National Assembly - 01 September 2004
WEDNESDAY, 1 SEPTEMBER 2004 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:04.
The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, it is indeed a wonderful spring day to have the Springboks with us. I also wish to inform members that SA Rugby has provided mementoes for all members. These will be given to members at their caucuses tomorrow. [Applause.]
Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker …
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Madam Deputy Speaker.
Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Deputy Speaker - but you are as good as a Speaker, and that is why I said so. [Applause.] I just want to say that we bring to the attention of Mr White, the coach, that the Minister of Defence was an excellent wing when he was on Robben Island and that he must be considered for the team. [Laughter.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Mr White, I am sure you got that message. He says thank you very much for bringing that knowledge and information about the Minister of Defence to his attention. I do not know whether he is on the right side of age though, but I am sure they can give him… [Interjections.] Yes, on a point of age. [Laughter.]
The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Madam Speaker, just to say that I was at the last game against the Aussies and I was just getting ready to go and change when they scored the winning tries. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: If only we had known that. Well, of course we are all excited and I think we can’t stop … Mr Gibson, would you like to say something to the ``Bokke’’?
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Deputy Speaker, during all the years when we were not winning matches I was always available to play and none of these coaches came to me. [Laughter.] Now that they want me to play, I refuse.
Dr C P MULDER: Mevrou die Adjunkspeaker, ek wil graag namens die VF Plus vir die Springbokke baie geluk sê. Die feit dat hulle vandag hier is, bewys maar net weer eens die stelling: Daar is geen plaasvervanger vir sukses nie. Mag hulle so voortgaan vir baie jare. Baie dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Dr C P MULDER: Madam Deputy Speaker, I would like, on behalf of the FF Plus, to congratulate the Springboks. The fact that they are here today once again proves the adage: Nothing succeeds like success. May they continue in this vein for many years. Thank you very much. [Applause.]]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Baie dankie, meneer. [Thank you, sir.]
I don’t know if we can take advantage of the presence of the Deputy President, just to wish the Springboks, ``geluk’’[good luck].
The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Well, Madam Deputy Speaker, I was there. I participated. [Laughter.] Thank you very much for making us a leading country in rugby. Thank you very much indeed. We feel very proud. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Malibongwe. [Praise.]
Miss S RAJBALLY: Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. I also want, on behalf of the Minister of Sport and Recreation, Mr A Rajbansi, to congratulate the Springboks and wish them all well. [Applause.]
Mrs C DUDLEY: Thank you. The ACDP would also like to add their congratulations, and we all felt like we were there playing with you. Thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you very much. I think the players are also very happy to hear that the nation is so happy about their performance. You made us, each and every one, very proud. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
RULING
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members. During the debate on the travel voucher saga in the House on 24 August, Mr Gibson raised a point of order, asking me to rule as unparliamentary a statement by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party, Mr Goniwe, which Mr Gibson described as racially disparaging of hon members. The statement being contested with reference to parties releasing names was:
You can easily do so with the hon Morkel because he is a minority
coloured in a largely white environment.
I indicated that I would consult the Hansard and then give a ruling. Having now had the opportunity to consider the Hansard, I wish to rule as follows: While it is true that this country is still recovering from a racially very divided past, it is however incumbent on members of Parliament to discourage and desist from racial stereotyping. It is indeed the responsibility of each one of us to ensure that we exercise the right to freedom of speech in a considerate and responsible manner. As public representatives it is imperative that we set a good example for the country to emulate.
In 2001, members of 50 parliaments met in Durban to consider the role parliaments should play in fighting racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. They then submitted a declaration to the UN World Conference Against Racism. Reporting to the House on those events, the former Speaker, Dr Ginwala, on 18 October 2001, dealt with the action Parliament and individual members can take in the fight against racism. She said the following:
To what extent do we consider the impact of our example and occasionally desist from scoring party-political points? How often do we curb our words and refrain from addressing each other in disparaging language? It is not whether a particular phrase is unparliamentary or not, or whether it leads to disorder in the House, but rather of being sensitive to the message we are conveying and the example we set.
She also said that members of Parliament have a unique opportunity to demonstrate tolerance, diversity and inclusivity.
Hon members, I want to reiterate the appeal by the former Speaker: indeed we have a unique opportunity actively to take the lead in eradicating the scourge of racism in our country. It is up to us to give guidance to the country and to set the tone. I therefore urge hon members as public representatives to refrain from resorting to racially disparaging statements that detract from the dignity of this House, and rather to be sensitive and mindful of the message we convey and the example we set. Thank you.
To this end, I have been requested by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party to be given a second to address us when this ruling has been delivered.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. I understand the context; I have not heard from the ruling whether it is unparliamentary or not. I understand the spirit. However, I have taken the opportunity and the liberty, Madam, to phone hon Morkel and I extended my personal apology, if in any way the statement I made hurt him in any manner, and he accepted.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: That then deals with this matter and settles it.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker, it is not clear to me whether you have ruled on that matter or not. Certainly the whole House would have supported what you have said. Was Mr Goniwe in contravention of the Rules of the House when he made the statement?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, if that was the case, I would have asked him to withdraw the words. Now what I am saying is that we come from a past based on race and there will always be an occasion for members to refer to that in their speeches, but to the extent that it is damaging, we have to rule. There is just no way that we can not refer to where we come from, but it should be done in such a way that people refer to it without damaging other people’s integrity. I was actually humbled by Mr Goniwe when he said, “Whichever way you rule, I think I owe Mr Morkel an apology”, and I am happy that he has done that.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: I felt that he owed the Democratic Alliance an apology as well, because he was talking about our actions and about us, but I thank him for being big enough to do what he did and perhaps he set an example for all of us …
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Mr Gibson, you are out of order now. Will you please take your seat.
During the same debate a point of order was raised by Mr Frolick on an interjection apparently made by Mr Waters. According to Mr Frolick, during the input by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party, Mr Waters said the following: “It is your corrupt MPs”. I indicated also that I would consider the Hansard and then give a ruling. However, there were many interjections and the interjection said to have been made by Mr Waters is not captured in Hansard and therefore I would like to ask you, Mr Waters, whether you did say the words being attributed to you. Mr Waters would you please address …
Mr M WATERS: Yes, I did say that, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Interjections.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: If you said that, will you please withdraw the words, Mr Waters?
Mr M WATERS: I withdraw.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you, sir.
PRECEDENCE NOT GIVEN TO QUESTIONS
(Draft Resolution)
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the motion printed in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party on the Order Paper, as follows:
That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 29(8), Questions shall not
have precedence today.
Agreed to.
VOICE OF AFRICAN WOMEN: WHAT SHOULD BE THE ROLE AND PLACE OF THE PAN-
AFRICAN WOMEN’S ORGANISATION, PAWO.
(Subject for Discussion)
Mrs N B GXOWA: Thank you, Deputy Speaker. Hon Deputy President, hon Chairpersons, hon members, I am delighted to get the opportunity to address the House on the Pan-African Women’s Organisation.
Some of us who were present when the Federation of South African Women was formed, are delighted that Madam Speaker has seen fit to allow a debate on the Pan-African Women’s Organisation as we celebrate its 41st anniversary. My speech will be educational, as some of our women have not had an opportunity to interact with Pawo.
The Pan-African Women’s Organisation, also known as the Conference of African Women, was founded on 31 July 1962 in Dar es Salaam, nine years after the establishment of the Federation of South African Women, whose biggest affiliate was the ANC Women’s League.
Madam Deputy Speaker, I am mentioning this because the objectives of the Federation of South African Women were quite similar to those of the Pan- African Women’s Organisation. The aims were to unite African women’s organisations; to allow an exchange of points of view and to undertake joint action; to promote human rights with a view to eliminating any form of discrimination irrespective of birth, race, religion or sex; to support political, economic and social liberation of the African continent in order to contribute to the progress of its peoples through conscious, real and constant action; to ensure full integration of women into economic and social development; to accelerate the promotion of African women so that they can achieve full development; to promote true friendship, understanding and co-operation in an active and united effort between African states; to establish lasting relationships or friendships and co- operation between women in Africa and throughout the world; and to fight poverty and diseases, especially HIV/Aids.
The reason for starting the Pan-African Women’s Organisation is still as relevant today as it was when it was first formed. It is even more relevant because of the many developments that have taken place in our continent since 1994. Today Africa is talking about economic development of the continent through Nepad. We have also established the African Union, and women need to ensure that gender issues that affect them are integrated into these processes.
Women have contributed to peace, and have, together with their male counterparts, fought for the liberation of this continent. Thus we have a right to be a part of all that happens in the whole of Africa.
The Amina Lawal saga is an example of the reasons the Pan-African Women’s Organisation is still relevant today. The whole continent reacted to her issue because it was a common issue that affected all women, not only on the continent, but in the whole world.
The initial objectives of Pawo were to create awareness about the role of women in the African liberation struggles; to co-ordinate women’s activities at regional levels; to establish close contacts and co-operation with other women’s organisations for collective processes and disseminating information about women of African descent; to promote women’s initiatives by establishing gender-sensitive programmes, holding workshops and providing training to unite all African women regardless of race, creed and class; to conduct research in and outside Africa on current issues that directly affect women at all levels; to organise workshops, debates, talks, conferences and meetings on various issues that concern African women and advance the spirit of Africanism and the efforts of women to meet these challenges; and to organise workshops involving groups of women from various schools of thought to participate in various activities and in international forums of the OAU, regional organisations and the United Nations agencies.
The above are some of the aims of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation. As I have already stated, they are relevant. However, they need to be expanded to include the current issues that face women.
Women are able to organise themselves. The Amina Lawal case is an example of the kind of unity that exists among women. All women reacted, came together and fought against one issue, irrespective of their religious and political affiliations.
The other reason I mentioned the Federation of South African Women is that it was the only organisation that brought together women’s organisations at the time to fight against common issues that affected women, such as the pass laws and many other laws that discriminated against women.
So, Madam Speaker, we have this debate today to sensitise women and ask them to continue organising and building the Pan-African Women’s Organisation. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mev C-S BOTHA: Agb Mevrou die Speaker, daar is ʼn ou Afrikaanse liedjie wat lui:
En hoor jy die magtige dreuning? [Oor die veld kom dit wyd gesweef:
[Die lied van ʼn volk se ontwaking [van harte wat sidder en beef.
Kan hierdie liedjie omvorm word om ook vir my, Afrikaanssprekende wit vrou, ‘n stem en `n rol in die Pan-Afrika-vroueorganisasie te gee? Die antwoord is eintlik voor die hand liggend: uitsluiting is dikwels selfopgeleg, terwyl deelname ʼn onvoorwaardelike keuse behoort te wees.
In die Kongo is daar 200 etniese groepe. In Rwanda en Burundi – onlangs die slagveld van volksmoord – woon Hutu’s en Tutsi’s steeds saam. Daar is Moslems en Christene, mense vanuit Indië, Asië en Europa. As Pan- Afrikanisme enige betekenis het, sal dit wees deur die erkenning van eenheid in hierdie veelheid.
Vrou van Afrika is ek en dit is al regverdiging wat ek nodig het om globaal my deel by te dra. Ons pad na Afrika loop deur haar, nie oor haar of om haar nie. Dit beteken geensins dat ʼn Pan-Afrikaanse vrouebeweging slegs ʼn mondstuk vir huidige politieke bedelings moet wees nie.
Daarom is dit ook tyd dat ons kyk na die vroue in Zimbabwe, en nie net na die politici nie, en in Darfoer en waar ook al ongeregtigheid blyk. Dan kan Afrika se vroue se morele gesag ook geld oor Irak en Kosovo en Guantanamo Bay. Daar is `n omvattende agenda van aksie wat op vroue wag en waarop hul geloofwaardigheid sal groei of bloei, afhangende van die morele onderbou van die organisasie.
In 1997 het Gertrude Mongela, eerste president van die Pan-Afrikaanse Parlement, dit onverbeterlik gestel met haar nadruk op debat en dialoog en die vereistes van duidelike beginsels: (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Mrs C-S BOTHA: Hon Madam Speaker, there is an old Afrikaans song that goes: En hoor jy die magtige dreuning? [Oor die veld kom dit wyd gesweef: [die lied van ‘n volk se ontwaking [van harte wat sidder en beef.
Can this song be transformed to also give me, an Afrikaans-speaking white woman, a voice and a role in the Pan-African Women’s Organisation? The answer is actually self-evident: exclusion is often self-imposed, while participation should be an unconditional choice.
There are 200 ethnic groups in the Congo. In Rwanda and Burundi – recently the battlefield of genocide – Hutus and Tutsis still live together. There are Muslims and Christians, people from India, Asia and Europe. Should Pan- Africanism have any meaning, it will be in the acknowledgement of unity in this diversity.
Woman of Africa am I, and that is the only justification I need to globally contribute my share. Our pathway to Africa runs through her, not over her or around her. But this by no means implies that a Pan-African women’s movement should only be a mouthpiece for current political dispensations.
Therefore it is also time we looked at the women in Zimbabwe, and not only at the politicians, and at the situation in Darfur and wherever else injustices are evident. Then the moral authority of Africa’s women can also be applied to Iraq and Kosovo and Guantanamo Bay. There is an extensive agenda of action that awaits women and on the basis of which their credibility will thrive, depending on the moral foundation of the organisation.
In 1997 Gertrude Mongela, the first president of the Pan-African Parliament, put it so perfectly with the emphasis on debate and dialogue and the need for clear principles:]
You have to be clear what you want and what you stand for. You must stand for principle. Principle will never let you down. You have to be able to choose what are the principles worth dying for.
Today, the African continent represents the world’s greatest developmental challenge. Despite significant achievements, particularly in the realm of political representation, African women remain the world’s most deprived. Many of the issues that face African women across the continent stem from the perceived inviolability of cultural practices vis-à-vis the concept of equality and universal human rights. We have to choose according to our principles.
Yesterday, we heard again how thousands of young women bared their breasts and danced in Swaziland in the hope of trading a life of poverty for one of royal comfort as experienced by King Mswati III’s many wives.
In any climate of political and legal uncertainty, human rights, and particularly women’s rights, are at risk. But, it is often economic imperatives that make women and children slaves and whores and silent accomplices to domestic violence - actions that can be directly linked to the economic conditions which prevail and which are informed by the decisions women make at a political level.
We don’t have to redefine any agenda. We can simply commit our governments to the acclaimed Beijing and Vienna Declarations and Platforms for Action. And it is not – as we have often heard repeated – a case of rights claimed in the name of Western values being far from those that are perceived as rights, say in an Islamic country. These can be defined as natural rights; they speak a universal language.
This is admirably confirmed by one of Africa’s numerous remarkable women, Suzanne Mubarak - wife of the Egyptian president. Hers is a true African voice, whilst it preaches universal values. Speaking in Cairo, in February, she said the following:
What is certain, is that women in a country like Egypt and women in Western or Hindu or African countries have much in common.
These women with very different needs are united by the search for, and the affirmation of, rights that are similar or identical.
So also is the instrument of nonviolence, which is a potentially universal language. It does not belong to anyone in particular, but to everyone.
Our agenda is simple: We must speak for that which is universally recognised as right. The African woman’s voice must speak out against all forms of racism and racial discrimination, xenophobia and ethnic cleansing with its concomitant systematic rape of women. These are crimes, which stem from the same impulse as apartheid. They justify discrimination on the basis of difference and can nullify the very basis of action, which should unify a Pan-African movement.
And, if we don’t speak for our children, we will have no future. Sub- Saharan Africa has 48 million children; nearly one third of children aged 14 and under are involved in child labour. In all actions concerning children, the best interests of the child should be our primary consideration.
We must work for human security. Violations of the human rights of women in situations of armed conflict are violations of the fundamental principles of international human rights and law. We must literally fight our way into peacekeeping negotiations and structures.
Laat vroue se stemme gesien word deur hul dade, nie net deur hul woorde nie. Daardeur sal die stem van Afrika se vroue oor die wêreld weerklink. Baie dankie. [Applous.] [Let women’s voices be heard through their actions, not just their words. In this way the voice of Africa’s women will resound across the world. Thank you very much. [Applause.]]
Ms S C VOS: Madam Deputy Speaker, colleagues, in one of South Africa’s national newspapers this week, 15-year-old Amy Simelane from Swaziland was quoted as saying she wanted to marry His Majesty King Mswati III as a way of escaping her poverty-stricken life. Her father had died of Aids and she and her mother lived, she said, in a leaking mud hut and existed on aid from the World Food Programme.
Amy and another young girl, 13-year-old Thabisile Dlamini, said they were desperately hoping that the king would choose them following the annual reed dance. Sadly, for these girls marriage is clearly seen as a way of survival and nothing more.
Throughout Africa, and indeed elsewhere around the world, tens of millions of women endure almost unimaginable hardship in their often short lives. We must think today, as has already been mentioned, of the women of Darfur, women in the Great Lakes region, and women and children suffering closer to home in Zimbabwe. Millions and millions of women throughout Africa are in pain and we all know there are many, many forms of pain.
Many in this House know about hardship and sacrifice. They watched their mothers and their grandmothers and their great-grandmothers bear the real brunt of the evils of apartheid. Today I often refer to these women as the final victims of apartheid. They remain shackled by a lack of education, and by poor health caused by hard work, stress and appalling living conditions. With extraordinary fortitude and grace these women now care for those among us who are sick and dying of Aids-related illnesses. They nurture the unemployed from their meagre pensions.
So we are here today essentially to discuss what the women of Africa can do to help the women of Africa, and what the real role and function of the Pan- African Women’s Organisation is. We can talk, like I have done, of helping girls such as Amy and Thabisile to have dreams beyond marriages of convenience, and to be enabled and empowered to be what they really want to be as full citizens of this world. We can acknowledge, again with words, the suffering of many of the women in our land, some of whom we know personally.
Talk, we all know, is not enough. Women throughout Africa now really need to become activists. It is not a question of us asking women to please become activists. We all have a duty to become activists. The Constitutive Act of the African Union is quite clear with regard to our collective African obligation to promote gender equality and its acknowledgement of the critical role of women in social and economic development.
The feminist activism – call it what you like - of many of the women in this Parliament and, indeed, some men who entered this Parliament in 1994, needs to be rekindled. The role of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation needs to be placed firmly on the agenda of this Parliament and relevant portfolio committees, not merely as a means to enable oversight of its work and to talk about it and keep talking and not doing.
We also need to establish our own capacity to facilitate the participation of diverse groups of women, and youth in particular, to enable Pawo to carry out its functions in its research and decision-making. The constitution and structure of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation is not perfect, as I read it, but it broadly outlines objectives and aspirations and proposed action – the usual stuff. It outlines our responsibilities to each other to face the problems of women in our own country and elsewhere throughout the continent.
But, it is time that we really empowered one another and Pawo to initiate, for example, quality research that will lead to better-informed decision- making and programmes of action. We need to debate legislative and developmental frameworks for women in Africa and to tackle African regional human rights systems and, critically, issues relating to women in situations of war, as well as the pandemic of gender-based violence.
Pawo must have a long list of issues on its agenda. In addition to those mentioned by me and the previous speaker, others will no doubt highlight matters relating to marriage and inheritance laws as they affect women throughout Africa, as well as harmful traditional practices; the gender and human rights dimensions of HIV/Aids; and, on top of all of this, of course, women and war and conflict, as it goes on and on and on in Africa.
Clearly, the protection and empowerment of women is integral to the successful development of Africa. As the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament embody a collective desire for Africans to constructively seek African solutions to African problems, we cannot assume that somebody out there, somebody in these bodies, is going to do all the work for us. We cannot abdicate our own personal responsibilities to others out there somewhere to do all the hard work. We have to act, and we have to act in the true spirit of our ubuntu botho. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Deputy Speaker, first of all, I must apologise for not opening the debate as I was supposed to. I would like to explain that it was because I did not want to leave the briefing with the Cape Town Press Club before answering every single question that they had on the matter of the travel investigation in particular. I am glad to report that I believe it was a very meaningful and useful interaction. Hon De Lille and hon Harding were there and can vouch that this was so.
I believe it is historic that today this House is debating the Pan-African Women’s Organisation – an African organisation about which very little is known, certainly in this country. Yet, South African women were founder members of this important organisation.
On 1 and 2 July this year, two former members of this House attended a Southern African regional conference of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation in Maputo, Mozambique. This regional conference is one of the many around the continent that will take place towards a continental congress, which is going to be hosted in South Africa in 2006. So this debate tables a range of questions that South Africans, broadly, must apply their minds to as to the current status of Pawo and the future of Pawo. That is why it becomes important that Parliament, as the forum for national debate, applies its mind on a range of issues and questions that arise around this important organisation.
I think hon Gxowa, the first speaker this afternoon, indicated the history of Pawo which was formed a year before the formation of the Organisation of African Unity by the heads of state of Africa in Dar es Salaam. Former members, hon Gertrude Shope and hon Adelaide Tambo, together with women from the PAC of Azania, were founding members who participated at that point in the founding of this important organisation.
Pawo, over the years, has held a seat in the Organisation of African Unity as well as in the UN. It sits in those organisations and therefore finds a way of making an input and giving guidance, and channelling and spearheading issues relating to the needs and plight of women generally. We can say with pride that Pawo has championed the cause particularly with respect to political and legal issues, the role of women, and the rights and status of women.
We can even say that the fact that this Parliament today reflects the whole question of equality is due, in part, to the role that Pawo has played politically over the years.
Hon members, if you look at the document that is attempting to review the status of Pawo, you will find that Pawo has been experiencing a range of challenges over the years. In fact, it is presently in a very, very difficult situation in terms of resources, because many organisations of member states have actually not been paying their dues in terms of subscriptions to Pawo. That has created great difficulties for the organisation in terms of resources, and has prevented the organisation from playing its role more effectively over the years.
If you look at the constitution of Pawo as it stands now - certainly those of us who have looked at it and have applied our minds to some of the aspects feel this way - you will see that some areas of the constitution are not satisfactory, in the sense that it creates a situation in which only women’s organisations that have the support of governments can be members of Pawo.
In our view this is not a satisfactory position, because what it translates to is that even women’s organisations that are founder members of Pawo, if they are no longer in government in their various countries, are unable to be members of Pawo. I’ll illustrate this by using the example of South Africa. Unless the government explicitly indicates how it approaches the issue of which women’s organisations it recognises or what its approach is on who can affiliate to Pawo in this country, the situation remains that there is an assumption that only women from the ruling party should be members of Pawo. And we think this is not correct because, for instance in South Africa, PAC women are also founder members of Pawo.
Another example is Zambia where the women from the UNIP are founder members of Pawo, but because presently the UNIP is not in government, is not in power and is not a ruling party, those women are marginalised. Therefore, it is the view, certainly of those of us within the women’s wing of the ANC, that the constitution needs to be addressed in respect of that. We believe Pawo must be more broadly representative of the women of any particular country in order for it to be an organisation that can fully represent the views of the masses of the women.
When Pawo was formed, it was formed mainly by women who were involved in liberation struggles, and who came from liberation movements of which many, at that point, were in exile. As I said, the ANC, the PAC, Frelimo, Swapo and so on were all in exile, hosted by Tanzania. Now, once those organisations went into government, clearly that probably affected how that relationship was constructed. It can thus easily be said - in fact, many times it can be said with validity - that only women that are elite can be representatives in Pawo. That is how we are regarded by the masses of the people that are members of Pawo. And yet, it´s an organisation that has always sought to speak for the ordinary woman on the ground, the woman in the squatter camp and the woman in the rural areas. It must raise and sharply champion the cause of a better life for the ordinary African woman who really is at the bottom of the pile in each of the countries that we are talking about.
Therefore, it is on that basis that we believe that the constitution of Pawo must be revisited, and it must create a situation in which Pawo is more representative and can speak validly and with pride on behalf of the majority of women. However, there is a range of other questions that need to be addressed, for example: What should the status of Pawo now be in the light of latest developments, and in terms of us now having the AU? These are questions that we must all apply our minds to. That is why I really appreciate this opportunity for these questions just to be brought to light, and therefore the debate involves not only the few who are involved so far, but the country and, in particular, the women of the country as a whole.
The AU is a structure of governance of Africa. Of course, it has organs that obviously ensure that the voice of the people is heard, in particular through the Pan-African Parliament, and also through Ecosoc. The question is: What is the status of Pawo? Is Pawo one of many NGOs that will sit in Ecosoc? Does the fact that Pawo’s history comes from governments of the continent coming together and determining that there was a need for an organised voice of women and therefore creating Pawo, even before the OAU was formed, mean that Pawo has a special place in the history of the continent, and therefore should enjoy a special status - even within the AU?
These are questions that one would like to pose. We want to say that they are open questions, and that we should take positions. We should apply our minds to them and really think deeply about these questions.
We have talked to the Africa Institute in Pretoria, and have asked them to do some research, especially in terms of the role that Pawo has played over the decades within the OAU in any debates. We know, for instance, that the presently existing directorate within the office of the Chairperson of the Commission of the AU, which in fact already existed during the OAU era, was created as a result of the proposals of Pawo.
We believe that there might be many more decisions, just in terms of history, that we would like to have insight into, just to have more of an appreciation as to what role this organisation has played over the years. The head of the Africa Institute thus tried to get some material when he was last in Addis Ababa, and he reported that he didn’t find anything in the archives. He proposed that perhaps we had to go to the Africa Liberation Committee archives in Dar es Salaam or in Tanzania; we might be able to find more material.
We also hope that the first headquarters of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation, which was Algeria, might actually have a lot more material that would reflect on the past, the history, the contribution and the role of Pawo.
For the first 18 years of Pawo’s existence it was located in Algeria, and for the past 17 years it has been located in Luanda, Angola. The next conference is going to be held in South Africa, as I said, in 2006. We believe that the preparations for that congress must be broadly reflective of our position, namely that Pawo must not be an organisation owned only by ruling party women. We will still process this matter with women from all the parties in this organisation, but we hope that we will adopt an agreed approach to the process, in particular the preparations towards the congress and what issues need to be addressed.
Certainly,one of the issues that have to be addressed is the mandate of Pawo in the new situation, in particular in the era of the AU. Should Pawo perhaps be restructured? These are some of the questions that we should all look at. We should take a position to a council meeting that must take place, and which Namibia has offered to host, in the course of 2005.
So, when the 2006 congress takes place in South Africa there must be clear positions as to what the future of Pawo should be. Do we want to disband Pawo? Do we want to create a new organisation, or do we want to give a renewed mandate – perhaps strengthening whatever weaknesses we might be finding within the structure of Pawo and its functioning at the present moment?
It really is a great honour for me to have been given an opportunity to speak about this important organisation in the history of the continent. Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms N M MDAKA: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, we have just concluded a month of celebrating the role and freedom of women in South Africa.
South African women have demonstrated that they can turn freedom and opportunity into extraordinary accomplishments in every sphere of society - from the corporate boardrooms in the large cities to their farms in the deep rural areas. For many years our country was cut off from the rest of the continent, whilst they selflessly provided support for those who opposed the former oppressive regime.
Now we have rejoined our African brothers and sisters, and we have taken a leadership role through Nepad and the African Union. The time has therefore come for South Africa to open its arms to the women of the continent. As a symbol of democracy and emancipation, South Africa should become a leading advocate of women’s rights and ensure that the concerns of women are represented in Nepad, the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament.
Pawo could be the vehicle of pursuit of these objectives. The role of Pawo should therefore be clearly defined as that of a full participant in all these African initiatives, so that we can participate in determining our destiny. It is not acceptable that women become a token item on the calendar and agenda to be discussed once a year and then forgotten. For Pawo to become a representative of … [Time expired.] [Applause.]
IPHINI LIKANGQONGQOSHE WEZEMPILO: The DEPUTY MINISTER OF HEALTH: Malibongwe!
AMALUNGU AHLONIPHEKILE: Igama lamakhosikazi!
IPHINI LIKANGQONGQOSHE WEZEMPILO: Phini likaSomlomo, Phini likaMongameli, angiqale ngibonge kuSomlomo wale Ndlu ukuthi asinikeze ithuba lokuthi sibambe iqhaza kule nkulumo-mpikiswano ngale nhlangano yobumbano lomama base-Afrika. Lokhu kusinikeza ithuba njengabantu baseNingizimu Afrika ukuthi nathi sifake igalelo kulezi zingxoxo.
Njengoba-ke siqala le nyanga kaZwelonke yamaGugu namaSiko, kufanele siqale ngokuthi sibonge komama base-Afrika okungenxa yegalelo labo ukuthi namhlanje sikhuluma njengabantu abakhululekile baseNingizimu Afrika. (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows)
[THE DEPUTY MINISTER OF HEALTH: Praise!
HON MEMBERS: The name of women!
THE DEPUTY MINISTER OF HEALTH: Deputy Speaker, Deputy President, let me start by thanking the Speaker of this House for giving us the opportunity to participate in the debate on the unity of women’s organisations in Africa. This gives us an opportunity as South African people to contribute to these discussions.
As we celebrate the national month of heritage and culture, we acknowledge the contribution made by African women because today we talk as free South Africans.]
In acknowledgement of that heritage, I wish to dedicate this speech to the endurance and strength of our grandmothers, the vision and patience of our mothers and the dreams of our daughters. I hope women in civil society will take up this debate, as their participation is crucial and will enrich and shape the agenda of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation, Pawo.
Here I want to pause and salute the ANC Women’s League for getting Pawo off the ground. The ANC Women’s League has kept the revival of Pawo on its agenda and has had consultations with women in SADC in preparation for the continent-wide conference of 2006, which Madam Speaker has spoken about. This will be used to influence women on the continent to utilise Pawo as a tool to fight poverty and the scourge of HIV and Aids, and for the promotion of the continent as a contribution to the Nepad programme.
Membership of Pawo is open to all organisations recognised by their governments. Putting this debate on the agenda is an invitation for all political parties and NGOs to consider joining the Pan-African Women’s Organisation and making the voice of women heard on the African continent.
Let me recognise, at this point, and acknowledge the excellent role played by the Secretary-General of Pawo who has nurtured the organisation over many years. I wish to pay tribute, also, to the government and people of Angola for hosting Pawo for 17 years under very difficult economic and war- ravaged conditions. And, of course, I wish to acknowledge the role played by Algeria in hosting Pawo in the first 18 years of its life.
It has been said that Pawo was established in 1962 and it played a significant role in building African unity and solidarity during a crucial period in the struggle to free Africa from colonial bondage. I wish to note here that Pawo was formed before the OAU. This is very interesting because, in our own country, the Women’s Charter was adopted before the Freedom Charter. So, this illustrates the role that African women have played in Africa – a leadership role.
This is in sharp contrast to the image one has become used to of a helpless African woman bent double under the heavy burden of poverty and oppression. However, it is worth noting that the role of the African woman is not always recognised or acknowledged. The dream of a peaceful and prosperous Africa has been delayed by this lack of recognition of the important role women can play and are playing.
African women are a rising public voice. The President of the Pan-African Parliament, the Chair of the African Union Peace and Security Council, 50% of the AU commissioners, Botswana’s governor of the reserve bank, Mozambique’s Prime Minister and Nigeria’s finance Minister are all women. [Applause.] Africa has women writers, poets, musicians, academics, scientists and captains of industry. All this is so despite the hardship we face of oppression, deprivation and marginalisation.
The AU has adopted the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa in the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The Secretary-General of the United Nations released a message to the AU session on gender in Addis Ababa on July of this year. He said, “Africa cannot develop unless women exercise real power.” This highlights the important role and urgent aspects of the Pawo agenda. I further quote what Kofi Annan said. He said:
Increasingly, Africans understand that their continent cannot develop
unless its women exercise real power in the home, in the local
community, in the nation and in the union itself. Indeed, the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development has set women’s advancement,
along with the eradication of poverty, as its two key long-term
objectives.
But, let us be clear, inextricably linked with both of these is the
need to halt the spread of HIV and Aids. The epidemic is proving a
devastating obstacle to development, while taking an increasing and
terrifying toll on Africa’s women. But women also have an
indispensable part to play in all aspects of the struggle against the
epidemic.
No less important is the recognition of the role of women in the work for peace and security in Africa. Time and again women have played a constructive and essential part in peace processes. They are gradually finding a place at the negotiating table, in the implementation of peace agreements, and in post-conflict rehabilitation, reconstruction and disarmament. It is high time they were included in those processes in a more formalised way, at all levels and at all stages.
That is why I wish to acknowledge the role being played by our first lady, hon Mrs Zanele Mbeki, in ensuring that women indeed do participate in the negotiations. [Applause.]
With that support from the top and the support from our own President, the task is no less urgent. The time is opportune for major advances for women to exert real power in Africa. Pawo has an important role to play.
The feminisation of HIV and Aids, in terms of the statistics according to which more women than men are dying and being infected, highlights the context in which poverty, unequal gender relations and limited access to health care are prevalent. Unequal power and gender relations limit women’s ability to negotiate sexual relations and make informed choices. These are issues that need the serious attention of Pawo.
UN Resolution 1325 calls for the full inclusion of women in international peace and security processes, and action in four areas related to women and peacekeeping. These four areas are participation of women in conflict resolution; integration of gender perspectives in peacekeeping missions; protection of women and girls in conflict zones; and, mainstreaming of gender sensitisation in UN reporting and implementation systems.
The role and status of women, with respect to the institutions of traditional leadership and practice, need special attention - particularly with respect to land ownership and inheritance. An issue of growing concern for African women is the issue of polygamy within the context of high levels of poverty and communicable diseases. Although women are said to participate willingly in these practices, the question needs to be asked whether they do not just see it as an escape from poverty.
I wish to share here with you a prayer from the Masai of Kenya, which has been given to us by Wanjiku Kabira who describes the grief of a young woman at the prospect of an arranged polygamous marriage. She says:
My father, why do you send me to Olei Kasero? Why do you send me to such an old man? Olei Kasero has 11 wives. You say he can look after me but he’s too old. Father, why do you send me to Olei Kasero?
Such songs are not unusual in traditional Kenyan societies. Women challenge gender-based oppression in institutions such as marriage, polygamy and political governance, which have perpetuated their marginalised positions.
With the launch of the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament, Pawo can play an important role in the issues facing African women, as well as the urgent need for the restructuring of international institutions, particularly with respect to gender.
I wish, at this point, to acknowledge the role being played by our previous Speaker of this Parliament, Dr Frene Ginwala, in the Commission on Human Security and in putting human security on the international agenda. Writing in the report on human security, she emphasised that rethinking security is imperative for Africa. She said:
Notable in Africa was the way the women’s movement linked struggles for national independence and security to the struggle for equality and social equity. Thinking about security broadened from an exclusive concern with state security to a concern with a security of the people. Along with this shift came the notion that states ought not to be the sole or main referent of security. Peoples’ interests or the interest of humanity become the focus.
The Speaker of our Parliament has outlined the questions and the tasks that we must engage in, in rebuilding this powerful organisation, the Pan- African Women’s Organisation. We need to look at its constitution and see how to make it relevant for modern-day Africa.
We should ask: What should be the agenda of Pawo? How should Pawo be structured and resourced in order to respond in an all-inclusive way to the women of Africa as a whole and to the world? How should Pawo be made relevant in modern times?
In summary, Pawo’s time has come to initiate an important and urgent campaign for the rights and role of women in Africa. There is an opportunity now for women’s organisations to participate in the Pan-African Women’s Organisation and to campaign for women to exercise real power. In particular, we can translate into reality the objectives of UN Resolution 1325 without delay since implementation of this landmark will be reviewed this October. We can also campaign and support those living with HIV and Aids to overcome the scourge, which undermines our efforts for peace and development. We can campaign for the full participation of African women in all spheres of life.
Malibongwe igama lamakhosikazi!
AMALUNGU AHLONIPHEKILE: Malibongwe! [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)
[Let the name of women be praised!
HON MEMBERS: Let it be praised! [Applause.]]
Ms F BATYI: Hon Deputy Speaker and members of the House, as the only political party in South Africa which has a woman as its elected leader, the ID feels that it should serve as an example to all African women that women are just as competent as men. Pawo needs to harness the skills it used to fight for the liberation of the continent to overcome the challenges posed by diseases such as HIV and Aids, as well as by food security and environmental degradation.
Women throughout Africa had an important role to play in the resolution of conflicts. Pawo must, therefore, spearhead a movement for peace on the continent and find ways of preventing conflicts and wars as far as possible.
It is widely known that women are the main pillars of many African economies. Despite this, they do not, in many cases, own the land on which they grow food and market what they produce, and they do not get the proceeds from the sales. Pawo must change this scenario.
Pawo should also drive gender processes in conjunction with the various state mechanisms such as the Office on the Status of Women at the national level, and with SADC, Nepad, the AU and other organs at regional economic community level.
The ID looks forward to working with this organisation to advance women’s liberation on the African continent. I thank you. [Applause.]
Ms C DUDLEY: Madam Deputy Speaker, the ACDP is conscious of the significant and important role Pawo has the potential of filling. Having been in existence for 41 years and comprising a membership of 53 African countries, prosperity, freedom, peace and justice on the continent of Africa are worthy goals. With determination and conviction, women in this organisation may once again leave their mark on history. Real, sustained human development in Africa can only happen if African women are not sidelined or disregarded.
Today, because of the courage and tenacity of many women, individually and collectively, we in South Africa have realised a decade of political freedom and the ACDP salutes the women of Africa.
Today the issue of gender equality is firmly on the agenda in political, social and economic discussion the world over. Women’s organisations are often surprised at the relative ease with which they have succeeded in ensuring women’s representivity in many bodies. The African heads of state, for example, have unanimously endorsed and accepted the need for women’s representivity in the affairs of the African Union.
Justification for the oppression and exclusion of women is becoming more and more indefensible each day. It is clear that neither culture nor religion can be used as an excuse for the oppression and exclusion of women.
Women have led throughout history, sometimes at the fore, and mostly behind the scenes. Today women are succeeding in taking their place, not just behind the scenes, but also at the scene. However, the struggle is not over, with the majority of women starving, their children dying, and too often being victims of rape. Women are unemployed in large numbers and, again, too often abused by men.
There are challenges that still face women in leadership and one of these is: if women in power are going to be intoxicated with that power, they will just become the enemies of women, and their conduct will undermine the progress that has been made.
The voices of African women must be heard. Many of these voices are crying out in frustration and pain, whilst they still suffer in intolerable circumstances. Women are suffering under the scourge of abuse and violence for just being born women, and many are still treated …[Time expired.]
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Deputy Speaker and hon members, this debate is most appropriate as it comes after we have just celebrated women’s month. There is merit in the call for women in Africa to stand up and speak out.
We call on those communities that, to this day, do not allow the mingling of and attendance by women at their religious services, and even funerals. Such communities hide behind their culture. Culture and customs should not enhance discrimination.
We call on those men, especially politicians, who keep discriminating against their womenfolk, yet claim to be nonsexist, to desist from the practice. The ability of women to deliver when shackles of womanhood and patronage have been removed has been informed by the election of the first woman bishop – Bishop Vashti McKenzie of the African Methodist Episcopal Church - at the general conference in Cincinnati, Ohio, in the United States.
As head of denominations in Botswana, Swaziland, Mozambique and Lesotho, she did very good work to improve the cause of the church by renovating existing structures, putting up new ones and increasing membership. She achieved this feat in four years, proving that where there is a will, there is a way; and that being a woman is not an impairment.
Empowering women is not the responsibility of politicians and governments alone. All entities in society should accept that women were not created from the crumbs of the soil that fell from the master’s table as he created men. They are happy people, created in the image of God.
Women know that they are mothers, wives, workers, peacemakers and even undertakers. Their integrity should not be called into question, because if that happens, the proverbial worm will turn, and you will hear expressions such as: “Wathint’ abafazi, wathint’ imbokodo” [When you strike a woman, you strike a rock], or they will sing: “Suta suta wena Strydom, fa o sa suti, re a go gata” [Move, move, Strydom; if you do not move we will step on you], signalling that whoever is in the way, wherever he or she is, he or she should give way. I thank you. [Applause.]
Ms N R MOKOTO: Hon Deputy Speaker, Deputy President, members and members of the public in the gallery, I greet you all.
I want to make the assertion, echoing the previous speakers, that women’s empowerment is the cornerstone of community development. It is very important to reflect on the formative period of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation, Pawo, whose task has been to unite women across the continent into a cohesive force for enhanced mobilisation on issues that affect womenfolk and for the broad liberation of the people of Africa as a whole.
Throughout the period preceding the 19th century, there was no single or formalised organisation or movement that provided leadership, clarity and vision in terms of representing the views, concerns and struggles of women on the African continent. The subsequent launch and existence of Pawo managed, to a certain extent, to close the existing gap that had gradually and consistently become wider and remained unfilled.
Apart from providing a home for all the forces of change at the time, the Pan-African Women’s Organisation has been a vehicle through which African women from all walks of life could voice, lobby and advocate for recognition of their daily frustrations, concerns and aspirations to their governments and the world at large.
We must appreciate the fact that the coming into being of Pawo coincided with a time when the political and economic repression in Africa was at its height. Whatever the case, through its massive contacts and networking both in government and broadly in the liberation movement, Pawo managed to influence the continent and the world in favour of women’s politics. It revolutionised and elevated women’s politics from being regarded as mere local gossip, which was very private and beyond public scrutiny, to the regional, national and international mainstream political arena.
Today, as we enter Heritage Month, we must recognise that institutions like Pawo will continue to occupy a very special place in our hearts. We, as Africans and women in particular, must take pride in our forebears who for centuries carried the responsibility of instilling leadership, hope and a common vision for a nonracial, nonsexist, prosperous and democratic global society. We shall continue to appreciate the level of commitment displayed at all levels for the cause of the women’s struggle throughout the height of its massive activism, even during a period of organisational weakness.
As we entered the 21st century and adopted this millennium as the African century, we entered the terrain fully aware of the massive challenges facing the peoples of Africa, the world and especially women and young women. Whatever the case, whilst appreciating the level of progress made by different governments across the world in relation to the introduction and adoption of policies and legislation that promote the empowerment of women and that ensure women also take positions of authority in the political sphere, a lot still has to be done in other sectors such as finance and the economy.
Of significance is the placing of gender and equity issues on the agenda at the recent ILO meeting attended by the Minister of Labour, Comrade Membathisi Mdladlana, and his tripartite delegation comprising business, labour and the government. This attitude is very encouraging for most of us women, and we urge that there be more co-operation from the rest of the business sector in our country.
In the same breath, I want to dwell on the relevance of Pawo in today’s struggle for women’s emancipation. We must acknowledge that recent developments in the political arena of our continent had relegated Pawo to the status of a totally isolated organisation, seen as an exclusive society of a few old and politically connected women in terms of which it could no longer purport to represent the will of all women on the continent; this, given the fact that many of our women on the continent, young and old, continue to suffer from political, social, cultural and economic marginalisation arising from centuries-old customs and attitudes detrimental to their complete integration into the life of their society.
We are now posed with the challenge to reshape the organisation into a mass- based and diverse women’s movement that will infuse broader public participation of all women across the age spectrum, both individually and collectively on the continent. This will also assist the organisation to garner collective and individual support and ownership for its programmes and campaigns both locally and globally.
In that respect, we call on women’s organisations, stokvel societies – mogodisano – and individual women, whether young or old, and on the entire civil society to make a joint effort to advocate for support of this visionary organisation, called Pawo, in order for it to be a vibrant organisation that will collectively face the challenges and the remnants of colonialism and patriarchy in our society.
We must endeavour to facilitate the integration of women into the economic life of their societies, and encourage young women to make full use of opportunities made available by the democratic government, which promotes access to scarce skills, new technologies, employment opportunities, education and information programmes. We must strive to deepen the level of understanding of issues affecting women in Africa and across the world, especially amongst young women. We must ensure that they are part of decision-making processes in order to enable them to conceptualise and realise their visions and common objectives for their society.
Using the existing resources and capacities that we have on the continent, we have to latch onto the milestones that have been achieved in the 42 years of the existence of Pawo. We must ensure that we build a strong layer of leadership that will inject vibrancy, vigilance and dynamism into the organisation. Young women must be supported and recognised as effective and active agents of change, not recipients thereof.
The role of young women in the broader struggle for the socioeconomic development of our continent remains an immense one. However, the support and recognition accorded by governments of the world and by institutions like the AU, the UN and so forth to women’s liberty have opened a lot of access points for women to diverse opportunities in order to empower themselves. This places them in a more advantageous position to effectively address the issues facing them today as Africans and citizens of the world.
The advantages of politicking in a globalising world have presented us with many opportunities and challenges, which we never imagined or anticipated. Today, women are more empowered to interact in a globalising world, an advantage that has given more urgency, impetus and space to issues that affect women. Also, this has enabled women across the world to share common visions and frustrations on issues that affect them on a daily basis.
The onset of ICTs has also assisted in terms of global mobilisation and advocacy on the plight of women across the world. These efficiencies have resulted in concerted global solidarity campaigns, which have put pressure on governments to abandon some inhuman policies targeted at women.
Amina Lawal of Nigeria, who was due to be stoned to death, is a case in point that attracted not only global solidarity and media campaigns to abolish some aspects of sharia law practices in Nigeria and Africa, but, like never before, this case generally created new, necessary and diverse platforms to elevate the level of women’s politics across the broader political landscape previously dominated by men.
For the first time, technological interventions have brought with them highly efficient communications networks that have presented new opportunities and possibilities in terms of the complete reversal of the inequalities facing women.
Of late, we have seen an increasing recognition and acknowledgement of women’s fundamental role in the national and international socioeconomic system. In view of the latest developments in our country, we have to congratulate the ANC Youth League on having given leadership to the broader South African society in terms of its adoption of a 40% representation of women in leadership across all levels. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr M T LIKOTSI: Deputy Speaker, hon members, from the PAC’s point of view, the Pan-African Women’s Organisation should be a women’s movement, independent of government interference. Its key objective should be to rally African women under the banner of Pan-Africanism. It should revisit and revive the strategies and objectives that inform the long-standing vision and plans for African development. Those strategies and objectives were advanced by great Pan-Africanist visionaries such as Sobukwe, Mothopeng, Nkrumah and Lumumba.
The Pan-African Women’s Organisation should serve to unite African women, with the goal of working towards the unity of African women. In this regard, it should be accredited to all the organs and structures of the African Union. The women of this continent have the task of shifting Africa’s paradigm away from dominant neoliberal ideas towards continental unity based on a different set of principles, policies, programmes, processes and participation.
The Pan-African Women’s Organisation should stand out as a premier continental women’s structure that is clearly opposed to globalisation, poverty, foreign debt, macroeconomic frameworks and development plans that are inimical to the lives of women. It should elevate the lived experience of African women and use its influence to challenge governments to change their policy directions in favour of bringing about social, political and economic transformation for women of the African continent.
It should be organised as an inclusive structure that does not play to sectarian tendencies, which serve to marginalise millions of women. This means the establishment of national platforms that organise at the local and national levels and intervene to change government policies in such a way that they will change regional and continental structures and relations. It should engage women in different sectors and form regional, continental and international alliances through which to engage in, or around, continental structures and institutions in order to influence and radically change policy. I thank you.
Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Deputy Speaker, the MF would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Pan-African Women’s Organisation on their 42nd anniversary which fell on 31 July 2004. Mothers of our continent, we salute you.
We acknowledge the status of Pawo in the African continent and globally. We are proud that this organisation comprises membership of all 53 African countries. Regarding this organisation, South Africa holds an office for the southern region of Africa.
With poverty being Africa’s major challenge and with women often victims of the harsh reality of circumstances, we are pleased that Pawo exists, and that it is determined to overcome these challenges and liberate women throughout Africa. South African women have, thankfully, found liberation through our national Constitution of 1996. But, many African women do not enjoy privileges such as human rights - as one may recall Amina Lawal and what she faced for having a baby out of wedlock.
The MF feels that the Pan-African Women’s Organisation plays a very important role in the liberation and upliftment of African women. Their aims and cause are all in line with human rights. We need to support Pawo to ensure that human rights will be exercised as African rights. This will benefit the continent in our social and economic development.
We also know that women play a very important role in the fight against HIV and Aids. By uniting and liberating all African women, we may increase our army in the fight against disease, and HIV and Aids throughout the African continent.
The MF calls for the earnest incorporation of, and assistance to Pawo in our efforts to stamp out poverty, stop the spread of HIV and Aids, and promote liberation and integration of African women. We salute the women, again. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Mr W J SEREMANE: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, having noted the salient points highlighted by speakers before me, allow me, in broad general terms, to state that the heading of the subject of debate is a little troubling, because it conjures up a sad scenario of a belated awakening of a lethargic patriarchal society, despite the great strides taken regarding women and the unprecedented human achievements gained in the fields of science, technology and human development.
In the context of basic human rights entrenched in our Constitution that espouses equality, and the unequivocal clarion call for a nonracist, nonsexist and democratic South Africa, one wonders why South Africa, Africa and indeed the whole world should be belatedly debating,“the voice, place and role of women”.
Women and children, by virtue of being human beings, deserve to be heard, cherished and respected so that they can occupy their rightful place in society and enjoy full participation in human affairs at all levels of society, irrespective of sectarian positions.
Patriarchs, let us face it: Women’s breath and soul of life do not ensue from, nor are they dependent on, male superiority and chauvinism. Women are inextricably an integral part of society and nations, period. The voice of women in general and of African women, specifically in Africa, must be heard. This is and should be non-negotiable.
Let’s not speak of, and about, women as though they are aliens from outer space and have recently landed on planet earth. Perhaps, we need a Ms Soukeyna Ndiaye Ba, President of the Women’s Development Enterprise in Africa, to jolt us a bit by informing us that Africa is overflowing with women leaders. They lack only training and the means to bloom, yet they have simultaneously and effectively contributed to the advancement of families and communities at the economic and sociopolitical levels.
Don’t even try to ignore the price they have paid in human conflicts and the struggles for freedom. It is sad to state that not enough recognition is given to their voice, place and role in all strata of society. Yes, attention is being given, perhaps too slowly or even grudgingly, if not reluctantly.
Compatriots on the other side of the gender divide have already and will succinctly sketch out the long, sad history of the struggle for recognition, rights and contributions of women over the past decades and towards a future full of recognition and participation in the affairs of communities and Pan-African states. I can only pay tribute to all the efforts made by our mothers, wives, sisters and daughters, with the hope that those with hardened patriarchal mind-sets will shift their paradigms. The silence must be broken. The ceiling must be cracked. Women have a right to be and to live life to the full, making their abundant and generous talents available for the wellbeing of all members of our society.
It is not only through organs such as the Pan-African Parliament that women should be heard and allowed - for lack of a better term or apt word - to play their role positively and to contribute to the welfare and affairs of human endeavour. Develop a woman and develop a nation.
A leina la bomme le rorisiwe. Nako e gorogile. [Praise be to the women’s name. Now is the time.]
Paying glowing tribute to women is good but it is marred by the tragic and brutal abuse of women, the girl-child and even the boy-child in our societies. Rampant rapes, woman-bashing and the outright murder of women and girls is a cancer that must be fought tooth and nail. Women need to challenge governments and establishments not to shed their responsibilities in curbing the assault on womenfolk. We men, born of women, need to bow our heads in shame and stand together with our womenfolk to deal with the callous attack on women and femininity. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Malibongwe! [Praise the name of women.] [Laughter.] You have never heard me say that before, have you?
Madam Deputy Speaker, hon members, I hope that my being the last speaker in this debate, and that is what I am, doesn’t send out the wrong message, namely that we need a man to have the final word on this subject. [Laughter.] This is definitely not the final word. I have been given the task, to some extent, to fill in the gaps and not to repeat what other people have said, but to emphasise and to confirm many of the good points that have been made in this debate. Some people call this role of speaking at the end of the debate a sweeping role. Therefore, you become a sweeper. Jeremy Cronin said earlier today, when I said I would have to sweep, that it was good, because it was high time that men learned to sweep as well. I will attempt to play this role as a sweeper.
The Speaker gave us a good sense of what the challenges are when we consider the role of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation on this African continent in addressing the many challenges that we and women face, and that we as men have to take the co-responsibility for. Above all, she said we are left in this debate with a number of open questions. This cannot be the last word, but we should apply our minds, and we in this Parliament should play a leading role in defining the role that the Pan-African Women’s Organisation can and should play.
She also made the point that it cannot just be for members of the ruling party or ruling parties in a country alone. Despite its proud history, it has to be representative of all the women of this continent. In our country we have to make sure that all women have a sense of ownership of this women’s organisation that has this critical role to play on our continent.
Of course the constitution will have to be re-examined. The organisation has to be seen to be representative, and there has to be a feeling of ownership amongst the people and women of our continent. It must vigorously take up issues that women are facing every day of their lives. It must take up gender issues vigorously. It must ensure real and meaningful participation of women in all the structures of the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament.
Above all, it should result in real empowerment of the women of our continent. It has to fight all forms of discrimination. When we talk about this empowerment of women, we clearly need to understand what the current reality and context are. What is it that disempowers women? There are many things that disempower women on our continent and in our country. Johanna Kehler of Nadel put it this way, and she ascribed it to persistent patriarchal systems more than anything else. She says:
These patriarchal systems, as well as male domination in all spheres of society, define why women are continuously confronted with inequalities and why they remain oppressed and discriminated against despite commitment to gender equality, as expressed within South Africa’s Constitution and our legislation.
And she goes on to say that society’s seeming acceptance of male dominance that defines women by their reproductive and domestic responsibilities is one of the key attitudinal reasons that women remain oppressed and that gender equality has not yet been achieved. We are still a long way from achieving genuine gender equality in our country and on our continent.
She also talks about socialisation. Clearly a lot of it is about male attitude. Socialisation begins at a very early age. That is perhaps one of our biggest challenges. Disempowerment happens when people do not receive education, when women are deprived of education and when we have the wrong kind of education as well.
I believe gender education should be a key element of our new curriculum. Young children should be made aware of the realities of our society, of the challenges that we face and of our constitutional commitment to gender equality and women’s right. Young children should be made aware of those things. Young children should be taught at an early age not to be sexist in their behaviour, and to combat sexism and all forms of racial discrimination. They should grow up in that environment, and that will make a real difference towards the ultimate achievement of our goals.
As we are debating, we are preparing for the World Summit on Sustainable Development follow-up. One of the targets set by the World Summit on Sustainable Development two years ago was the promotion of gender equality and empowerment of women. A specific target was set to eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and at all levels by 2015.
We are a long way from meeting those goals, but those are challenges we set for ourselves. This summit happened on our soil and in our country, and we have to be serious in our attempts to meet these challenges and these goals.
Another thing that results in disempowerment of women is – and this is quite a sensitive subject – customary law. We must be careful that customary law does not entrench customs and conventions that keep women trapped in a patriarchal society. Patricia McFadden writes:
In the context of Southern Africa and across the continent, the existence of customary law only compounds the difficulties faced by black women, in particular, in exercising their rights. In many countries it supersedes the constitutional guarantees to women as citizens.
In Zimbabwe, for example, which is raised as an example, there is specifically a clause in their constitution which gives customary law precedence over the rest of the constitution. These are matters that we need to be aware of. They need to be taken up by the Pan- African Women’s Organisation in their participation in the Pan- African structures and the African Union.
Zimbabwean women have been fighting this for many years, but often male judges block their attempts to break down these barriers that customs and conventions put between black women and the realisation of their civil rights.
To give an example, I would like to reiterate what was said earlier on by the Deputy Minister of Health. She spoke about polygamy. I am not here to judge whether polygamy is a good practice or not. But I dare say … Kader Asmal wakes up …[Laughter.] … that if you were to do a survey here in this Parliament and beyond, and ask men and women what they feel about polygamy, whether we should we retain it, whether it should be allowed or not, you would get a different outcome. Far more men would say: “Yes, we believe polygamy should be allowed. It is part of our custom; there is nothing wrong with it.” And women would say the opposite.
Sheila Camerer said that this exercise was done in their committee, and I presume that it produced the same result. You can go anywhere and it will produce the same result. Therefore, we can’t just say customary law and customs are there forever. They are there to be critically evaluated. They must reflect real needs and real rights and must be compatible with the Constitution.
These are struggles that are going to have to be faced on the African continent. Women have to be given real choices. If given choices, it’s quite clear that in most cases they would opt for a more dignified life. They will vote against those barriers to the achievement of a more dignified life. That is quite clear.
I think that as we talk about the future of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation, we have to say that it has a gender activism role. It must have. We should proclaim ourselves to be gender activists; we shouldn’t be ashamed of that. The ANC is proud of its vision and commitment to a nonracial, nonsexist South Africa. We are proud of that, but we need a vision for a nonsexist continent in which all women are able to live lives of dignity and enjoy rights equal to those enjoyed by men.
We need strong women’s representation in the structures of the African Union and the Pan-African Parliament to help us to achieve that. The reality is that much has changed here in this Parliament and in our country as a result of the struggle of the women of our country. The very fact that one third of our parliamentarians are now women, almost 50% of the members of the Cabinet are women and four out of nine of the Premiers in our country are women is not unimportant in that struggle to ensure that laws in our country are gender sensitive and that the Budget is gender sensitive, Mr Manuel.
The reality is that women’s participation in decision-making structures and women’s occupation of leadership roles in society make the big difference as to whether we achieve these goals or not. We can talk about education, but the truth is that if education is dominated by male policy-makers and by male educators, it is very unlikely, or less likely, that those messages of gender equality will go out strongly to young learners. That is a reality. Therefore, these achievements are not unimportant.
People out there would say: So, big deal - 30% of this Parliament are women
- how has that changed our lives? However, the truth is that it is an essential and very important ingredient towards changing people’s lives. Laws have changed. Attitudes still need to change a lot more, and we have a long way to go.
We have to help define the role of the Pan-African Women’s Organisation, but it needs to complement the work done by other organisations. It can’t just do it on its own. It needs to be the voice of all the women of the continent and it needs to truly represent women’s needs and women’s aspirations on this continent. It needs to be complemented by organisations of civil society.
We have strong women’s organisations on our continent that we can be proud of. We don’t want to marginalise them. We want those organisations to be part of this process of transforming our continent in many different ways, for example by the eradication of poverty and disease, and by having a more educated continent, but a continent where men and women are equal; and that is a massive challenge. If we don’t mobilise, then we won’t achieve. The Pan-African Women’s Organisation should be seen as a mobilisation tool.
The ANC Women’s League has done that. We have a lot to be proud of. It has played a critically important role in ensuring the achievement of the rights and the gains that have been made in our country. [Applause.] But that is not to say that other organisations or women who are not members of the Women’s League haven’t played a very important role; they have. The Women’s League is now confronted with a number of challenges. The Women’s League should not just strengthen itself as an entity, but should play a leading role in achieving unity amongst the women of our country, and achieving these goals of a genuinely nonsexist country with true gender equality. It cannot do that on its own. It doesn’t intend doing that on its own. But it has to rise to that challenge.
An appeal to the Women’s League, and I am sure that they will take this up very strongly, is that they must put meaning to this notion of a people’s contract, of working together towards achieving these noble objectives. The Women’s League is the one organisation that has a presence all over the country. In other words, it has to play a leading role. It cannot do it alone, but its role has to be assumed and respected. So, we would appeal to all women to work closely with the Women’s League to help us achieve our goals. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
HON MEMBERS: Malibongwe! [Praise the name of women.] Debate concluded.
QUESTIONS AND REPLIES – see that book.
NOTICES OF MOTION
Mr P J GOMOMO: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that I shall move on the next sitting day of the House as a subject for discussion:
The introduction of a single national Public Service without compromising the advantages of proximity to the community and flexibility of local government in service delivery.
Mr A H NEL: Chair, I hereby give notice that I shall move on the next sitting day of the House as a subject for discussion: ***** The potential for rural instability in the light of the fact that insufficient money has been budgeted to meet government promises on land reform.
Ms N R NTSHULANA-BHENGU: Deputy Chairperson, I hereby give notice that I shall move on the next sitting day of the House as a subject for discussion:
The coming local government elections, believing that these elections
are an anchor in the consolidation of democracy and national
development in our country.
Mr C M LOWE: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that I shall move on the next sitting day of the House as a subject for discussion:
Broad-based black economic empowerment as a tool to bring greater
numbers of South Africans into the mainstream economy.
Mr D J SITHOLE: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that I shall move on the next sitting day of the House as a subject for discussion:
The restructuring of the United Nations and its agencies to serve and
protect the poor of the world, who constitute the majority of
humanity.
Ms R TALJAARD: Chair, I hereby give notice that I shall move on the next sitting day of the House:
That the House -
1) Notes -
a) South Africa’s second quarter Gross Domestic Product growth
figure of 3,9% fuelled by recent interest rate cuts;
(b) that this growth, while a highly laudable improvement on
the 2,9% growth expected for this financial year, is far
from the more than 6% required to fuel employment creation;
and
(c) that this growth is supported by the growth in the
property market and a sound performance by agriculture and
manufacturing, despite the challenges posed by a 5,9%
increase in unit labour costs and rand strength; and
2) calls on the government to proceed with labour market reform to
curtail rocketing unit labour costs and to deal responsibly with
the panel on foreign ownership of land and the Black Economic
Empowerment Charter in the agricultural sector.
BIODIVERSITY PROTOCOL
(Draft Resolution)
Mr K D S DURR: Chairperson, I hereby move without notice:
As South Africa is a signatory to the Biodiversity Protocol and as the National Environmental Management: Biodiversity Act comes into force today I call on the Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs and the Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism to implement environmental impact assessment requirements for GMOs forthwith.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mrs C-S Botha): If there are no objections, I shall put the motion. Hon member, is that an objection?
Mr A M MPONTSHANE: It is a point of order, Chair. I think such motions should be circulated amongst political parties before they are read in the House. Our party did not get this motion.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mrs C-S Botha): I will take that as an objection and this will then become a notice of motion.
Mr K D S DURR: On a point of order, Madam Chairperson: The fact of the matter is that I do not think that any member of this House can object to the House calling for the implementation of an Act which is law. [Interjections.]
Mrs S V KALYAN: I rise on a point of order, Madam Chair. I think it is just a convention and a courtesy that a motion without notice is circulated to all the parties beforehand, and that is the principle that we are objecting to.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mrs C-S BOTHA): Thank you. We have concurred.
CONSIDERATION OF REQUEST FOR APPROVAL BY PARLIAMENT OF DECISIONS OF 1999 BEIJING CONGRESS – UNIVERSAL POSTAL UNION, IN TERMS OF SECTION
231(2) OF CONSTITUTION
Mr M K LEKGORO: Madam Chair, the Universal Postal Union is an intergovernmental organisation and a specialised agency of the United Nations. It was founded in 1874 to encourage collaboration and development within the international postal sector. With the dawn of democracy, South Africa emerged from years of international isolation and, amongst other things, was admitted to the Universal Postal Union and thus became a signatory.
The UPU participates in the modernisation of postal services. It deals with regulatory, legislative, operational, economic and commercial aspects of international postal services. It passes laws that bind member states on postal matters.
The plenipotentiary council, a permanent body of the UPU, met in Beijing in 1999 and amended its constitution subject to ratification by member states. The plenipotentiary amended article 22 to ensure that general regulations are binding on all member states. Article 25 makes provision for the people responsible for signature authentication, ratification and approval of Acts adopted by the Union. Article 27 gives member countries the right to accede to any additional protocols and other Acts of the union at any time. Article 29 gives member countries the right to present proposals concerning the Acts of the union, either to congress or between congresses.
In order for South Africa to have voting rights and to participate fully in the next congress of the UPU, it must have ratified the 1999 Beijing congress amendments. The Department of Communications has confirmed that the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development has scrutinised the final Acts and decisions of the 1999 Beijing congress and has found no conflict with domestic law. The Department of Foreign Affairs has also scrutinised the final Acts and decisions of the 1999 Beijing congress and advised that South Africa should sign the constitution and the convention of the UPU.
After its deliberations on the matter, the portfolio committee wishes to recommend that Parliament should ratify the decisions of the 1999 Beijing congress.
There was no debate.
Decisions of 1999 Beijing Congress – Universal Postal Union approved.
The House adjourned at 17:52. ____
AANOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
THURSDAY, 26 AUGUST 2004
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- Introduction of Bills
(1) The Minister of Finance
(i) Government Employees Pension Law Amendment Bill [B 15 -
2004] (National Assembly - sec 75) [Bill and prior notice of
its introduction published in Government Gazette No 26676 of
16 August 2004.]
Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Finance of
the National Assembly, as well as referral to the Joint Tagging
Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on
26 August 2004.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bills may be submitted to the JTM within three parliamentary
working days.
(2) The Minister of Minerals and Energy
(i) Petroleum Products Amendment Bill [B 16 - 2004] (National
Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
26648 of 4 August 2004.]
Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Minerals
and Energy of the National Assembly, as well as referral to the
Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint
Rule 160, on 27 August 2004.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
within three parliamentary working days.
- Bills passed by Houses - to be submitted to President for assent
(1) Bill passed by National Council of Provinces on 26 August 2004:
(i) Immigration Amendment Bill [B 11B - 2004] (National
Assembly - sec 75)
National Assembly
- Membership of Committees
(1) The following members have been appointed to serve on the Joint
Committees mentioned, viz:
Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and
Status of Women:
African National Congress
Luthuli, Dr A N
Maine, Mrs M S
Makasi, Mrs X C
Meruti, Ms M V
Morutoa, Ms M R
Ngwenya, Mrs M L
Ntuli, Mrs B M
Tshwete, Ms P
Direko, Ms I W (Alt)
Hajaig, Ms F (Alt)
Mabena, Mr D C (Alt)
Manana, Ms M N S (Alt)
Maserumule, Mr F T (Alt)
Morobi, Mrs D M (Alt)
Ngele, Ms N J (Alt)
Ngcobo, Ms B T (Alt)
Democratic Alliance
Botha, Mrs C-S
Semple, Ms J A
Inkatha Freedom Party
Vos, Ms S C
Independent Democrats
Batyi, Ms F
United Democratic Movement
Mdaka, Ms N M
Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and
Status of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons:
African National Congress
Bhengu, Ms P
Bogopane-Zulu, Mrs H I
Kholwane, Mr S E
Kondlo, Ms N C
Mohlaloga, Mr M R
Moss, Mr M I
Newhoudt-Druchen, Mrs W S
Tobias, Ms T V
Bhengu, Mr F (Alt)
Chohan-Khota, Ms F I (Alt)
Louw, Mr T J (Alt)
Makgate, Ms M W (Alt)
Mogase, Mr I D (Alt)
Mthethwa, Mr E N (Alt)
Ngcobo, Ms B T (Alt)
Nzimande, Mr L P M (Alt)
Democratic Alliance
Morkel, Mr C M
Weber, Ms H
Swathe, Mr M M (Alt)
Inkatha Freedom Party
Dhlamini, Mr B W (Alt)
Roopnarain, Dr U
United Democratic Movement
Mdaka, Ms N M
Joint Budget Committee:
African National Congress
Asiya, Mr S E
Cwele, Dr S C
Hogan, Ms B A
Kannemeyer, Mr B W
Mabe, Ms L L
Mashiane, Ms L M
Nene, Mr N M
Schneemann, Mr G D
Sikakane, Mr M R
Zita, Mr L
Baloyi, Mr M R (Alt)
Davies, Dr R H (Alt)
Moloto, Mr K A (Alt)
Sithole, Mr D J (Alt)
Democratic Alliance
Rabie, Dr P J
Taljaard, Ms R
Inkatha Freedom Party
Smith, Mr P F (Alt)
Woods, Dr G G
United Democratic Movement
Stephens, Mr M
African Christian Democratic Party
Durr, Mr K D S
Joint Standing Committee on Defence:
African National Congress
Asmal, Prof A K
Bloem, Mr D V
Booi, Mr M S
Chikunga, Mrs L S
Diale, Mr L N
Fihla, Mr N B
Kalako, Mr M U
Koornhof, Dr G W
Mathebe, Mr P M
Maziya, Mr A M
Mgabadeli, Ms H C
Mngomezulu, Mr G P
Morwamoche, Mr K W
Ntuli, Mr S B
Phungula, Mr J P
Rwexana, Ms S P
Sibande, Mr M P
Sithole, Mr D J
Sotyu, Ms M M
Tolo, Bishop L J
Van Wyk, Ms A
Democratic Alliance
Jankielsohn, Mr R
Sayedali-Shah, Moulana M R
Schmidt, Adv H C
Swart, Adv P S
Taljaard, Ms R
Inkatha Freedom Party
Mncwango, Mr M A
Ndlovu, Mr V B
(2) The following members have been appointed to serve on the
Committee mentioned, viz:
Standing Committee on Private Members' Legislative Proposals and
Special Petitions:
African National Congress
Ainslie, Mr A R
Carrim, Mr Y I
Gerber, Mr P A
Kondlo, Ms N C
Magwanishe, Mr G B
Maine, Mrs M S
Montsitsi, Mr S D
Mshudulu, Mr S A
Tsenoli, Mr S L
Tshwete, Ms P
Democratic Alliance
Jankielsohn, Mr R
Lowe, Mr C M
Inkatha Freedom Party
Mars, Mrs I (Alt)
Zulu, Prince N E
United Democratic Movement
Sigcau, Ms S N
Pan Africanist Congress of Azania
Likotsi, Mr M T
Minority Front
Rajbally, Ms S
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- The Speaker and the Chairperson
Report of the Secretary to Parliament for 2003.
- The Minister of Labour
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Services Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 126-
2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Bank Sector Education and
Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 39-
2004].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Insurance Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
2004 [RP 50-2004].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the National Productivity
Institute 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 140-2004].
FRIDAY, 27 AUGUST 2004
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- Introduction of Bills
(1) The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry
(i) Water Services Amendment Bill [B 17 - 2004] (National
Assembly - sec 75) [Bill and prior notice of its introduction
published in Government Gazette No 26704 of 20 August 2004.]
Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Water
Affairs and Forestry of the National Assembly, as well as referral
to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms
of Joint Rule 160, on 30 August 2004.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bills may be submitted to the JTM within three parliamentary
working days.
- Draft bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159
(1) Water Services Amendment Bill, 2004, submitted by the Minister
of Water Affairs and Forestry on 27 August 2004. Referred to the
Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry and the Select
Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs.
National Assembly
- Membership of ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly:
The following members have been nominated to represent the South
African Parliament in the African Caribbean Pacific-European Union (ACP-
EU) Joint Parliamentary Assembly for the duration of the term of the
current Parliament: Dr R H Davies (ANC), Ms D G Nhlengethwa (ANC) and
Mr D H M Gibson (DA).
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- The Minister of Finance
(a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia for the Avoidance
of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with
respect to Taxes on Income, in terms of section 231(2) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the Government
of the Republic of South Africa and the Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia for the Avoidance of Double Taxation and the
Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with respect to Taxes on Income.
(c) Convention between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of the Republic of Bulgaria for the
Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion
with respect to Taxes on Income, in terms of section 231(2) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(d) Explanatory Memorandum on the Convention between the Government
of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic
of Bulgaria for the Avoidance of Double Taxation and the
Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with respect to Taxes on Income.
- The Minister of Labour
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Education, Training and
Development Practices Sector Education and Training Authority for
2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 44-2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Financial and Accounting
Services Sector Education and Training Authority (FASSET) for 2003-
2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 38-2004].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Manufacturing,
Engineering and Related Services Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 54-2004].
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the Chemical Industries
Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
2004 [RP 40-2004].
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the Wholesale and Retail
Sector Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2003-2004 [RP 62-2004].
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the Food and Beverage
Manufacturing Sector Education and Training Authority for 2003-
2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 46-2004].
(g) Report and Financial Statements of the Tourism, Hospitality and
Sport Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including
the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
2003-2004 [RP 60-2004].
(h) Report and Financial Statements of the Police, Security, Legal,
Justice and Correctional Services Sector Education and Training
Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 55-2004].
(i) Report and Financial Statements of the Mining Qualifications
Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 53-2004].
(j) Report and Financial Statements of the Local Government, Water
and Related Services Sector Education and Training Authority for
2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 51-2004].
(k) Report and Financial Statements of the Health and Welfare Sector
Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
2004 [RP 48-2004].
(l) Report and Financial Statements of the Clothing, Textiles,
Footwear and Leather Sector Education and Training Authority for
2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 41-2004].
(m) Report and Financial Statements of the Media, Advertising,
Publishing, Printing and Packaging Sector Education and Training
Authority (MAPPP) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(n) Report and Financial Statements of the Information Systems,
Electronics and Telecommunications Technologies Sector Education
and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 49-
2004].
(o) Report and Financial Statements of the Primary Agriculture
Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
2004 [RP 155-2004].
(p) Report and Financial Statements of Transport Education and
Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 61-
2004].
(q) Report and Financial Statements of the Forest Industries
Education and Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
2004 [RP 47-2004].
(r) Report and Financial Statements of the Sector Education and
Training Authority for Secondary Agriculture for 2003-2004,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 58-2004].
- The Minister of Science and Technology
Report and Financial Statements of Vote 18 - Department of Science and
Technology for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 145-2004].
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Communications on the Decisions of 1999 Beijing Congress - Universal Postal Union, dated 27 August 2004:
The Portfolio Committee on Communications, having considered the request for approval by Parliament of the Decisions of 1999 Beijing Congress - Universal Postal Union, referred to it, recommends that the House, in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said Decisions.
Request to be considered.
CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert No 2 from “ATC0827e”
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Finance on the Financial Administration of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures, dated 25 August 2004:
The Portfolio Committee on Finance reports as follows:
This Report is made in terms of a resolution adopted by the National Assembly on 24 June 2004. This resolution instructed the Portfolio Committee on Finance to take over a mandate given by the House to the Ad Hoc Committee on Finance on 18 June, viz to "consider the subject of the financial administration of Parliament with a view to introducing a bill dealing with the matter, in accordance with the Assembly Rules". The Portfolio Committee was instructed to confer on this matter with the Select Committee on Finance of the National Council of Provinces and to report to the National Assembly by 31 August 2004. 1. The Committee decided to build on work begun on this subject in the previous Parliament under the auspices of the then Deputy Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces. 2. A joint meeting of the Portfolio and Select Committees was held on 6 August to receive a presentation on a draft Bill on this subject, prepared in November 2003. 3. The Committees agreed that this draft could serve as the basis for further work, but felt that additional comments and inputs would be useful to prepare a further draft that could be introduced and processed through Parliament according to Assembly Rules. 4. The Presiding Officers and Secretaries of the two Houses, the Speakers of Provincial Legislatures and the National Treasury were invited to submit comments. The Committees are still awaiting these comments. 5. When these comments are received, the Committees plan to meet to evaluate them and initiate a process of producing a further draft Bill. 6. The Committees envisage publishing this draft for introduction and public comment according to normal procedures. 7. The Committees would hope that a Bill on this subject could be passed before the end of this year.
Report to be considered.
MONDAY, 30 AUGUST 2004
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- The Minister of Finance
(a) Government Notice No 850 published in Government Gazette No
26576 dated 23 July 2004: Appointment of members and alternate
members of the Public Accountants' and Auditors Board in terms of
section 3(6) of the Public Accountants and Auditors Act, 1991 (Act
No 80 of 1991).
(b) Government Notice No 860 published in Government Gazette No
26576 dated 23 July 2004: Appointment of member to the Amnesty
Unit in terms of section 23 of the Exchange Control Amnesty and
Amendment of Taxation Laws Act, 2003 (Act No 12 of 2003).
(c) Government Notice No 886 published in Government Gazette No
26602 dated 30 July 2004: Exemptions: Financial Intelligence
Centre in terms of section 92 of the Public Finance Management
Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
(d) Government Notice No 896 published in Government Gazette No
26603 dated 30 July 2004: Cancellation of appointment of an
authorised dealer in foreign exchange in terms of paragraph (3)(a)
of the Exchange Control Regulations Government Notice No R1112 of
1 December 1961 as amended: Regal Treasury Private Bank Limited in
terms of the Currency and Exchanges Act, 1933 (Act No 9 of 1933).
(e) Government Notice No 853 published in Government Gazette No
26588 dated 30 July 2004: The dimension of, design for, and
compilation of, the commemorative R2 circulation coin in terms of
section 19(1)(a) of the South African Reserve Bank Act, 1989 (Act
No 90 of 1989).
(f) Government Notice No 854 published in Government Gazette No
26588 dated 30 July 2004: The dimension of, design for, and
compilation of, the new R5 bi-metal circulation coin in terms of
section 16(2) of the South African Reserve Bank Act, 1989 (Act No
90 of 1989).
(g) Government Notice No 855 published in Government Gazette No
26588 dated 30 July 2004: Amendment of schedule 2 section (b) of
the South African Reserve Bank, 1989 (Act No 90 of 1989).
- The Minister of Minerals and Energy
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Mine Health and Safety
Inspectorate for 2003-2004 [RP 142-2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the South African Nuclear Energy Corporation Limited (NECSA) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
- The Minister of Sport and Recreation
Report and Financial Statements of the South African Institute for Drug-
Free Sport for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 118-2004].
- The Minister of Education
Report and Financial Statements of the South African Council for
Educators (SACE) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
TUESDAY, 31 AUGUST 2004
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- The Speaker and the Chairperson
(1) Report and Financial Statements of the Public Protector of South
Africa for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 114-2004]
(2) Report and Financial Statements of Parliament of the Republic of
South Africa for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements of Vote 2 - Parliament for
2003-2004.
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs
Report and Financial Statements of the Land and Agricultural
Development Bank (Land Bank) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 147-
2004].
- The Minister of Labour
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 17 - Department of
Labour for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 64-2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Unemployment Insurance
Fund (UIF) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 65-2004].
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the Compensation Commissioner
for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 65-2004].
- The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 34 - Department of Water
Affairs and Forestry for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 131-
2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the Trans-Caledon Tunnel
Authority (TCTA) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(c) Government Notice No 897 published in Government Gazette No
26602 dated 30 July 2004: Proposal for the establishment of the
Mvoti to Mzimkulu Catchment Management Agency in terms of section
78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(d) Government Notice No 898 published in Government Gazette No
26602 dated 30 July 2004: Proposal for the establishment of the
Crocodile (West) - Marico Catchment Agency in terms of section
78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(e) Government Notice No 937 published in Government Gazette No
26649 dated 13 August 2004: Release of parts of state forests
which are no longer required for forestry in terms of the National
Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).
(f) Government Notice No 966 published in Government Gazette No
26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Jan Fourieskraal
Irrigation Board, Division of Calitzdorp, Province of the Western
Cape, into the Jan Fourieskraal Water User Association, Water
Management Area Number 16, Province of the Western Cape, 1998 (Act
No 36 of 1998).
(g) Government Notice No 967 published in Government Gazette No
26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Stompdrift-
Kamanassie Irrigation Board, Division of Oudtshoorn and
Calitzdorp, Western Cape Province, into the Stompdrift-Kamanassie
Water User Association, Water Management Area Number 16, Western
Cape Province, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(h) Government Notice No 968 published in Government Gazette No
26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Stellenbosch,
Helderberg and Lower Eertse River Irrigation Boards, Division of
Stellenbosch, Province of the Western Cape, into the Wineland
Water User Association, Water Management Area Number 19, Province
of the Western Cape in terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act
No 36 of 1998).
(i) Government Notice No 969 published in Government Gazette No
26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Zanddrift
Irrigation Board, Division of Robertson, Western Cape Province,
into the Zanddrift Water User Association, Water Management Area
Number 18, Western Cape Province in term of the National Water
Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(j) Government Notice No 970 published in Government Gazette No
26663 dated 20 August 2004: Establishment of the Vanrhynsdorp
Water User Association, Division of Vanrhynsdorp, Province of the
Western Cape, Water Management Area Number 18, Western Cape
Province in terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
1998).
(k) Government Notice No 971 published in Government Gazette No
26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Lower Sundays
River Irrigation Board, Magisterial Districts of Alexandria,
Jansenville, Kirkwood, Port Elizabeth, Somerset East and
Uitenhage, Eastern Cape Province, into the Lower Sundays River
Water User Association, Water Management Area Number 12, Eastern
Cape Province in terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36
of 1998).
(l) Government Notice No 985 published in Government Gazette No
26698 dated 18 August 2004: Proposal for the establishment of the
Breede-Overberg Catchment Management Agency in terms of section
78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(m) General Notice No 1767 published in Government Gazette No 26704
dated 20 August 2004: Invitation for written comments on the Water
Services Amendment Bill, 2004.
- The Minister of Minerals and Energy
Report and Financial Statements of the Mine Health and Safety Council
for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 136-2004].
- The Minister of Arts and Culture
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the National Museum of
Bloemfontein for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 84-2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the William Humphreys Art
Gallery for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of the South African State
Theatre for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(d) Report and Financial Statements of the South African Blind
Workers Organisation for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(e) Report and Financial Statements of the War Museum of the Boer
Republics for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(f) Report and Financial Statements of the Performing Arts Centre of
the Free State (PACOFS) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
- The Minister of Education
Report and Financial Statements of the Education Labour Relations
Council (elrc) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 151-2004].
- The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism
Report and Financial Statements of the Greater St Lucia Wetland Park
for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
WEDNESDAY, 1 SEPTEMBER 2004
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs
Report and Financial Statements of the Agricultural Research Council
(ARC) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 88-2004].
- The Minister of Communications
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Independent
Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) for 2003-2004,
including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 106-2004].
(b) Report and Financial Statements of Sentech for 2003-2004,
including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial
Statements for 2003-2004.
- The Minister of Labour
Report and Financial Statements of the Enery Sector Education and
Training Authority for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 45-2004].
- The Minister in The Presidency
Report and Financial Statements of Vote 7 - Government Communication
and Information System for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 148-
2004].
- The Minister of Education
Report and Financial Statements of Vote 15 - Department of Education
for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 144-2004].
- The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism
(a) Report and Financial Statements of Vote 28 - Department of
Environmental Affairs and Tourism for 2003-2004, including the
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
2004.
(b) Report and Financial Statements of the South African National
Parks for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
(c) Report and Financial Statements of South African Tourism for
2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
Financial Statements for 2003-2004.
National Assembly
- The Speaker
The President of the Republic submitted the following letter dated 29
August 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing Members
of the Assembly of the employment of the South African National Defence
Force:
EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN THE
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, FOR SERVICE IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE
SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE SERVICE FOR PROTECTION AND SAFETY OF THE PRESIDENT
OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA DURING AN OFFICIAL VISIT TO THE
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
This serves to inform the National Assembly that I authorised the
employment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF)
personnel to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), for service in
co-operation with the South African Police Service for protection of
the President of the Republic of South Africa during an official visit
to the DRC on 30 and 31 August 2004.
This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions of
section 201(2)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,
1996 (Act No 108 of 1996), read with section 19(3) of the Defence Act,
2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).
A total of thirty-six (36) members will be employed for service in co-
operation with the South African Police Service as from 29 August to 1
September 2004.
The total estimated cost to be borne by South Africa for the deployment
of personnel to the joint operation is R 150 000-00 which will be paid
out of the SANDF's Special Forces Brigade budget. Transport and
accommodation cost will be borne by the South African Police Service.
I will communicate this report to the Members of the National Council
of Provinces and wish to request that you bring the contents hereof to
the notice of the National Assembly.
Regards
SIGNED
T M MBEKI
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
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