution of the OAU into the AU, the adoption of Nepad as a socioeconomic development plan of the AU, the decrease in conflict and political instability on the continent, an increase in the democratisation of governments, the growing international goodwill towards the continent; and now, for the first time ever, a Soccer World Cup tournament is coming to our continent.

As you rightly said, Mr President, it is Africa as a continent that will be hosting the event. However, we remain confident and hope that some of the outstanding conflicts are in the process of being resolved. Some of those pertain to the peace process in the DRC in which South Africa plays a significant role, including the hosting of the talks that led to the government of national unity that is supported by all groups and forces. We note the recent visit by our President in which he was accompanied by a delegation of business people and Government agencies to identify the issues and agree with the people of Congo regarding the reconstruction and development of their country. Regarding the Burundi peace process, the continuing engagement with all groups in seeking solutions remains a programme of Government in which the Deputy President is leading. Others that still seek resolution are the Somali conflict - South Africa is, indeed, working with regional bodies to see to the end of this conflict; the Sudanese conflict and peace process - there is a need to support the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, Igad, which is one of the regional bodies there; Western Sahara - we will continue to keep the unresolved question of Western Sahara on the agenda of the AU and other multilateral forums; the near resolution in Liberia in which South Africa is also playing a role; encouragement of dialogue in Côte d’Voire; and the newly-found peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea in which South Africa is playing a role through its peacekeeping personnel. These are but some of many more milestones or achievements that we cannot overlook as we are also conscious of the fact that there is still a lot that needs to be achieved in the renewal of our continent.

My colleague will speak about other broad international issues and will expand on south-to-south relations and challenges in Third World countries. Those challenges also find resonance in Africa because it is part of the developing countries or Third World countries. The African continent has a visionary programme, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, and is busy reorganising and strengthening the African Union and its organs. We now have the Pan-African Parliament in place, the African Peer Review Mechanism and, as alluded to earlier, we are also launching the African Peace and Security Council.

South Africa is not an island; its existence depends on the existence of other nations and countries. We need our goods to enter other markets, hence our involvement in the WTO, discussions and agreements on trade, and binational and bicommission agreements with other countries. We have resolved, as a nation and after years of isolation, to be an active member of the international community of nations, and that includes membership of the UN, Nonaligned Movement, AU and others.

We have also declared this century the African Century in order to end war and conflicts on our continent; ensure peace, security and stability; and to pursue the programme of Nepad - which will ultimately pursue programmes such as economic growth, infrastructure development, poverty alleviation and create a better life, thus giving the people of the continent hope.

We need to pursue our programme of restructuring or transforming and strengthening multilateral institutions which include the UN, WTO, World Bank, IMF, etc. We need to continue our active participation in other bodies such as the Commonwealth; interact with regional bodies such as the EU and Carecom, including special focus and attention on the south-south relations; and to strengthen and transform SADC and Sacu.

South Africa as a country is in demand on the continent and in the world. As a responsible nation and as part of this globe, we should honour with pride obligations and requests where possible, while balancing our domestic needs.

Lastly, whether we like it or not, we have an obligation to contribute to the creation of a better Africa and world. A number of South Africans walk with pride and can raise the country’s flag anywhere in the world. A number of South Africans enjoy the benefits of our freedom and democracy. They are also involved in various fields such as research, sports, arts and culture, and business. We are the envy of the world, hence we have in the past years hosted major conferences and sporting events. In 2010 we will be hosting, on behalf of Africa, the Fifa Soccer World Cup on our shores. I bet that for us to get the nod as a country, besides the work done by the bid committee, central to all is the confidence the world has in South Africa and its collective leadership.

If we had not played a significant role in international activities, including profiling the country and its vision, we would not be known and therefore should thank the efforts of the South African leadership, particularly our President, Thabo Mbeki. We should also dismiss as hogwash those assertions which are uninformed and ill-conceived which state that the President spends more time outside the country.

The President is guiding, providing leadership and directing his Government to the challenges of ending poverty and creating a better life for our people, and that includes the people of the continent. In doing so, as the President, he continues to honour his international obligations as expected of the head of Government. South Africa is not an island, but a member of the community of nations.

We also note the challenges regarding ensuring a programme of democratisation and good governance in the countries where citizens do not enjoy the fruits of freedom and democracy, as alluded to by the President in his state of the nation address.

We also welcome the change of heart and strategy by the DA in raising issues that we may not agree on or may differ on. This change of heart or strategy did not exist before the elections or during the previous term of government. The ANC will engage in anything that contributes to nation- building or the creation of a better life for our people, including the alleviation of poverty.

Here are some of the issues that need our utmost attention even though differences remain as to how to handle them: Regarding the issue of Zimbabwe, unfortunately, some people in this House and elsewhere have plans that we do not think will work in resolving the crisis in Zimbabwe. History has also proven that any imposed settlements do not work and in many cases are rejected. Political settlements are those that are products of the citizens or people of a country, and the same goes for Zimbabwe. The so- called road map to democracy in Zimbabwe by the DA is not the product of the people of Zimbabwe and may not work there. The South African Government’s approach of being a facilitator who interacts with the main stakeholders ie the ruling Zanu-PF, the opposition - MDC and other civil society organisations, has to be encouraged. Facilitation by South Africa and Zimbabwe’s neighbours and multilateral bodies is aimed at giving the Zimbabwean people the opportunity to engage in talks and find a mechanism towards a political resolution. Until such time that all sides are in talks, we are confident that it will be a Zimbabwean solution that will bring lasting stability in that country.

As far as the Haiti issue is concerned, I would like to thank the majority of South Africans, black and white, who support and have welcomed the decision by Government to give political asylum to the former President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. There is, however, those who are opposed to this and cite a terrible record of human rights violations - correctly so. They say that Aristide is a dictator and argue that as a result of South Africa being a champion of democracy and good governance, it should not spend a cent of public money on Aristide. This is a narrow way of looking at this issue and dangerous political adventurism. I fully agree with Prof Molefi Asante in his monthly column, which appeared in the City Press, 23 May 2004, where he said: The kidnapping and overthrow of Aristide remains a stain on the idea of democracy.'' He continued and said:Whites have not forgiven the African people of Haiti for defeating the greatest European military power of its day.’’ Comrade Mavivi Myakayaka-Manzini, the ANC head of international relations, in ANC Today said: ``We cannot support the violent removal of democratically elected leaders.’’

I’m bringing up these issues for our people to know about the history of Haiti, our connection to it and the call for unity of Africans, including those in the diaspora. Granting Aristide political asylum is not the first of its kind and is not part of the diplomatic strategy to resolve whatever problems that country or nation might be facing. It is also not the first time that that has occurred. Through our multilateral institutions, when Liberia was in turmoil, our leaders agreed that the solution was for the former President, Charles Taylor, to leave his country. He is being hosted by Nigeria during his political asylum. So we will have to continue to play that particular role as a country.

We welcome the Government’s response, support and diplomatic role within our own laws and the Geneva Convention regarding the visit and statement made by the attorney-general of the government of Equatorial Guinea, Mr Jose Bono, who recently visited South Africa for consultations with Government agencies, families and legal representatives of those arrested there. He assured South Africa that those people will be given a fair trial which will be observed by the international observers.

In conclusion, I was also requested to raise a challenge regarding the declaration signed by leaders of SADC - which we hope will find its way into the AU. That declaration says that by 2005 governments or heads of states should ensure that a gender balance of 30% representation of women is achieved in their parliaments, executive and organs of state. A note of concern, they say, should be raised with you to pursue the matter with other leaders in the region so that they follow the example of South Africa.

Lastly, I would like to inform you that as we celebrate Africa Day today, we hope that after July we’ll celebrate - as part of our overall celebrations - the hosting of the Pan-African Parliament. I thank you. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President and hon members, I take advantage of this opportunity in my capacity as the Speaker of the National Assembly to say something during this important debate. I will, of course, soon have an opportunity to again address the House on the occasion of the debate on the Budget Vote of Parliament in June.

The importance of this debate, apart from it being based on the state of the nation address by the President, is that it comes six weeks after our third election, which has produced this House. Hon members, we are a collective of South Africans who have been given a mandate by the electorate to use the institution of Parliament to respond to their needs, to make this country work better and to build our nation and the values which can better take us to a better future. Coming so soon after our successful election, it is an appropriate occasion for us as the elected representatives to thank the electorate for their confidence in us collectively.

Today I wish to reflect generally on some of the challenges that face this Parliament and some of the thoughts that need further processing as we move forward. The first relates to strengthening the working relations and linkages within governance. Between the various arms of governance in the country, we need to examine where there is room for improvement in our system and working relationships. Parliament must play its role alongside and together with the executive and the judiciary to strengthen our democracy. As a society and as a system, we must grow and we must strengthen ourselves by building on constitutional imperatives such as public participation, accountability and co-operative governance.

Elected public representatives, regardless of party-political affiliation, are representatives of, and accountable to, the public that elect them. They carry the authority of the masses of South Africans who came out in their thousands on the 14th of April. The act of election itself is an expression of democracy whereby the electorate freely expresses confidence in the organised groups of people called political parties. Though organised in political party formations, we, of course, always need to remember that the needs of all South African citizens must inform the work of Parliament and individual parliamentarians.

We must remember some of the challenges which have emerged in the past 10 years. The question of ensuring that ordinary people make their input in, for example, our public hearings, is one such challenge. Public hearings have tended to be largely opportunities for the elite in our society to express themselves. The question is, how do we strengthen our system to ensure that we enhance the capacity of ordinary people to make their voices heard in Parliament? We must seek to be informed by the views of the people on the ground in the work we do. More detailed proposals on this particular matter will be tabled as soon as we are ready with them.

As a new parliament, we must look at our parliamentary system in which one of the Houses, the NCOP, facilitates input directly informed by consultation with the provincial legislatures and communities. We need to consider if there are any improvements that are needed. We must consider whether we have fully appreciated and taken maximum advantage of their different roles.

In looking at how to strengthen the working relations between the two Houses of Parliament, the question of provincial visits by the respective committees of the two Houses is an area of particular interest. Are there any unnecessary overlaps? Do these committees and the Houses play different roles in the areas in which they work? How do we co-ordinate and enhance the effectiveness of the work by MPs and these committees on the ground towards deepening our democracy? These are all important questions which might sound technical, but have an important bearing on improving governance broadly and heightening our capacity to deliver on the hopes and aspirations of ordinary South Africans.

Over the past 10 years there have been many visits to other parliaments internationally. It is clear that parliaments of the so-called developed world are far better resourced than we are in many ways. I will focus more on this area in Parliament’s Budget Vote in June. For now I just wish to say that numerous discussions on this that have taken place over the past 10 years, and we definitely need to improve on the resources we allocate to, for example, our committee work, constituency work and other facilities which come as support to members of Parliament.

Today is Africa Day. It reminds us that we are not an island as a country. Even in the legislative sector we are part of collectives of parliaments and parliamentarians. On an ongoing basis we need to strengthen our work and linkages with parliaments in the region and Africa as a whole.

This coming Sunday our delegation will be leaving for Namibia to participate in the SADC Parliamentary Forum meeting. One of the key issues on the agenda of the SADC PF at present continues to be the challenge of regional integration, specifically in the context of the debate on the creation of a SADC parliament. This matter and the relevant documents have been referred to the Ad Hoc Committee on International Affairs. The National Assembly will soon have to debate the report that will emanate from that committee on this matter. Our views will then be conveyed to the executive, in particular the Department of Foreign Affairs that has already been in touch with us on this matter. I must also remind the House that we will soon have to decide on Parliament’s delegation to the Pan-African Parliament. These bodies at regional and continental levels are a proud realisation of the progress our continent is making as we take our destiny into our own hands as Africans. The work done by these institutions must always be informed by caring for our people, enhancing good governance, accountability and building a human rights culture in Africa. Hon members, hon President and Madam Deputy Speaker, thank you for your attention. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND TOURISM: Madam Deputy Speaker, there are some societies that are ripped apart by division. Yet others, like South Africa, seem to have an undefined ability to heal themselves.

For more than 400 years the people of Northern Ireland have waged war against one another, and the hon member Mr Asmal knows that history well. At times Irish Catholics were forbidden from receiving an education, holding any public office, living within five miles of any major town or owning land of any kind. Families have been destroyed, whole generations lost and, despite the best efforts of political leaders and the international community, that conflict continues.

Another of the world’s most enduring conflicts is that of the Middle East. From partition to mediation, to settlement and also to outright war, no lasting solution has ever been found and none seems likely, whilst atrocity is met with atrocity and violence spirals into new cycles of hatred.

How did we achieve, in the space of 10 years, what so many other nations have struggled for centuries to attain - a just and lasting peace? Our own history has more than enough examples of conflict, oppression, bitterness and deep-seated aggression. Take, for example, the Anglo Boer War; even 10 years after its end, hatred and bitterness between Briton and Boer was so deep that it resulted in the 1914 rebellion. Most significantly, take the struggle against apartheid, its casualties and the deep injustice that was the reality of South Africa for decades.

So, what then has been that South African difference? Part of the answer, I believe, lies in the insight of our people. In other conflicts there remains a deeply-held belief - on all sides - that ultimate victory is possible and that one side will eventually rise above the ashes. South Africans came to realise, however, that in some victories lies defeat, that winning a war will often lose the peace. This is the cornerstone of our new South Africa: The acknowledgement that every community has worth and that each person is needed to build our joint future.

Another powerful South African difference is that we did not delegate the responsibility for peace to political leaders alone. In our country it has been the strength of civil society that has helped to drive the agenda for unity and for reconciliation. Combined with the TRC and the too-often undervalued Chapter 9 watchdog bodies created by our Constitution, these have provided valuable safety valves to vent the frustrations and the concerns of all South Africans and to voice their ambitions.

What is clear, is that the South African difference has been the grass- roots approach to peace, cemented by visionary leadership. There are few areas in which this has been more apparent since 1994 than in the private sector, in which honest and voluntary partnerships between white and black enterprises have increasingly gained momentum.

Wie sou 10 jaar terug kon dink dat sakeleiers soos Nally Bosman, Tokyo Sexwale en Nthobi Angel sou saamstaan aan die stuur van die opvolger van die ou Volkskasbank? Of dat Sanlam, eens ‘n voertuig vir Afrikaner- bemagtiging, vandag ‘n dryfveer is vir swart ekonomiese bemagtiging onder die aanvoering van leiers soos Ton Vosloo en Patrice Motsepe? Of, soos bevind in ‘n onlangse Markinor-studie, dat 75% van wit boere in die land die belangrikheid van grondhervorming sou erken, met meer as 70% wat gewillig is om hul dienste as mentors aan te bied vir opkomende jong boere? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Who would have thought, 10 years ago, that business like Nally Bosman, Tokyo Sexwale and Nthobi Angel would be at the helm of the successor to the old Volkskas Bank together? Or that Sanlam, once a vehicle for Afrikaner empowerment, would today be an incentive for black economic empowerment under the command of leaders like Ton Vosloo and Patrice Motsepe? Or, as was found in a recent Markinor survey, that 75% of white farmers in the country would recognise the importance of land reform, with more than 70% prepared to offer their services as mentors for emerging young farmers?]

So, let no one doubt that we are entitled to celebrate what we have achieved and to say that we have done well together in our first 10 years, and give all the credit to the people of South Africa. If there was one overarching message of the President’s speech on Friday, however, it was that the job is incomplete, that the project remains unfinished and that it is time to deliver the fruits of our peace.

With the phenomenal news that our people will play host to the 2010 Soccer World Cup, it is certain that more visitors from more countries will experience South Africa than ever before. Although we will continue to put in the hard work required to sustain our normal tourism growth, the nature of World Cup tourism will be very different. Where before we received only limited numbers of Spanish, Portuguese and Japanese visitors, for example, those countries are now major markets waiting to be unlocked. It will require from us - all the role-players - a comprehensive tourism development plan on a new scale. One issue that will require our urgent attention in unlocking these markets, with the assistance of the hon Minister of Home Affairs, is to review the visa systems for those countries.

We will also need greatly increased numbers of direct flights to South Africa and more airport facilities of international calibre. The hon Minister of Transport announced yesterday that we will invest many more millions of rands in the public transport system. We will require the highest levels of quality control to ensure that our hospitality and hotel grading systems guarantee a positive and value-for-money experience. Because ultimately the measure of our success will not be how many visitors arrive for the World Cup, but how many of those visitors leave impressed and how many of them will return repeatedly.

This is a fantastic opportunity to launch South Africa as a global destination of choice, and not just for our main cities, but especially for our rural regions. The Soccer World Cup belongs not only to Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban, but also to Orkney, Polekwane, Rustenburg, Pretoria and Port Elizabeth. But is goes even further. It also belongs to the crafter in Beaufort West, the bed-and-breakfast in Alexandra and the tour guide in St Lucia. As with all tourism in South Africa, we must ensure that every community shares in the benefits of this growth.

In conclusion, it is time to get down to work. We know the road that we must travel together. We know the route that we must take to reach our goals in the second decade of freedom. There is no doubt that our just and lasting peace will endure. The only question is the quality of life that we can bring to every community as the rewards of the South African difference. As South Africans we stand ready to make that journey together. Thank you. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Mr President, Madam Deputy Speaker and hon members, I rise on behalf of the ANC to respond to the state of the nation address of the President, the hon Mr Thabo Mbeki.

The speech has received national and, indeed, international acclaim for its clarity of vision, incisiveness, clear targets and focus on delivering an economy and package of social services that will restore the dignity of our people and fight poverty. The ability of the ANC-led Government since 1994 to deliver on its election mandates was clearly felt by the majority of South Africans who voted the ANC into power for a third term with a huge majority.

Not only have we delivered social services, but also the Soccer World Cup in 2010. We will continue to make South Africa, Africa and the world proud of this Government. Mr President, indeed it is good to be an African, and proudly South African too.

Let me provide a small sample of what we have achieved in health over the past decade. Madam Deputy Speaker, our mass immunisation campaigns and the dedication of our health workers and mothers to ensuring that our children get immunised have resulted in our immunisation coverage increasing from 63% in 1998 to 74% in 2003. As a result, no child has died from measles since 1999. This is a major achievement of this Government. [Applause.]

In addition, our surveillance efforts will ensure that South Africa and indeed SADC is declared poliofree in 2005. Malaria has caused much suffering and death in three of our provinces, namely, KwaZulu-Natal, Limpopo and Mpumalanga. I am pleased to announce that as a consequence of our strengthened malaria control programme, which includes the efforts of the governments of Mozambique and Swaziland as part of the Lubombo Spatial Development Initiative, we have been decreasing cases of malaria and significantly lowering the number of deaths. We have now entered into a partnership with Zimbabwe in the fight against malaria at the borders of our countries.

The World Health Organisation’s target is a case fatality of 1%. We are currently just below this target and we will endeavour to reach 0,5% case fatality in the next five years. In addition, as was announced by the President, we will deliver on the 10% reduction in malaria cases per year.

We have contributed to a range of regional strategies on health in line with our commitments to Nepad. I am proud to report that for the first time at the WHO assembly African ministers of health spoke with one voice on all health policy issues. We are currently implementing the SADC Health Protocol and the SADC HIV and Aids programme. Our work in malaria control, with our neighbours, is one concrete example of our joint successes.

In February 2003 the President announced that people with disabilities would get health care free of charge at public health institutions. We have successfully implemented this programme in all provinces. We are currently working with the Department of Social Development to ensure that there is a seamless process in accessing disability grants and free health services, regardless of which department is first approached by people in need of these services. In addition, by the end of this financial year, the backlog with regard to wheelchairs and hearing aids that we inherited will be eliminated. The comprehensive HIV and Aids care management and treatment plan for South Africa is being implemented. Facilities have been identified in all provinces, and the selection of patients who qualify for the programme has taken place. In some case treatment has commenced. We will have at least one service point per health district by the end of the first year of the plan.

Allow me, Deputy Speaker, to reiterate, however, that this plan is more than just antiretrovirals. The ANC and this Government’s response to HIV and Aids has emphasised and will continue to emphasise the need for a comprehensive response on three levels, namely that prevention and care is as important as treatment; that Government action alone will not stop the spread of HIV infection; and that all sectors of society - every community, every family and every person - must take individual and collective responsibility to ensure that the incidence of HIV and Aids decreases in the second decade of our democracy. Our response must be intersectoral. All Government departments must have strong HIV and Aids programmes.

We have increased access to primary health care for all our people. Since 1994 we have built more than 1 300 new clinics in the underserved areas of our country. This means that primary health care facilities are more accessible to millions of South Africans. More recently, since 1 July 2003, we have implemented a scarce skills and rural allowance to ensure that we are able to attract and retain health workers in the rural areas of the country. This policy complemented the phased introduction of community services for health professionals that has resulted in especially pharmacists, speech and occupational therapists and physiotherapists being available in rural and other historically underserved areas of our country. Our people have seen these improvements in health service delivery. We are, therefore, not surprised that they voted for the ANC in such large numbers.

There have been suggestions that we neglected hospitals in the past ten years in favour of primary health care. Of course we have prioritised primary health care. Any sensible government would do this, because the majority of the population requires this level of care in the first instance. Let me state categorically, however, that we have not neglected our public hospitals. [Interjections.] We have made billions of rands available to revitalise our hospitals and to build new ones. Since 1999 we have commissioned 16 new hospitals. Amongst these are the Inkosi Albert Luthuli Hospital in KwaZulu-Natal, the Nelson Mandela Academic Hospital in Umtata in the Eastern Cape, and the Pretoria Academic Hospital in Gauteng. These are flagship hospitals comparable with the best in the world. [Interjections.] [Applause.] However, we have also focused on upgrading the existing hospitals. We have 27 hospitals in a revitalisation programme since 1999, which will ensure that their infrastructure, management and quality of care are significantly improved.

The public health sector will contribute to the Expanded Public Works Programme initiative by the President. We will expand our community health worker programme in every province to ensure that communities are provided with health information to prevent them from getting sick and to support individuals and families when they are ill.

We have developed, in consultation with community health workers, NGOs and academics, a new framework for the selection, training and stipends of community health workers that is in the process of being implemented. These community health workers will play a major role in ensuring that communities are able to access health and other public services as early as possible. I must add that while some of the community health workers are paid stipends, there are many who volunteer their services free of charge. In addition, we have encouraged especially retired nurses also to volunteer their services, and many have done so.

Besides volunteering their services to become community health workers, community members participate in structures established to ensure that their influence on how the health services are managed is felt. Communities participate through clinic committees and hospital boards where they present community concerns about health issues. I also encourage communities, especially the youth, to adopt healthier lifestyles. Proper nutrition, exercise and avoiding risky behaviour such as alcohol and drug abuse are issues that, in partnership with communities and other stakeholders, we shall endeavour to strengthen in the next five years. I have dealt extensively with the public health sector. However, the private sector in South Africa is equally large and in some ways more complex. This Government will work with the private sector to ensure that we develop synergies between the two sectors. We must, in line with the WHO’s recommendations, provide stewardship of the entire health system of this country. We cannot allow an unregulated private health sector which is both inequitable and, I believe, unsustainable. I held a meeting with senior representatives of the private health sector in April, at which we agreed that there was common ground between us as Government and the private sector, and agreed to develop a health charter. I will ensure that this process is completed by the end of this year and that the charter clearly sets out the role of the private sector in our country.

One of the key strategies for making health care more affordable is to reduce the cost of medicines. We are doing this by introducing a single exit price and ensuring that those who dispense the drugs only charge a professional fee. This brings me to the issue of dispensing licences. We must ensure that health professionals who wish to dispense drugs are trained adequately to do so. Thus we expect them to do a course and to apply for a licence. It is a very simple process and we encourage all health professionals who wish to dispense to apply for the licence.

Lastly, permit me to provide a few examples of the leadership role South Africa plays in the WHO. This role is exemplified by the fact that last week I was elected one of the vice-presidents of the WHO assembly to serve in this capacity for a year. [Applause.] In fact, I returned from Geneva only yesterday, where I must say I was very proud of the influence that we bring to bear on public health policies that affect the whole world. We adopted a range of resolutions that will in the years to come ensure better health for the world’s people.

For example, South Africa played a key role in the adoption of a range of resolutions, including a resolution on nutrition and physical activity to ensure a reduction in obesity. I am proud to report that South Africa chaired the task team drafting group which drafted this resolution, which is key to combating the effects of noncommunicable diseases such as hypertension, diabetes and asthma, as outlined by the President in his state of the nation address. We passed a resolution on the international migration of health workers to ensure that member states adopt a code of practice in this regard and that we also look at issues of compensation to the country of origin when such migration occurs. As you know, developing countries lose large numbers of highly trained health professionals to the developed world each year.

We greatly influenced the WHO assembly’s resolution on HIV and Aids to ensure that it focused on nutrition, traditional medicine and protection from counterfeit medicines. All these resolutions were passed by consensus.

I was elected also by African ministers of health to lead the African group at the WHO assembly. This enabled us to speak with one voice, as I have mentioned already. I chaired the Eastern and Southern African Global Fund constituency meetings.

In conclusion, Madam Deputy Speaker, permit me to salute all South Africans for their contributions to making the first decade of democracy such a special one for our country in particular, but also for Africa in general. Under the leadership of our President and the ANC, the next ten years will be even better for all South Africans. I thank you. [Applause.]

Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, I was elected by South Africans to speak here on their behalf and that is what I am going to do. One of the risks of being a leader is that your advisers and security people may isolate you from the realities of South Africa. During the election campaign, the President made a point of visiting people from all walks of life. We congratulate him on this. I know he experienced the realities of poverty and he saw the frustrations of ordinary people on the receiving end of local governments that do not deliver.

It is quite clear from the state of the nation address on Friday that the President is serious about solving the problems of poverty and the lack of job opportunities. We welcome this. The President used the words we shall'' andGovernment will’’ nearly 40 times in his speech. The speech therefore provides the voters out there with a checklist against which the Government’s performance over the next five years could be measured.

The proposal to build capacity at local government level by budgeting R8 billion is important, but money alone will not solve this problem. As long as municipal managers and officials receive salaries higher than those of Cabinet Ministers, this money will not build capacity. As long as local governments do not succeed in recovering taxes and service rates from residents, R8 billion will only be a short-term solution. As long as local councillors boast about how they forced experienced personnel to take early retirement and how they replaced them with friends and people with very little experience, these problems will not disappear.

The FF Plus predicts that many of these well-meant projects announced in the President’s speech will founder, not because there is something wrong with these plans, but because the necessary expertise simply does not exist on the delivery level. The FF Plus therefore urges Government to seriously consider, as a project, finding a way to bring back some of the former expertise and experience lost in order to ensure the realisation of these plans. I spoke to some of these ex-local government people who are willing to contribute if only they were asked. It is such a waste to have this expertise around, willing to make a contribution, but not being used at all.

In my remaining few minutes I want to address the DA, something that I don’t normally do.

Dis in die belang van die demokrasie in Suid-Afrika dat die ANC se 70% gebalanseer word met groter opposisiesamewerking. In die aanloop tot die verkiesing het die DA die belangrikheid van groter opposisiesamewerking teen die ANC gepropageer. Die VF Plus het dit verwelkom, maar ons het gou agtergekom dat die DA nie regtig samewerking wil hê nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] As die DA samewerking praat, beteken dit die insluk van ander opposisiepartye, soos mnr Louis Luyt se party. [Tussenwerpsels.] As die DA samewerking praat, beteken dit die vernietiging van partye wat hulle nie kan insluk nie, soos hulle met die VF Plus probeer doen het.

Dit is oneerlike en opportunistiese politiek. Dit is verouderde Westminster- denke wat in n homogene land soos Brittanje met n kiesafdelingstelsel kan werk. Ons het die Europese proporsionele stelsel. In so n stelsel sal daar altyd n groot verskeidenheid partye wees wat dan op `n verantwoordelike wyse moet saamwerk om goeie opposisie te verseker. Die DA verstaan dit nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Daarom het die DA-verkiesingstrategie misluk om te eindig met net twee partye in hierdie Parlement. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Die agb mnr Gibson het voorspel dat die DA ná die verkiesing 100 setels in die Parlement sal hê. Die DA het net die helfte daarvan gekry. Die agb mnr Ryan Coetzee het voorspel dat die DA 5% van die swart stemme sal kry, maar dit het n droom gebly. Die agb leier van die DA het hulle doelwitte vir die verkiesing in Februarie met die afskop van hulle verkiesingsveldtog in die Goeie Hoop-sentrum uitgespel. Hy't gesê hulle eerste doelwit is om in die Wes-Kaap te regeer. Dit het misluk. Die tweede doelwit was om in KwaZulu-Natal te regeer. Dit het misluk. n Verdere doelwit was om in elke provinsie in Suid-Afrika die naasgrootste party te wees. Dit het misluk. In Noordwes is die UCDP die opposisie, in die Oos-Kaap die UDM en in KwaZulu- Natal die IVP. [Tussenwerpsels.] Om saam met die IVP in hierdie verkiesing 30% van die stemme te kry, was die ander doelwit wat gestel is. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hulle is nie eens by 20% nie, wat nog te sê 30%, en dan het mnr Gibson voorspel hulle gaan oorneem in 2009. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die DA het nie een van die doelwitte bereik wat hy vir homself gestel het nie. [Tussenwerpsels.]

In die plaaslike verkiesing van 2000 het die DA 22% steun gehad; nou het hulle 12%. Dis 10% agteruit! Nou sê hulle ja, maar ons kan nie 2000 met 2004 vergelyk nie, want dis appels en pere wat jy met mekaar vergelyk. [Tussenwerpsels.] In die jongste DA-advertensies - u moet na die advertensies gaan kyk - het hulle die grafiek getrek om te sê só het die DA gegroei en het húlle die 9% van 1999 na die 22% van 2000 getrek en die voorspelling van 30% gemaak, so húlle vergelyk dit so met mekaar! [Tussenwerpsels.]

Wat is die punt wat ek probeer maak? Ek wil sê dis tyd dat die DA hulle strategie gaan herbedink en dan besluit of hulle op `n eerlike wyse met ander politieke partye kan saamwerk in belang van Suid-Afrika. Dis belangrik om saam te werk, dis belangrik om hierdie 70% te balanseer, maar nie op oneerlike, opportunistiese wyses nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

It is in the interest of democracy in South Africa that the ANC’s 70% should be balanced with greater opposition co-operation. In the run-up to the election the DA advocated the importance of greater opposition co- operation against the ANC. The FF Plus welcomed this, but we soon realised that the DA did not really want co-operation. [Interjections.] When the DA talks about co-operation, it means swallowing up other parties, such as Mr Louis Luyt’s party.[Interjections.] When the DA talks about co-operation, it means destroying parties that they cannot swallow up, as they tried doing with the FF Plus.

This is dishonest and opportunistic politics. It is archaic Westminister- type thinking that can work in an homogenous country like Britain with a constituency system. We have the European proportional system. In such a system there will always be a great variety of parties that have to work together in a responsible manner to ensure sound opposition. The DA does not understand this.[Interjections.] That is why the DA election strategy failed to end up with only two parties in this Parliament. [Interjections.]

The hon Mr Gibson predicted that after the elections the DA would have 100 seats in Parliament. The DA only got half of that. The hon Mr Ryan Coetzee predicted that the DA would get 5% of the black votes, but this remained a dream. The hon leader of the DA spelt out the DA’s aims for the elections in February when they kicked off their election campaign in the Good Hope Centre. He said their first aim was to govern the Western Cape. That failed. The second aim was to rule in KwaZulu-Natal. That failed. A further aim was to be the second biggest party in every province in South Africa. That failed. In the North West the UCDP is the opposition, in the Eastern Cape the UDM, and the IFP in KwaZulu-Natal. [Interjections.] To win 30% of the votes together with the IFP in the elections, was the other aim that they had set. [Interjections.] They are not even at 20%, let alone 30%, yet Mr Gibson predicted that they were going to take over in 2009. [Interjections.] The DA did not reach one of these aims it set itself. [Interjections.]

In the local elections of 2000 the DA had 22% support. Now they have 12%. That is 10% less! Now they are saying yes, but we cannot compare 2000 with 2004, because it is like comparing apples and pears.[Interjections.] In the latest DA advertisements - you must take a look at the advertisements - they drew the graph in such a way to show how the DA had grown and they drew the 9% of 1999 to the 22% of 2000 and made the 30% prediction, so they are in fact comparing them with one another in this way! [Interjections.]

What is the point I am trying to make? I would like to say that it is time for the DA to rethink its strategy and then decide whether they can co- operate in an honest manner with other political parties in the interest of South Africa. It is important to co-operate, it is important to balance this 70%, but not in dishonest, opportunistic ways. [Interjections] I thank you.[Applause.]]

Mrs M M SOTYU: Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker and hon President.

Eers wil ek sê, mnr Mulder, vir ‘n verandering sal ek met jou saamstem. Die DA ken nie die betekenis van die woord samewerking'' nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] [First of all I want to say, Mr Mulder, that I will agree with you for a change. The DA does not know the meaning of the wordco- operation’’. [Interjections.]

The ANC’s strategy and tactics document states that the battle against crime cannot be separated from the war on want. This document goes on to say that crime is a scourge that does not respect borders, with syndicates continuously and consistently making the entire globe the theatre of their criminal operations. We are pleased to say that the ANC-led Government has embarked on the National Crime Prevention Strategy that allows the South African Police Service to focus on preventing crime before it occurs or reoccurs. This strategy does not only remedy criminal situations, but also addresses the root causes of crime.

There are two approaches that are outlined by the crime combating strategy. The first one is the geographic approach and the second is the organised crime approach. These approaches require the SAPS to identify the sources that will be compatible with each crime spot. It is imperative that resources are distributed where they are needed the most.

Through these two approaches, the SAPS has managed to identify the following areas as the department’s priorities: serious and violent crime, organised crime, crime against women and children, and improved basic service delivery at police stations and upgrading the support system. Approximately 124 police stations were identified as requiring more intensive policing. Together with these police stations, the community forums have also been earmarked for increased resources and capacity in order to combat and prevent crime effectively. As a new focus, sector policing has become an effective tool, becoming a practical manifestation of community policing. Sector policing, as a tool, will not only improve communication between the police and the community, but will also determine the needs and problems, and identify criminal hotspots on a continuous and consistent basis.

Uluntu ngokubanzi maluncedisane nala madelakufa, oobamba isikhali ngobubanzi baso, ngokuzijula ijacu bekhonzela isizwe. Iinjubaqa mazingaphazamisani nocwangco. [People at large should work hand in hand with these heroes, who were prepared to pay the ultimate price in service of their nation. Criminals should refrain from disturbing the the order.]

Madam Deputy Speaker, the hon President in his state of the nation address said that 152 000 police officers would be appointed by 2006. It must be highlighted here that this process is already in progress. A policy on the recruitment and use of reservists has already been developed. With regard to serious crime against women and children there are programmes in place, including victim empowerment programmes. The Victim Charter of Services and the development of a policy on victim empowerment are being finalised. Shelter for abused women are among the SAPS’s areas of priority. Victim- friendly facilities have been provided at presidential and priority police stations. At most police stations, communities and NGOs run these services on a voluntary basis, thus enhancing community involvement in the process.

Madam Deputy Speaker, rape should get priority in the criminal justice system, especially from the investigation and prosecution authorities. Child protection and sexual offences units need to get additional resources in the 2006 budget to enhance their functions. This increment will yield clear programme plans and implementation on how increased resources will be utilised.

A conference on human trafficking held in Pretoria at the beginning of May 2004 heard that South Africa is a major destination and source for international child trafficking. Susan Christian of the council of the National Center for Justice and the Rule of Law in the USA told the conference that between 28 000 and 38 000 children were currently being prostituted in South Africa. Having said that, we are pleased to learn that an accelerated programme to transform immigration services and improve border control and security is under way.

I would like to take this opportunity to commend and salute the men and women in blue who sacrifice their lives in dangerous situations. We would like to commend the police for a job well done during our national elections. This follows a host of other successful national and international events that South Africa hosted over the past years. We are ready for the 2010 soccer tournament.

Tshwarang jwalo banna le basadi. Ha re sebeletseng tokoloho ena ya rona eo re e fumaneng ka thata. Tshwarang ka thata batho beso. Presidente, Dlamini, Zizi, Jama ka Sjadu, o re buletse tsela, hare se ke ra e lahlang re ye pele. Setjhaba sa heso ka ntle ka moo, lekang ka ditsela tsohle hore le tshehetse sepolesa sa rona, re leke hore re thibele hore dikweta tsena tse kanakana ka hara naha re se ke ra difa sebaka. Hobane re batla hore matjhaba a kene ka hara naha ho lokisetsa tonamente ya rona ya 2010. Ke a leboha [Mahofi.] (Translation of Sotho paragraph follows.)

[Men and women, be strong. Let us work hard for this freedom that we fought for for so long. Be stonrg, brothers and sisters. Our President, Dlamini, Zizi, Jama of Sjadu, has shown us the way, let us not lose it, let’s go forward. Our nation out there, try by all means to support our police, so that we may not give the criminals an opportunity to do what they want. We want all nations to come to our country for the preparations for the games in 2010. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon members, the President has spoken, and we noted with interest, much admiration and encouragement as ordinary South Africans his bold pronunciations about how he intends to make South Africa a prosperous, caring and better country for all to live in.

We believe this is the same mission which his predecessor, former President Nelson Mandela, wanted to achieve. There is no doubt that as the opposition we have an active role to play to make sure that the President’s blueprint for socioeconomic development is realised. We are aware and mindful of the challenges that lie ahead and the President and his Executive will not shoulder this responsibility alone.

We are there not to criticise when things fall apart, but to build so that we share a common understanding of the problems confronting the country when dealing with unemployment, poverty, homelessness, diseases, crime and other pressing issues that make it difficult for the poorest of the poor to enjoy democracy. However, we have to caution that the President’s programme of action and its implementation should be felt at grass-roots level, by both rural and urban communities.

It is at this stage of implementation that many governments’ programmes fail, not because their objectives are wrong or suspect, but simply because silent voices of civil society are not given space to help implement those programmes, especially with regard to labour-intensive public works projects. We need to create employment opportunities that are sustainable. We also need to create a climate that will enable enterprises to thrive, as these institutions are the engines that drive the economy. We also welcome the announcement that black economic empowerment will be accelerated. The success of BEE will be measured by how many people we are able to introduce to the mainstream economy. Many people are sceptical as to who the real beneficiaries will be. Mr President, for this programme to succeed, it should not be linked to party affiliations, as this is the concern that many have expressed, judged by the reality on the ground that many BEE deals have gone to people who are connected to the ruling party. But we hope that this time around we will see real entrepreneurs being given a chance through these empowerment deals. If the President is ready to work, so we are. He can count on us, because if South Africa wins, we all win, and vice versa.

Motlotlegi Tautona, puso e tshwana le kgetsi ya tsie, e kgonwa ka go tswaraganelwa. Dirisa magosi segolobogolo mo diporofenseng , ba thusanye le dipusosemorafe tse di leng teng. Magosi a tlhomilwe ke Modimo ka lorato le tsholofelo ya go direla batho ba one go ba tlhokomela. Tsholetsa seme. [Nako e fedile.] (Translation of Tswana paragraph follows.)

[Hon President, the Government’s work can also become easier when many people give their assistance. Make use of traditional leadership, particularly in the provinces. They should co-operate with the local government that exists. Traditional leaders have been inaugurated by God with love and with the hope of serving their people, as well as looking after them. Be firm. [Time expired.]]

Mr H P MALULEKA: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon members, comrades and friends, South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and a settlement of international disputes by negotiation, not war. ``Peace and friendship among all people shall be secured by upholding equal rights, opportunities and status for all.’’ This is a quotation from the Freedom Charter that was adopted in 1955. This has been the cornerstone of our foreign policy since the democratic elections in 1994.

Our Government and the population at large have committed themselves to the multilateral system of world governance. We recognise the United Nations organisation as a primary multilateral body that is entrusted to ensure collective peace and security for our world and to facilitate economic and social development. Although we are a young democracy, we are confident that we can play a key role in the efforts to restructure and transform the United Nations and its agencies. This, we believe, will enhance multilateralism.

We recognise and understand the fact that on our own there is very little we can do to realise our objectives, whether on the continent or elsewhere in the world. Whatever we do, we act as a collective to address issues, be it on our continent or elsewhere in the world. I know that some sections of this House would not understand this notion, hence they supported the invasion of Iraq. But the majority of our population believes in our strategy, therefore we will go on with it. [Interjections.]

En ek sal dit eintlik in Afrikaans sê. Ek dink wat vandag in Irak gebeur, moet eintlik ‘n les wees vir die opposisie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Agb Speaker, die gebeurtenisse in Irak vandag moet ‘n les wees vir die opposisie, en dit moet hulle wys dat eensydige besluite nie werk nie. [And I will, in fact, say this in Afrikaans. I think what is happening in Iraq today should actually be a lesson to the opposition. [Interjections.] Hon Speaker, the events in Iraq today should be a lesson to the opposition, and it must show them that unilateral decisions do not work.]

We will always seek to build strategic partnerships with strategic countries on the continent in an effort to consolidate the African agenda. Our relationships with countries such as Algeria, Nigeria, Mali, Egypt, Tanzania, Botswana and Mozambique are but a few examples. We will also continue to build and forge strategic relationships with strategic countries of the South in an effort to consolidate the agenda of the countries of the South. Our interaction and relations with Brazil in South America and India on the subcontinent, and our commitment to strengthening relations with China, is a demonstration of our efforts, and already these relations have yielded some positive outcome for both our country and the continent.

Our relations with the countries of the North, or the developed countries, are extremely good. Today, whatever we say as a country and collectively as the countries of the South, the developed countries are taking note of that. Our agenda with the countries of the North is based on the following issues: global good governance, consolidation and implementation of Nepad objectives, global poverty and underdevelopment. As these are primary problems facing the world, a multilateral approach to international disputes, which provides legitimacy to actions and ensures a solution to the question of international peace and security, is more sustainable.

We are advocating a broad-based world trade system that will benefit everyone in the world. As I have indicated before, our Government and our people respect the will of the international community. The Caribbean countries, through their regional organisations, Caricom, and the African Union, requested our Government and our people to host President Aristide from Haiti. This request was made in the interests of peace in that country. But who is President Aristide? Let me give members just a few facts about him: he was a Catholic priest who was part of those who we associated with liberation theology and was very prominent from the 70s to the 90s. Most of the people seated on my left will not understand this liberation theology, because they were protected from knowing about it. [Laughter.]

Haiti became the first independent black republic in 1804. It has been ruled by dictators and criminals that are still being sheltered by some prominent Western countries.

An HON MEMBER: Is that why he is coming here? Mr H P MALULEKA: In December of 1990, Haiti’s first-ever free and fair democratic elections were held. President Jean Bertrand Aristide was elected as president of that small, troubled country. Within a year of his election, he was overthrown by General Raoul Cedras and was forced into exile in the United States of America. In 1995 he returned to Haiti on condition that he did not contest the election that year, but he contested the 2000 general elections and won by a clear landslide. On February 29 of this year, the French Foreign Minister and the US Secretary of State suggested to President Aristide that he step down despite the fact that he had been democratically elected. President Aristide’s case again highlighted the importance of the multilateral institutions. If we had a properly functioning multilateral system, problems such as this one could have been avoided. It is in line with our own international commitments that we host President Aristide.

Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, the world will know no peace until the Middle East question is resolved. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has all the ingredients to destabilise peace in the whole world. The United Nations needs to play a more prominent role in efforts to solve this crisis. Activists from the region who assist with the matter need to be given our full support in their endeavours. We need to emphasise the point that a solution to the problems lies with both the Israeli and Palestinian communities. They need to find each other. The efforts of ordinary citizens on both sides to find common ground need to be encouraged.

Lastly - because some parties have spoken about the election campaign and the President visiting certain communities - I think it is also important to share with this House that the President did not only see poverty and the other things that were raised, but received a warm reception, especially from Afrikaner communities. Some people, on seeing the President in their houses or in front of their houses, came out. Outside of a few incidents, one elderly Afrikaner tannie [woman] came out and held the President by both his arms and said: ``Mnr die President, ons bid vir jou, want wat jy doen vir ons, veral die pensioenarisse is baie goed.’’ [Mr President, we are praying for you, because what you are doing for us, especially the pensioners, is very good.]

And the one elderly gentleman said: ``Thabo, luister nou hier! Jy is nog baie jonk, maar ek wil vir jou sê, jy is die regte ou vir die regte job.’’ [Thabo, listen here, you are still very young, but I want to tell you, you are the right person for the right job.] [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Long live Africa Liberation Day! Long live mighty Africa! Madam Speaker and Mr President, the PAC welcomes the Government’s programme for the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment which the President unveiled in his state of the nation address.

The PAC holds that this century is Africa’s finest hour. Great things are in store for us if we would but take courage and act in the interests of the poor majority of this country, who were dehumanised by colonialism and apartheid and have still not recovered economically from that dehumanisation.

From the PAC’s perspective, Pan-Africanists and all progressive forces are once again being summoned by history to renew their vows to the Pan-African vision of a rejuvenated Africa and a country where no one will sleep in a cemetery, as has been the case in Maitland Cemetery here in Cape Town for years now, or live in shacks which often burn down, resulting in the tragic loss of life; where no one shall be unemployed and where all the poor children shall receive free education. Yes, genuine liberation shall prevail, where the minority shall not oppress the majority economically and dominate them technologically, and where the people of this country shall not buy their water from the rich because of the privatisation of strategic state assets sold to the rich.

The people of this nation and continent have been waiting in anxious expectation for a concrete programme which will assist them to realise their hopes and aspirations. They have known suffering for a long time. The national agenda for the economic and social emancipation of the poor dare not fail. The PAC will play its role to see that it succeeds. It was the primary objective and ultimate goal of our national liberation struggle. We went to prison for it. Our freedom fighters died for it. Let their sacrifices not be in vain.

The PAC, however, concurs with the recent United Nations Development Programme report which confirms that South Africa needs a fundamental policy shift if radical changes which benefit the poor and the landless are to occur in this country. Is the President prepared to consider a policy shift?

Twenty million of our people live below the poverty line. There must be a change in their lives. In the view of the PAC, there shall be eradication of poverty only when four things happen. Firstly, our children must receive free education tailored to the needs of our country’s development, in order to raise our country technologically to heights where we shall have the technological capacity to process our raw materials here at home and export them as finished products and enrich ourselves.

Secondly, we ask questions about the apartheid debt which consumes so much of our national budget. This debt was incurred for our genocide. It is therefore an odious debt. Yet this year alone we are servicing it at R50,4 billion, at R53,7 billion next year and at R57, 9 billion in 2006. As long as this debt consumes so much of our national budget, the millions of the poor in our country can kiss their emancipation from poverty goodbye.

Thirdly, those who control land control economic power. Research shows that, with the present Government’s land policy, it will take 80 years to distribute a mere 30% of agricultural land to African farmers. Fourthly, our Constitution must be amended to enable land distribution to start from long before 1913. There must also be a law prohibiting the sale of land to foreigners until our own people have land for decent houses, farming, mining, fishing, etc. Renewable leases of 99 years must be offered against the sale of land to foreigners.

There is nothing strange about this position of the PAC. Russia did not sell its land to foreigners until 2002. Britain sold its land to foreigners for the first time in 1810. It does not make sense to sell land to foreigners while our own people are still dispossessed of their land. Moreover, with the collapsed value of our rand, our land is being auctioned for peanuts for our permanent land dispossession. However, we would like to emphasise that we wish this programme great success.

Izwe lethu! [Our land!]

The MINISTER FOR PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Madam Speaker, the hon President, colleagues in the National Assembly, if we are clear in our direction then it is always easier to take each step on the road. In our economic policy we are clear in our direction, and it is for this reason, Mr President, that it was possible for you to spell out the detail of the steps that we will take in the next few months. These steps will, in turn, define the path that we walk in the third democratic administration.

The virtue of this clarity is that we do not have to chop and change our policy or respond to the capricious whims of the pundits, including those in the opposition benches, or to ill-conceived and ill-advised reports produced by international agencies. However, we do have to change emphasis and focus as our policy makes its impact and we do have to ensure that we respond to what is happening in the economy and the society. The programme that you set out is such a response to the changes we see.

It was essential to undertake a 10-year review and to define for ourselves the possible scenarios that could unfold if we did not act. This work and the benefit of two comprehensive census results have allowed us to change emphasis and focus to meet new challenges.

Let me summarise the key findings of this 10-year review and the outcome of the census. The structural changes in our economy in response to better macroeconomic management and reduced protection have been positive. The economy has diversified its range of investment and exports. The value addition in the economy is increasing and in particular it is increasing in our exports. We are now a competitive manufacturing economy that is benefiting from major free-trade agreements such as that with the European Union. Our reform process on the fiscal and trade policy terrains means we are well positioned both in the WTO negotiations and in the world trading system. These are positive developments that we have to further enhance.

Despite major structural change in our economy since 1994, two million new jobs in the formal and informal sectors have been added between 1996 and

1. This is a considerable achievement. However, we have much more work to do. The number of new jobs is not enough in the light of two important demographic developments. These are the effects of higher population growth rates in earlier periods that now bring new entrants to the labour market and a significantly higher participation rate, by women in particular, in the labour market. This means that we are not as yet reducing the overall level of unemployment. This is a serious problem as it impacts on poverty and income inequality.

The structural change in the economy has another important effect and this is the need for more and new skills sets in the economy. For older workers with low skills levels this is serious as it starts to expel them from the labour market. The same applies to young persons with poor training and inappropriate skills.

Taken together these factors begin to open a fault line in our political economy. There are those who are located in an economy with rising productivity and an active and successful engagement with the global markets, and those located in activities and locations that are moving to the margins of our economy and society. Such a fault line must not be allowed to deepen. To highlight this process from a policy and implementation point of view we began to work with the notions first articulated by the President of a first and second economy.

Contrary to the Leader of the Opposition’s point of view, this is not the usual formal-informal divide, as there are formal activities that are moving to the margins and, as we will examine, there are activities that are not recorded that are productive in potential and actuality that reside in the second economy. The challenge we set ourselves is to begin to reintegrate the two economies and prevent a permanent fault line from developing with its profound socioeconomic, humane and political consequences.

To understand the policy adjustments we are now making we need to look more closely at what we mean by the second economy and how we see it changing in the short to medium term. There is, of course, more work to be done on the precise geography and sociology of the second economy. Let me say that this is not an urban-rural divide; these are processes that exist in urban areas and rural areas. Certainly, we are not yet fully on top of the precise relationships that work in this economy, and we need to understand that.

However, for the present we are working on the basis that there are three domains within this second economy that we have to address. There are many activities in the second economy that could become more effective income- earning and income-generating economic entities. However, they are restricted by the bias towards the first economy when it comes to finance, access to information and infrastructure and by regulation and weak support by the state. This requires us to act in the areas of access to finance, infrastructure and business support services. There will also be a regulatory review. However, such a regulatory review will not be designed to reduce worker rights, as some would have us do. Its purpose is to reduce compliance costs and remove redundant provisions.

These programmes that have been set out in some detail in other presentations in Parliament and the press briefings are designed to vitalise enterprise development where it is now marginalised. What we are looking to do is to ensure that in township areas that were previously isolated and in rural areas that were previously isolated we provide the necessary support to allow enterprises to begin to flourish and grow. The role of services in this regard is particularly important. There are many activities undertaken in communities - service-type activities - that could be viable and effective enterprises, and the services strategy that we are working on is an attempt to address this and vitalise this sector of the economy. If we do that by creating new enterprises and new wealth we will have a traditional multiplier effect that will contribute to economic growth.

The second domain within the second economy is less amenable to generating economic enterprises, but here it is possible to increase the prospects of obtaining sustainable livelihood. Again, this can be in the form of building infrastructure; it can be in the form of providing social services; it can be in the form of self-sustaining production of food and other products. A large part of the Expanded Public Works Programme and aspects of the service strategy I have just made reference to are designed to facilitate this possibility of a sustainable livelihood being created that makes people’s lives better.

Finally, there are vulnerable population segments that have to be assisted by an effective welfare net. Clearly, our objective is to expand the first two domains - creating enterprises and creating sustainable livelihoods - and thereby limiting the need to provide the welfare component within the parameters of what would be long-term sustainability.

Within the first economy we have to speed up the microeconomic reform strategy and focus on growth areas. As we do this we need to ensure that the processes of this first economy begin to attract, interact and facilitate with parts of the second. At present too much happens in the first economy which repels the enterprises that could exist in the second, and it will be the task in the programmes we have set through credit law, access to finance and many other programmes that have been announced to try to create a linkage between potential enterprises in the second economy and what happens in the first. New approaches and new methods have to be developed to deal with this; new activities will have to be created. These are tremendous challenges.

The key transversal aspects of the microeconomic reform strategy are energy, logistics or transport systems, telecommunications, research and development, and access to finance. Now here the state-owned enterprises play an absolutely crucial role. If you think back to what I’ve just said, in each of these areas we have major state corporations. Hence, the emphasis in the restructuring of state assets will now be on ensuring the required investment to ensure leading-edge systems in these areas. As has been the case up to now, we will use the various options of strategic equity partners, joint ventures, concessions, licensing arrangements and in certain areas outright sale of assets. But the efficiency and financial sustainability of the state-owned enterprises is now our prime focus in order to open up higher levels of investment in the economy as a whole, leading to higher growth and more development in our basic infrastructure. We have not done it in the past, nor do we now contemplate the sale of strategic assets in the energy system, transport system and defence industry.

The notion that the solution is to sell everything and then the market will work is naive in the extreme. It hasn’t worked anywhere and it’s not working now. It is the combination in balance between effective state-owned enterprises located in strategic sectors of the economy and effective mechanisms to involve and work with the private sector. It is our intention to continue to increase the involvement of the private sector in these sectors that I have mentioned in order to achieve our objectives.

It is also important to realise that the more stable and effective our state-owned enterprises are, the greater the role they can play in Nepad in the provision of infrastructure beyond our borders. The importance of this to our economy, and to all economies in Africa, just cannot be stressed enough.

In the restructuring of the public sector a more focused and structured approach will be taken to black economic empowerment, in partnership with key state financing agencies such as the National Empowerment Fund, the IDC, the Public Investment Commissioners and Khula. Very significant empowerment opportunities exist, and we will move to realise them. To try to depict current black economic empowerment activities as merely empowering an elite is a convenient camouflage for resisting the process. In truth, enterprises of all sizes are emerging. And is it surprising that where no ANC-aligned persons could sit on any board of any state-owned enterprise for many decades, that we have to ensure that many of them sit on those boards now? We are the majority. Is it being suggested, possibly, that the ANC should govern, but that the DA should sit on the boards? God forbid that we allow such incompetence. [Applause.] [Interjections.] That’s why we can’t allow anyone from the DA - we can’t find competence. [Interjections.] The other components of our work in the first economy have been extensively set out in the President’s address and in the briefings that departments and Ministers are in the process of giving at present. In essence we are working off the base of our past achievements now to reach higher and go further in the objective of providing a better life for all. As we do this, we need to ensure a more caring economic environment that brings women, youth and the disabled firmly into the economy at every level of endeavour. This can also only be done if we stress the requirements of broad-based, black economic empowerment as well.

Hon President, I believe we are entering a very exciting period with higher levels of investment and many opportunities for the private sector to be part not only of the growth process, but, in addition, the developmental process. There is an abundance of BEE opportunities and possibilities in this growth process, and we can more consciously focus on the locus of poverty in the second economy. You’ve set out very detailed milestones and they are there to be met. We need to build the partnership for the economy, get these milestones behind us and meet our targets in full. Hard work and diligence have earned us a major event - the World Cup - and this will not only provide us with many opportunities, but will keep us focused. As a people and an economy we are coming of age, and we demonstrate the benefits of leadership by those with a clear ability to represent the aspirations of our people, but who, at the same time, understand the intricacies of the world we live in. I think this is very important. We’ve been able to show over the past 10 years our ability not only to manage an economy, build it and grow it, stabilise it and correct major structural flaws, but we’ve been able to understand the intricacies and the realities of what’s happening in the world economy.

Many of the propositions put to us as economic policy are single-issue, naive propositions without any clear understanding of what the impact would be - not only on our economy, but how it would affect our interactions with the global economies. And it’s for this reason that the President very wisely - because he is a very good economist and because this Government understands economics - decided that we cannot start easily setting targets in the current environment. We learnt, when we did it in Gear, setting an indicative figure, that many, many things happen. So our objective is to make sure that we create the basic conditions for higher levels of growth. One of the great achievements of these past 10 years is that for the first time in South Africa’s economic history we actually broke the balance-of- payments bottleneck. South Africa can grow faster without a balance-of- payments constraint.

What we are now working on is to ensure that the basic infrastructure - the logistical systems, the energy systems, the research and development systems and the telecommunication systems - make our economy more effective, reduce the cost of doing business and allow that first economy to expand more rapidly. At the same time we have introduced programmes and packages of policy designed to ensure that the faultline that we identified

• and we identified it, no other party identified it - that has been developing in South Africa between what we have referred to as the first and the second economy, does not deepen, and that we create a South African economy that will provide a better life for all. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Speaker and the President of South Africa, the recent Government review entitled ``Towards Ten Years of Democracy’’ makes two important pronouncements. Firstly, the proportion of households living in poverty has risen from 20% in 1995 to nearly 33% in 1999. Secondly, jobs grew at about 1,2% per year, failing to keep up with the 4% per year increase in the economically active population.

When looking at these two statements, Azapo observed that over the last decade jobs grew by 12%, but the economically active population grew by 35% over the same period. Unemployment is now standing at between 35% and 38%, depending, of course, on whose statistical data one wants to believe. Some statisticians have revealed a more telling figure of more than 80% for families that have no significant economic activity, despite having one or more employed adults.

The review concluded that the advances made in the first decade by far exceeded the weaknesses. It is within this context that Azapo supports the kinds of timeframes that have been set as part of a decisive strategy to eradicate poverty and joblessness. Of interest to Azapo are the following issues. Firstly, we need a commitment to building a sense of national unity, united activities and patriotism. To this end we suggest that we should, for a start, celebrate all national days as a nation and not as separate political parties.

Secondly, we need a review of the regulatory framework that impacts on small and medium enterprises. When this review is conducted, Azapo wishes to point out some areas that need attention. We suggest that the harassment of hawkers, spaza shops, shebeens, taxis and taverns should be made a thing of the past. Law enforcement agencies known as liquor squads, hawker squads and all squads specifically aimed at the economic activities of the poor should be disbanded. Documentation relating to small businesses should be simplified and translated into all official languages, to make it easy for members of poor communities to carry out their economic activities with ease. Businesses in black areas should be promoted so that the poor are able to spend their money within their own communities.

Thirdly, the Expanded Public Works Programme is yet another area of Azapo’s interests. This programme, whilst it is meant to accelerate the creation of jobs, is nevertheless open to unscrupulous and corrupt individuals, as well as companies, who might use this important programme as a means to enrich themselves. This programme should be managed in such a way that these corrupt individuals and companies should never find a way to gain at the expense of the poor. Furthermore, care should be taken that jobs created under this programme are sustained. Our country’s ability to eradicate poverty can only be sustained if at the same time we can sustain jobs.

Azapo supports the commitment to expanding the child support grant and raising the upper age limit to 14. However, Azapo is concerned about street children, who, because of the circumstances under which they live, are not easily accessible, and therefore do not benefit from the present child support grant. We suggest that an appropriate strategy should be devised to make it possible for these eligible children to be brought into the net.

The Government’s intention to eradicate mud schools and other dangerous conditions that expose learners and teachers to unhealthy schooling by the end of the financial year is indeed an important statement that indicates a brighter future for our children. This statement, read with the one regarding aligning courses at technical colleges to our national requirements, goes a long way towards improving our education environment. In conclusion, we wish to support the re-establishment of the agricultural credit scheme. The R1 billion earmarked for this will go a long way in assisting the poor to carry out their agricultural pursuits with determination. We will be there with you and will monitor all these timeframes to ensure that they are adhered to. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SPORT AND RECREATION: Madam Speaker, hon President, today without reservation and without any platitudes, I stand boldly as a proud South African, an African who has had an Afrikaner background and upbringing. In short, I was socialised into and by a society which, in almost all ways, was beyond correction, or so I thought.

When the ANC arrived in 1990, in its full glory, this thought had to be dispelled. I am grateful to my Maker, my God, that I had the good sense of joining the ANC when the political shack, the DA was created. This afforded me an opportunity to walk the road with dignity and hope that at least there is a chance for correction and redress.

The President’s state of the nation address is a clarion call to all South Africans, regardless of race, to help create the conditions in our country where separateness, hate, suspicion and racial arrogance permanently disappear from our beloved country, thus creating a peaceful South Africa. We cannot just say that South Africa belongs to all who live in it when we refuse to take responsibility for making it liveable for all who do live in it.

Mr President, I am humbled by your decision to entrust me with the responsibilities of a Deputy Minister for a department which is so vital in and for nation-building. I thank you, Mr President.

The national chairperson of the ANC, Comrade Mendi Msimang, Mewa Ramgobin and Dr Manie Schoeman, my fellow comrade, to name but a few, eased my soul by convincing me that it was time for parents to teach young people, early in their lives, that in diversity there was beauty and strength. [Applause.] Under the ANC leadership we have learned that diversity makes for a rich tapestry, and that all of us have to understand that all the threads of the tapestry are equal in value, regardless of the different colours.

In this regard the contributions of the active interventions of our sportspersons are critical for the national nonviolent transformation of our country into a nonracial and united South Africa. Sports can and must play a special role in this regard. It is befitting to salute the South Africans who pioneered the cause of nonracialism in sports. Special reference must be made to Sacos and the National Federation of Soccer. With 2010, the souls of these pioneers will not only be resting in peace, but they will be content in the knowledge that the efforts of the ANC do justice to the human spirit, and that the ANC leads and that the ANC will not fail to lead.

Our demand for a social contract, a covenant, is for all of us to get together to destroy those remaining vestiges of social barriers which stand in the way of unfolding our freedom. May I say, Madam Speaker, that resistance and an unwillingness to do so will be injurious to our common humanity. With 2010 coming, to quote Dr Frederik van Zyl Slabbert, ``a person may die of many causes, but here in South Africa to die of boredom is a criminal act against yourself by yourself’’. [Applause.]

Madam Speaker, only the new democratic dispensation could deliver 2010. We make dreams come true. We have delivered a contract for the people with opportunities for all. It is now our duty to consolidate, as Africans, and to show the world who we are, what we are, and what we have to offer.

As we humbly accept the honour to host 2010 on behalf of our nation and our continent, we also acknowledge that it is the international leadership role of our President Mbeki which is now bearing fruit. Madam Speaker, 2010 is a living monument to precisely that international leadership. [Applause.]

Mev die Speaker, my ervaring is dat 2010 ons as ‘n nasie net so verenig soos 1995 toe die Amabhokobhoko oorwinnaars in die Wêreldbeker-rugby was. Dog ervaar ek, en moet ek sê jammerlik so, dat sokker deur sommige mense as ‘n swart sport beskou word in hierdie land. Vir diesulke denkers moet ek sê hier is nou weer ‘n geleentheid om vooroordele af te breek, want hier is nou nog een geleentheid om saam deel te wees van ons wenland.

Van die Afrikaners, en andere, is dalk nog in die afgelope verkiesing op ‘n dwaalspoor geplaas deur van die opposisie-leiers. Daar is mense wat nog die slagoffers is van die dogma wat vra hoe ver of hoe na moet die Afrikaners van die regering, die ANC en die swartes in die algemeen staan, en hoe toegeeflik of hoe onversetlik moet hulle wees oor sake wat hulle na aan die hart lê.

Ek vra van die Afrikaner: Moet nie vir u laat marginaliseer of laat lam lê nie. Ons het talle geleenthede wat hulle voordoen. Ek vra van die Afrikaner om in die gees van ubuntu en inklusiwiteit aktief mee te werk om die skanse van wanbegrip van die verlede af te breek en om te bou aan wedersydse vertroue en gemeenskaplike belange - dít tot voordeel van ons almal in hierdie land. Ons moet ‘n bydrae maak tot die toekoms van ons land in sy geheel, want ons is mos almal Afrikaner, nie waar nie? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Madam Speaker, my experience is that 2010 unites us as a nation in the same way as when, in 1995, the Amabhokobhoko were triumphant in the World Cup rugby. Yet I find, and I must say unfortunately, that soccer is regarded as a black sport by some people in this country. To those people who think like that I want to say that here we have another opportunity to break down prejudices, because here we have another opportunity together to be part of our winning country.

Some Afrikaners, and others, could possibly have been misled by the opposition leaders in the recent election. There are people who are still the victims of the dogma which asks how far from or how close to the Government, the ANC and the blacks in general the Afrikaners should distance themselves, and how lenient or how unyielding they should be about matters that are close to their hearts.

I ask the Afrikaners: Do not allow yourselves to be marginalised or paralysed. Many opportunities are presenting themselves. I ask the Afrikaners to work together in the spirit of ubuntu or inclusiveness to break down the barriers of misunderstanding of the past and to build on mutual confidence and communal interests - to the advantage of us all in this country. We must make a contribution to the future of our country in general, because we are all South Africans, not so?]

Madam Speaker, as part of Government’s ongoing commitment to putting the interests of all the people of South Africa at the top of its agenda, the Expanded Public Works Programme presents a further manifestation of our views. The possibilities opened up by our successful bid to host the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup finals and the Expanded Public Works Programme are endless. It not only serves to demonstrate the real capacity of sports to contribute to the realisation of national objectives and priorities, but also motivates us to look positively at other opportunities that present themselves. The possible hosting of the Commonwealth and Olympic Games, amongst other major international sports events, in the future, is such an opportunity. May I say that in fact, the 2010 event places South Africa on the fast track to hosting the 2011 Rugby World Cup.

The ANC Government will not hesitate to make the resources in the hands of the state available to create opportunities to uplift all South Africans. This is aimed at creating a better life for all, hence the decision of the Government to support and provide the guarantees for and to invest in the bid to host the 2010 World Cup finals. This is a further manifestation of our commitment to creating a caring society by ensuring that those without jobs benefit from this very initiative.

The 2010 bid will not only provide opportunities for employment, but also for skills development that will hopefully ensure the sustainability of jobs well beyond 2010. It will contribute to our objective of ensuring that the country’s wealth, skills training and other opportunities are more equitably shared by all our people, irrespective of race, gender, disability or age. It will contribute to our commitment to reducing the levels of unemployment in our country. We will combine the resources of the public and private sectors to build an economy that benefits all.

The commitment of the private sector to investing R120 million in the 2010 Soccer World Cup, and the contribution of our state to cover the shortfall demonstrates the power of working together. Together we win. Our commitment to serve as Africa’s stage extends the potential impact of the event to well beyond our borders. It demonstrates our commitment to the development of our region and our continent. It is part of our efforts, in conjunction with our brothers and sisters on the continent, to ensure the success of Nepad. Africa remains the least developed and most marginalised continent.

The hosting of the 2010 finals should contribute to ensuring that South Africa, the region and the continent take up their rightful place as a full and active member of the global family of nations. The fact that we were awarded the 2010 World Cup finals is a fitting gift, as we celebrate 10 years of freedom and democracy. May I say thank you, Fifa.

The success of the 2010 bid will help to consolidate the people’s contract. It has been estimated that 2010 will create between 150 000 and 200 000 new jobs. It has the potential to increase investment, promote black economic empowerment and skills development, and promote our country internationally.

Employment creation is guaranteed now in an Expanded Public Works Programme through Government`s commitment to ensuring suitable World Cup venues. Thirteen stadiums will either have to be built or upgraded. We will urge the organising committee to employ labour-intensive methods to ensure maximal employment. Because this form of delivery takes longer, it is important that we begin with the task immediately. Government is committed to making resources available for this project. Sport is estimated to contribute 2% to GDP currently, and that is a bit more than in the United Kingdom. We hope and trust that 2010 will increase our contribution to the GDP in this country. The hosting of the World Cup finals creates endless opportunities for expanding diplomatic relations and for signing trade and investment agreements. The eyes of the world will again be focused on South Africa, to the same extent it was prior to, during and after our first democratic elections. We must grasp the opportunities that this presents with both hands and never risk being accused of letting it slip away. It requires the co-operation of business, organised labour and all South Africans to take advantage of these opportunities to promote the country’s image and provide good service to investors and tourists.

All of this constitutes a definitive part of sport’s contribution to concluding the contract for a better South Africa that we should enter into as citizens of this country. It should commit to democratic consultation, mass participation and volunteerism within the spirit of Vukuzenzele, moral regeneration, as well as people-centred and people-driven development. It has the potential, and should drive the quest for a society that is truly united, nonracial, nonsexist and democratic. We must utilise the exciting opportunities presented for involving the youth through learnerships.

I trust that Theta, the sector education and training authority responsible for sport, takes cognisance of the opportunities that the 2010 finals present for it. It will contribute to meeting our objective of creating one million additional jobs through the Expanded Public Works Programme, and it will contribute to the implementation of those agreements concluded at the growth and development summit aimed at creating work and fighting poverty.

Our victory in the bid for hosting the 2010 finals must surely enhance our confidence in the future and provide a rallying point that all South Africans can relate to. It must provide the impetus to approach our envisaged bids for the 2014 Commonwealth Games, and the 2024 Olympic Games with renewed enthusiasm. It will give us greater confidence in our efforts to face up to national challenges, especially the challenge of poverty. We embrace it as part of our people’s contract to create work and to fight poverty in our effort to create a better life for all.

We trust that all South Africans will join us in this endeavour. Together, Mr President, we will win. I thank you. [Applause.]

Debate interrupted.

The House adjourned at 17:41. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                        TUESDAY, 11 MAY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

1. Membership of Committees

 (1)    The following members have been appointed to serve on the Ad Hoc
     Committees mentioned, viz:


     Agriculture and Land Affairs:


          African National Congress


              Abram, Mr S
              Blose, Ms H M
              Combrinck, Mr J J
              Holomisa, Adv S P
              Kotwal, Mr Z
              Masithela, Mr N H
              Ngaleka, Ms E
              Ntuli, Mrs B M
              Radebe, Mr B A
              Schoeman, Dr E A


              Kati, Mr Z J (Alt)
              Kondlo, Ms N C (Alt)
              Makgate, Ms M W (Alt)
              Mathebe, Mr P M (Alt)
              Ngwenya, Mrs M L (Alt)
              Nzimande, Mr L P M (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Nel, Mr A H
              Van Niekerk, Dr A I


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Ngema, Mr M V
          United Democratic Movement


              Bici, Mr J


          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Durr, Mr K D S (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Ditshetelo, Mr P H K


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Pheko, Dr S E M


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Nefolovhodwe, Mr P J


     Arts and Culture:


          African National Congress


              Gololo, Mr C L
              Khumalo, Mr K K
              Maluleka, Mr H P
              Matlala, Mr M H
              Mbombo, Mrs N D
              Mohamed, Prof I J
              Motubatse-Hounkpatin, Ms S D
              Mpaka, Ms H M
              Njobe, Mrs M A A
              Sonto, Mr M R


              Magubane, Mr N E (Alt)
              Moonsamy, Mr K (Alt)
              Nogumla, Mr R Z (Alt)
              Nwamitwa-Shilubana, Mrs T L P (Alt)
              Phungula, Mr J P (Alt)
              Siboza, Mr S (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Kohler-Barnard, Ms D
              Van der Walt, Mrs D


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Biyela, Chief B P


          United Democratic Movement


              Mdaka, Ms N M (Alt)


          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W


          Freedom Front Plus


              Mulder, Dr C P


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Pule, Mr B E
          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S


     Communications:


          African National Congress


              Johnson, Mr M
              Kholwane, Mr S E
              Lekgoro, Mr M K
              Magazi, Mrs M N
              Maziya, Ms A M
              Mohlaloga, Mr M R
              Mokoto, Ms N R
              Morutoa, Ms M R
              Newhoudt-Druchen, Mrs W S
              Pieterse, Mr R D


              Khumalo, Mr K M (Alt)
              Matlala, Mr M H (Alt)
              Nogumla, Mr R Z (Alt)
              Nonkonyana, Chief M (Alt)
              Yengeni, Mrs L E (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance
              Haasbroek, Mr S F
              Smuts, Ms M


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Vos, Ms S C


          Independent Democrats


              Gore, Mr V C


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Green, Mr L M


          Freedom Front Plus


              Mulder, Dr P W A


     Correctional Services:


          African National Congress
              Bloem, Mr D V
              Chikunga, Mrs L S
              Fihla, Mr N B
              Makgate, Ms M W
              Moatshe, Mr M S
              Modisenyane, Mr L J
              Mthethwa, Mr E N
              Rwexana, Ms S P
              Tolo, Bishop L J
              Tshivhase, Mrs T J


              Magau, Ms K R (Alt)
              Mahote, Mr S (Alt)
              Ramgobin, Mr M (Alt)
              Sosibo, Ms J E (Alt)
              Xolo, Mr E T (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Morkel, Mr C M
              Selfe, Mr J


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Seaton, Mrs S A


          Independent Democrats


              Wang, Mr Y (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Swart, Mr S N


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Mfundisi, Mr I S (Alt)


     Defence:


          African National Congress


              Booi, Mr M S
              Diale, Mr L N
              Dlali, Mr D M
              Koornhof, Dr G W
              Makasi, Mrs X C
              Molefe, Mr C T
              Monareng, Mr O E
              Nhlengethwa, Mrs D G
              Nkuna, Ms C
              Ntuli, Mr S B


              Fihla, Mr N B (Alt)
              Huang, Mr S (Alt)
              Makgate, Ms M W (Alt)
              Moatshe, Mr M S (Alt)
              Rexwana, Ms S P (Alt)
              Tolo, Bishop L J (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Sayedali-Shah, Moulana M R
              Schmidt, Adv H C


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Mncwango, Mr M A


          United Democratic Movement


              Holomisa, Mr B H (Alt)
          Independent Democrats


              Burgess, Mr C V


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Madasa, Adv Z L (Alt)


          Freedom Front Plus


              Groenewald, Mr P J


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Likotsi, Mr M T


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S (Alt)


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Habedi, Mr N D


     Education:


          African National Congress


              Bhamjee, Mr Y S
              Mabe, Ms L L
              Mashangoane, Ms P R
              Mayatula, Prof S M
              Mentor, Ms M P
              Mnandi, Ms P N
              Mosala, Mr B G
              Vadi, Mr I
              Van den Heever, Mr R P Z


              Baloyi, Mr M R (Alt)
              Gcwabaza, Mr N E (Alt)
              Maloney, Mrs L (Alt)
              Mgabadeli, Ms H C (Alt)
              Mthembu, Mr B (Alt)
              Sikakane, Mr M R (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Boinamo, Mr G G
              Zille, Ms H


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Mpontshane, Mr A M


          United Democratic Movement


              Madikiza, Mr G T (Alt)


          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Dudley, Mrs C


          Freedom Front Plus


              Spies, Mr W D (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Mfundisi, Mr I S


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Habedi, Mr N D


     Environmental Affairs and Tourism:


          African National Congress


              Arendse, Mr J D
              Chalmers, Mrs J
              Kalako, Mr M U
              Mokoena, Mr A D
              Moss, Mr M I
              Ndzanga, Mrs R A
              Phadagi, Mr M G
              Ramotsamai, Ms C M P
              Thabethe, Ms E


              Khunou, Ms N P (Alt)
              Maja, Mr S J (Alt)
              Rasmeni, Mr S M (Alt)
              Sefularo, Dr M (Alt)
              Turok, Prof B (Alt)
              Zita, Mr L (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Ellis, Mr M J
              Morgan, Mr G R


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Zulu, Prince N E


          United Democratic Movement


              Sigcau, Ms S N


          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Durr, Mr K D S


     Finance:


          African National Congress


              Asiya, Mr S E
              Fubbs, Ms J L
              Gabela, Mr L S
              Hogan, Ms B A
              Joemat, Mrs R R
              Mnguni, Mr B A
              Moloto, Mr K A
              Nene, Mr N M
              Ramodibe, Ms D M
              Zulu, Mr B Z


              Bhamjee, Mr Y S (Alt)
              Johnson, Mr M (Alt)
              Koornhof, Dr G W (Alt)
              Mabe, Ms L L (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Rabie, Dr P J
              Taljaard, Ms R


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Vezi, Mr T E


          United Democratic Movement


              Stephens, Mr M


          Independent Democrats


              Wang, Mr Y


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Durr, Mr K D S


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S
          Azanian People's Organisation


              Nefolovhodwe, Mr P J (Alt)


     Health:


          African National Congress


              Cachalia, Mr I M
              Luthuli, Dr A N
              Madumise, Mrs M M
              Manana, Ms M N S
              Mashigo, Ms R J
              Ngcobo, Ms B T
              Ngculu, Mr L V J
              Njikelana, Mr S J
              Nxumalo, Mr S N
              Tshwete, Ms P


              Direko, Ms I W (Alt)
              Kasienyane, Ms O R (Alt)
              Makgate, Ms M W (Alt)
              Nxumalo, Ms M D (Alt)
              Nzimande, Mr L P M (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance
              Coetzee, Mr R
              Waters, Mr M


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Rabinowitz, Dr R


          United Democratic Movement


              Nkabinde, Ms N C


          Independent Democrats


              Wang, Mr Y


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Dudley, Mrs C


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Pule, Mr B E (Alt)
          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S


     Home Affairs:


          African National Congress


              Chauke, Mr H P
              Gxowa, Mrs N B
              Ludwabe, Mrs C I
              Mabe, Ms L L
              Maunye, Mrs M M
              Morwamoche, Mr K W
              Sibande, Mr M P
              Skhosana, Mr W M
              Van Wyk, Ms A
              Vundisa, Mr S S


              Kondlo, Ms N C (Alt)
              Mathibela, Ms N F (Alt)
              Phala, Mr M J (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance
              Kalyan, Mrs S V
              Swart, Mr M
          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Mdlalose, Ms M M


          United Democratic Movement


              Diko, Mr M (Alt)


          Independent Democrats


              Wang, Mr Y


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Swart, Mr S N


          Freedom Front Plus


              Mulder, Dr C P


          United Christian Democratic Party
              Mfundisi, Mr I S


     Housing:
          African National Congress


              Dambuza, Ms B N
              Dodovu, Mr T S
              Kota, Ms Z A
              Mabena, Mr D C
              Mkhize, Mr Z S
              Montsitsi, Mr S D
              Ntombela, Ms S H
              Ramakaba-Lesiea, Ms M M
              Schneemann, Mr G D
              Tsenoli, Mr S L


              Khumalo, Mr K K (Alt)
              Masala, Mr M M (Alt)
              Sonto, Mr M R (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Masango, Mr S J
              Steyn, Mr A C


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Dhlamini, Mr B W


          United Democratic Movement


              Sigcau, Ms S N


          Independent Democrats


              Batyi, Ms F (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Pule, Mr B E


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Likotsi, Mr M T


     International Affairs:


     Subcommittee on Foreign Affairs:


          African National Congress


              Asmal, Prof A K
              Bapela, Mr K O
              Huang, Mr S
              Jacobus, Ms L
              Magau, Ms K R
              Mahomed, Mrs F
              Maunye, Mrs M M
              Nkuna, Ms C
              Ramgobin, Mr M
              Sithole, Mr D J


              Gxowa, Ms N B (Alt)
              Ludwabe, Ms C I (Alt)
              Sibande, Mr M P (Alt)
              Vadi, Mr I (Alt)


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Joubert, Mr L K


          United Democratic Movement


              Diko, Mr M


          Independent Democrats


              De Lille, Mrs P


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Madasa, Adv Z L (Alt)


          Freedom Front Plus


              Mulder, Dr P W A


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Ditshetelo, Mr P H K


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Pheko, Dr S E M (Alt)


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S (Alt)


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Habedi, Mr N D (Alt)


     Subcommittee on African Union:


          African National Congress


              Bapela, Mr K O
              Davies, Dr R H
              Hajaig, Ms F
              Magazi, Mrs M N
              Motubatse-Hounkpatin, Ms S D
              Njobe, Mrs M A A
              Sithole, Mr D J
              Turok, Prof B


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Skosana, Mr M B
          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Madasa, Adv Z L


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Ditshetelo, Mr P H K (Alt)


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Pheko, Dr S E M


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Nefolovhodwe, Mr P J


     Justice and Constitutional Development:


          African National Congress


              Chohan-Khota, Ms F I
              Jeffery, Mr J H
              Magwanishe, Mr G B
              Mahlawe, Ms N M
              Malahlela, Mr M J
              Masutha, Mr T M
              Meruti, Ms M V
              Ramathlodi, Mr N A
              Sibanyoni, Mr J B
              Solomon, Mr G


          Democratic Alliance


              Camerer, Mrs S M
              Delport, Dr J T


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Van der Merwe, Mr J H


          Independent Democrats


              Burgess, Mr C V


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Swart, Mr S N


     Labour:


          African National Congress


              Anthony, Mr T G
              Lishivha, Ms T E
              Maduma, Mr L D
              Manie, Mr M S
              Moss, Ms L N
              Mzondeki, Mr M J G
              Ngcengwane, Ms N D
              Olifant, Mr D A A
              Oliphant, Mr G G
              Rasmeni, Mr S M


              Dambuza, Mr B N (Alt)
              Dodovu, Mr T S (Alt)
              Mkhize, Mr Z S (Alt)
              Ntombela, Ms S H (Alt)
              Phungula, Mr J P (Alt)
              Tinto, Mrs B (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Henderson, Mr R K
              Lowe, Mr C M


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Zulu, Prince N E


          Independent Democrats


              Gore, Mr V C (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Madasa, Adv Z L


          Freedom Front Plus
              Spies, Mr W D


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Godi, Mr N T


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S


     Minerals and Energy:


          African National Congress


              Goniwe, Mr M T
              Kekana, Mr C D
              Louw, Mr S K
              Mathibela, Ms N F
              Mofokeng, Mr T R
              Ngaleka, Ms E
              Ngcobo, Mr E N N
              Oliphant, Mr G G
              Tinto, Mrs B
              Vundisa, Mr S S
              Abram, Mr S (Alt)
              Blose, Ms H M (Alt)
              Combrinck, Mr J J (Alt)
              Matlala, Mr M H (Alt)
          Democratic Alliance


              Morkel, Mr C M
              Schmidt, Adv H C


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Lucas, Mr E J


          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W (Alt)
              Harding, Mr A


          Freedom Front Plus


              Spies, Mr W D


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania
              Pheko, Dr S E M (Alt)


     Provincial and Local Government:


          African National Congress
              Bhengu, Ms P
              Carrim, Mr Y I
              Gumede, Mrs M M
              Lekgoro, Mr M M S
              Mashiane, Ms L M
              Mogase, Mr I D
              Mshudulu, Mr S A
              Nonkonyana, Chief M
              Ramphele, Mr T D H
              Solo, Mr B M


              Holomisa, Adv S P (Alt)
              Kekana, Mr C D (Alt)
              Montsitsi, Mr S D (Alt)
              Nwamitwa-Shilubana, Mrs T L P (Alt)
              Tsenoli, Mr S L (Alt)
              Vundisa, Mr S S (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Doman, Mr W P
              Swathe, Mr M M


          Inkatha Freedom Party
              Smith, Mr P F


          United Democratic Movement


              Mdaka, Ms N M


          Independent Democrats


              Batyi, Ms F (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Mfundisi, Mr I S


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Likotsi, Mr M T


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S (Alt)


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Habedi, Mr N D


     Public Enterprises:


          African National Congress


              Frolick, Mr C T
              Louw, Mr T J
              Martins, Mr B A D
              Mnandi, Ms P N
              Mpaka, Ms H M
              Ngcengwane, Ms N D
              Nogumla, Mr R Z
              Nonkonyana, Chief M
              Yengeni, Mrs L E


              Kholwane, Mr S E (Alt)
              Mokoto, Ms N R (Alt)
              Morutoa, Ms M R (Alt)
              Pieterse, Mr R D (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Davidson, Mr I O
              Minnie, Mr K J


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Bekker, Mr H J


          United Democratic Movement


              Diko, Mr M (Alt)


          Independent Democrats


              Harding, Mr A


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Madasa, Adv Z L


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Likotsi, Mr M T (Alt)


     Public Service and Administration:


          African National Congress


              Baloyi, Mr M R
              Gcwabaza, Ms N E
              Gomomo, Mr P J
              Luthuli, Dr A N
              Maloney, Mrs L
              Mentor, Ms M P
              Mgabadeli, Ms H C
              Mthembu, Mr B
              Newhoudt-Druchen, Mrs W S
              Sikakane, Mr M R


              Mabe, Ms L L (Alt)
              Mashangoane, Ms P R (Alt)
              Mzondeki, Mr M J G (Alt)
              Skhosana, Mr W M (Alt)
              Van den Heever, Mr R P Z (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Minnie, Mr K J
              Ntuli, Mr R S


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Roopnarain, Dr U


          United Democratic Movement


              Madikiza, Mr G T (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Mfundisi, Mr I S


     Public Works:


          African National Congress


              Bhengu, Mr F
              Magubane, Mr N E
              Moonsamy, Mr K
              Nogumla, Mr R Z
              Nwamitwa-Shilubana, Mrs T L P
              Phungula, Mr J P
              Ramotsamai, Ms C M P
              Sekgobela, Ms P S
              Siboza, Mr S


              Anthony, Mr T G (Alt)
              Gololo, Mr C L (Alt)
              Kotwal, Mr Z (Alt)
              Maduma, Mr L D (Alt)
              Maluleka, Mr H P (Alt)
              Schoeman, Dr E A (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Blanché, Mr J P I
              Opperman, Mr S E


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Zondi, Rev K M


          United Democratic Movement
              Mdaka, Ms N M


          Independent Democrats


              Gore, Mr V C
          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Likotsi, Mr M T (Alt)


     Safety and Security:


          African National Congress


              Mahote, Mr S
              Maserumule, Mr F T
              Maziya, Ms A M
              Mngomezulu, Mr G P
              Mthethwa, Mr E N
              Ntuli, Mr S B
              Sosibo, Ms J E
              Sotyu, Ms M M
              Van Wyk, Ms A
              Xolo, Mr E T


              Bloem, Mr D V (Alt)
              Diale, Mr L N (Alt)
              Dlali, Mr D M (Alt)
              Molefe, Mr C T (Alt)
              Monareng, Mr O E (Alt)
              Nhlengethwa, Mrs D G (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Jankielsohn, Mr R
              King, Mr R J


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Ndlovu, Mr V B


          United Democratic Movement


              Madikiza, Mr G T (Alt)


          Independent Democrats


              Burgess, Mr C V
          African Christian Democratic Party


              Meshoe, Rev K R J


          Freedom Front Plus


              Groenewald, Mr P J


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Ditshetelo, Mr P H K


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S (Alt)


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Habedi, Mr N D (Alt)


     Science and Technology:


          African National Congress


              Ainslie, Mr A R
              Khumalo, Mr K M
              Mahomed, Mrs F
              Mashiane, Ms L M
              Mlangeni, Mr A
              Mohamed, Prof I J
              Ngcobo, Mr E N N
              Ngcobo, Ms B T
              September, Ms C C
              Zulu, Mr B Z


              Cachalia, Mr I M (Alt)
              Lekgoro, Mr M M S (Alt)
              Madumise, Mrs M M (Alt)
              Mtshali, Mr E (Alt)
              Nxumalo, Mr S N (Alt)
              Olifant, Mr D A A (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Blanché, Mr J P I
              Mnyandu, Mr B J


          Inkatha Freedom Party
              Chang, Ms E S


          Independent Democrats


              Gore, Mr V C


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Godi, Mr N T


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Nefolovhodwe, Mr P J


     Social Development:


          African National Congress


              Bogopane-Zulu, Mrs H I
              Direko, Ms I W
              Kasienyane, Ms O R
              Kondlo, Ms N C
              Makgate, Ms M W
              Nxumalo, Ms M D
              Nzimande, Mr L P M
              Phala, Mr M J
              Saloojee, Mr E
              Tshivase, Mrs T J


              Chalmers, Mrs J (Alt)
              Makasi, Ms X C (Alt)
              Masutha, Mr T M (Alt)
              Morwamoche, Mr K W (Alt)
              Nxumalo, Mr S N (Alt)
              Tshwete, Ms P (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Botha, Mrs C-S
              Weber, Ms H


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Mars, Mrs I


          United Democratic Movement


              Diko, Mr M
          Independent Democrats


              Batyi, Ms F


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Dudley, Mrs C (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Pule, Mr B E (Alt)


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Godi, Mr N T (Alt)


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Habedi, Mr N D


     Sport and Recreation:


          African National Congress


              Dikgacwi, Mr M M
              Frolick, Mr C T
              Louw, Mr T J
              Mlangeni, Mr A
              Morobi, Mrs D M
              Mtshali, Mr E
              Ntshulana-Bhengu, Ms N R
              Reid, Mr L R R
              Sekgobela, Ms P S


              Bogopane-Zulu, Mrs H I (Alt)
              Louw, Mr S K (Alt)
              Mngomezulu, Mr G P (Alt)
              Ramakaba-Lesiea, Ms M M (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Lee, Mr T D
              Masango, Mr S J


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Zikalala, Ms C N Z


          United Democratic Movement


              Holomisa, Mr B H


          Independent Democrats


              Gore, Mr V C


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S (Alt)


     Trade and Industry:


          African National Congress


              Davies, Dr R H
              Hajaig, Ms F
              Khunou, Ms N P
              Mabe, Ms L L
              Maja, Mr S J
              Rasmeni, Mr S M
              Sefularo, Dr M
              September, Ms C C
              Turok, Prof B
              Zita, Mr L


              Dikgwaci, Mr M M (Alt)
              Mokoena, Mr A D (Alt)
              Moss, Mr M I (Alt)
              Njikela, Mr S J (Alt)
              Ntuli, Mrs B M (Alt)
              Schoeman, Dr E A (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Labuschagne, Mr L B
              Nkem-Abonta, Dr E


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Bhengu, Mr M J


          United Democratic Movement


              Stephens, Mr M


          Independent Democrats
              Harding, Mr A (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Durr, Mr K D S


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Godi, Mr N T


          Minority Front


              Rajbally, Ms S (Alt)


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Nefolovhodwe, Mr P J


     Transport:


          African National Congress


              Ainslie, Mr A R
              Cronin, Mr J P
              Magubane, Mr N E
              Mbombo, Mrs N D
              Ntombela, Ms S H
              Nxumalo, Ms M D
              Phungula, Mr J P
              Thomson, Ms B
              Mashigo, Ms R J (Alt)
              Morobi, Mrs D M (Alt)
              Moss, Ms L N (Alt)
              Phadagi, Mr M G (Alt)
              Schneemann, Mr D G (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Farrow, Mr S B
              Waters, Mr M


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Ngiba, Mr B C


          United Democratic Movement


              Nkabinde, Ms N C


          Independent Democrats


              Gore, Mr V C


          United Christian Democratic Party
              Pule, Mr B E


          Azanian People's Organisation


              Nefolovhodwe, Mr P J (Alt)


     Water Affairs and Forestry:


          African National Congress


              Arendse, Mr J D
              Kati, Mr Z J
              Komphela, Mr B M
              Lishivha, Ms T E
              Masala, Mr M M
              Mathebe, Mr P M
              Ndzanga, Mrs R A
              Ngwenya, Mrs M L
              Phala, Mr M J


              Bhengu, Ms P (Alt)
              Gumede, Mrs M M (Alt)
              Manana, Ms M N S (Alt)
              Mogase, Mr I D (Alt)
              Ramphele, Mr T D H (Alt)
              Reid, Mr L R R (Alt)


          Democratic Alliance


              Maluleke, Mr D K
              Van der Walt, Mrs D


          Inkatha Freedom Party


              Sibuyana, Mr M W


          United Democratic Movement


              Bici, Mr J


          Independent Democrats


              Greyling, Mr L W (Alt)


          African Christian Democratic Party


              Durr, Mr K D S (Alt)


          United Christian Democratic Party


              Ditshetelo, Mr P H K


          Pan Africanist Congress of Azania


              Pheko, Dr S E M (Alt)


 (2)    Mr M K Lekgoro has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Communications with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (3)    Mr L J Modisenyane has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Correctional Services with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (4)    Mr M S Booi has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc Committee
     on Defence with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (5)    Prof S M Mayatula has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Education with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (6)    Ms E Thabethe has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism with effect from 11
     May 2004.


 (7)    Mr L V J Ngculu has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Health with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (8)    Ms F I Chohan-Kota has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development with effect
     from 11 May 2004.


 (9)    Mr Y I Carrim has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Provincial and Local Government with effect from 11
     May 2004.


 (10)Ms N R Ntshulana-Bhengu has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Sport and Recreation with effect from 11 May 2004.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

 (a)    Annual Financial Statements of the Corporation for Public
     Deposits for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.


 (b)    Proclamation No R19 published in Government Gazette No 26111
     dated 2 March 2004: Commencement of the Bophuthatswana National
     Provident Fund Act Repeal Act, 2003 (Act No 13 of 2003).


 (c)    Proclamation No R18 published in Government Gazette No 26107
     dated 2 March 2004: Commencement of Sefalana Employee Benefits
     Organisation Act Repeal Act, 2003 (Act No 14 of 2003).

                       WEDNESDAY, 12 MAY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

1. Membership of Committees (1) Mrs M A A Njobe has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc Committee on Arts and Culture with effect from 11 May 2004.

 (2)    Ms B A Hogan has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Finance with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (3)    Mr H P Chauke has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Home Affairs with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (4)    Mr M S Manie has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Labour with effect from 11 May 2004.


 (5)    Mr B A D Martins has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Public Enterprises with effect from 12 May 2004.


 (6)    Ms M M Sotyu has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Safety and Security with effect from 12 May 2004.


 (7)    Ms Z A Kota has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc Committee
     on Housing with effect from 12 May 2004.


 (8)    Mr B M Komphela has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry with effect from 12 May
     2004.


 (9)    Mr P J Gomomo has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Public Service and Administration with effect from 12
     May 2004.


(10)    Prof A K Asmal has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on International Affairs with effect from 12 May 2004.


(11)    Dr R H Davies has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on Trade and Industry with effect from 12 May 2004.


(12)    Mr E Saloojee has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on Social Development with effect from 12 May 2004.


(13)    Mr M T Goniwe has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on Minerals and Energy with effect from 12 May 2004.


(14)    Mr J P Cronin has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on Transport with effect from 12 May 2004.


(15)    Mr F Bhengu has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on Public Works with effect from 12 May 2004.


(16)    Mr N H Masithela has been elected chairperson of the Ad Hoc
      Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs with effect from 12 May
      2004.

                         MONDAY, 17 MAY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Local Government: Municipal Property Rates Bill [B 19B - 2003] -
     Act No 6 of 2004 (assented to and signed by President on 11 May
     2004).

1. Draft Bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159

 (1)    Public Investment Corporation Bill, 2004, submitted by the
     Minister of Finance on 7 May 2004. Referred to the Ad Hoc
     Committee on Finance and the Select Committee on Finance.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister in the Presidency

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the National Youth Commission
     for 2001-2002, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
     Financial Statements for 2001-2002 [RP 197-2003].


 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the National Youth Commission
     for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
     Financial Statements for 2002-2003.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry

 Strategic Plan of the Department of Trade and Industry for 2004-2007.

                        TUESDAY, 18 MAY 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

1. Membership of Assembly

 (a)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr T M Mbeki vacating his
     seat in the National Assembly with effect from 23 April 2004, had
     been filled by the nomination of N J Gogotya with effect from 14
     May 2004.


 (b)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr B Nair vacating his seat
     in the National Assembly with effect from 23 April 2004, had been
     filled by the nomination of O M Mogale with effect from 14 May
     2004.


 (c)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr M J Mahlangu vacating his
     seat in the National Assembly with effect from 23 April 2004, had
     been filled by the nomination of B L Mashile with effect from 14
     May 2004.


 (d)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr E Ebrahim vacating his
     seat in the National Assembly with effect from 1 May 2004, had
     been filled by the nomination of D V Mabuyakhulu with effect from
     14 May 2004.


 (e)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr M L Mokoena vacating his
     seat in the National Assembly, had been filled by the nomination
     of J J Maake with effect from 14 May 2004.


 (f)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Ms J Kgoali vacating her
     seat in the National Assembly with effect from 23 April 2004, had
     been filled by the nomination of N J Ngele with effect from 14 May
     2004.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Health

 Strategic Plan of the National Department of Health for 2004-2007.

                       WEDNESDAY, 19 MAY 2004

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

 Strategic Plan of the South African Revenue Service for 2004-2007.

1. The Minister of Transport (a) Report and Financial Statements of the Road Accident Fund for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003.

 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the Urban Transport Fund for
     2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
     Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 10-2004].


 (c)    Report and Financial Statements of the South African Maritime
     Safety Authority Urban for 2001-2002, including the Report of the
     Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2001-2002.

                        THURSDAY, 20 MAY 2004

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Foreign Affairs

 Strategic Plan of the Department of Foreign Affairs for 2004-2005.

                         FRIDAY, 21 MAY 2004

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

 Strategic Plan of the National Treasury for 2004-2007.

                        TUESDAY, 25 MAY 2004

TABLINGS National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson

 Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Lebowa
 Mineral Trust for the period 1 April 1999 to 31 March 2003 [RP 34-
 2004].

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 Report on the Review of the Organization and Post Establishment of the
 Office of the Public Protector for the period January to December 2002,
 tabled in terms of section 3(11)(a) of the Public Protector Act, 1994
 (Act No 23 of 1994).