WEDNESDAY, 15 SEPTEMBER 2004 _____

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

                                ____ The House met at 15:33.

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

QUESTIONS AND REPLIES– see that book.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Mr M T LIKOTSI: Chairperson, at the next sitting of the House I shall move:

That the House –

    1) notes that an important gathering of world Methodists will be
       taking place in Port Elizabeth from 15 to 18 September 2004;
    2) that this body represents almost 75 million people from 32
       countries; and
    3) that this House welcomes delegates to this august Assemblyand
       wishes them every success.

Mrs C DUDLEY: Chairperson, on behalf of the ACDP, I give notice that at the next sitting of the House I shall move:

              That the House discusses public dissatisfaction with
   Metrorail’s services, and whether or not it is unreasonable for
   paying passengers to expect safe, reliable and courteous service.

Mr M WATERS: Thank you, Chair I hereby give notice that I shall move:

  That this House discusses making South Africa a safer place   for our   children.

THE HUMAN RIGHTS TRAGEDIES IN DARFUR IN SUDAN AND THE MASSACRE OF CONGOLESE TUTSI REFUGEES IN BURUNDI

                      (Subject for Discussion)

Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: Thank you, Madam Chairperson. We are called here today to discuss the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, Sudan. In February 2003, war broke out in Darfur between the Sudanese government and rebel groups in the region. It is believed that in order to suppress the rebellion, the government turned to the Janjaweed militias. The Janjaweed then began a campaign of destruction against the villagers of Darfur.

They are reported to have carried out terrible atrocities, including thousands of murders and rape. The United Nations tells us that up to 1,2 million people have been driven from their homes and up to 50 000 have died because of violence, starvation and disease – though the Sudanese government claims that only 5 000 have died.

On 30 July 2004, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1556, which called on the government of Sudan to allow relief organisations to carry out their work, to disarm the Janjaweed and to arrest those who are suspected of committing these atrocities.

Meanwhile, the African Union has sent approximately 120 observers to Darfur to monitor a cease-fire agreement between the government and the rebels, and has sent 300 soldiers to protect the observer mission.

At the moment there is some debate as to whether the situation in Darfur meets the definition of “genocide”. Whatever the case, the crisis is certainly the worst that the African continent has faced since the Rwandan genocide of 1994 and the ongoing violence in Burundi and the eastern DRC.

We should not waste time debating while people are dying. The question facing the world and us now is what to do next, for, certainly, much more must be done. The UN Security Council is considering a draft resolution that would establish an international investigation into claims of genocide in Darfur and encourage the AU to expand its observer mission in Darfur.

The draft resolution also threatens an oil embargo and sanctions against Sudanese officials if the Sudanese government does not co-operate. Yet, there is considerable disagreement, even among the members of the UN Security Council themselves, as to whether sanctions would be appropriate. Once again, the world faces the prospect of a divided United Nations. If these divisions cannot be resolved, the multilateral effort to help the people of Darfur may fail.

However, there may be a way to put greater pressure on the Sudanese government without resorting to sanctions. It involves the Arab League, of which Sudan is a member. The Arab League has been almost completely silent on the role of the Sudanese government in the atrocities in Darfur. Though it has raised money to assist the victims, it has not done enough to ensure that the Sudanese government complies with the AU mission or the UN.

In the past, the Arab League has been outspoken against human rights abuses in Palestine and in Iraq, and we can understand that. But there must be consistency. Yet in Sudan it has failed to find its voice.

The Holy Qur’an provides us with clear guidelines as to what to do in situations such as the one we find in Darfur today, where the conflict is among contending groups of believers.

It tells us, in Chapter 49, verse 9, that, and I quote:

  If two parties among the Believers fall into a quarrel, make ye peace
  between them: but if one of them transgresses beyond bounds against
  the other, then fight ye (all) against the one that transgresses until
  it complies with the command of Allah; but if it complies, then make
  peace between them with justice, and be fair: for Allah loves those
  who are fair (and just).

Now, here is the clear injunction for the Arab League, and the Muslim world in general, to put pressure on the government of Sudan to stop the continuing violence and the atrocities. It is their divine obligation to mediate a peaceful settlement to this human tragedy.

There are those who believe that the Darfur crisis is being exaggerated by the West and its allies in order to undermine the Muslim government. They point to the fact that Sudan has large oil and gas reserves, largely unexplored. Yet, if we are to be honest, we must admit that the West is not the only party interested in oil in the Sudan. China has oil interests there too, and so do some Muslim countries, for example Malaysia.

We cannot allow our view of the situation to be clouded in the fog of conspiracy theories. The human rights of our fellow human beings must be foremost in our minds and hearts.

In conclusion, the DA calls on the South African government, as Chair of the African Union’s Peace and Security Council, to act swiftly by assembling and putting together, with other African nations in a multilateral initiative, an effective peacekeeping mission to Darfur.

We further suggest that the South African government and the African Union put pressure on the Arab League to contribute to the funding of the African Union peacekeeping mission and to take a firm approach in encouraging the Sudanese government to comply with UN Security Council resolutions.

And finally, it is only if the Arab and Muslim world joins the multilateral effort in Sudan, as full and equal partners, that progress will be possible. Thank you. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Hon Chair, hon members of Parliament, as I was listening to the previous speaker, I was trying to find out exactly why the DA called for this debate because he spent 75% of his speaking time addressing the Arab League. I don’t know whether the Arab League is here or whether we have an Arab League in South Africa, but I understand, as you will hear in my speech, why the DA called for this debate. It has nothing to do with whether they are concerned about human rights or not. Their history speaks for itself. [Interjections.]

This debate is very important to us as the ANC because we believe that South Africa, as a responsible member of the international community, cannot be comfortable and rejoice when people are slaughtered and their human rights violated – be it in Zimbabwe, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Palestine or anywhere else in the world.

As the ANC we have always fought and struggled against all forms of injustice visited upon the human race, irrespective of colour and region. [Interjections.] We did not start in 1994 like you guys. [Interjections.] I am afraid the same cannot be said about the DA.

My suspicion is that the DA called for this debate to make up for the selective morality it has applied in the case of Zimbabwe. I hope I am wrong. [Interjections.] The DA’s race and double standard petticoat is trailing all over Africa. [Interjections.] The DA has been championing the cause of human rights in Zimbabwe because of a section of the farming community in that country. Their petulant cries for South Africa to get involved more aggressively in the affairs of our northern neighbour have become an almost daily occurrence.

The changed world order, particularly the eradication of colonial domination, the defeat of the apartheid system and the end of the Cold War, has increased the potential for new opportunities and possibilities for the development of a united Africa. Conflicts and political instability in some countries on the continent, however, seek to undermine these possibilities.

The ongoing instability and the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, as well as indications of increased instability in eastern Sudan, have sharpened international focus on that country. [Interjections.] Hou jou bek. [Shut up.]

In the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide, Africa came to the conclusion that African countries must take the lead in intervening in conflict situations on the continent in order to create conditions conducive for United Nations interventions, as happened in Burundi.

Phantsi kwezibhambathiso zeBatho Pele, lo rhulumente wethu uzimisele ngamaxa onke ukusebenzisana neminye imibutho emikhulu ekwanjongene nophuhliso lwelizwekazi iAfrika. Kule mibutho ndingabalula iManyano yeAfrika, I-African Union, umbutho weZizwe eziManyeneyo, i-United Nations, kunye ne-SADC.

Siyasebenzisana nale mibutho ukuze kulawule uxolo nozinzo eAfrika. Yiyo loo nto singayaziyo into efunwa yi-DA le kanye kanye, ngoba isixelela ukuba senze le nto siyenzayo. Senza kanye le nto athetha ngayo, ngoku yena wenza ngathi siyiva ngaye ngoba akaphilanga. Kwahlekwa.

[According to Batho Pele principles, this government is determined to work with other international organisations that are also involved in the development of the African continent. Among these organisations I can mention the African Union, the United Nations and SADC.

We are working together with these organisations so that peace and stability can prevail in Africa. That is why we do not know exactly what the DA wants because it is telling us to do what we are already doing. We are doing exactly what it is talking about, but now it acts as if it has told us because it is sick. [Laughter.]]

It is pleasing to note that the United Nations Peace and Security Council is, for the first time, directly involved as a leading role-player in the conflict in Darfur, unlike what was said by the previous speaker, who did not have enough information - information collected from some paper cuttings. [Interjections.]

The role our government has played, in collaboration with other African nations, in brokering and bringing peace to the African continent has been widely recognised and applauded by the international community, so we do not need to be told what to do by the DA.

Our government and the SA National Defence Force have indeed been involved in one of the most complicated and complex, yet very important offers, to bring about political stability and lasting peace in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.

We do this because our security and economic growth are inextricably linked to that of the region and the continent. South Africa, as a responsible member of SADC, the AU and the United Nations, is extremely concerned about the crisis in Darfur, Sudan, and has taken an interest in the resolution of the conflict and the ensuing humanitarian crisis.

Our position on Sudan is guided by AU decisions and actions and therefore we operate within the framework of the AU in all its efforts to help end the conflict in Darfur. This is in keeping with our foreign policy to deal collectively with problems occurring in other African countries - be they regional or continental.

To this end, South Africa responded positively and quickly to the AU’s request to deploy 10 high-ranking …

Mr M J ELLIS: Sit down if you’ve got a bad cough.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Ja [yes], it’s because of the DA. [Laughter.] You see, when you are close to the DA everything goes wrong. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

To this end, South Africa responded positively and quickly to the AU’s request to deploy 10 high-ranking military officers in Darfur as part of the AU observer mission and to the request from the humanitarian organisation working in Darfur to assist with the logistics, such as transportation.

In addition, the Chief Directorate: Social Development is working with the humanitarian African Muslim Agency, which has requested the department’s assistance in transporting about 30 tons of relief goods to Darfur. It has been recommended to the Minister that the department support these people’s humanitarian contributions to the displaced residents of Darfur by paying the costs of transformation.

Sikwenza oku siyithathela ingqalelo into yokuba ukuzisa nokugcina uxolo kubaluleke ngaphezu kokunika abantu ukudla. Ubomi buxabiseke ngaphezulu kwayo yonke enye into. [We do this because we are aware of the fact that bringing about and maintaining peace is more crucial than providing people with food. Life is more important than anything.]

Some people always ask: How much does it cost? I am sure the DA is going to ask us one day how much it cost to help the people of Darfur. [Interjections.]

Pursuant to the AU’s commitment to assist with the disarmament of the Janjaweed militia on 30 July 2004, the AU Peace and Security Council announced that it had taken a decision to transform its military observer mission into a fully fledged peacekeeping mission which would be responsible for, among other things, the disarmament and neutralisation of militias in Darfur.

A 3 000-strong Eastern Africa Standby Brigade has been formed to carry out peacekeeping operations under the AU flag. So, the perception created by the previous speaker that nothing has been done is not only wrong but also far from the truth. [Interjections.]

Contrary to the scepticism about the effectiveness of AU conflict resolution of the prophets of doom, some of whom are in this House, especially on my left, all these activities are a clear indication that the AU is committed in a very substantial, practical and effective way to resolving conflicts not only in Darfur but on the continent as a whole.

May we remind these destructive elements that under the leadership of African leaders such as our President, President Thabo Mbeki, and President Obasanjo of Nigeria extraordinary initiatives such as Nepad and the AU have been established to challenge and do away with all the lingering remnants of colonialism and apartheid, systems that have influenced conflicts on the African continent. This is because this question of race and ethnicity is sometimes portrayed as the issue causing conflict on the continent.

The major problems are power struggles and economic struggles. Of course, other issues will be raised, like they tried to do when they oppressed us. So, we are doing everything to make sure that there is peace in Darfur. [Interjections.]

Our Department of Foreign Affairs, our President and all our government structures are doing everything to make sure that there is peace in Darfur. And there is going to be peace in Darfur and there will be peace in Africa with or without the cries of the DA. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr L K JOUBERT: Chairperson and hon members, the name Darfur means ``home of the Fur’’. The Fur people have inhabited the western part of present-day Sudan, bordering Libya and Chad, for thousands of years. The region has had many conflicts since it was annexed to Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in 1916, but the present conflict has developed into one of the most violent military confrontations on the continent, and is indeed a challenge for the African Union.

The statistics have already been released on how many civilians have died. While the conflict has a political base, the alarming fact is that it has acquired an ethnic dimension in which civilians are deliberately targeted on the basis of their ethnicity, which fact is borne out by the UN observer report, dated 25 April 2004.

It is only 10 years since the genocide in Burundi and, notwithstanding our recent confession concerning our apathy towards that particular crime against humanity, we again appear not to be successful in alleviating crime against people. The present crisis in Darfur underlines a reality on our continent, and that is that diverse people - comprising literally hundreds of different language, cultural, and ethnic groups – populate our continent.

We will only have peace on this continent if the differences between our great varieties of people are seen as an asset, and the rights of minorities are not only respected, but also entrenched. Our continent, after all, is populated by minorities. Ten years ago it was the Tutsis and today it is the Fur. The challenge facing us is to make sure that in 10, 20 or even 100 years from now, it is not the Afrikaner, the Zulu or any other minority.

The collective majority has an obligation to protect minorities. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr A HARDING: Thank you, Mr Chairperson. The growing conflict in western Sudan could undermine a peace deal to end two decades of civil war. The Darfur conflict has already killed thousands of civilians and hundreds of thousands more are displaced.

The Peace and Security Council of the African Union should do more in its attempt to avert further conflict by committing more troop deployment to the affected areas to maintain some semblance of calm whilst a peace treaty is being negotiated.

With regard to the Hutu extremists in Rwanda and the Congo, they must be condemned for the massacre of innocent women and children. A call needs to be made to stop Rwanda from forcing Congolese Tutsi refugees to return, as they might need to seek safety again, given the volatile situation in the region. I thank you.

Mr K D S DURR: Chairman, the problems of Darfur are complicated for some of the reasons that the hon Joubert now mentioned. The people of Darfur are largely black, Sufi Muslims, who are mystical and charismatic. Interestingly enough, they are descended from the Mahdi people, who led the revolt against General Gordon of Khartoum in the 19th century, and the government and the Janjaweed forces are Arab and Sunni Muslims.

So the civil war in Darfur is complicated. It is violence of Arab on black and Sunni Muslim on Sufi Muslim. It is very good that our government is involved in the way they are and we, the ACDP, welcome that.

Please, let us not forget the other conflict that is still raging in the largest country in Africa, which affects the oldest community of Christians in Africa, who have suffered some of the greatest persecutions found anywhere in the world today. This larger Sudanese tragedy is raging in the southern Sudan and Nuba mountains and it affects the lives of people who are nearly 80% Christian. Over the past 20 years, it has left 2 million dead and maimed and 6 million displaced as political refugees in Uganda, Kenya, Chad, Ethiopia, and elsewhere.

A further one million are internally displaced, as they wait for a guarantee of peace to return home. The refugees are mostly prohibited from planting crops, because nobody wants to give them permanent tenure. They are impatient to return to their homes in Sudan.

It is curious how the international community has responded so strongly to Darfur, with a low-key response to the greater long-standing problem in the south.

Oil is beginning to complicate the issue, though the conflict in the south is preceded by many decades of the finding of oil. Happily, there has been much progress in the peace talks in the south these last 15 months, but somehow progress has been slow. The cynics say that the Arabs first want to see whether President Bush is going to be re-elected, then they will go ahead, fearing the alternative. That is the talk.

There is a cease-fire, but we hear reports of restlessness from the freedom fighters that are heavily armed and are becoming restive. We cannot allow this hard-fought-for peace process, which so many people have invested so much time in, to slip through our fingers. What we as South Africans need to do is to focus firmly upon these peace talks in the south, keeping the talks on track, building goodwill, giving help where appropriate and being impatient with those who would stall the peace process, government or otherwise.

We must, of course, work for peace in Darfur, but not let it obscure the great challenge of the other peace in the south. Just to put it into perspective for members, I know of one Anglican cathedral that has been burnt down four times, and rebuilt four times. [Time expired.]

Ms S D MOTUBATSE-HOUNKPATIN: Modulasetulo, polelo ya ka ya lehono e tla tsenelela ka leleme la seisimane ka ge ke lemogile gore bašomi ba bantši le maloko a Palamente ya Afrika – Pan African Parliament -ba šetše ba gorogile ka mono nageng ya rena.

Tabakgolo ya lehono ke taba yeo e amago basadi le bana ka kudu – taba ya khutšo mo kontinenteng ya rena. Khutšo re e hloka ka magaeng; re e hloka mo mekgobeng; re e hloka setšhabeng; re e hloka nageng ya rena; re e hloka kontinenteng ka moka le lefaseng ka bophara.(Translation of Pedi paragraphs follows.)

[Ms S D Motubatse-Hounkpatin: Hon Chairperson, today my speech will mainly be in English as I realise that most of the employees and hon members of the African Parliament – Pan-African Parliament - have already arrived in our country.

The main issue today basically concerns women and children – the issue of peace on our continent. We need peace in our homes, we need it on our streets, we need it in our communities, we need it in our country, and we need it on our continent as a whole and in the world at large.]

Indeed, the human rights tragedies in Darfur and the massacre of Tutsi refugees are testing events that cast a sad reflection on our continent. But, is it enough for us to engage in a display of piety only? Shouldn’t we be testing the root causes of these tragedies and this massacre?

It is against this backdrop that the ANC, in fulfilling its historical mission and duty, reaffirmed its position at its national conference in

1. The principle aims of the African Renaissance, which is the basis of our policies and adopted by our conference, among others, were and are: firstly, the establishment of a democratic political system to ensure governance by the people; secondly, the establishment of institutions and procedures to enable the continent collectively to deal with the questions of democracy, peace and stability; and thirdly, the achievement of sustainable development for a better life for the masses of the continent’s people.

The ANC’s priority areas are identified in Nepad. The fulfilment of these requires a commitment from all sectors. The decisive movement of the ANC- led government on peace and security in the conflicts on the continent is unprecedented.

Against all odds left by the colonial rulers, the vestiges of imperialism and the internecine struggles for resources and power by proxy, the ANC indeed leads the continent in the programmes for economic and social development, and mechanisms to promote good governance and democracy. The peer review mechanism and the strengthening of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights are some of the efforts.

It is our view that the peoples of Africa, the various organs of civil society and the mobilisation of the progressive forces of the continent are also important parts of these programme priorities.

I wish to pose a question to the DA and ask: Where is their programme? Are the DA and its supporters fair? Is it enough to bring the debate to Parliament? What is the reason for this? Is it for the sake of votes only? How moral is it for the DA to dance on the graves, grief and tragedies of our continent’s people? [Interjections.]

Modulasetulo, ke kgopela gore makoko ka moka a dipolotiki a tsebagatše mananeo a wona mo setšhabeng, gore ba tla šomišana bjang le balatedi ba wona go tliša khutšo mo kontinenteng. Mošomo wa bona mo Palamenteng o tla matlafatša le go kgonthišiša gore khutšo e ate ka mokgwa ofe mo kontinenteng.[Hon Chairperson, I appeal to all the political organisations to publicise their programmes, with regard to how they will work together with their supporters to bring peace on the continent. Their job here in Parliament will strengthen peace and also ensure that peace reigns on our continent.]

In its self-righteous indignation and pursuit of votes, the DA did not resist the vulgar temptation to call on South African voters to fight back and stop the ANC. But, it failed dismally. It failed, not only because the ANC was better and smarter at the hustings but because, as a movement, our policy positions on Africa were fed by at least 53 workshops in all metros and districts of our country, involving more than 10 000 ANC activists. [Applause.] Furthermore, 2 000 branches engaged in developing mandates which Government implements today. [Applause.]

As a movement with political power and legitimacy, we have not desisted in registering our abhorrence and concern over the humanitarian, human rights and political crisis in Darfur. Yes, there are reports of gross violation of human rights with ethnic and religious dimension. Under the aegis and leadership of the AU, we are committed to ensuring the creation of conditions for the displaced to return safely to their homes. And more than this, the AU has assumed the leading role in monitoring the mission which is now being sent to the Darfur region to supervise the cease-fire agreement.

Is it not beyond the capacity of the Sudanese Government to immediately disarm the Janjaweed and other armed groups? While seeking a political solution to the conflict in Sudan, we must not be shy or remiss in addressing the roots of this conflict. In fact, given the history of the conflict, it has the potential to become a major disaster based on religion and religious domination.

We must not obscure the observation or characterisation of Darfur as Arabs versus Africans. But we must also not obscure another reality: Why is it that Russia and China are likely to veto any UN Security Council resolution threatening to impose sanctions on the Sudanese government, if the killings in Darfur continue? No observer can deny that China, as the largest importer of Sudanese oil, has a grip on the Middle East for its growing energy needs. And China has a veto in the UN Security Council.

Russia continues to sell advanced military weapons to Sudan despite international condemnation of the Sudanese government’s role in the Darfur crisis. And, isn’t a Russian oil company involved in a contract to build a 366 km pipeline in southeastern Sudan?

The US involvement in Darfur is not the result of the newfound whim of philanthropy in Washington. The US is pursuing a crucial strategic interest in Sudan – access to African oil. It is known that a potential pipeline supplying Chad with ``blood oil’’ from southern Sudan could pass through Darfur itself.

It is not surprising to note Peter Hallward’s comments in Mail & Guardian last month. He says: ``Enough Imperial Crusades’’. He traces the crisis in Sudan back to the US and UK involvement, arguing that any direct Anglo- American intervention today is merely the soft face on imperialism. He points out that today’s humanitarian crisis is precisely the result of past political failure. He advocates Western support for AU-led efforts. This is the correct point, and as the ANC we call upon all Western powers to work within the multilateral structures and allow African institutions to lead in solving Africa’s problems. We see this as the only vehicle for bringing lasting peace on the continent.

The UN on 7 September 2001 declared September 21st as an International Day of Peace. The intention is to have the entire world observe a full day of global cease-fire and nonviolence. We in the ANC wish to appeal to individuals, religious and faith-based organisations and political organisations to observe this day. On this day, we remember women and children who seek peace in their homes, in their streets, in their nations, in their countries, on the continent and in the world.

Without being philosophical, I often ask myself questions about life and liberty, what it meant to the pilgrims or founders of the US.

In conclusion, the ANC is committed to peace and is supporting the establishment of a global cease-fire and promotion of peace worldwide. Khutso a e ate. [Let there be peace.] I thank you. [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Chairperson, from the perspective of the PAC, the AU must increase its presence in Darfur. There must be an immediate arms embargo so that there is no proliferation of weapons in this volatile area, where some people speak of genocide whilst others say there are killings of people, but they have not reached the level of genocide. An international commission of inquiry must be appointed to look into the allegations of genocide and make recommendations to the UN Security Council and the AU.

Meanwhile, the AU must intensify its own peace efforts between the government of Sudan and the people of the south, who have been fighting and demanding equal treatment in greater Sudan or self-determination in the south.

There are several reports that zones to which the victims of this unfortunate conflict have fled, are not safe - women and children are raped by soldiers of both forces in the conflict - and that food and water supplies are targeted and destroyed.

The AU must ensure that there is absolute security of women and children. The PAC appeals to the international community for more assistance to the AU. It is estimated that an effective AU presence requires 3 000 troops and 1 200 civilian police. The PAC believes that … Izwe lethu! [Our land!] [Time expired.][Applause]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, South Africa is part of a larger entity – Africa. And, we have a responsibility to this larger entity.

The situation in Darfur is horrific and inhumane. The massacre of the Congolese Tutsi refugees in Burundi is just as haunting. As a democracy that strictly upholds human rights, we cannot accept or overlook the tragedies of our continent.

We note that our hon President Thabo Mbeki has met with President Bush of the US to discuss the situation in Sudan, Congo and Zimbabwe. We further note that the South African troops are being deployed to Sudan to assist in the situation there.

However, the MF feels that being part of Africa we have a greater responsibility, and we need to seriously mobilise in bringing peace to Africa. This does not have to be attained through weapons and war. We call for earnest action to address the attainment of peace in Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M R MOHLALOGA: Chairperson, the debate on the situation in Darfur and Burundi tends to involve two critical errors. Firstly, there is failure to make an analysis of the historical contexts that underlie the conflicts in Africa, which could assist in illuminating the contemporary manifestation of instability on the continent; and secondly, committed attempts are made to ignore the progress that we, as Africa, have made in the last 10 years to bring about peace. This ignorance stems from the desire to perpetuate a notion of afropessimism.

Africa today continues to grapple with the consequences of slave trade, colonialism, as well the Congress of Berlin in 1885 - a congress at which African kingdoms, states and communities were ruthlessly and artificially divided and unrelated areas were just arbitrarily forced together or separated.

When the wave of decolonisation started in 1960, the newly independent states inherited this colonial legacy, which impacted on our attempts to achieve territorial integrity and national unity. This was made more difficult because many of the colonial institutions and traditions were designed to exploit the imposed divisions and to create conditions for neocolonialism.

The postcolonial period was characterised by military rule and a creation of allies that thrived on corruption and the looting of resources. This was done with the consistent tutelage from foreign forces that sought to continue pillaging African resources, even after independence.

The point has to be made that colonial forces did not celebrate the independence of African states. In instances where they did, it was only where they propped up oppositions, staging coups and ultimately establishing puppet states; and in the process legitimate leaders were either assassinated or deposed.

In this particular case, Mobutu Sese Seko, for instance, was an invention that was propped up to milk the Great Lakes, because the then leader of the people of the DRC, Patrice Lumumba, refused to be a stooge of the West.

Consequently, as a result of this pattern, a vicious circle has been created in which violence has become an instrument to achieve power and access resources. Almost all the countries that are or were in conflicts have rich mineral and natural resources; for instance, Sudan, the DRC and Angola have rich oil deposits. The Great Lakes; is also rich in coltan, a mineral used in cellphones and laptops. The DRC produces 60% of the world’s needs.

Adding salt to the wounds above is the fact that in Africa and outside Africa people are making money out of war, and they have financial interests in ensuring that conflicts continue. This is despite the fact that there is no African country that manufactures the weapons that are used to kill our people. Only God knows where these weapons come from.

In the last 10 years we have seen African leaders taking charge of initiatives to bring about peace on the continent. As was the case with us here, the road to peace and democracy is never a walk in a rose garden. It is a difficult and a painful process, because there will always be people who will stand to lose as a consequence of bringing about peace.

In the instance of Burundi, you will recall that Belgium used to administer that territory through relying on the Tutsi-dominated ruling class. Efforts to establish democracy and an ethnically balanced government after independence were obstructed by the assassination of politicians, a series of military coups and violent ethnic confrontations.

However, we should derive solace from many initiatives to right the wrongs of the past. These initiatives include our work as South Africa through the AU to facilitate inter-Congolese dialogue and peaceful resolution of the civil war in Burundi.

On both fronts there is a lot that we have achieved in the last four years, even though some would-be rebel groups and a coalition of rebel parties refuse to take part in the transitional government. It is our considered view that nothing, but nothing, can replace dialogue.

You will recall that in the South African negotiations there were some left- wing and right-wing groups that did not embrace our peaceful transition. In fact, they did everything possible to derail the negotiation process. We recall the assassination of Comrade Chris Hani and the massacre of our people in Boipatong; and yet they could not defeat our determination to achieve a peaceful and negotiated settlement.

The terrorist murder of innocent women and children in Katanga by Palipehutu-FNL, which refused to be part of the peace process, is an act that requires condemnation by everyone who stands for peace and development.

We support and applaud the decision of the AU to declare the FNL a terrorist organisation, and call on the United Nations to declare it as such, and that measures be taken to defeat it. The genocide of 1994 and the interethnic wars in Congo’s Ituri province in 2003 should be instructive to us and the UN peacekeeping mission in Burundi and the DRC to tighten up security and avoid a repeat of Katanga.

Once again, we and the AU are exceedingly concerned about the situation in Darfur. This is an area where oil reserves have just recently been discovered. The massacre of more than 500 000 people in Darfur and the displacement and rape of women and children by the Janjaweed militia are deplorable. This reminds us of the third forces that were linked to the apartheid security system that continued to kill and maim our people, even though we were talking to the apartheid regime at Codesa.

The Janjaweed will not defeat our commitment and that of the peace- loving Sudanese to bring about a lasting solution to the problems of Sudan. South Africa is part of the AU’s monitoring staff to Sudan. Other countries like Nigeria and Burundi also play an important role in providing protection there.

The cost to the South African taxpayer of bringing peace is quite negligible, and we all know that the apartheid system destabilised many of the African countries. Our freedom thus came at the cost of many of our African brothers and sisters, and what price can you put on saving the lives of innocent people? Therefore, any attempt to raise questions about the cost of our efforts to bring peace on the African continent meets with our scornful response.

The AU is also hosting talks in Abuja to deal with the political situation in Darfur, and it is prepared to send more forces and observers to Sudan, as and when that is required. Both Khartoum and SPLA have to recommit themselves to the negotiating process and bid on the progress made with regard to the resolution of the Sudanese conflict.

All of us have to be supportive of the efforts by the AU, and put pressure on parties at war to settle their conflicts and hostilities peacefully. As we know, the AU has set itself a deadline to settle all conflicts and hostilities before the end of the year.

As South Africa we will continue to play an important role in realising this particular objective. As the ANC we will, as a matter of necessity, assist in the establishment of the African standby force, and in training peace enforcement troops, as well as with early warning mechanisms so that incidents such as the one in Burundi do not recur.

As the ANC government we will scorn any attempt to try and score political points on the suffering of our people and will scorn any attempt to try and dampen the spirit of our people and perpetuate a notion of afropessimism. As the ANC government we will do this, because we firmly believe that Africans have the capacity, the commitment and the willingness to bring peace and stability on the continent. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr S F HAASBROEK: Chairperson, I wish to remind the hon Deputy Minister that any political party may call for a debate. He is so obsessed with the DA that he missed the point and politicised human rights issues. You cannot, Deputy Minister, deprive any hon member in this House of his right to advise the government.

In 1993, on the eve of the South African transition to democracy, Nelson Mandela declared that South Africa’s future foreign relations would be based on our belief that human rights should be the core concern of international relations. That should remain a guiding principle of our foreign policy.

The DA called for today’s debate in the National Assembly on the crisis in Darfur and the latest atrocities in Burundi because we are deeply concerned by the suffering of fellow Africans. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

We do not believe that South Africa should meddle in the affairs of African nations, or that it should take unilateral action. We do believe, however, that human rights issues transcend national boundaries. We believe that the history of our country compels us to speak out loudly against human rights abuses.

Last month when the DA leader, Tony Leon, asked Deputy President Jacob Zuma in Parliament why South Africa had not exerted greater moral leadership in Darfur. His answer was: “We act collectively.” That is not acceptable! While South Africa must work together with other African nations, we cannot allow perpetrators of human rights abuses to muffle our voices.

The DA believes that South Africa should adopt the following position on the crisis in Darfur: firstly, we believe that the terrible situation in Darfur may indeed amount to genocide. We therefore call on the South African government to support proposals that are currently being considered by the UN Security Council to investigate claims of genocide thoroughly and without delay.

Now, you must listen, Mr Deputy Minister. The DA supports and applauds the ongoing efforts of the AU, which has led the world’s efforts in Darfur by sending observer missions and a small contingent of soldiers.

This initiative marks the first time that the AU has intervened directly in a civil war in one of its member states, and in doing so it has set an important precedent. Yet, the AU must do far more to end the atrocities in Darfur.

We believe South Africa’s Chair of the AU Peace and Security Council should call for a further deployment of at least 2 000 AU soldiers with the assistance of other African nations and the financial support of foreign sponsors. We call on the South African government to apply greater diplomatic pressure on the government of Sudan.

Finally, we call on the UN to show that it is not powerless. What the people of Darfur desperately need is determined action and real financial and other assistance to the AU in its monitoring and peacekeeping efforts.

With regard to Burundi, we note the recent conclusion of the Human Rights Watch that the perpetrators were most likely from the rebel Burundi Hutu group, known as Forces for National Liberation. And, like my colleague, we support the South African government’s call for an arms embargo against the FNL, and we support the AU’s recent declaration in Dar es Salaam that the FNL is a terrorist organisation. Thank you, Chair. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 18:30.

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
                             __________

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    South African Citizenship Amendment Bill [B 55 - 2003] - Act No
     17 of 2004 (assented to and signed by President on 11 September
     2004).

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Health

 Report and Financial Statements of the Medical Research Council (MRC)
 for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
 Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 91-2002].

1. The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the National Agricultural
     Marketing Council (NAMC) for 2003-2004, including the Report of
     the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
     7-2004].

 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of Onderstepoort Biological
     Products Limited for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (c)    Report and Financial Statements of the Ingonyama Trust Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 161-2004].

 (d)    Report and Financial Statements of the Perishable Products
     Export Control Board (PPECB) for 2003-2004, including the Report
     of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-
     2004.


                          COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

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