WEDNESDAY, 8 FEBRUARY 2006 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

                                ____

The House met at 14:03.

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Mr S N SWART: Madam Deputy Speaker, on behalf of the ACDP, I give notice that I shall move on the next sitting of the House:

That the House -

debates the reasons for the fuel shortages experienced during December
2005, as well as some measures required to prevent a reoccurrence.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, there is an agreement between the parties that during the course of this debate we are not taking any motions. Maybe those members are not aware of it, but there is such an agreement.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: So, I want to believe that even motions without notice are not going to be on the Order Paper.

               PRESIDENT’S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS


          (Resumption of Debate on Subject for Discussion)

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Madam Deputy President, hon members, may I draw the attention of the House to two very unfortunate incidents that have happened during the course of today and were reported in our media. A bus accident occurred between Aberdeen and Beaufort West and a large number of school pupils were involved. In yet another accident, of which I don’t have the details of the specific area where it happened, a significant number of people lost their lives.

I would also like to take this moment to draw the attention of the House to the sad developments that happened overnight in Côte d’Ivoire, where violence erupted in some parts of the country and 12 members of the public, including children, were killed.

I think it appropriate too to pay homage to the late Coretta Scott King, who was buried yesterday. She was one of the leading contributors to freedom in her time.

The recent tour of our national cricket squad is an outstanding demonstration of the progress and success we have made in our effort to define for ourselves what we want to make of our shared destiny. The tour may be notorious for the racial slurs and the abuse our players endured in the Australian stadiums.

But what is special about the tour, Mr President, is that young South Africans of all colours stood up to the people from the old and backward South Africa, camouflaged as Australians, and refused to be divided. [Applause.] Those players understood the call made by the first President of a democratic South Africa, Comrade Mandela, and sent a message to all: That they had a common destiny as South Africans and were ready even in foreign lands to keep the national flag flying. [Applause.]

Against the backdrop of the strength of the spirit displayed by our cricket squad, speeches in this House should shine with the optimism that guides and inspires more such examples. For in this House are closeted leaders of our communities and political parties. Let us speak more of how to unlock the powerful forces for upliftment and development, instead of bombarding the nation with probabilities of looming failures. For our movement, the ANC, the approach will always be informed by the loyalty to principle that guided it since its formation. It is the same loyalty to principle that guided it at the height of apartheid legislation and the brutalisation of our people by the old regime. It was that loyalty to principle which made our movement declare that the future South Africa would be for all - black and white - even though the outlines of that new South Africa were nowhere to be espoused.

Although a significant section of the movement refused to come along, it persisted and finally won the day. Our movement will always have the creativity to wage the struggle on more than one front at the same time. Earlier we mobilised against apartheid abroad in society while internally we resisted the temptation to make vengeance - against those who previously denied us political rights - our goal.

Today we wage the struggle to make real the promises of democracy made to the people in the dark days of struggle. At the same time, internally we battle against tendencies such as careerism and temptations to make self- interest the priority of our public representatives and cadres. We cannot compromise with any tendency that threaten to divert our movement from its paramount objective of making life better for South Africans, especially the poorest sections of the population.

An important challenge for the movement is to work to change the social morality in our society. Leadership of our senior cadres and our public representatives both at national, provincial and local government must spearhead this campaign. Our membership is driven by a value system centred on the promotion of the interests of the masses of our people. We continue to stand firm on this matter.

We resist the pessimism that characterised some of the speeches in the House yesterday. For as the late Robert Kennedy told white South Africa at Stellenbosch in 1966: ``There is nothing more dangerous, more perilous or uncertain in its success than to introduce a new order of things.” He was persuading white South Africa at the time to venture into a new and shared future. They did not respond then. We cannot remain trapped in the same way as they were.

Sure, there are difficulties ahead, but as the latest generation of senior South Africans, we must be young at heart. We cannot and may not lack the courage to put to practical test ideals, which, in our view, carry the greatest probability of advancing our people, especially the most disadvantaged sections of society. For we must constantly wonder as to what will happen to them if we do not act in their interest, or if we do not act in their favour.

Then too, we must and will continue to take very seriously our task as the ruling party. We recognize the potential contribution that patriotic opposition can bring to governance. Consequently, we must listen carefully to the voices of opposition; we must not muffle them. Where constructive suggestions are made, it is our privilege to appropriate them and incorporate them into the bigger scheme of things in order the better to serve the people. Where worthless criticism emerges, it must be relegated to its deserved place.

The ANC carries an immense responsibility. In these debates everybody has their say. When it is all done, everybody else will retire to their residences to rest. It will then be left to us, the ANC, through the nights and days that follow to decide what is best for the country and how to go about implementing it. [Applause.]

This is not a place we have chosen for ourselves. We are distinguished in this regard by the mandate the masses of voters gave us in the last elections. That mandate is limited to a five-year term. We are therefore keenly aware that if we do not carry out what was promised to them, the voters can and may vote for another party. But lest I raise false hopes, this is unlikely to happen in our time. [Applause.]

As Goethe has said: ``He only earns his freedom and existence who daily conquers them anew.” In this regard I may add that we understand perfectly well that our movement can only remain in power to the extent that term after term it fulfils in large measure the mandate of the people.

It is against this backdrop that Asgisa was conceived. The interventions that will be made under this initiative will unblock bottlenecks that many critical voices are complaining about. We need no new policies or programmes of development. They are in place. We need only to facilitate their implementation at a faster rate. Through Asgisa we are poised to do just that.

Extravagant accusations have been made of how much the ANC is a threat to the independence of the judiciary. I assume that these assertions are based on the alarm occasioned by periodic public manifestations of those in some communities who might be dissatisfied with rulings handed down by our courts.

An HON MEMBER: They come from the judges themselves.

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Maybe also by the intense debates about the racism issues being debated in some divisions of our superior courts.

Whatever the sources of this disquiet may be, they cannot be founded on any official decisions or actions of our movement. We are the majority party that voted the present Constitution into law without compulsion. We have repeatedly announced to the country our commitment to the upholding of the principle of the independent judiciary. We have respected each and every one of the decisions of our country’s courts, going so far as locking up behind bars senior and very respected cadres and leaders of our organisation where the courts found them guilty. Today, we sit in this House without the Deputy President of our organisation, to a large extent in deference to the ruling of the judiciary.

For far too long we suffered under white minority rule which had no respect for the independence of the judiciary, indeed a regime that manipulated the judiciary in order to disenfranchise sections of the population. [Applause.]

Because we have the full understanding of how democracy operates, we shall not create precedents that may come back to haunt our children or us. As Ahmed Kathrada once told authorities in a serious moment regarding inmates on Robben Island: ``Be careful of the prisons you build today lest your children occupy them some day.’’ [Applause.]

But we shall not shirk our abiding responsibility to educate all communities to receive the findings of our courts with the necessary respect they deserve, however unpleasant they may be. In this regard, our movement will lead the society.

At the same time though, I must appeal to members of this House to avoid the tendency to apply the principle of respect to the judiciary selectively. Innocence before proven guilty in court must not be set aside, on occasions when we are impatient to discredit members of opposing parties themselves. That is indeed undermining our courts and it is a threat to the independence of our justice system.

We know that democracy demands self-discipline. And everybody has the right to air views they hold dearly, but when the majority adopts an opposing view, the minority must have such self-control as to defer to that majority. Similarly, when tomorrow the view of yesterday’s minority is supported by the majority, the same must be the norm for the new minority. So, we will in the coming period engage with communities and sections of our movement to drive home that message.

We shall increasingly make sure that members of society understand that anarchy and democracy are antagonistic opposites – not two sides of the same coin. I thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Ms H ZILLE: Thank you very much, Deputy Speaker, I’d like to make use of half a minute of my precious time to remind the hon Minister Lekota of another famous politician who predicted that he would not be out of power in his lifetime, and that his party would not be replaced by another in his lifetime, and the Minister may recall that it was Mr Ian Smith of the then Rhodesia. En kyk hoe lyk hy nou. [And look at him now.][Interjections.]

In October 2004, President Mbeki told ANC leaders in Mpumalanga, and I quote: “I think we must agree that we should stop offering excuses for the problems that we have with regard to our negligence and tardiness in the provision of services to the people.” In light of the failure of ANC municipalities to deliver services, the President could not be anything but frank about his party’s failures: A total of 203 municipalities cannot provide sanitation for 60% of their residents, 182 are unable to remove refuse from 60% of houses and 155 cannot provide water for 60% of households.

The result on the ground is that 5 million South Africans still have no access to any basic sanitation and nearly 1 million people face the indignity of the bucket system. [Interjections.] Free basic electricity is still a pipe dream for many in ANC municipalities, and 3,7 million people … [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, hon members, please. It is very difficult for us to follow what the speaker is saying. [Interjections.]

Ms H ZILLE: They don’t want to listen, Madam Deputy Speaker, because the truth hurts, because 3,7 million people still have no access to running water.

The delivery of housing remains painfully slow and is getting slower. Last year, the ANC’s own Patrick McKenzie said that 2005 was the worst year for housing in the Western Cape since 1994, because the ANC had built only 11 000 houses in the province in the past financial year. In that newspaper article the same Patrick McKenzie admitted that when the DA’s predecessor parties were in power in the province the average number of houses built each year was double that. [Interjections.]

It is not difficult to see why the ANC is failing to deliver; a key factor is the rampant corruption in ANC municipalities. President Mbeki himself has admitted that the ANC is in danger of being corrupted by what he calls a self-seeking spirit, to which the hon Minister Lekota also referred. Corruption, patronage politics, and a focus on race instead of delivery are the main culprits for the failure of many municipalities. [Interjections.]

Last year, Dr Mamphela Rhampele, at the annual Steve Biko Memorial Lecture, lamented the fact that too many skilled professionals were being denied job opportunities in municipalities because, “They were outside the party- political networks that have captured civil service jobs for patronage.” It is apparently more important to have the right political connections than the skills needed to run a municipality.

According to the government’s own statistics 37% of municipal managers have fewer than five years experience in local government, while 74% have 11 or fewer years experience in local government. Compounding the capacity crisis in local government is the implementation of exclusively race-based affirmative action policies that exclude many skilled South Africans - this much has been acknowledged by the Department of Provincial and Local Government. Last year the department attributed the shortage of skills in municipalities to the transformation and restructuring agenda of the sector and employment equity considerations.

So, if we are accused of playing the race card, in fact, the national department is playing precisely the same card by saying that your policies are responsible for the shortage of skills in local government … [Interjections.] … and their collapse.

It is therefore with some amazement that we listened to President Mbeki thank the Freedom Front Plus on Friday for helping to make skilled South Africans available. The truth is that these people were always available; it is just that the government didn’t want them. Incidentally, the President chose to ignore the fact that it was the DA’s Willem Doman who first urged the President, in this House, to consider measures to attract skilled South Africans back into local government, but the facts don’t suit you, do they?

This government’s preoccupation with race has nothing to do with empowering those disadvantaged by apartheid; it has everything to do with empowering a small elite through cronyism and patronage. The poorest of the poor certainly don’t care about whether the race quotas in their municipalities are being filled. They care about whether they are getting access to basic water, electricity and sanitation.

The President has told these people that they are entering into an age of hope and that the ANC has a plan for local government – well, about time too. It has been 12 years since the advent of democracy and all this government can come up with is a plan. [Interjections.]

The DA says that the time for planning and for creating false hope has passed. It is time for real hope for implementation and service delivery. Thank you. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Deputy Speaker, the President, Deputy President, Cabinet colleagues, hon members, fellow South Africans and friends, allow me Comrade President to place my name alongside those who have described your state of the nation address as being both incisive and instructive. One of the matters you raised, which will form the thrust of my own input today was the question of women, based on the 50th anniversary of the historic women’s march in Pretoria.

The anniversary of that march itself will be celebrated on the 9th of August. And as we do so we will make an assessment of advances made by the women since that historic day in 1956. I will present this assessment based on the factual interrogation of where we have come from as a country with regards to women’s emancipation. Firstly, from the onset we decided that we need more involvement and participation in decision-making at all spheres of society. The ANC brought a large contingent of women to this House to serve our people as their public representatives. That number increased in the wake of the 1999 general election, given that the ANC insisted on at least a third of our Members of Parliament being women. We have raised that bar to 50% for women in the forthcoming local government elections, which is an indication of how this House will look after the 2009 election, when the ANC will bring a 50-50 spread of female and male comrades to Parliament. [Applause.]

Comrade President, there are 22 women Ministers and Deputy Ministers, including a woman Deputy President, a step for which we shall always commend you. Those women in Cabinet constitute 44% of the 50-member structure. That is only 6% short of what may be the target for the post- 2009 election Cabinet. I am raising these matters to argue that the ANC is the only organisation in South Africa, politically or otherwise, that truly practises what it preaches regarding the struggle for equality and a better life for all our people under the conditions of freedom, democracy, peace, security and justice. [Applause.]

About 51 years ago, together with all our people, we had declared that in an envisaged democratic South Africa there would be houses, security and comfort. For us hon members, it is important that any assessment of this progress we have made as a nation should also be based on our ability to realise these aspirations expressed by our people in 1955. The women of our country have always believed that South Africa had a real potential to be a better country. They believe that we would honour the pledges for freedom that we made together in 1955.

As part of our call for housing, security and comfort we also said that in practice this meant that all people should have the right to live where they choose, be decently housed, and to bring up their families in comfort and security. As you were outlining the intention of government to continue the expansion and increase of our housing stock, many of these women would have felt vindicated by this amount of hope they have in the willingness of your government to deliver to them, because for women it has always been important that we are able to provide a decent home where our children can live in conditions of dignity. It is a great source of stress for us to watch our children growing up in an environment that does not provide the stability of a home. I can personally relate to this.

I was born in Langa on the outskirts of Cape Town not very far from where we are sitting now. My earliest memories of my home have been of a house referred to as a carriage. That carriage house, which was attached to the houses of other families in a train-like formation, allowed us no privacy, gave us no sense of pride, and worst of all we did not own it. Having had this experience and for the many of our neighbours who shared it with us in Langa and all over the country, it is reassuring to witness the amount of progress government has made in providing a home to millions of South Africans. [Applause.] When I pass on my way to the airport, I watch with pride as the N2 Gateway project flourishes in Langa.

Ndinelunda. Siyazingca ngento esiyibonayo apha endleleni kwaye ndiqinisekile umama Anne Silinga ongomnye wamatshantliziyo alapha kwaLanga, ehleli apho akhoyo, uxolile. [Kwaqhwatywa.] [I am proud. We feel great about what we see next to the freeway. [Applause.] I truly trust that Mrs Anne Silinga, one of the activists in Langa, is at peace.]

Through these initiatives ownership of houses has been transferred to women- headed households. Women now have ownership of these houses and have received their title-deeds. We have come from a history where some of our people were given houses, which they leased for a lifetime without a possibility of ever transferring these houses into their ownership. It is for this reason, Mr President, that even if our people say to these women that these small houses are oovezunyawo, [extremely small] they know that at least this is a house they own. It is theirs for keeps, and it has saved our people from the indignity of living in shacks and being homeless. It has indeed restored their dignity.

The initiative to launch a bank to provide finances for low-income earners will also be of great benefit for women, as they represent the majority of these potential beneficiaries. Comrade President, for the first time government under the ANC has been worried about the plight of migrant workers living in hostels. In the past women and children were simply not allowed to set foot in the hostels.

Andazi nokuba uyazi na Mongameli, ukuba ukuba ngaba unkosikazi nabantwana bebetyelela ootata ezihostele .. that was regarded as trespassing. Loo nto ibithathwa njengo lwaphulo Mthetho. Ubuthathwa, uvalelwe wena nkosikazi. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)

[I do not know whether the President is aware of the fact that when the wives visited their husbands in the hostels with children, that was regarded as trespassing. This act was seen as being against the law. The wife would be arrested.]

And certainly this was a system which was designed to separate families and keep our people out of the cities. Sibagcine ezilalini. [Keeping us in the village.]

It is not surprising that we continue to deal with this legacy to date in the form of street children, overcrowded prisons and the rise in criminal activity.

Andazi kutheni zisimangalisa ezi zinto nje … [I do not know why we are surprised about these issues …]

… because that is what the government is dealing with, the legacy of the past. One of the most important improvements interventions we have made, has been the conversion of these hostels into family units. We shall be continuing to phase out the remaining hostels and barracks including those that are in the hands of the private sector, because as we said in 1955 fenced locations and ghettoes shall be abolished, and laws that break up families repealed. We have made some progress towards achieving some of these ideals and more work is being done.

Again, if we can afford to be honest then we can say that our people were correct to trust us when we said there shall be housing, security and comfort. This comfort that we have talked about has meant a lot to women who find themselves in distress as a result of violence, trauma and other socioeconomic burdens that are suffered by women every day.

The new policy and legislative regime of government is biased towards the protection and empowerment of women. As hon members are aware, in 1998 we passed the Maintenance Act to give legislative muscle to some of the issues regarding the protection of our children. Although children had been uppermost in our intentions, the spin-offs for women through this legislation have been meaningful.

We are also encouraged by the fact that these efforts have not only culminated the promulgation of a piece of legislation, but that the Minister of Justice is spearheading a programme to clamp down on defaulters, including setting up check points on roadblocks in this regard.

Iphelile ke tata into yokuba nife nithwele iminqwazi. Utata notata wondla umntwana wakhe. [We are putting an end to the actions of defaulting fathers. Each father has to support his child.]

The more children you make, the more you must take responsibility. Beyond just ensuring that single unemployed women are not saddled with the burden of fending for their children alone, government has also intervened directly by giving all deserving mothers and their children access to the child support grant.

Asazi ke Qabane uMongameli nokuba uyayazi na ukuba kuthiwa aba bantwana ngabakaThabo Mbeki. [Comrade President, I do not know whether you are aware of the fact that the children are said to be Thabo Mbeki’s children.]

In other words, our government - particularly you in person - is actually looking after children who are fatherless. This ANC government has continued to live up to its image of being a friend to women and children, a protector of the most vulnerable. Today women and children are more conscious of their rights. Not only has the Domestic Violence Act given added impetus and urgency to the protection of women, but it has also resulted in many initiatives including the opening of trauma centres and care facilities for abused women and children.

We have also ensured that this issue has been placed by government amongst national priorities since the inception of democracy, and it has been declared a serious crime in our crime prevention strategy. We believe that the results of this intervention have been the growing levels of awareness and consciousness amongst women of their rights. And this has led to an increase in the number of cases reported and dealt with through the law. Women are finally breaking the silence and we are succeeding in bringing this vile crime against women into the open, so that we can deal with it as a society.

We should also, Mr President, convey our gratitude to NGOs and other community-based initiatives for what they have contributed to the fight against the abuse of women and children. Their work has at times made a difference between life and death for some of these women. We seek more ways in which we can offer added support to these complementary initiatives by ordinary South Africans.

Singurhulumente weANC siyaphumelela ke ekubuyiseleni isidima sabantu baseMzantsi Afrika, ingakumbi esoomama. [The ANC government is achieving the restoration of the dignity of people in South Africa, especially women.]

We have indeed entered our age of hope and I am sure no one can honestly differ with you Mr President that for the millions of women in this country, despite the many challenges, today is better than yesterday. And that if today is anything to go by, tomorrow will even be much better.

Mrs S A SEATON: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President and colleagues, the President made some very important announcements in his state of the nation address last week and the IFP gives its full support to everything the President said his government will be doing to strengthen the capacity of local government to deliver. Having acknowledged this, and while I have no desire to politicise this debate, I cannot agree with everything that the hon Minister of Home Affairs has said, especially about the ANC being the only party that can come to power.

We all know that on 1 March we will be voting for thousands of new municipal councillors. I want to explain to this House why I will not be voting for the ANC and I want to explain to all South Africans why they too should not be voting for the ANC. [Interjections.]

Firstly, let’s look at broken promises. The ANC has broken so many promises that it is difficult to see how anyone can trust ANC councils to deliver. There are of course exceptions but, by and large, there has been little correspondence between ANC promises and ANC delivery at the level of local development. We should not forget either, promises made to the traditional leaders in 1999 and 2000 in respect to the then new system of the local government . . . [Interjections.]

Listen! I know it is hard to hear what you don’t like to hear, but you might learn … in respect to the then new system of the local government and how these too were discarded when convenient.

Secondly, let us look at delivery. ANC-controlled municipalities have, to an unwarranted extent, failed to deliver proper services to the poorest of the poor. What have been delivered too often are policy prescripts, White Papers and well-intentioned rhetoric. No wonder Project Consolidate has been so necessary.

Thirdly, there is the issue of corruption. Corruption is rife in the ANC- controlled municipalities. [Interjections.] We accept the value of the President’s commitment to clean governance, but in our humble opinion that is not adequately matched by action at municipal level. And in this context, many people find it inappropriate, if not astonishing, that Travelgaters are placed at the top of the ANC’s candidate list for 1 March. Fourthly, let’s look at civil unrest. South Africans are growing increasingly impatient with the scenes of civil disobedience, unrest and destruction of property brought on by gross ANC incompetence at various ANC- run municipalities. It is hardly surprising that the ANC has had to discard 60% of its serving councillors when compiling its present candidate lists. But now the country is expected to believe that it will be best served by a new 60% with no experience at all. We hope, of course, that this will not lead to a repetition of past mistakes. We suggest that voters exercise more caution, much more caution, this time round.

Fifthly, there is the ANC’s plan. We hear that the ANC has a plan for local government and that is why voters should support the ANC - it has a plan! It does not take a rocket scientist to work out that one normally has a plan at the beginning of a project rather than at the end. One really wonders whether in 2000 there was in fact a viable plan in place to prepare for the past five years, or whether the past five years were in truth characterised by ad hoc reactions to one crisis after another.

Sixthly, there is the unconstitutional interference. Let us talk about Vryheid or AbaQulusi as it is known. The ANC, embarrassed last year by endless internal squabbling, demonstrations and the like, decided in KwaZulu-Natal to divert attention by threatening IFP various municipalities with dissolution, and indeed took the opportunity offered by problems associated with the court’s reinstatement of councillors the IFP had fired, to dissolve the AbaQulusi or Vryheid council.

This matter is before the courts right now and we are confident that we are correct in our argument that the ANC-led government acted unconstitutionally, that there were inadequate grounds for taking the actions it took, and that the problems that had existed had been addressed by the time the government acted.

The point, however, is that the ANC has started using its power to threaten opposition-run councils and this is a most unfortunate approach to governance.

Seventhly, let us look at the destroying of the multiparty democracy. The ANC is bent on destroying the last remnant of sanity in its countrywide fixation with destroying multiparty governance at local level. KwaZulu- Natal is the only province with multiparty executive committees. All the rest have an executive mayoral system and it is, in the opinion of the IFP, a fatal error. We believe that the shared approach is good for democracy, good for accountability and good for delivery, and voters in KwaZulu-Natal especially should vigorously oppose this.

I should add that this is not a party-political call on our part, but is an issue of principle. Indeed, the ANC controls 20% of KwaZulu-Natal’s municipalities, the status quo is of no benefit to the IFP, but we believe it should be retained because it is a better way to do things.

In conclusion, with this litany of ills, I am not sure how any sane person would vote for the ANC even though a few, well-intentioned though gullible voters, will no doubt do so despite my advise to them today. We wish all parties well in the March elections, including the ANC. I confirm: I will not vote ANC. I will vote IFP and I call on the voters to do likewise. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Thank you, Deputy Speaker, I am just trying to check if the hon Seaton is suggesting that the bulk of voters in South Africa are mentally incompetent, because she is saying people won’t vote for the ANC. Is that what she is saying, because it is a very serious thing that calls our democracy to question. [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker, that is not a point of order.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, Mr Gibson! Will you please take your seat?

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Thank you.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, that would have been a question the hon member would have answered during her time, and now her six minutes have expired. I think that you will have an opportunity privately to ask her that question.

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: I apologise then, Deputy Speaker.

The MINISTER FOR PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, hon members; Mr President, in the state of the nation address you delivered to the Joint Sitting of Parliament last week, you made mention of several anniversaries which our nation will be commemorating this year.

The importance of those anniversaries cannot be overemphasised. All of them in their variety serve to remind us that our commitment to bring about a better life for all is shaped by the commitments of those who went before us. We are revolutionary descendents of those who were revolted by the deprivations visited on the overwhelming majority of our country’s people.

The address was characterised by a considerable degree of candidness about the challenges we are facing. The challenges and the outstanding tasks were acknowledged without obscuring the reality of our country’s painful history, its actuality and its prospects. For instance, it was stated in the address that we intend to make large investments in various sectors in order to meet the demand for electricity, satisfy the demand for water and to improve service delivery, including the provision of roads, housing, schools and clinics, business premises and business support centres, sport facilities and multipurpose government centres. The commitments made in the state of the nation address resonate with the vision, which is encapsulated in the Freedom Charter.

It is the Freedom Charter, which envisions a society in which there shall be houses, security and comfort. It commits us to the ideal of a society in which slums shall be demolished and new suburbs built where all have transport, roads, lighting, playing fields, crèches, and social centres. Indeed, for those of us to whom the search for a better life is an article of faith, the Freedom Charter is a baseline point of reference.

Our government has committed itself to help create conditions, which will allow our people to overcome politically contrived disabilities. We are acutely aware that some of our communities continue to bear the legacy of marginalisation and exclusion. They continue to be afflicted by service delivery backlogs, backlogs of infrastructure - both social and economic - and the problems of lack of technical skills.

In the year 2000, we started from the correct insight that in order to solve the problems that our people are facing, we must have a wall-to-wall system of local government. The next step in the proposition consisted of that there shall be universal access to such basic services as water, electricity, refuse removal and sanitation, and that local government bears responsibility for the provision of these services.

To us 1994 was the start of what we have always known would be a long haul. In that process, the advent of a new system of local government was a crucial watershed, a development that took our search for a society of opportunity to a new height. For the first time in the history of our country, all communities, urban and rural, have the distinct possibility to realise the goal of a better life.

As I indicated earlier, the roll-out of basic services and infrastructure is characterised by a number of challenges, some of which include continued use of the bucket-sanitation system, poor water-storage and treatment systems, infrastructure backlogs in rural and informal settlements and lack of municipal technical capacity to plan for and manage infrastructure investment and service delivery.

Sceptics have used the existence of these challenges to make gloomy prognoses about the future. However, those who look at the balance sheet in a light unclouded by attempts to enhance their own electability in the forthcoming elections, have been able to notice that the pattern of municipal performance is a mixed one. Besides the low-capacity municipalities, which are a matter of concern to us, there also exist medium and high performing municipalities. Some of our municipalities have been able to take advantage of the fiscal outlay amounting to R10,3 billion, which was made since the year 2000 to broaden the base of access to basic services and to redress levels of infrastructure backlogs.

With respect to the contribution of local economic development initiatives, current data shows that of the 53 district and metropolitan areas in the country, the economies of at least 13 grew consistently above the national average of 2,5% per annum over a three-year period. Nevertheless, we approach the next term of local councils with a more developed sensitivity to the matter of local government’s need for enhanced institutional capacity.

The feedback we received in the 2004 national and provincial elections campaign, gave a compelling strategic impetus for consolidation and deepening of progress through hands-on support for local government. Through Project Consolidate we deployed service delivery facilitators whose brief is to assist municipalities, not only to build capacity for interventions which are calculated at making an impact in the medium to long term, but also to remove blockages that stand in the way of progress that needs to be realised in the immediate term.

Successes in this regard include breakthroughs in the North West province where, amongst other things, we targeted the local municipalities of Klerksdorp, Ratlou, Greater Taung and Kagisano for the removal of the bucket system.

Working together with the North West provincial government and the municipalities concerned, we intervened in April 2005 and within seven and a half weeks a total of 4 075 households had been taken out of the bucket system. [Applause.] In addition, several public facilities including clinics, a crèche, a tribal hall, tribal offices and schools had been equipped with a decent sanitation system.

In another instance, the Cederberg Municipality in the Western Cape was placed under Project Consolidate as it was facing a severe cash crisis with the attendant debilitating impact on service delivery. This was a sad case in which, by March 2005, the municipality had wiped out reserves and funds of about R15 million to R20 million and had outstanding service debtors of R3 million, an overdraft of R2 million and bank loans of R14,5 million.

We intervened with a view to remedy the situation. As we speak, a turnaround has been achieved by introducing basic budget control measures and revising the tariff structures for services. The council is now firmly set on the road to self-sufficiency, its capacity for revenue collection is enhanced and its ability to provide basic services to the residents has improved.

The commitments we made at the onset of democracy had the effect of democratising national expectations. Some of the progress made in various parts of the country includes the fact that since the introduction of the Urban Renewal Programme in 2001, 245 961 households in the urban nodes now receive free basic water.

In the urban nodes of Motherwell, Mdantsane, Mitchells Plain and Khayalitsha alone, 128 905 households now have access to free basic electricity. Also, a total of 374 733 electricity connections were made in rural nodes from 2002 up to September 2005.

We are presently developing a national municipal infrastructure investment framework, which will serve as a road map towards the goal of universal access to these services. As we make these and other related forms of progress, this will, at once, confirm the plausibility of the aspirations, which were shaped by our democracy. This will also accentuate the mood of impatience amongst those who feel that they are not getting the dividend of democracy quickly enough.

People who are residents in low-capacity municipal areas are expectant of accelerated progress. They have seen it happen elsewhere and they also want to see it happen where they live. They expect responsiveness from the party, which has earned an unrivalled reputation as the vanguard of the struggle for progressive change in South Africa. [Applause.] They know that it has now become possible to insist on accelerated progress with the distinct hope of being understood. They are therefore not about to direct their demands to someone who does not have the possibility to do anything about them. [Laughter.]

The ANC in government can now fall back on the accumulated evidence of experience to contemplate … you claim to be a leader; you must behave with the necessary decorum. [Interjections.]

The ANC in government can now fall back on the accumulated evidence of experience to contemplate and devise measures, which will enhance local government performance. It can effectively expose as dishonest those who, with a touch of hyperbole, have described our country’s local government system as dysfunctional. They lean over backwards to find faults and to pretend that positives do not exist. They deliberately play down the compelling reality of progress in many of our municipalities including those that are receiving hands-on support in terms of Project Consolidate.

For instance, the Johannesburg Metropolitan Council Report, entitled Reflecting on a solid foundation, speaks of the seminal importance of work done in places such as Soweto. It speaks of the tarring of the streets of Soweto in a matter of just three years. These streets were neglected for more than a 100 years. Houses have now been built in areas where the Housing Provision Programme was frozen as long ago as the late 1960s. If Meadowlands ever existed in your consciousness, you would know that what Johannesburg’s achievements so far represent for the people of Meadowlands is the different good, which the President spoke of last week.

A different good, which is steadily becoming the lived experience of the communities of Cederberg, Clanwilliam, Citrusdal, Wuppertal, Graafwater, Motherwell and Ratlou, must now become the norm rather than the exception. We have to continue to transform these erstwhile twilight zones into repositories of opportunity. We must continue to supply municipalities with the means to achieve these. Accordingly, we have decided that national and provincial government will prioritise to support municipalities by streamlining their operations to focus on and provide resources and capacity.

The strategic and business plans of key service delivery departments will indicate concrete support measures for local government. The Department for Provincial and Local Government working with National Treasury and the Department for the Public Service and Administration are finalising a Local Government Competence Framework. This will provide a basis for improving the regulatory environment regarding the appointment, performance and evaluation of municipal managers and other senior functionaries within municipalities.

We will also support municipalities in accelerating the filling of vacant mission-critical technical posts at municipal and senior management levels. In addition, we are collaborating with the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) to mobilise experts who will provide professional support for programme and project implementation. They will provide hands-on technical support during all phases of the project management cycle, ie conceptualisation, planning, execution, closeout and postimplementation monitoring. We will also focus on low-capacity municipalities, especially nodal municipalities and former cross-boundary municipalities, with a view to assist them in developing effective service-delivery plans.

By the end of 2006, DBSA will have deployed 90 experts. This is part of a three-year programme at the end of which at least 144 project managers, engineers, financial experts and 30 graduates shall have been mobilised. Patriotic organisations such as the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut, the Freedom Front Plus, Business Trust, SA Institute of Civil Engineering and others have also decided to come to the party. [Applause.]

As the first term of local government draws to a close, we salute the outgoing councillors who are a pioneer generation of democratic local government leaders in our country. [Applause.] Their work, notwithstanding their shortcomings, forms an indispensable bedrock for our future endeavours. The solid foundation they have laid gives us the self- confidence to say: “No community will be using the bucket system by 2007. All communities will have access to clean water and decent sanitation by

1. All communities will have access to electricity by 2012.” Our plan constitutes the country’s road map to the achievement of these ideals. Lying ahead is a formidable task, which we are honour bound to execute. We shall not flinch at this task. We know what needs to be done, that is why we did not first launch our election campaign and only after two weeks unveil a manifesto. Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Deputy Speaker, on Friday I expected an election speech from the President that would have been focused on ANC voters. I had predicted to the media that his speech would be a long series of statements on how well the ANC-led government did during the last 10 years, ignoring the mistakes and failures of the government. In my prediction I was partly right, and partly totally wrong.

The President made use of the Markinor and other polls to show how well the government is doing and how satisfied the majority is. But I was impressed by the way in which the President analysed the shortcomings and mistakes of the government. It was sincere and it was honest. [Applause.] He did not ignore the Markinor finding which revealed that the majority of the population is dissatisfied with the performance of local government.

At the launch of the FF Plus manifesto I said that President Mbeki’s best initiatives are failing, because national departments and provincial and local governments do not deliver. The amounts not spent on the projects not completed form a long, sad list. The President correctly identified this problem. He said: We cannot allow that government departments become an obstacle to the achievement of the goal of a better life for all, because of insufficient attention to the critical issue of effective and speedy delivery of services. We must ensure that the machinery of government, especially the local government sphere, discharges its responsibilities effectively and efficiently.

Sir, we know that money is available. We approve of the government’s initiatives to improve the lives of citizens. Why are the results so poor?

Johannesburg het verlede jaar meer as 850 kragonderbrekings gehad. Kaapstad is besig om hierin te volg. Ons sien oor die televisie hoe riool in die strate afloop tot in die Vaalrivier. As Parlementslid is ek bewus van die groot aantal foutiewe rekeninge wat deur munisipaliteite uitgestuur word. Om ure in die tou te staan, los nie die probleem op nie.

Ons sien die verval in infrastruktuur: gate in die pad, stukkende verkeersligte wat die dood van mense veroorsaak, donker strate, korrupsie met tenderprosedures, die aanstel van onbevoegde amptenare omdat hulle familiebande met raadslede het, ens. Die meeste munisipaliteite het duur tesouriedepartemente, maar almal maak gebruik van buite-konsultante en ouditeursmaatskappye om hul maandrekeninge reg te kry. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Last year Johannesburg experienced more than 850 power failures. Cape Town has started to follow this pattern. We see on television how sewage flows down the streets and into the Vaal River. As a Member of Parliament, I am aware of the great many erroneous accounts that are sent out by municipalities. The problem is not solved by people standing in queues for hours at a time.

We see the decline of the infrastructure: Holes in the road, broken traffic lights that cause the death of people, dark streets, corruption with regard to tender procedures, the appointment of incompetent officials because they have family ties with councillors, etc. Most of the municipalities have expensive treasury departments, but all of them make use of external consultants and auditing companies to finalise their monthly accounts.]

In his speech on Friday the President correctly analysed these problems, and I quote again:

As many of us are aware by now, Project Consolidate has identified serious capacity constraints in many of our municipalities, arising from a shortage of properly qualified managers, professional and technical personnel. Of the 283 municipalities, I am aware of 136 that are under Project Consolidate.

In my tyd, en ek was ook ’n stadsraadslid, het ek R100 per maand gekry. Om ’n stadsraadslid te wees was toe ’n geleentheid om diens te lewer en dit het nie oor geld gegaan nie. Waarom het hierdie probleme op derdevlakregering ontstaan? Wat is die rede? Ek dink daar is verskeie redes en my tyd is ongelukkig beperk.

Na my mening was die afskaf van die rade wat beheer gehad het oor die besoldiging en kwalifikasies van stadsklerke een só ’n rede. Die gebrek aan die skeiding van magte tussen raadslede en amptenare is ook ’n rede. Die kultuur van wanbetaling is ook ’n rede en die samevoeging van munisipaliteite in 2000 veroorsaak ook aansienlik baie probleme.

Die belangrikste rede is egter die gebrek aan kundigheid en ervaring in senior posisies. In enige organisasie is ervaring belangrik. Ervaring kan nie by ’n universiteit aangeleer word nie. Ervaring kom met jare se diens en daarom het alle groot organisasies spesiale planne om betyds opvolgers vir topposte te identifiseer en seker te maak hulle kry die nodige ervaring, voordat hulle die hoogste pos kan oorneem.

Om die hoof van ’n staatsdiensdepartement of van ’n groot munisipaliteit te word, kan ’n amptenaar tot 25 jaar neem. Ongelukkig is al hierdie beginsels in 1994 oorboord gegooi met die aanstelling van nuwe personeel. Ons betaal nou die prys daarvoor en u moet dit nie sien as ’n rasargument nie. Dit is ‘n eenvoudige bestuurswaarheid en bestuursbeginsel.

Na my mening is dit belangriker en in Suid-Afrika se belang dat dienste aan die mense van Suid-Afrika gelewer word, as wat ons met mooi syfers kan spog oor transformasie in enkele munisipaliteite of departemente.

Mnr Henry Jeffreys, tans redakteur van Die Burger, skryf verlede week dat Suid-Afrika sedert 1994 volgens hom deur drie fases gegaan het. Eers was daar die versoeningsfase, waar oud-president Mandela die leiding geneem het. Daarna het die vestiging van die ekonomie gevolg, waarvoor president Mbeki die krediet moet kry. Ons is nou in die derde fase waar die gewone landsburgers moet begin baat by dienslewering. Ek is oortuig dat as hierdie derde fase misluk, die suksesse van die eerste twee fases ook gaan misluk.

Die VF Plus is ’n opposisieparty wat nie huiwer om die regering te kritiseer nie; met Oilgate het ons dit bewys. Maar kritiek alleen gaan hierdie derde fase nie laat slaag nie. Ons het wen-wenoplossings nodig. Ek het al meermale in hierdie Raad gesê dat as die Suid-Afrikaanse skip waarvan ons almal passasiers is, sink, dan sink ons almal saam.

Die VF Plus is daarom meer as net ’n opposisieparty. Ons glo daar is oplossings vir al hierdie probleme. Reeds verlede jaar in hierdie Raad het ek voorgestel dat baie van die probleme op die derde vlak opgelos kan word deur byvoorbeeld uitgetrede persone, persone met ervaring, se dienste te gebruik. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[In my day, and I was also a city councillor, I received R100 per month. At that time, being a councillor meant having an opportunity to render a service and it was not about money. Why have these problems developed in third-tier government? What is the reason for this? I think there are many reasons, but unfortunately my time is limited.

In my opinion, the abolition of the councils that had control over the remuneration and qualifications of city clerks was one such reason. The lack of separation of powers between councillors and officials is another reason. The culture of nonpayment and the merger of municipalities in 2000 also caused a lot of problems.

However, the main reason is the lack of expertise and experience on the part of officials in senior positions. In any organisation experience is important. Experience cannot be learnt at a university. Experience is the result of years of service and, therefore, all major organisations have plans to identify successors for top posts in good time and to ensure that they gain the necessary experience, before they are able to take over the highest posts.

It can take an official up to 25 years to become the head of a state department or a major municipality. Unfortunately, all these principles were abandoned with the appointment of new personnel in 1994. We are now paying the price for that, and you must not see this as a racial argument. It is simply about management truths and management principles.

In my opinion it is more important and in South Africa’s interest that services are delivered to the people of South Africa, rather than boasting about fine figures with regard to transformation in a few municipalities or departments.

Mr Henry Jeffreys, currently the editor of Die Burger, wrote last week that according to him South Africa had moved through three phases since 1994. Firstly, the reconciliation phase, which was headed by former President Mandela. Thereafter the establishment of the economy for which President Mbeki must receive the credit. We are now in the third phase where ordinary citizens must start benefiting from service delivery. I am convinced that if this third phase fails, then the successes of the first two phases will also fail.

The FF Plus is an opposition party that does not hesitate to criticise the Government; we proved that with Oilgate. But criticism alone will not ensure the success of this third phase. We need win-win solutions. I have said in this House on more than one occasion that if the South African ship, on which we are all passengers, sinks, then we all go down together.

Therefore the FF Plus is more than merely an opposition party. We believe there are solutions for all these problems. Last year in this House I already suggested that many of the problems on the third tier could be solved by making use, for example, of the services of retired people, people with experience.]

In October last year, the FF Plus launched a website to which South Africans who are unemployed and underemployed could forward their CVs. The party handed the first 500 CVs registered on the website to the Deputy President in November. The FF Plus will soon be handing over the updated list of 1 200 CVs to the government. In the state of the nation address President Mbeki thanked the FF Plus for our initiative and announced that the first 90 South Africans who had been identified in this way, will be starting to work in May of this year. [Applause.]

This sends a positive message to our supporters, the people out there, and I think it is a victory for this approach to opposition. As always – I did not plan to attack the DA today – we saw again this afternoon, that they are making jokes about this. They are making jokes about poor people without jobs. [Applause.] On Saturday the leader of the DA ridiculed the initiative by saying that it was only jobs for the extended Mulder family. It seems that, at the end of the day, they don’t want solutions.

We believe in the principle of government being as close as possible to the communities it serves. Let us admit that the idealism in 2000 of creating megacities and towns do not work. Local government must be local. In 2000 the idea was that smaller local governments could deliver where big provinces failed to deliver. What is the reality? Today the budgets of the six metropoles combined are more than the budgets of the nine provinces combined. Let us rethink this concept.

The FF Plus believes that in reaction to globalisation, sustainable and viable local communities are the future of a successful society. Please read the books on global versus local. The President concluded his speech with a discussion of Asgisa. We are excited about the possibilities and we support most of the proposals. If we could reach a growth rate of 6% if we could halve poverty and unemployment, if Asgisa could be successfully implemented, South Africa will be a much better place in 2014. We need all South Africans to buy into this idea. My problem is that the government sends confusing messages to minority communities. Is this Age of Hope for them as well? Will they also share in the growth? It is not clear.

Most of the programmes only focus on black empowerment. Reviewing, for example, the willing-buyer, willing-seller policy creates huge uncertainty in the already vulnerable agricultural world. Many willing sellers wrote to me, indicating that the problem is not on their side, but on government’s side with departments delaying deals for years.

Die afskaffing van die gewillige-koper, gewillige-verkoper-beginsel stuur ’n baie negatiewe boodskap en skep ’n instrument wat ons dalk nie gaan sien nie, maar wat toekomstige klein diktators in Suid-Afrika kan gebruik om die landbou en die ekonomie te vernietig. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The abolition of the willing-buyer, willing-seller principle conveys a very negative message and creates an instrument that we may not see, but that could be used by future small dictators in South Africa to destroy agriculture and the economy.]

The President is right: We all need hope in South Africa. He quoted from Isaiah. I prefer Isaiah 40 verse 29:

God gives strength to the weary and increases the power of the weak. Even youths grow tired and weary, and young men stumble and fall; but . . . “those who hope in the Lord, will renew their strength, they will soar on wings like eagles; they will run and not grow weary; they will walk and not be faint”.

Sir, let’s start working. Thank you. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, the President, the Deputy President, comrades and hon members, President, we thank you for your accurate diagnosis of the state of health of our nation. It was reassuring and optimistic, yet it also captured the challenges that lie ahead. You correctly proclaimed that today is better than yesterday and that tomorrow will be better than today. The Soweto uprisings and the reaction of the desperate regime epitomise yesterday.

INingizimu Afrika yonke yayigubuzelwe ubumnyama kukhona ukukhala nokugedla kwamazinyo kodwa kubo bonke lobo bunzima esasibhekene nabo, sasilokhu sinalo ithemba Mongameli. Ithemba lethu kwakuwumbutho wesizwe ukhongolose. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

[The whole of South Africa was veiled by a cloud of darkness and there was a gnashing of teeth, but despite all this hardship we always, Mr President, had hope. Our hope was the African National Congress.]

At the time, the apartheid regime embarked on the desperate self- destructive action of killing and imprisoning children. The ANC was the only hope of all South Africans – black and white. The ANC was able to galvanise, inspire and strengthen the spirit of resistance, which has characterised our people everywhere - the length and breadth of our country

• since 1652. The ANC was able to turn the tears of sorrow, anger, humiliation and pain into tears of joy and freedom in 1994, when Comrade Nelson Mandela became the first President of a democratic South Africa after spending 27 years in jail.

Ngaleyo mini Mongameli zehla zathi tho, tho, tho izinyembezi zokujabula sibona ubaba efungiswa ukuba uMongameli wokuqala okhethwe ngokwentando yeningi eNingizimu Afrika ekhululekile. [Ihlombe.] [On that day, Mr President, when the first black democratically elected President was taking the oath of office, tears of joy rolled down our cheeks. [Applause.]]

The ANC turned hope into the reality of freedom. All South Africans proudly witnessed Nelson Mandela take the first salute as the commander in chief. That was the first step toward sustainable peace in our country and on our continent. [Applause.] This freedom means that all South Africans across all political parties can stand up proudly. This freedom means that indeed all South Africans journey through Africa and the whole world without fear and shame.

All South Africans can now, together with the government, struggle against poverty and work for a better life for all. Indeed, life is better today than yesterday. Yesterday we were struggling for survival; today we are struggling to improve the lives of all South Africans. Today we complain about the pace of change. We criticise ourselves for not eradicating illiteracy, poverty, the bucket system and landlessness fast enough, but nobody can deny that we are improving the lives of all South Africans. [Applause.]

Nobody can deny that South Africa is a totally different country than it was 10 years ago. Nobody can deny that the ANC and the government have been true to the words of that young inspiring South African intellectual Pixley ka Seme and later one of the founding members of the ANC, when he wrote 100 years ago about the regeneration of Africa. He called for Africa’s renewal so that “a new and unique civilisation” would be added to the world.

Recalling Africa’s precolonial past, he argued that:

The African is not a proletarian in the world of science and art. He has precious creations of his own, of ivory, of copper, of gold, fine, plaited willowware, and weapons of superior workmanship.

He described civilisation as resembling “an organic being in its development - it is born, it perishes and can propagate itself. More particularly it resembles a plant, it takes root in the teeming earth, and when the seeds fall in other soils, new varieties sprout up.” For him and for many of his generation Africa was in need of regeneration “thoroughly spiritual and humanistic – indeed a regeneration moral and eternal”.

True to its tradition, the ANC has made a commitment to staying the course and not betraying the founding leaders of our movement. The leadership of the ANC has sought to bring about a better South Africa on a better continent and in a better world. Thus, our national efforts for a peaceful, prosperous country and a winning nation, of entrenching a human rights culture and of strengthening democracy are also what we have sought for the rest of Africa and for the world.

The President said in the state of the nation address that the Age of Hope and the people’s season of joy are upon us. This is also true for the rest of the continent. Africa’s regeneration is becoming a living reality for many African people.

The majority of African people now live in democratic countries, which was not the case yesterday. The Organisation of African Unity of yesterday is now the African Union of today, and tomorrow – who knows - we might have a United States of Africa or a different version of integration. [Applause.]

As Antonio Guerrero said in his book From My Altitude: “You will see the wonder of the world when you give it more love and the most profound of its splendour when you live in peace.” We are not completely there yet, but we are slowly making progress.

The African Union continues to make progress. The Republic of Congo has been given the chair for 2006, and we look forward to working under their leadership in this regard. There are ongoing discussions and action on the political and economic integration of the continent. In our region this finds expression in the timetable we have adopted for the integration of SADC.

In the areas of peacekeeping and conflict resolution, progress has been made thanks also to your own efforts, Mr President, in Burundi, Liberia, the Sudan - north and south. Progress is also being made elsewhere, all of which are now engaged in the process of postconflict reconstruction. Burundi now has a democratic government. The Liberian people have entrusted their heard-earned peace to a woman who is the first female elected president of our continent. [Applause.]

In Guinea-Bissau a progressive government is now in place, and constitutional order has been restored. Elections are to take place in April in the Comoros, which will constitute a transfer of power in terms of the Fomboni Agreement. Elections are planned for both the DRC and the Côte d’Ivoire, notwithstanding the recent problems. South Africa continues to support the peace processes in the Ivory Coast and elsewhere.

In the DRC, South Africa continues to give its utmost support. Of course, Patrice Lumumba’s profound trust in the destiny of his country was not misplaced. Indeed, “History”, he said, “will have its say”.

But much as we celebrate these advances, those of us especially on this side of the House and across it on the benches of the ANC, and those in the opposition who take pride in following what is happening in South Africa and on the continent, know that to create a better life for all in our country and on our continent will not come easily. This is why we will not shy away from acknowledging and confronting the challenges that still face us in our country and on our continent.

There are problems that remain on our continent. I will mention a few: The Eritrea-Ethiopia border dispute; the situation in Darfur, Sudan; the situation in Somalia; and so on. These will continue to preoccupy the African continent, and South Africa will continue to play its role within the African Union.

Indeed, today is better than yesterday. An average African economic growth rate of 5,1% was registered in 2004, and there were similar levels in 2005. This was not the case yesterday. While South Africa is going to implement the Accelerated Shared Growth Initiative, Asgisa, to achieve 6% growth, Africa as a whole, including South Africa, is implementing the New Partnership for Africa’s Development.

Africa is on a steady but sure path towards its regeneration, and its women are on the move. There are no positions that are taboo for them anymore: Presidents, deputy presidents - as we see ours sitting there smiling prettily - prime ministers, premiers, speakers, judges, academics, engineers, doctors; you name it. The women are there and they are going to be the driving force. [Applause.]

South Africa has also continued to contribute to a world of hope and peace, a world free of racism, sexism and poverty, a world free of weapons of mass destruction. We also believe in a nuclear-free world. South Africa, as a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency Board of Governors, has been preoccupied with the question of the implementation of the Non- Proliferation Treaty Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran for about three years. We have engaged with the concerned parties to find a peaceful and long-term sustainable solution.

The IAEA has been working to correct the past failures of Iran and to clarify various outstanding issues. The Director-General of the agency, Dr ElBaradei, is due to present an updated assessment of progress to date to the scheduled meeting of the board in March.

We recently experienced a regrettable turn of events. Iran’s decision to withdraw two of its voluntary, nonlegally-binding confidence measures resulted in the EU3/EU initiating decisions by a vote of board members in September 2005, and again last week, to report the matter to the UN Security Council.

South Africa has always worked for consensus decisions by the board since 1995 when we rejoined the board. These are the only two decisions that have been adopted through a vote. During last week’s meeting, members of the Non- Aligned Movement and others agreed that the report could be sent to the Security Council in March after consideration by the board of governors. Consensus was within our grasp, but the sponsors of the resolution insisted on sending all IAEA reports and resolutions to the Security Council now.

This decision has, in turn, led Iran to withdraw all its voluntary confidence-building measures, including the additional protocol that it was implementing as if it had been ratified. This decision also means that Iran may resume its enrichment programme, though it remains committed to the Safeguards Agreement and retains its membership of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

South Africa believes that the matter can be resolved through negotiations and dialogue within the IAEA, which has the necessary competence and expertise to address this issue. We therefore appeal to all parties not to act in a hasty manner that can increase tension and confrontation, but to await the DG’s report next month. The board shall be allowed to consider the DG’s report and thereafter convey the report to the Security Council and General Assembly together with its own conclusions.

As we celebrate this age of hope and the people’s season of joy, let us not forget the peoples of Palestine and Western Sahara who are struggling for self-determination. Let us hope that the Quartet, the people of Israel and Palestine, will get to the two-stage solution spelt out in the road map.

We shall spare no effort in making sure that the UN of tomorrow is a better UN than today. Through the G77 and China and the Non-Alignment Movement we shall use our collective strength to achieve a reformed United Nations.

In the words of Ben Okri in The Famished Road, I quote:

The road will never swallow you. The river of your destiny will always overcome evil. May you understand your fate. Suffering will never destroy you, but will make you stronger. Success will never confuse you or scatter your spirit, but will make you fly higher into the good sunlight. Your life will always surprise you.

If we remember that the ANC has always been the hope of this country and the agent of progressive change, indeed the road will never swallow us and we will see the most profound of South Africa’s splendour as we live in peace.

In conclusion, I would like to say that indeed we are reassured, because we know that all South Africans know what is good for South Africa and what is good for them, and the majority will always do the right thing. We indeed apologise to South Africans for being insulted by some members who are saying that those who vote ANC are insane. Indeed, this is uncalled for. I thank you, Madam Speaker. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr T D LEE: Madam Speaker, Mr President and Madam Deputy President, writing in The Cape Times in February this year the ANC’s Western Cape Chairperson, Mr James Ngculu, described the DA suggestion that under the ANC, coloured people are put at the back of the queue, as a repeated lie that was spread for nothing more than cheap political gain.

Well, if it is indeed a lie, and the ANC does in fact treat everybody equally, perhaps the ANC can explain to me why it is that numerous senior ANC politicians have told the DA that Trevor Manuel can never become the President of South Africa. The reason is that he is coloured and not black. The Premier of the Western Cape, Ebrahim Rasool, has also been forced to come to terms with the way in which the ANC treats its coloured representatives. He was ousted as ANC provincial chairperson by the selfsame James Ngculu, because he was considered not African enough.

Mnr die President, die feit van die saak is dat die ANC nie almal gelyk behandel nie en dat die mense wat laaste kom en altyd agter in die ry moet staan, die bruin Suid-Afrikaners is. Die waarheid is dat die ANC net vir sommige mense is, terwyl die DA vir al die mense is.

Verlede jaar het u my gevra dat ek voorbeelde moet gee van hoe bruinmense gemarginaliseer of opsygeskuif word. U hoef maar net na u eie statistiek te kyk. Die jongste arbeidspeiling het bevind dat swartmense en witmense die vrugte van groei pluk en in die afgelope jaar dalende werkloosheid ervaar het, maar onder die ANC het dit vir bruinmense net al hoe erger geword.

Die aantal werklose bruinmense het in net ses maande, van Maart 2005 tot September 2005, met 50 000 vanaf 335 000 tot 385 000 toegeneem. In net ses maande is dit `n toename van 15% in die aantal werklose bruinmense. Dit is vir bruin Suid-Afrikaners baie moeiliker om werk in die arbeidsmark te kry, want in die ANC se hiërargie vir regstellende optrede word hulle as laer en minder belangrik as swart Suid-Afrikaners beskou.

In die Nelson Mandela Metropool, waarvandaan ek kom, maak bruines `n totaal van 11% van die top bestuursposte uit. Die teiken is dat hulle eintlik 21% moet wees, maar wat swart bestuurders betref, staan die syfers reeds bo die teiken van 49% wat die metro gestel het. Nogmaals staan bruinmense agter in die tou.

Hier in Kaapstad ervaar bruin Suid-Afrikaners dat hulle ten opsigte van die N2 Gateway-projek onbillik behandel word. Talle Kapenaars kry die indruk dat die ANC huise gebruik om stemme te werf onder mense wat onlangs na die stad verhuis het en dat mense wie se name al lank op die lyste vir huise verskyn het, oorgesien word. Veral bruin inwoners voel dat die stad hulle in die steek gelaat het.

Die ANC gee net vir sy eie mense om en dit is `n klein elite met hegte politieke bande. Hy het die lot van die bruin Suid-Afrikaners keer op keer in die wind geslaan. Dit is hoog tyd dat daar ’n einde aan die ANC se rassisme gemaak word. Die DA is deurentyd daartoe verbind om die lewens van alle Suid-Afrikaners te verbeter, want in ons Grondwet is ons almal gelyk.

Mnr D V BLOEM: Speaker, ek wil net seker maak by Mnr Lee of by u … (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr President, the fact of the matter is that the ANC does not treat everyone equally and that the people who come last and always have to stand at the back of the queue are the coloured South Africans. The truth is that the ANC is just for some people, whereas the DA is for all the people.

Last year you asked me to give examples of how coloureds are being marginalised or pushed aside. Just take a look at your own statistics. The most recent labour assessment found that blacks and whites were reaping the fruits of growth and had experienced decreasing unemployment in the past year, but under the ANC it has become increasingly worse for coloureds.

In just six months, from March 2005 until September 2005, the number of jobless coloureds increased by 50 000 from 335 000 to 385 000. In just six months this is an increase of 15% in the number of jobless coloureds. It is much more difficult for coloured South Africans to find jobs in the labour market, because in the ANC’s hierarchy for affirmative action they are regarded as being lower and less important than black South Africans.

In the Nelson Mandela Metropole where I come from, coloureds comprise a total of 11% of the top managerial posts. The target is that they should actually be 21%, but as far as black managers are concerned, the figures have already exceeded the target of 49% set by the metro. Once again coloureds are standing at the back of the queue.

Here in Cape Town coloured South Africans find that they are being treated unfairly in respect of the N2 Gateway project. Many Capetonians are under the impression that the ANC uses houses to recruit votes among people who have recently moved to the city and that people whose names have appeared on the lists for houses for a long time, are being overlooked. Especially coloured inhabitants feel that the city has left them in the lurch.

The ANC cares for its own people only, and these are a small élite with strong political ties. Time after time it has shown disregard for the lot of coloured South Africans. It is high time the ANC’s racism came to an end. The DA is committed throughout to improving the lives of all South Africans, because in accordance with our Constitution we are all equal.

Mr D V BLOEM: Speaker, I just want Mr Lee or you to tell me for certain …]

The SPEAKER: Hon member, are you raising a point of order or are you raising a question? Mnr D V BLOEM: Nee, dit is n punt van orde. Is dit nie n rassistise toespraak … [No, it is a point of order. Is it not a racist speech …]

The SPEAKER: Please do not ask a question, just raise what your point of order is.

Mnr D V BLOEM: Ek dink dit is `n rassistise toespraak wat Mnr … [I think it is a racist speech that Mr …]

The SPEAKER: No, hon member, take your seat. Hon member, just finish your speech.

Mnr T D LEE: Baie dankie, Speaker. Dt maak seer, want dit is die waarheid.

Die DA is deurentyd daartoe verbind om die lewens van alle Suid-Afrikaners te verbeter, want in ons Grondwet is ons almal gelyk. n Stem vir die DA is steeds n stem vir gelykheid, n stem vir verdienste en n billike kans vir alle Suid-Afrikaners. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr T D LEE: Thank you very much, Speaker; it hurts, because it is the truth.

The DA is committed throughout to improving the lives of all South Africans, because in our Constitution we are all equal. A vote for the DA remains a vote for equality, a vote for merit and a fair chance for all South Africans. I thank you.]

The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President and hon members, 50 years ago the oppressed and historically disadvantaged women of South Africa marched to the Union Buildings in one of the most significant events in our struggle for national liberation. Their rallying cry was, ``You strike a woman, you strike a rock.’’ Today we have a black woman as the Deputy President of a free and democratic South Africa. [Applause.] Today we pay homage to the courage, the determination and the spirit of those women. They were true emancipators and genuine national liberation fighters.

Yesterday the hon Leon, quoting Isaiah, struck a rock and he dislodged a boulder. Allow me, Madam Speaker, to respond to each line, unaccustomed as I am to quoting the Bible. This is what he said:

Cease to do evil, Learn to do well; Seek judgment; Relieve the oppressed; Judge the fatherless; Plead for the widow;

Then shall thy light rise in obscurity, And thy darkness be as the noonday.

``Cease to do evil’’: Hon members, I would like to say that apartheid was evil and was declared a crime against humanity and it was the African National Congress, its allies and the oppressed people of South Africa along with the Solidarity Movement around the world, that defeated that evil.

Over the centuries and decades our people fought that evil. This year is the centenary of the Bambata Rebellion, the last armed uprising of traditional peasant African society, which marked the end of the military struggles waged by the indigenous traditional communities as they resisted the process of colonisation. A 100 years ago Mahatma Gandhi, resisting oppression here in South Africa, launched Satyagraha, the unique nonviolent struggle that liberated India and inspired millions of freedom fighters.

Satyagraha was the precursor to the Passive Resistance Campaign. This year marks the 60th anniversary of the Passive Resistance Campaign, and I am proud to say that my mother and Aziz’s mother was one of the first volunteers from the old Transvaal to participate.

This year also marks the 60th anniversary of the African Mineworkers’ Strike of 1946, which inspired the adoption of the ANC’s Programme of Action in 1949 and gave such a great impetus to the working class movement in our country. So, hon members, we looked even that in the eye and we defeated it.

``Learn to do well’’: Again, Madam Speaker, we have done well by our people. We have done more for our people in the past 11 years than has been done in centuries. We have provided houses for the homeless, jobs for the jobless, water, electricity and sanitation to hundreds of thousands who did not have these amenities before.

We are educating our young people and we are providing them with endless possibilities to take their rightful place in a free and democratic South Africa.

``Seeking judgment’’: We have done much to implement the judgment of the people and we need to do more. When we talk of the people’s contract, we mean that we are bound to our people by interlocking a set of rights and responsibilities. On our part we continually engage with our people. We actively seek their inputs and welcome their criticisms. We listen. As the Minister of Public Service and Administration said yesterday, we want the people to tell us where things have gone wrong.

Is it not the hon Leon who ought to seek judgment for the excessive voluminous praise he heaped on the apartheid SADF between 1975 and 1977 in his official magazine, Paratus, even as it was killing our people and invading neighbouring states, while their police allies were throwing detainees to their deaths from high buildings and the chilling ``defenestration’’ process that befell Ahmed Timol and others?

Truly, is it not the hon Leon who ought to be seeking judgment or at least displaying some contriteness? Is it not the hon Leon who told a parliamentary briefing on 8 September 1997, “There is nothing wrong or unpatriotic about having a political party that does not represent blacks.” The people remember and they will render their judgment once again on 1 March 2006.

Yes hon members, we invite and welcome judgment in democratic South Africa. As we reflect on the first 11 years of our democracy we look at the unfinished business and quicken our pace. We need to ask whether we have made progress with respect to the rights and empowerment of women in South Africa. As a government and as the political party in power, we can unequivocally say that progress has been made.

Let us pause and reflect on our track record. Our government’s commitment to gender equality in governance and administration has made us one of the global leaders in women’s representation. Of the 400 members of the National Assembly 130 are women and of these 104 come directly from the ranks of the ruling party. [Applause.] Of the 293 members of the ANC 35,4% are women.

Further, the ANC took a decision that 50% of its candidates standing for local government elections would be women. Compare that with the DA. They have 47 members in this Assembly of whom 11 or 23,4% are women. They seem to endure this discrimination with remarkable fortitude. Who, Madam Speaker, should be as humble as to seek the judgment of the women of our country? Equal representation of women in the decision-making structures of our country is not simply numerical representation. It is fundamentally about transformation.

In the disability movement they say, ``Nothing about us without us.’’ This applies with equal force to overcoming the challenges faced by women in our society. There can be no lasting solutions to the challenges faced by women in our country without their active participation in the decisions, policies and programmes that affect them. Any political party that is not committed in policy and in action to gender parity is not committed to the emancipation of women in our society. [Applause.]

``Relieve the oppressed’’: In all honesty, who has done more to relieve the suffering of the oppressed in our country than the ANC-led government? We are one of the few countries that can say the poor are not getting poorer, that we are winning the war on poverty, gender poverty and racialised poverty. We are working hard to improve the quality of life of our people and they acknowledge and appreciate it. They will show their appreciation once again on 1 March. Be sure of that.

While we work actively to improve the quality of life of our people, the hon Leon asks the people to vote for a political party committed to meritocracy based on the privileges of the past, as the hon Ben Turok demonstrated so pithily in yesterday’s debate.

Judge the fatherless’’: Yes, we must express our concern for the fatherless. But was it not the hon Leon who once said that punishment at the notorious military detention centre at Voortrekkerhoogte outside Pretoria wasstrictly regulated and humane’’? [Interjections.]

Would those who were punished there agree? And what of the children of fathers who were killed by the apartheid regime in detention centres like these? What of those who were rendered fatherless when the apartheid SADF invaded Angola and the hon Leon called the military operation associated with the invasion, ``one of many splendid tasks’’ of the SADF aircraft. As a government we have an obligation and a duty to care for the fatherless and the motherless in our society. That is being done. Consider the extension of the child support grant to children under the age of 14 or the fact that the total number of children accessing the grants since 1997 is over 7 million. This is our commitment and this is how we deliver.

``Plead for the widow.’’ Under the watch of this government, women in our country have been empowered as never before. They are less poor than before, they are beneficiaries of the Extended Public Works Programme and, in those areas where we in government have direct control, we have moved with decisive speed to improve their quality of life.

However, as a society and as government we cannot rest until we have eradicated discrimination against women, the stereotyping of women, gendered poverty, gendered unemployment, violence against women, the exclusion of women from the labour market just because they are women, and the exclusion of women from the political and economic decision-making centres in our society. We know that the majority of people living in poverty globally and in South Africa are women and children, particularly those who find themselves in rural areas.

``Then shall thy light rise in obscurity, and thy darkness be as the noonday.’’ Madam Speaker, darkness is already turning to noon. Does the hon Leon not realise that he lives in a free and democratic South Africa? A South Africa in which democracy has taken firm root, a South Africa in which apartheid as a crime against humanity has been defeated, a South Africa which is determined to deal decisively with corruption?

Let us go on record as noting that 60,2% of all cases of corruption reported in the media were uncovered through official processes. Clearly, the state is the primary agency responsible for bringing corruption in its ranks into the public domain. The fight against corruption is a fight that must involve all of us: Government, political parties, labour, the business community and organisations in civil society. Darkness is already turning into noon, because our people are liberated and poverty is being alleviated and eradicated.

We have a strong Constitution and an independent judiciary. To those who say that both of these are under threat and attack, we ask: From whom? Certainly, it is not from the ruling party, not from this government and not from our President.

From this very podium he said, and I quote:

The Constitution enjoins the President in particular to ‘uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic; and promote the unity of the nation and that which will advance the Republic.’

Our President went on to say:

The executive must discharge its responsibilities within the context of the rule of law, which includes respect for the integrity and independence of the judiciary and presumption of innocence of any person pending findings of the courts. Similarly, we also have to respect decisions of our Parliament.

If only the DA was not politically and ideologically bankrupt, it would recognise that we in government uphold the Constitution and respect the independence of the judiciary.

But was it not the DA who sought an assault on the Constitution when it asked for the reintroduction of the death penalty? Pity our nation, our Constitution and the rule of law should the DA ever come to power. But we are not yet at noon.

The measure of effective policies is the degree to which they impact positively on the lives of the most vulnerable and the most marginalised; and in our second decade of democracy we have identified implementation of programmes directed at the eradication of poverty, drastically reducing unemployment and dealing with the second economy as our key challenges.

Ours is a commitment to equality of opportunity, a commitment to the vision of the Freedom Charter that proclaims that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. A commitment to the creation of a nonsexist and nonracial South Africa also has to be a commitment to transformation and representation.

Fifty years ago the Freedom Charter explicitly linked democracy to freedom from discrimination on the basis of race and gender, and it explicitly stated that only a democratic state based on the will of all the people can secure to all their birthright without distinction of colour, race, sex or belief. That birthright includes freedom from want, freedom from starvation, freedom to secure gainful employment and freedom from poverty.

In conclusion, allow me to say to our President: Indeed under your leadership and guidance, the mountains and the hills of South Africa have broken forth into song before you, and all the trees of the field are clapping their hands. Under your leadership, we truly have entered the age of hope. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon Mncwango, there is a point of order.

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Somlomo, kuvumelekile yini ePhalamende ukuthi umhlonishwa uMholi weQembu eliPhikisayo akhulume kanje, sengathi wagwinya impempe yephoyisa? [Uhleko.] [Madam Speaker, is it parliamentary for the hon Leader of the Largest Opposition Party to speak non-stop, as if he swallowed a policeman’s whistle? [Laughter.]]

The SPEAKER: Well, that is flowery, poetic language, hon Leader of the Opposition. Hon Mncwango, please!

Mr M A MNCWANGO: Madam Speaker, Your Excellency the President, the hon Deputy President and colleagues, on Friday the President promised to beef up the capacity of local government to provide essential services. We at least welcome the President’s belated realisation that the central government cannot achieve this. Yet I fear once again that there is a yawning gap between rhetoric and action. Will the President’s season of hope fade into the winter of discontent?

Our national Cabinet takes enormous pride in the fact that it has devoted more than 60% of the state Budget to local and provincial government. In theory, this augurs a decisive move towards a decentralised administration. In practice, about half of all municipalities are dysfunctional. Councils at large have failed to collect R40 billion in arrears and billions of rands are left unspent in provincial coffers each year.

A classic example of consistent underspending which has the potential to shake up the existing relationship between our provinces and their municipalities are housing grants, because of the red tape our municipalities have to deal with when they apply for provincial approvals. This is just one example.

The national government, in response to this particular crisis, has suggested that it should take firmer control of policies affecting housing to ensure greater uniformity and quality control. We in the IFP refuse to believe the national government has the capacity to do so.

It is the implicit assumption about the role of government in general that determines the everyday practice in our municipalities and shapes the behaviour of their managers and staff. The assumption, instilled and encouraged by the socialist outlook of the ruling party, is that the government is all-powerful and has the capacity to intervene and contribute positively in every nook and cranny of our society.

An omnipotent government exists in theory. In practice, it is unsurprising that such inflated ambitions as our municipalities boast, lead to overstaffing, inefficiency, mediocrity and indifference. These characteristics are intertwined, Minister Mufamadi. It follows that most municipalities cannot run themselves, let alone provide essential services.

We have seen thousands of protestors taking to the streets from Gauteng, the Free State and the Western Cape against the slow pace of delivery in the ANC-controlled municipalities. Your response, Mr President, has been woefully inadequate. It is an insult to our people for the government to attribute these spontaneous protests to so-called ``third force’’ operators. These protests were peoplepower demonstrations against a system of incapacitated local government, which simply cannot deliver.

Our people have also had enough of corruption, sleaze and extravagant lifestyles while they still have to contend with the indignity of a bucket toilet system. It is unacceptable at this stage of our political liberation that anyone should not have access to decent sanitation. This is why so many still have not tasted the fruits of democracy. Ten years after the President quoted Langston Hughes, ``What happens to the dream deferred’’ in this Chamber, one does fear indeed that it may explode.

As an alternative to the ANC’s mismanagement, we in the IFP advocate a comprehensive strategy that shifts the drive for economic development from the government at any level and the public sector in every sphere onto the individual and the private sector. Instead of the current bureaucratic state, the IFP envisages an enabling state that commissions the provision of basic services from a range of providers rather than provide these services by itself.

Ours is a new entrepreneurial state that preaches decentralised management and calls for an expanded role of the private sector in service delivery. This is the clear blue water between the ANC and the IFP.

The ANC has systematically broken the promises it made in its 2004 provincial government manifesto. Again and again there is every indication that if the ruling party wins power in a significant number of municipalities after 1 March, the promises it has made in its 2006 local government manifesto will once again be ignored and dishonoured.

The IFP has pledged to contest this poll with honour and commitment to delivery and service. We mean every word. The ANC talks, the IFP acts.

Ms M P MENTOR: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, hon members and fellow South Africans, I think I can still hope for humility and humanity from the ranks of the opposition, the DA in particular, and submit to them that I have migraine, so I am requesting them not to yell the way they normally do when we are on the podium.

Allow me to engage with what hon Lee said before I go into the details of my speech. Hon Lee, you have just confirmed what we normally say to South Africans that your party, the DA, represents the interests of the few that you choose to represent. You spoke about the so-called bruinmense. Your whole speech, your whole worries and your whole concern are about the so- called “bruin” people [coloureds]. I thought you are a public representative, a Member of Parliament for all South Africans and not only for a particular racial group.

Die sogenaamde bruinmense, ek dink nie hulle waardeer dit dat jy alleen oor hulle bekommerd is nie. Ek dink hulle sou wou hê dat jy ook moet dink aan die ander mense van Suid-Afrika, want Suid-Afrika bestaan uit vele rasse en nie net uit bruinmense, soos jy hulle noem, nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.) [The so-called coloureds, I don’t think that they appreciate it that you are only concerned about them. I think that they would want you to also think of the other people in South Africa, as South Africa consists of many race groups and not only the coloureds, as you refer to them.]

I dedicate this speech to the memory of Coretta Scott King, whom I got acquainted with during the build-up to our 1994 elections as she was a leading member of a team that monitored or observed our elections. I was struck by her humility and her simplicity although she was a giant in her own right. I admired her humility, approachability and simplicity.

I dedicate this speech to her so that in the archives of this Parliament of the Republic of South Africa, we will always remember that it is possible to be powerful, to be a giant and to remain humble, simple and approachable. I think that those are the ethos that the ANC government are abiding by.

Let’s talk about hope – may the soul of Coretta Scott King rest in peace! When we talk about hope, I must tell you about two encounters out of the many that have reconvinced me about the humility of our people in South Africa: How grateful they always are for very little things that are done for them and how easy to please they are.

In a Checkers store in Kimberley I became acquainted with a lady who worked in the crockery division, simply because I am an admirer of fine china. Even if I do not have money I always go through the shelves of crockery just to admire it and to promise myself that one day I will buy myself this or that. So I got used to this lady. She knew that I would never leave Checkers without going through her shelves.

One day, as I was shopping she approached me and said: “I have a problem. My child passed matric wonderfully. I do not have money to send her to university. All efforts to acquire a bursary have failed, including a request for the Premier’s bursary fund to assist.”

I asked if her she knew that banks do offer student loans. I told her that I thought she should go to Absa to ask for a student loan for her daughter. I immediately pulled out a page from my desk pad and wrote on it very carelessly because it was not official.

I addressed that “to whom it may concern” at Absa and asked them to help that lady. I pulled rank in that letter and reminded them that I was a middle manager in education. I also reminded them that the government of the Northern Cape did business with Absa and that therefore they were obliged to show social responsibility.

For a few months and years I never saw that lady again at Checkers. On enquiring, I was told that she had broken both her legs on duty and had since been boarded. Four and a half to five years down the line, I met her at a taxi rank in Galeshewe. She was in tears when she saw me and then I wanted to know her plight. She was no longer walking properly, she was struggling to walk. She said she thought I had changed my number. She had been looking for me because her daughter was graduating and they wanted me to attend the graduation ceremony. [Applause.] I said: “No, those are special moments for family. I appreciate your offer but I cannot accept it.” She cried so bitterly that I ended up going to the graduation ceremony.

Last week Friday, two of my guests to the presidential state of the nation address were two educators, Mr Bentley of St Joseph’s Marist College in Rondebosch, as well as Ms Peckham of Reddam in Tokai. The whole day, literally, they were excited like small kids for having been invited to Parliament. Ms Peckham, in particular, got what I always call goose pimples

• my daughter says they are “goose bumps”. Both of them expressed surprise in terms of their ability to be guests of honour at Parliament.

Both of them were surprised and could not believe that they were in the midst of Ministers and the President, both in the Chamber and in the convention centre. They took endless photographs of Ministers and the President himself with their cellphones. Mr Bentley said I must convey to the President that he admires his Armani suits. I see Comrade Sydney is doing very well also. His suit is very lovely today. [Laughter.]

So I am saying that despite the fact that these two educators are white and were born and bred in Cape Town, they said they never imagined in their lifetime that they would set foot in Parliament. They could have set foot in Parliament before because they are white, but it was never possible because the government of the day did not reach out to our people, both black and white. [Applause.]

To them, those were memories for a lifetime. They are still sending me SMSs. They are very grateful for the invitation to Parliament. Many of our people are also hopeful that one day they will set foot in their own Parliament. They are awaiting their turn that, one day, somebody amongst you will be kind enough to invite them to come to Parliament as a sign of participatory democracy. [Interjections.] Yes, they must get tickets. They know that they must wait for their turn and that they cannot all come here at the same time.

I am always surprised and I always enjoy it when I watch the expression of collective joy and pride that comes from our people at all times, even when very little things are done for them. I have taken note of collectiveness in our communities. I have witnessed that when one sad incident happens to one person they all mourn, but when one family achieves something they all celebrate.

I was taught by the late Comrade Steve Tshwete not to undermine the wisdom of the masses of our people. He taught me the importance of watching their mood every time, not only during elections, hon Tony Leon and Mr Gibson. It is very important, at all times, every single day of the five-year term, to be in touch with the mood of the people, to understand it and …

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, your time has expired.

Ms M P MENTOR: Thank you very much. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Hon members, I will now suspend the sitting to allow members to have a break. Proceedings will resume in 10 minutes’ time. The bells will be rung to alert members to proceed to the House in 10 minutes’ time. The sitting is now suspended.

Business suspended at 16:08 and resumed at 16:23.

Ms B T NGCOBO: Hon Deputy Speaker, President, Deputy President, hon members, 2006 is the year of hope.

Mongameli, sizohlala sisethembeni ngaso sonke isikhathi ngoba uthe asihlale ethembeni. [Mr President, we are going to stay in hope because you said we must stay in hope.]

This is the decade of the Constitution. We are celebrating the Constitution with joy. This is the Constitution in which human rights are enshrined. It’s only the ANC that has been able to make those rights realisable and enjoyable, progressively, particularly for the women of the country. For the first time, women have been given latitude and it’s the ANC that has made that possible.

We also salute the women who have been able to contribute to our developmental state.

Ngonyaka ka-2004 abasebenzela uhulumeni wasekhaya benza ucwaningo lapho bathola khona ukuthi abantu besifazane abangamakhansela babengamaphesenti angama-29,6; abasezikhundleni zobumenenja beyi-18 kwabangama-284 eNingizimu Afrika iyonke. Oyedwa owesifazane obekhona kohulumeni basekhaya usehambile waya komela iNingizimu Afrika njengenxusa. Okubi-ke kodwa ukuthi isikhala sakhe sivalwe umuntu wesilisa.

Umgomo wokunika amathuba ngokulandela indlela ka 50-50 yenze babaningi abantu besifazane abangenele ukuba amakhansela kohulumeni basekhaya. Siyethemba-ke ukuthi njengoba abantu besifazane bemelwe, nokubamba kwabo iqhaza nakho kuzoba ngendlela efanele. Sineqiniso-ke ukuthi i-Asgisa ne- joint investment priority in South Africa zizokwenza ukuthi lezo zinto eziyizinselelo zibhekeleke, njengokuthi bakhuliseke, bafundiseke futhi bazithole bexhasekile ukuze bakwazi ukwenza umsebenzi wabo, nokuthi indawo yomsebenzi kwamasipala ibaphathe kahle abesifazane.

I-ANC iyona nhlangano ekwazile nokuthi ilethe izinsiza kubantu. Ayikho futhi enye inhlangano eke yaziletha ngokwanele izinsiza kubantu. Siphinda futhi sincome ukuthi njengoba uKhongolose ephethe, abantu besifazane sebengene kulezo zindawo ebezaziwa ngokuthi yizindawo zamadoda kuphela. Sinabantu besifazane abayizimantshi, abangabehluleli, abasezimayini futhi kukhona nabamba amangcwaba kanti ukumba kwakwenziwa abesilisa; kukhona nasebeshayela izindiza ngenxa yokuthi abesifazane bavulelekile, bathole ithemba. Mongameli, ngiyethemba ukuthi ithemba lisazokhula futhi.

Okwamanje sidinga ulwazi ngabesifazane abasemazingeni okuphatha aphakathi nendawo nasezingeni eliphezulu. Singajabula uma iminyango ingasinika izibalo ukuze sazi ukuthi bangakanani khona uhlelo lwe-Asgisa luzokwazi ukubasiza ezindaweni zabo. Ukuze ithemba lizwakale futhi libonakale, kudingeka siyisuse imigoqo evimbayo, siyiphahlaze i-glass ceiling.

Uhulumeni kaKhongolose uyishintshile yonke le mithetho ebigqilaze abantu besifazane kwaze kwakhona nemigomo yokubhekela abahlwempu, okuyiyona ebhekela ikakhulukazi abesifazane nawo wonke umphakathi ukuze bakwazi ukuthola izinsiza njengabo ogesi. Uhulumeni kaKhongolose uphinde futhi walungisa imithetho ukuze abantu besifazane bahole imali elingana neyabanye abasebenzi ngokwenza umsebenzi ofanayo, bakwazi ukuba namalungelo okuthola izindlu, bakwazi ukuba namalungelo okuthola umhlaba, bakwazi ukuba namalungelo okuzikhulumela emshadweni yesintu, baphinde futhi bakwazi nokuthola ifa. Siyakuncoma lokho.

Kukhona-ke omunye uMthetho abangawuthandi abaningi kule Ndlu kodwa owusizo ezimpilweni zabesifazane ohambelana nezokuthola abantwana obizwa, phecelezi, nge-Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act. Lokhu i-ANC iyona eqhamuke nakho ngoba abesifazane kade bememezela bethi, “Hhayi bo saze sahlupheka. Sesikhathele ukuya ezindaweni zangasese siyokhipha izisu esingathandi ukuzikhipha.” Phela imithetho yakuqala yabe ithi ngeke usikhiphe isisu ngoba akukho emthethweni. Kodwa i-ANC ikwenzile lokho. Ngo- 1999 abantu ababefa ngenxa yokuzikhiphela izisu okubizwa nge-backstreet abortions babengama-65%; ngo-2002 kade bengama-9,5%. Siyakuncoma-ke lokho, kodwa siye sifice inkinga yokuthi bakhona abasashona ngenxa yokuguliswa ukukhipha isisu okubizwa nge-sceptic abortion. Kuyinkinga ekhona leyo kodwa siyethemba ukuthi le inkinga ezobhekeleka.

Sifuna ukuphinda futhi sincome uhlelo olukhona olubhekela abantu abaneSandulela Ngculazi neNgculazi. Ushilo-ke Mongameli wathi abantu abangaphezu kwezi-100 000 bangenile kulolu hlelo. I-Unicef esiye saba nomhlangano nayo ngoMsombuluko ithe bangaphezu kwezi-100 000 ezibhedlela zikahulumeni kanti bangaphezu kwezi-80 000 kumabhizinisi nezimboni ezizimele.

Kuthe futhi uma sihamba lapha ezifundazweni sabona ukuthi nabantwana sekuqaliwe ukuthi bafakwe kulolu hlelo. Lokho-ke kuyasiza kubantu besifazane ngesimanga sokuthi abantu besifazane yibona abathola izingane ezinegciwane futhi yibona ababheka abantu abanegciwane. Uma selingene kubona uqobo igciwane kuba yinkinga.

Uma izingane sezingene ohlelweni, sesizoba nabantu besifazane abazophila isikhathi eside kunangendlela abakade bephila ngayo, nezingane sezizophila isikhathi eside. Lokhu-ke kuzokwenza izwe livune ngoba sizoba nabantu abaningi abazophila isikhathi eside. Kodwa-ke nansi inselelo: Asinabo abantu abenele ukuthi lolu hlelo luqhubeke kahle. Kodwa, njengoba uMongameli eshilo ukuthi amakolishi okufundisa abahlengikazi azovulwa, siyethemba ukuthi sizoba nabantu abaningi.

Enye inselelo eyokuthi abantu bayangena ohlelweni babuye baphume. Labo bantu bathi bakhishwa ukuthola imibiko eminingi ebadidayo. Umhlonishwa uMdladlana ushilo izolo wathi kufuneka abantu sibatshele iqiniso. Sonke njengoba sihlezi kule Ndlu yesishayamthetho sinomsebenzi omkhulu kabi ngoba sibekwe abantu ukuthi sibamele futhi kudingeka sibatshele iqiniso. Kuyaqala ngqa eNingizimu Afrika ukuthi abantu besifazane babekeke phezulu kangaka nesimo sabo sempilo sinakekeleke kangaka.

INingizimu Afrika ibanakekele-ke Mongameli abantwana nabantu abadala njengoba washo ngoLwesihlanu mhla usinikeza inqubomgomo yezwe. Siyakuncoma futhi ukuthi sekuzovuleka indlela entsha yokuthi abantu bathole izimpesheni zabo, nokuthi kuzoba khona inhlangano ezobhekelela ukuthi abantu bayazithola izimpesheni zabo ngendlela efanele. Siyakuncoma ukuthi le nhlangano izoqasha abantu abaningi kakhulu, abangaphezu kwezi-12 000.

Masibonge futhi ukuthi labo abaswele bazozifica bethola kangcono kunangendlela abakade bethola ngayo. Kulokhu kubalwe abadala, abesifazane, yizingane, abakhubazekile kanye nabo bonke nje abanye abahlwempu. Akekho uhulumeni owake wenza le nto ngaphandle kukahulumeni kaKhongolose.

Sishaya izandla nge-Children’s Bill esizoba umthetho ngoba ibabhekelele futhi abantwana abakhubazekile. Kusho ukuthi leli zwe libakhathalele abantu abakhubazekile ngoba kuyo yonke imithetho eshaywayo abasali ngaphandle. Masiphinde sincome ukuthi e-Afrika iyonkana, iNingizimu Afrika iyona enamalungu ePhalamende amaningi akhubazekile. Ngiyethemba ukuthi i-Afrika izothola isifundo kuleli zwe nayo bese yenze njalo. (Translation of isiZulu paragraphs follows.)

[In 2004, local government employees conducted research. They found out that 29,6% of councillors were women, and that there were 18 women in managerial positions out of 284 in South Africa. One of them who worked in local government has been appointed as an ambassador of South Africa. However, the disappointing thing is that a man has been appointed to replace her.

The principle of giving opportunities following 50-50 policies increased the number of women who stood as candidates in local government. We hope that as women are represented, their participation is also going to occur in a proper way. We are positive that Asgisa and joint investment priorities in South Africa are going to help in regard to challenges that we are facing, such as grooming, educating and supporting them so that they will be able to perform well in their jobs. We also hope that they will be treated with dignity in municipalities.

The ANC is the only organisation that has brought service delivery to the people. No other organisation was able to do that. Since the ANC is in power, we also salute the fact that women are working in domains that were previously known to be for men only. We have women who are magistrates and judges. We also have women in the mining industry, and some of them are digging graves, which was previously done by men. We also have women pilots because women are given opportunities. Mr President, I trust our hopes are going to remain high.

We need information about women who are holding middle and high positions. We will be grateful if departments can give us statistics so that Asgisa will help them in their respective fields. For the hope to be recognised, we must remove obstacles and break through the glass ceiling.

The ANC has changed all the Acts that made women suffer and has come forward with new Acts catering for the poor, women and the public so .as to enable them to get services like electricity. The ANC also changed the Acts in favour of women to enable them to earn the same salaries as other employees who are doing the same jobs. They also have rights to own houses, to have land, to speak for themselves in traditional marriages and to inherit under wills. We salute that.

There is an Act concerning having children that most of the people in this House don’t like. This Act is called the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act. The ANC came forward with this law because women were complaining, saying, “We are suffering and we are tired of going to private places to terminate pregnancy.

Previously, the Act was saying that you couldn’t terminate pregnancy because it is illegal. The ANC amended that. In 1999 alone, 65% of women died as a result of backstreet abortions and only 9,5% in 2002. There is still a problem because people are still dying from septic abortions. We hope that this problem is going to be addressed soon.

We also praise the programme that caters for HIV-positive people. The President said that there were more than 100 000 people under this programme. In a meeting that we had with Unicef on Monday, they told us that more than 100 000 people were under this programme in public hospitals and more than 80 000 in private hospitals.

When we toured provinces, we saw that children were being admitted under this programme. This is helping because at the end of the day it’s women who are getting HIV-positive children and it’s they who are taking care of people who are HIV-positive. When they get contaminated themselves, it is a huge problem.

If children are under this programme, women are going to have a higher life expectancy than before, and so are the children. The country is going to benefit a lot because people are going to have a long life. However, the challenge remains. There is a staff shortage under this programme. The President said that nursing colleges are going to be reopened. We hope that we are going to have enough staff.

Another challenge is that people are admitted under this programme and then they leave. They say that they leave this programme because they get a lot of confusing information. Yesterday, hon Mdladlana said that we must tell the people the truth. All of us in this House have a mammoth task because we are expected to represent them and tell them the truth. This is the first time in South Africa that we have women in high positions and their rights being taken care of.

Mr President, South Africa takes care of children and old people, as you said in the state of the nation address. We also appreciate that there is a new system of pension payments that is going to be in place soon. There is also going to be an organisation that is going to see to it that people get their pensions the way they are supposed to. We further appreciate that this organisation is going to employ more that 12 000 people.

We are also grateful that poor people are going to get better grants than before. This includes old people, women, children, people with disabilities and poor people. There is no government that has done that before, except the ANC government.

We are grateful for the Children’s Bill that caters for children with disabilities. This country is concerned about people with disabilities because in all Acts, they are not sidelined. We also salute the fact that in Africa, South Africa is the only country that has a high number of MPs with disabilities. We hope that Africa is going to learn from us and do the same thing.]

We all know that disability is a human right and a development concern. It needs to be integrated into all the development programmes in an integrated and multisectoral manner, in all Ministries and departments. Should this happen, disability will be a nonissue because the disabled would then have been integrated into society.

Kunesibalo okuhloswe ukuthi kufikwe kusona sabantu abangama-2% abakhubazekile okulindeleke ukuthi basebenze ngo-2010. Ngalezi zinhlelo esezikhona okuzosetshenzelwa phezu kwazo zika-Asgisa, siyethemba ukuthi abantu abakhubazekile bazothola ithuba lokuthi bangenelele engakafiki ngisho u-2010, mhlawumbe kube u-2009, futhi bathole amathuba okuthi kwasabona bakwazi ukuqasha, babe ngosomabhizinisi ukuze phela bengalokhu bethola iminikelo, nabo bakwazi ukuzimela.

Siyakuncoma futhi ukuthi ukukhuthazwa kokulingana phakathi kwabesifazane nabesilisa sekuyinto ekhona ngempela eNingizimu Afrika. Sengike ngasho ukuthi abantu besifazane sebekhululeke ngale ndlela yokuthi bayakwazi ukwenza abakwenzayo. Kodwa noma kunjalo, sibona kubalulekile ukuthi uma kwenziwa imithetho, yenziwe ngendlela eqinisekisa ukubandakanya kokubhekelwa kwezobulili, ukuze ekugcineni kube khona imiphumela ehambelana nezobulili kulezo zinhlelo esizobe sinazo.

Siyethemba-ke ukuthi njengoba i-Asgisa ingena, kuzothi kuqalwa laba bantu kube neqhaza abalibambayo futhi … (Translation of isiZulu paragraphs follows.)

[There is a target of 2% of people with disabilities who are expected to work in 2010. We hope that by 2010, maybe in 2009 with the help of the Asgisa programme, they are going to be able to recruit, have their businesses and be able to be independent.

We are also grateful that gender equality is encouraged in South Africa. I said that women are free now because they are doing things that were done by men. Even though it is like that, we think that it is important to have Acts that are enforcing gender equality so that in the end we will have good results in the programmes that we are going to have.

We hope that as we are going to have Asgisa, by the time it starts, women and people with disabilities are going to play a huge role and tgat …]

… sustainable development initiatives involving the public and the private sector will be consistent with market trends. We also hope that programmes will be developed to ensure that women can be trained so that they will get jobs, and that they will be supported in those jobs that they will get, particularly …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, your time has expired.

Mr R COETZEE: Madam Deputy Speaker, yesterday this House was forced to watch the hon Ben Turok audition for a career as a clown. I must say that I think there is a future for him in that field because he makes a very good clown indeed. But there are a few things that he should know: Firstly, Tony Leon does not design the DA manifesto.

Secondly, the DA members are not known to go around burning images of their leader, which indignity, Mr Turok would know, has recently been suffered by his leader.

Thirdly, Mr Leon knows a thing or two about economics, unlike the hon Turok, whose insights in this regard helped to impoverish hundreds of thousands of black people in Tanzania, back in the 1960s when they let clowns loose on economies.

And yes, Mr Turok, race does matter, and you’ve won the race to the bottom in this House because your performance yesterday finally convinced the DA caucus that we are wasting time being polite and respectful when your leader speaks in Parliament.

We noticed that he laughed and shook your hand after your speech, but that did not surprise us because we know he’s fond of clowns. Consider, for example, his choice for a Minister of Health. But perhaps the President won’t be smiling quite so broadly tomorrow if Mr Leon doesn’t manage to persuade his caucus not to treat the President in the way that the ANC treats the Leader of the Opposition. [Interjections.] In case anybody has a problem with that title, please read the Constitution, which I am sure I don’t need to remind you of and which is so admired all around the world.

On to more serious matters: Any significant opposition party in South Africa today has to consider carefully its purpose and role. The DA has a clear understanding of these. In our view, the government in a constitutional liberal democracy, such as ours, requires an opposition as a check on its power, because too much power has a way of being abused. The ultimate check on the abuse of power is, of course, the very real prospect of losing it.

From this analysis we are led by logic to an important conclusion that, in order to make the contribution to democracy that is uniquely the province of an opposition, we must do two things. We must oppose, when the facts suggest that opposition is required, and we must grow, in order to create over time the prospect that the ruling party might lose power.

Now, there are some people in South Africa who claim to understand and respect the role of opposition, but they don’t actually want those opposition parties to do much opposing. I suppose that this is to be expected from the ruling party and its fellow travellers, but it is nothing less than disgraceful when it comes from the ranks of the opposition itself.

And, if we survey quickly the opposition landscape in South Africa, what do we see? The MF puts itself forward as an advocate for one small ethnic group but then it uses its votes to give power to the ANC. I wonder how the voters of the MF would feel if they could see the obsequious manner in which their parliamentary representative behaves in this House.

The FF is actually a little more than a cultural advocacy group supported by a small minority of the group in question, because most Afrikaners in South Africa are more ambitious about their future – they want to be part of a nonracial growing opposition that is inclusive and not exclusive. The fact is that the FF has little future and its leaders need to confront that reality.

The ID is perhaps the oddest opposition party in South Africa because it seems to have been established specifically to oppose the opposition. It certainly does not oppose the government. The slogan, “more voice for your vote” is a bold lie. Since the 2004 election, the ID has spent all its time infighting, and takes time out only to support ANC Budget Votes and snipe, after a fashion, at the DA. What exactly is the point of the ID? Is it just an organisational expression of the person of its leader – a peculiar case of the id developing out of the ego? Too many opposition politicians in our country strike the tragic figure of an unloved child, desperate for any shred of affection and every scrap of affirmation. Of course, children are powerless and vulnerable, and can be made into victims. But adult politicians and political leaders should have more self-belief, or at least enough self-respect, not to go about their business on their hands and knees.

Opposition voters want to know that their representatives can stand up and stand together. That is why when we say “Don’t divide the opposition, unite behind the DA”, the voters respond and the small parties get squeezed, and it’s going to be squeezed again. Perhaps it’s time, Madam Speaker … [Interjections.]

Dr C P MULDER: Madam Deputy Speaker, is the hon member prepared to answer a question? It’s a very easy question. [Interjections.]

Mr R COETZEE: No! The voters will answer the question, Madam Speaker. [Interjections.]

Dr C P MULDER: No! So, stop lying to the people. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, will you answer the question?

Mr R COETZEE: No!

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No? OK, continue then.

Mr R COETZEE: The voters will answer the question on the 1st March. [Laughter.] They will say what they think of the FF and their verdict may not be merciful, but it will be just. I think it is time that some of the small parties started listening more carefully to what the voters are saying. Thank you. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, before we continue, I do understand that at this time of the afternoon or evening we get a little heated up and with the elections around the corner, but can’t we just try by all means to treat each other as honourable as possible? I mean, if the electorate were to hear that some hon members are referred to as clowns, I don’t think that they would see that as being parliamentary. But, hon member, you were in the middle of your speech and I just felt that I should allow you to complete your speech and to warn the other speakers who are still going to speak that they should please maintain the decorum of the House.

Are you against that ruling, sir?

Mr R COETZEE: Madam Deputy Speaker, are you saying that is unparliamentary?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Of course it is unparliamentary. There are no clowns here. There are only hon members. You may refer to Mr Gibson for guidance but he knows as well as I do that it is unparliamentary, and would you please take your seat, sir.

Mr R COETZEE: OK. Madam Speaker, the person who raised the point of order there accused me of lying. Is that parliamentary?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I beg your pardon?

Mr R COETZEE: Is it parliamentary to accuse a speaker of lying?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Who said you were lying?

Mr R COETZEE: The hon Mulder did that.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I am dealing with one issue now, and the issue is that there are no clowns in this House.

Mr R COETZEE: OK. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: And that’s it. OK, I have been made aware that, in fact, Mr Mulder referred to Mr Coetzee as a member who is lying. And we all know that that language is unparliamentary because it actually says that the hon member is misleading the House. Now, I would like you to withdraw that, sir. [Interjections.]

Dr C P MULDER: May I address you on that point, Madam Speaker? The point I was making was that the DA is lying to the electorate by creating an impression that the only party that can be voted for and that is strong enough to oppose the ANC is the DA. That is not true, Madam Speaker. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Mr Mulder, I am requesting you not to make a speech. [Interjections.] If you are saying that you never said he was lying, I could go back and check, then come back with a ruling. But if that is what you said: Would you please withdraw and take your seat.

Dr C P MULDER: Madam Deputy Speaker, I have never said that, but if I did then I withdraw that the member lied.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No! I don’t want it to be conditional. You either said so or you didn’t.

Dr C P MULDER: I withdraw what I said if I have said that, Madam Speaker, but it might be that the DA as a party is lying. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: That is still conditional, Sir. Mr Mulder! Would you please withdraw or defer the matter to later so that I can look at the Hansard, but there is just no way that you can say if you did or think you did say so – you should know what you said. [Laughter.] Dr C P MULDER: Madam Speaker, I withdraw the allegation that the member lied. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon members, this is taking us nowhere. But I think we can do with a little bit of humour at this time of the afternoon. [Applause.]

Mr B M KOMPHELA: Hon Deputy Speaker, hon President and hon Deputy President, I would want to advise the young hon member who’s just descended from this podium that nothing makes you a better person than being humane. Even if you put your point recklessly … kufuneka ube nembeko. [ … you must show respect.] People will listen to you. [Interjections.] Kambe xa ungenambeko … [When you don’t show respect …] … even when you say something good, people will always look at you and say: “Lo mntwana akanambeko, akaqeqeshwanga kokwabo.” [This child is a spoilt brat, and has no manners at all.] [Interjections.]

Hon President, we have to bring the light of hope and hope even to those who are writing us off, such as the gentleman who has just descended from this podium. The torch of hope and the light that the ANC carries throughout South Africa and the world cannot be switched off as a result of minor things distracting the progress we have made so far, which is immense; nobody can ever change that. [Applause.]

In the midst of despair of the lack of transformation in sport in this country, our people shouted for transformation so that we could be equal partners in the field of play. For many of our people in this country that protracted struggle has yielded results.

We are indeed celebrating the age of hope, President, and millions of our people in this country and elsewhere, led by the ANC, are also celebrating and saying: “Yes, we have arrived. Therefore, we are also going to be beneficiaries in this age of hope that the President referred to.”

President, I want to share with you the depth and the inspiration that the ANC inculcates in the majority of young people specifically, and the people of this country generally. I want to speak about a very young, Afrikaner South African swimmer, Roland Schoeman.

He had to make a very bold choice, which I doubt many of us on my left hand side would have made, when he was asked to renounce his citizenship of this country and represent Qatar in swimming instead. The choice he made was a very profound one. Through the inspiration of the President of this country and the ANC, he chose his country, irrespective of what he could get from Qatar. [Applause.] That was important. And that is a demonstration, President, of the age of hope and the extent to which we have inspired the young people for all of them to have hope. This young Afrikaner says, in the end: “I agree with what is contained in the Freedom Charter, that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. I’ve never been embraced in this manner before, and I agree that I have a place here, and I have a contribution to make.”

As the ANC, we send a message of hope for other people not to miss this opportunity. However, others pretend that there is no hope. Likhon’ ithemba. Ikhon’ indlela. [There is hope. There is a way.] We’ll be there one day.

During the state of the nation address, a few days ago, you reminded the local organising committee of our promise to Fifa and the world that Africa’s Fifa World Cup, after 100 years, will be a world-class event; that we have heard very clearly, President.

This event, hon President, will further strengthen and advance the African Renaissance. The ANC government took decisive action to ensure that the responsibility that you gave to the country is carried out properly. You instructed the five important and senior members of the ANC and senior Cabinet members, Comrade Moleketi, Comrade Nqakula, Dr Essop Pahad, Comrade Jeff Hadebe and Minister Stofile, to carry this responsibility. From time to time they must inform the nation regarding progress in preparations for this event.

Former President Nelson Mandela felt passionate when he carried the Soccer World Cup because, for the first time in 100 years, it came to the so- called “dark continent”. Today the ANC is bringing a light of hope to the continent so that it must never be a dark continent, and it will never be. [Applause.]

The Minister of Sport and Recreation has already engaged our counterparts in the Southern African region with regard to African legacy. This programme must be carried out as part of government agenda; it must not run parallel to what our government has set as an agenda for us.

Within the broad framework of government, the question of the Fifa 2010 World Cup becomes part of that programme. However, we’ll continue pushing the programme of government and the 2010 World Cup as part of that programme. That is what we are saying.

I now come to the inspiration that we have given to other countries. When the delegation of Fifa visited Mozambique and Swaziland we heard that three other countries, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, were working very hard, tirelessly, in a bid to host the 2008 African Cup of Nations. In a very humane and humble manner, South Africa is making a contribution on how they can put up the bid book and how they can overcome the teething problems they might face in this regard.

For the first time, African countries are scrambling for the opportunity to host the African Cup of Nations prior to the 2010 World Cup. I think that our help to our friends on the continent is a very important and befitting gesture to those countries. They too must be counted among the nations of the world.

On 9 July 2006, during the closing ceremony of the World Cup, the world will cast its eyes towards South Africa. On 10 July 2006 that light of hope will turn towards South Africa and the nations of the world will be focusing on South Africa in the hope that as promised, South Africa will host one of the grandest Fifa World Cups ever, and we will. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr L M GREEN: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, Ministers and hon members, the President’s state of the nation address has been well-received nationally, as well as internationally.

Mr President, I like the theme and the tone of your address. Your theme is one of progress and one of hope. Yes, I would agree that despite the challenges that are facing our nation, we should give our constituencies hope. We should not become prophets of doom and gloom. Mr President, time allows me to respond to only two or three issues in your speech. The first is Asgisa, as addressed by you, and the briefing received by the hon Deputy President yesterday. The FD commends you and your government for taking the initiative to launch the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa to address the scourge of poverty and unemployment.

We will give our support to Asgisa because of the promise of improvement it will bring to the nation as a whole. Growth in itself is not a solution, especially if it is jobless growth. But if growth results in the sharing of the country’s wealth by the millions of South Africans who struggle for economic survival day by day, then – if I may quote you – “The mountains and the hills shall break forth into song before you, and all the trees of the field shall clap their hands.”

The other issues I wish to respond to are the land reform and land restitution issues. The FD has no problem with the principle of expropriation of land by government to accelerate the restitution of land. Restitution is a biblical principle in terms of which land is taken away by means of government intervention.

Let me quote from a book that I have here; it’s called Our Land … Our Life … Our Future, where it says:

Today 55 000 white-owned farms occupy 85,7 million hectares, including most of South Africa’s high-potential arable land, while more than 12 million black people inhabit only 17,1 million hectares of which only 2,6 million hectares is of good quality. The unequal division of land is a constant reminder to the majority that they remain excluded from the ownership of their country. It is time to rethink these policies. It is time to find creative alternatives that place the interests of the poor first. There is an urgent need for land, and agrarian transformation.

In addition to reviewing the willing-buyer, willing-seller policy, our government must also review the closing date for the land claims. To most people loss of land occurred over many decades, long before 1912, stretching into the late 1980s. There are many families in the Western Cape that owned land in Constantia, Kirstenbosch and many other areas, but they missed the deadline in 1998. I therefore appeal to the President to consider legislation to review the deadline.

The FD understands the reason government wants to regulate conditions under which foreigners buy land. Our people cannot compete against the British pound, the euro and the US dollar. What becomes unaffordable to our people is very affordable to foreign buyers, and therefore there’s no competition.

The third issue, Mr President, you did not mention in your speech, but which I must mention in conclusion, and which will face us at Parliament this year, namely same-sex marriages. Mr President, you quoted from the Book of Isaiah, Chapter 2: “Instil hope.”

The Bible also speaks with authority on the issue of marriage. Our Constitutional Court has ruled that Parliament must change the Marriage Act to accommodate same-sex marriages. God has declared same-sex unions as immoral. God himself destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah, of course, because of His position on homosexuality.

Mr President, if you put your signature to the legislation that legitimises same-sex marriages, we will hold you accountable. And Mr President, I must say that in your Office you have a very good adviser, the Reverend Frank Chikane, and I’m sure he’ll be able to advise you on what I’ve said today. Thank you, and may God bless you. [Applause.]

Dr G W KOORNHOF: Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, members of the executive, comrades and colleagues, in his book Legacy of Freedom, Professor Kader Assail quotes Pixley ka Isaka Seme, one of the authors of the African claims and a principal founder of the African National Congress, as follows:

There is today among all races and men a general desire for progress and for co-operation because co-operation will facilitate and secure that progress. The greatest success shall come when man shall have learned to co-operate, not only with his own kith and kin but also with people and with all life.

The vision of human dignity, nonracialism and nation-building has been embedded in all the ANC’s founding documents - the Freedom Charter and the Constitution of South Africa. It was this vision that liberated our nation 12 years ago that opened the door to freedom for all of us, black and white. This vision assisted to change South Africa from a locked-in society to an open society now proudly part of the global village.

A core element in achieving this vision of nation-building is recognition of a unique pool human talent that we have in South Africa. This human talent is present in a shack builder who can construct a house from waste materials. It is present in a woman who can balance the raising of a family with a full-time job. It is present in the small entrepreneur who starts a new business and creates new jobs, contributing to our economic growth. It is present in our youth and students who develop their talent through acquiring skills and knowledge. It is present in the businessperson who creates innovative products and services. It is present in the civil servant who wants to assist in service delivery. This talent is present in the unemployed person who manages to survive and care for a family.

The preamble to the Constitution states clearly that we must free the potential of each person. This is exactly what this ANC led government is doing. It is vital that we continue to unlock this talent potential of all South Africans. In the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (Asgisa), it is stated that this need to develop and recognise talent is especially true in our young people because 70% of our population is younger than 35 years of age. It is especially this section of our population that we have to mobilise and invest in. Again, this mobilisation and investment is directed by ANC policies. Our youths are the shapers of the future South Africa.

The aims of Asgisa, such as high and sustainable economic growth, are also important in addressing the challenges of the second economy, namely to halve poverty and unemployment by 2014 and to improve the living conditions of millions of South Africans who are still disadvantaged.

Gauteng, being the ANC-led province that has economic and financial powers in the country and of the continent, can make a major contribution to this growth data. Under the ANC government, Gauteng currently generates 10% of Africa’s and 25% of SADC’s gross national product. Its contribution to the South African Gross Domestic Product exceeds one-third, with even further gross potential as it broadens its talent pool and skills capacity.

This high level of economic growth must however also be directed to alleviate the high levels of urban poverty and deprivation, especially amongst children. The poorest children have a right to quality education and health care to enable them to reach their full potential.

The energy and talent of our people can help unlock and inspire new opportunities for growth and development, as stated in all the ANC policies. In this regard, the Gauteng province under the leadership of the ANC recently delivered, for example, the following identifiable deliveries:

The Gauteng Enterprise Propeller to support more medium and micro enterprises to extend their participation in the mainstream economy. This support for SMMEs forms part of interventions to support the second economy. More than 1 300 SMMEs have already registered.

Bana Pele provides well integrated and co-ordinated services to vulnerable children, improving access to a package of free education, health care and other services - the so-called window concept - in my province. At present, nearly 40% of children in Gauteng live in poverty.

Vir die komende verkiesing is die ANC voorbereid en gereed, en benader ons dit in ‘n gees van nasiebou en dienslewering op voetsoolvlak. Ons almal wil beter dienste hê in ons skole, klinieke en regeringskantore. Ons almal wil beter geleenthede hê om die lewens van ons families te verbeter.

Elke gemeenskap verdien redelike sanitasie, goeie paaie, skoon gebiede, werkende straatligte en veilige gemeenskappe. Dít is waarvoor die ANC staan; dít is die ANC-verbintenis om saam beter gemeenskappe te bou, en daarom doen ek ‘n beroep op die kiesers om die plan van die ANC te steun om plaaslike regering beter te laat werk.

Stem op 1 Maart vir die ANC in u gebied. Dit is die regte ding om te doen, want u kan net op die ANC staatmaak om dié land se grootste uitdagings te oorbrug. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The ANC is prepared and ready for the coming election and we are approaching it in a spirit of nation-building and service delivery at grass- roots level. All of us want better services in our schools, clinics and government offices. We all want greater opportunities to improve the lives of our families.

Every community deserves reasonable sanitation, good roads, clean areas, working streetlights and safe communities. That is what the ANC stands for, that is the ANC’s commitment: To build better communities together; hence my appeal to voters to support the ANC’s plan to improve the functioning of local government. Vote for the ANC in your area on 1 March. It is the right thing to do, because you can only rely on the ANC to overcome the country’s greatest challenges.] [Applause.]]

As the President noted in his address on Friday, the recent polls and surveys indicate that our country has entered its age of hope, that our people can now realise their dreams, and that we are indeed building a winning nation. But just as life is a journey, so nation-building is also a journey, and not a destination.

The glue needed for nation-building in South Africa includes celebrating our achievements, unlocking the talent of our people, recognising excellent achievements, improving service delivery and entering a value framework of tolerance, loyalty, respect and trust. If we succeed in strengthening this glue for nation-building, we can achieve our goals of growth, poverty alleviation and service delivery.

This will realise the vision of Pixley ka Isaka Seme, when he said more than 90 years ago: “There is today among all races and men a general desire for progress, and for co-operation, because co-operation will facilitate and secure that progress”. Let us therefore unlock the talent and potential of all our people to build a winning nation together in this our age of hope. This will be achieved only under a strong ANC government led by a strong principled leader, President Thabo Mbeki. [Applause.]

It is said that hope is like the sun. If you walk towards it, your burdens become but shadows behind you. I thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Applause.]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, honourable members, the President has touched on issues that are very dear to Azapo. Amongst others, he indicated that there will be a review of the willing–seller, willing-buyer process in respect to the availability of land for land reform.

Azapo has been waiting for this announcement just after the last summit. Now that the announcement has been made, Azapo urges the government, not only to review this practice, but to make sure that all aspects of the land question are attended to, taking into consideration the historical context of land dispossession.

Other issues addressed are interventions in the second economy, unemployment, housing, as well as access to finance by the poor. The steps that are going to be taken to address these areas of our people’s lives are indeed of interest to Azapo.

Whilst Azapo is encouraged by the steps mentioned in Asgisa, it nevertheless wishes to state that the kinds of interventions in the second economy must mean much more than just accepting that the projected growth of 6% will be of benefit to the poor.

Azapo knows that growth in the first economy does not always translate into growth in the second economy. Our view is that it is in a capitalist South African economy for growth to be seen to be beneficial to the poor and the marginalised. Stringent measures should be put into place to make it possible for the poor to gain from any growth in the economy.

Capitalists have never been in the habit of transferring wealth to the poor. We should rather measure growth by looking at how the poor have moved away from poverty. The first economy cannot remain the preserve of the rich.

Until all South Africans, the rich in particular, can come to understand that the development of people’s skills, the improvement of the lives of the poor, the creation of wealth for the benefit of the poor, is indeed doing normal business in South Africa, government should continue to intervene on behalf of the marginalised.

Azapo has noticed that when government creates conditions for growth in the economy, it is largely representative of the capitalist class and the petty bourgeois ie that are quick to take opportunities that are there. The poor, due to the existential conditions, are unable to do so and if ever they do, they participate as extensions and consumers of commodities of the rich.

Madam Speaker, of what good are sectoral charters, Black Economic Empowerment schemes and other similar government initiatives, if only the rich and the petty bourgeoisie benefit?

Black Economic Empowerment schemes that have been concluded have largely been those related to acquisitions of existing assets by the petty bourgeois elements in our society. These kinds of acquisitions, in Azapo’s terms, cannot create the much-needed jobs in our country.

Under these circumstances, we need a programme that will generate new economic activities. Formations and the creation of new productive ventures is paramount to the expansion of the economic base. To this end, Azapo welcomes the intentions of government to fund co-operatives as new forms of productive activities. Azapo hopes that this will be accompanied by the creation of funding facilities championed and facilitated by government.

In this fashion, we can bring about the reduction of unemployment, not only through queuing for the next job, but also through co-operative ownership leading to the creation of wealth that resides within the poor communities. Given that we are living in a country whose capitalist economic intentions are such that left to its logic, the rich will get richer, the poor poorer, government involvement should be decisive with these inherited inequalities.

The country has created conditions for peace, stability and progress, but these conditions should now be made to respond to the improvement of the lives of the majority of our people in the villages, townships, farms and informal settlements. I thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Applause.]

Ms C C SEPTEMBER: Deputy Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, distinguished guests, friends, comrades and the people of South Africa, the ANC already in 1992 stated in its policy document Ready to Govern that the ANC’s vision for the future of South Africa must be based on the following in order to transform our society.

We said, and we still believe, that we ought to encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it; that we promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country; and that we create a universal sense of freedom and security within our borders, and indeed we do it outside our borders too. All South Africans should determine their economic and political destinations; and we carried on to say that the vision should also be based on a sustainable economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans.

These, we said, would release the untapped and suppressed talents and energies that would both boost and diversify our economy.

The achievement of a genuine sense of a national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. It is therefore correct, Comrade President, that you reiterated the call made by Comrade Nelson Mandela that all of us – all South Africans – needed to define for ourselves what we wanted to make of our shared destiny.

The ANC has indeed responded to this call and ours is one in which we ensured in the Constitution of South Africa - in the Bill of Rights - that in terms of the provisions for homes, employment, electricity and water we repair the damage done by apartheid and the migrant labour system, and give real meaning to the right to a home and family life.

We say as the ANC that we are confident that we will continue our programme of playing a key role in the equitable redistribution and reallocation of local authority services. We say to the people of South Africa, “Together we can and we will continue addressing the disparities we have in Khayelitsha and Mitchells Plain, in Motherwell and Mdantsane, in Phoenix and Umlazi, in Houghton and Alexandra.”

In terms of this we do not only make promises. This is progressing well and in all our urban and rural nodes. Comrade President, the sports field in Tafelsig in Mitchells Plain is being prepared to be ready for 2010. We trust it will happen.

The ANC, in keeping with its broad principles of creating equity in South Africa, stated - and maybe we need to continue giving attention to this area - the fact that as the ANC we value the importance of family life as it is understood within the social and cultural norms in South Africa, in the context of a normally functioning society. We can address this. We can address this by ensuring that people have access to and are part of decision-making structures, which attempt to resolve these problems.

Community participation has been forged already by the ANC-led government. When, for example, our people were told that invading alien plants were the single biggest threat to plant and animal biodiversity, they responded to this partnership. What they did in this partnership was to say that, in particular, they needed to put together things that they could address in order to create employment and to give to those that had nothing at all in those areas.

They took up this challenge in addressing, through the Working for Water programme, the aspect of alien vegetation. In the Eastern Cape, for example, the projects went much further than just clearing alien vegetation, by what they said we must address - the issues of social development in our communities. Also, in doing so, the Planned Parenthood Association in that area - a partner of the Working for Water programme - engaged in skills development, they engaged in the issue of hygiene, they engaged in the issue of sexually transmitted diseases, and they dealt also with the issue of pregnancy.

Indeed, through their partnership and their efforts, the result in that area was a decline in teenage pregnancy, and a decline in rape and alcohol abuse by their taking on two issues at the same time. Furthermore, the Working for Water programme tackled and identified training in HIV and Aids as crucial. We are told many a time that we are doing nothing in this area. Indeed, with access to over 20 000 people, often in higher risk groups, Working for Water set aside a whopping R1 million budget to launch a national awareness programme.

It did not stop there: A pilot project came about that aims to facilitate savings schemes by and for the workers in the Working for Water programme. We salute the people in these areas: Limpopo, where they have done things. We salute the people in the North West, where they have done community projects around HIV and Aids.

Our people want to participate and want to be involved. One of these things is the Public Works programmes that afford them these opportunities. A number of challenges are met in rolling out the intended purposes of why we have Public Works programmes. They are for skills development, for local employment and for economic opportunities for the poorest of the poor.

In 2004 the Western Cape legislature’s standing committee on public works visited the public road building project in George, a municipality not controlled by the ANC, but of course controlled by the DA, the very same one who had water pricing challenges in that same municipality.

The hon members were confronted by a very angry mob, who alleged that the Thembalethu township was touted as a job creation project. This was not to be, as mainstream companies were taken on and no effort was made at all to spread the business around. I wonder now who’s white enough and who is black enough.

Let us reiterate: The EPW principle is a national priority programme aimed at job creation, infrastructure and service delivery, training and skills development to draw in especially unemployed women and the youth.

Democracy can be extended through a number of other measures, and maybe this is where we need to continue to give more attention - to building more and more a stakeholder society with our people so that we build a culture of community and solidarity. We must continue to respond to the hope, faith and trust that our people have in the ANC, so that the society based on community and solidarity becomes the society whose citizens will and have taken the responsibility for their own communities, as they have done in many of the Letsema campaigns that we have.

Indeed, today is better than yesterday. Today resources have been given to community policing forums. Today clothing and other equipment has been given to neighbourhood watches to participate with the police to fight crime.

Let us look at our track record of what we have said and adhered to in terms of the manifesto of the ANC in the municipality. Indeed, we said free basic water; we’ve attended to that. Indeed, we said we must have strong women participation; we’ve done that. Indeed, we said we must have ward committees, and as much as we had resistance in the Western Cape, we now, under an ANC-controlled municipality, have ward committees.

On the integration of planning, whilst challenges remain in this regard, we cannot say that this has not started. Regarding the metro police, although challenges remain our people are participating en masse in the Bambanani campaigns to have crime-free activities, particularly over the holidays. Accountable local councillors will indeed make a public pledge and will now prevail with clear action plans.

Madam Deputy Speaker, we are confident that you will give us more resources in our constituencies so that we, as Members of Parliament, can lead the process of transformation in our areas.

Comrade President, the Members of Parliament of the ANC are ready to respond to your clarion call in our constituencies. We will continue to provide leadership in transforming South Africa so that there is a better life for all, to ensure that we uphold the contract with the people. I thank you. [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, hon members, in these days of constant rhetoric and broken promises, persisting in what is good for this nation is like precious diamonds.

It is the right of our people to determine their own destiny, and to carve a path for themselves in freedom that is not measured by nepotism, racism, sexism, sectarianism, class oppression and corruption. It is the sacred right of a people to determine the national agenda of their country that reflects their deepest aspirations and highest hopes.

Mr President, the streets in our townships are on fire, the fires of protest against suffering, despair is a desperate cry to be heard. Harrismith, Motherwell, Langa, Khutsong, Phomolong, Bothaville, Viljoenskroon, Soshanguve, Tshwane, Delmas and Khayelitsha have spoken. [Interjections.] Their acts are a signal of the coming storm if service delivery does not improve and if they are not consulted on matters that affect their daily lives, such as moving them from one province to another or evicting them from land with nowhere to go.

The plight of the citizens of our country is similar to one, which was reflected by the prophet Jeremiah in Lamentation 5: 2-4 when he said, and I will quote him in Sesotho:

Naha ya rona e hapuwe ke baditjhaba. Ba ikabile ka malapa a rona. Re dikhutsana, bommarona ba fetohile bahlolohali. Re nwa metsi a rekwang ka tjhelete.

[Our country is colonised by foreigners. They distributed our families among themselves. We are orphans and our mothers have become widows. We buy water to drink.] [Interjections.] [Laughter.]

Service delivery is not an option. Every citizen should have decent housing, clean water, health care, education and other basic services. The resources are available, but the political will to provide them to the poor is absent. Moreover, we have a government that repeatedly appoints individuals with political connections to government posts. According to the Auditor-General, some of them have misspent R84 million.

Right now some officials implicated in serious cases of corruption appear on the candidate lists of the ruling party for the coming elections. The nation deserves respect. If it is served by these kinds of officials, any hope of halving poverty by 2014 will turn out to be far-fetched, wishful thinking.

The government has created some laudable social development policies, such as integrated development plans. They must benefit the poor. The poor must come first. This is the vast African majority, many of whom are women.

Mr President, a nation’s economic growth is measured by the living conditions of its most excluded people to progress. South Africa’s economy has grown. This is good news, but it has not translated into an increase in employment. We have experienced growth patterns that reflect and generate policies and programmes in terms of which the rich enjoy increasing wealth and undermine poverty eradication.

South Africa’s economic problems lie in its inability to distribute wealth equitably, especially as this affects the poor. South Africa is one of the most unequal nations in the world. The indignity and health risks of the bucket toilets must go. Promises must, however, be made not merely to win votes, but to be fulfilled.

There is a huge difference between weapons of mass destruction and the peaceful development of nuclear technology as a source of alternative energy, advanced medicine and rapid economic development. The PAC supports Iran’s stance on nuclear technology and their pursuit of the peaceful and developmental use of this technology. There is no superior and inferior sovereignty. The sovereignty of all nations, which are not guilty of gross violations of human rights, must be respected.

All nations of the world have the right to develop their nuclear technology for peaceful use, without being terrorised by those who keep huge arsenals of weapons of mass destruction in their back yards for world domination.

An educated nation is a liberated nation because knowledge is power. That is why the PAC will continue to advocate free education. Education is the best investment any government can make in its nation. It is an asset that will never depreciate. No nation can sustain its development on borrowed skills and a catastrophic brain drain. For this reason, free education must be available from primary school level to tertiary level to all children of the poor, for at least the next 30 years.

Right now, 3 000 students at the Tshwane University have gone on strike against academic and financial exclusion. The thousands who receive study loans owe R5 billion. They are blacklisted. They are too poor to pay back the loans, because they are not employed. Ten days ago Khethukuthula Cele hanged himself and died, because his school refused to release his Grade 10 results as he owed school fees. The land dispossession of the African people of this country did not begin in 1913. It began the first day of colonial aggression with the roaring guns of Europe. By 1913 only crumbs of land were left for Africans. The land question, unless resolved timeously and realistically, is a time bomb. The PAC has long said that the willing-seller, willing-buyer model would not work. Section 25(7) of the Constitution must be amended. It has consolidated the land robbery of the African people.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order, ntate! [sir!]

Dr S E M PHEKO: I thank you very much. I am also calling for the release of Apla, Mr President. I could not arrive at that point, because in this Parliament I’m given these eight minutes. As you can see, I’m the last speaker now. [Interjections.] Izwe lethu! [Our land!] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Siyavumelana, Tata, ngomba we-Iran nokusetyenziswa kobugcisa busetyenziselwa iinjongo zoxolo, kodwa kwezinye iindawo uyandibhida. [Kwahlekwa.] [We agree, sir, about the issue of Iran and the use of technology in keeping the peace, but concerning other issues you confuse me. [Laughter.]]

Deputy Speaker, Mr President, hon Deputy President and hon members, in the state of the nation address the hon President mentioned that we are celebrating 10 years of the adoption of our Constitution. The adoption of the Constitution marked the beginning of the definition of our shared future. The future was in our own hands as we had crafted this document through a collective process. The future was secured through principles, institutions and procedures provided for in the Constitution.

The adoption of the Constitution heralded a new era in our country. Key to this was the inclusion of the Bill of Rights guaranteeing the evolution of a human rights culture. The right to equality, human dignity, political rights, citizenship and many others have started to be the order of the day in our society.

As we approach the date of the 10th anniversary we need to look back and ask ourselves what impact the Constitution has had on the lives of ordinary people. Have we used our Constitution as an instrument to liberate our people? We must use this opportunity to pause and take stock. Indeed, first, we need to celebrate our achievements attained because of the kind of Constitution we have. Secondly, we should look at how we have used the Constitution as a tool to ensure that we build a South Africa that truly belongs to all who live in it.

When we fought for freedom we were driven by an ideal to build a nonracial South Africa where all its citizens are equal. This vision prevailed at Codesa, as the President quoted last week. In the build-up to the state of the nation address we made public pronouncements where we mentioned that Parliament would engage in an equality review campaign to help answer the question relating to progress, or lack of it, in impacting on the lives of our people, especially women, children and the disabled.

Since 1994 we have passed 35 pieces of legislation under gender equality and 8 under disability. This demonstrates clearly our commitment to the constitutional provision that all citizens must enjoy equality in all walks of life. Working with provincial legislatures, we will conduct some research using both secondary and primary sources of information. Secondary sources will include provincial and national desktop studies, and primary sources include engagement with government departments and NGOs that deal with gender and disabilities. Public hearings and provincial focus group discussions will also be utilised.

Given the recent self-assessment process of the African Peer Review Mechanism, we will also use any feedback collected from that exercise. Reports resulting from this will be integrated into ongoing work programmes to address challenges, including any need to revisit or amend policy and legislation in the area of gender and disability.

In section 45(1)(c) and (d) the Constitution provides for a Constitutional Review Committee to review it at least annually. Over the years the leaders of that structure have raised concerns we must now pay attention to. To quote from a letter I received from the current chairperson, hon Schoeman: “The time is appropriate for an objective assessment of its functionality.”

He’s talking about the committee he chairs. The critical question we must ask ourselves is whether an annual review process is necessary. So far, eight review processes under the committee, over the years, have not yielded material change to the Constitution. A gap the committee identifies is a need to popularise the Constitution and regenerate interest amongst the public in their Constitution.

Is this perhaps the direction the role of the committee could move towards? The Constitution specifies the regularity of review as, I quote, “at least annually.” That is what the Constitution says. This means that we need to carefully consider what we want to do and whether we must amend this provision in any way. If we go the route of significant changes, a constitutional amendment is unavoidable.

Hon members, 2006 is a special year in a number of respects, including for South African women and the women of Africa. We are going to hold our annual women’s parliament during the women’s month on 4 August. At the continental level, as both the President and the Minister of Foreign Affairs have stated, we must celebrate the election of the first democratically elected woman President in Liberia.

The African continent is doing much better than other continents in this respect in spite of us being the poorest continent and our women being at the bottom of the pile in this respect. The women in the Pan-African Parliament are among the most capable politicians in their own parliaments and in the Pan-African body itself.

One of the 10 committees of the PAP is one that focuses on policies to respond to challenges relating to the poverty experienced by the continent’s women. In May this year Parliament will convene an international women’s conference to enable participants to get a better understanding of Nepad. More specifically, the conference will create an opportunity to clarify and promote the women’s agenda within Nepad.

South Africa is also the host of the congress of the Pan-African Women Organisation at the end of July, hopefully climaxing on the 44th anniversary of Pawo on 31 July this year. The November 2005 council of Pawo, held in Namibia, decided that the theme of the congress would be: Pawo shaping the future of the African women for the 21st century.

When this House last held a debate about this organisation there was unanimity on the importance of having such a vehicle to advance a continental women’s agenda. The women’s caucus of the PAP has placed the Pawo congress on its agenda for its next session, which will be in the first half of this year. One of the challenges to our country is that the Pawo secretariat has indicated that South Africa is seen as the country that must take responsibility for the revival of Pawo. [Interjections.] Money, hon President, it is true. This actually means that we should be expecting to be asked to host the headquarters of Pawo, which has been hosted by Angola for the past 18 to 19 years. Now, what is being indicated is that we were fighting a liberation struggle; we are now free and back home; we are seen to be doing very well and we are expected to come to the party on this matter.

In conclusion, it is true that the road we have traversed is long and full of hope, but indeed the road ahead is still long. Centuries of poverty, inequality and underdevelopment cannot be erased in less than 12 years of democratic rule. Let us embrace the season of hope; let us enhance its possibilities for the good of future generations. Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Applause.]

Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, his Excellency our President, Deputy President, hon Ministers, hon members of the House, firstly, I kindly bring greetings of admiration to the hon President from the hon leader of the MF, Mr A Rajbansi, for the excellent progress our country is making internally and externally under his able guidance.

In the state of the nation address, the hon President referred to independent reports and comments on the tremendously improved economic situation in South African in terms of which the MF regards homelessness, the elimination of crime, and jobs for all to be high-priority issues. Practically every party, except one, appreciates the progress our country has made. Our hon President made a very honest assessment of the past 11 years and defined as our country’s clear goals removing poverty and improving the quality of life for all.

It is our local government election time in which a bitter battle is being fought in the eThekwini elections and, unfortunately, the DA has so far attacked all the other political parties and said very little about themselves. This is as a result of their being bankrupt of ideas, because of their chosen refusal to join the forces of progress in our country.

This week the DA has taken out a full-page advertisement in the former Indian areas, stating that a vote for the MF is a vote for the ANC. They did that in the year 2000 and in the last election. However, the MF’s support grew, and the DA’s support in the eThekwini region decreased from 26% to 13%. [Applause.] The people gave them a clear answer – that there is no place for a negative political party in a city where the DA has voted against the delivery budget.

Mr President, we are glad that you highlighted the 100th anniversary of Satyagraha, which commenced in our country, and the MF wishes that a monument in the form of a statue and a brief history of the legendary life of our honourable Mahatma Gandhi be built at the place where he first landed.

Before Mahatma Gandhi left the shores of South Africa, he advised the Indian community not to lose their self-respect and suggested that we identify with the majority. The MF is identifying with the majority and is not concerned with pipsqueaks like the hon Tony Leon. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

I want to place on record a very big thank you to the DA for campaigning for the MF and advertising for the MF, because the MF has been inundated with calls …

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order – you were listening as I was – the words used in describing the hon Leader of the Opposition are unparliamentary and I ask that the speaker be asked to withdraw that remark. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What is … I did hear a word … [Interjections.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: She used the word “pipsqueak”, and that is definitely not parliamentary … [Interjections.]

Ms S RAJBALLY: I think it is very much parliamentary. The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: … and she knows that.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Gibson, will you please take your seat. Hon member, continue.

Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, I want to say that the DA has been campaigning for the MF, advertising for the MF …

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Ms Rajbally … [Interjections.] No, she is not going to be encouraged to use that word again, because we just need to study how she used the word and come back to the House with a ruling.

Mr M J ELLIS: That’s what I was going to ask you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I’m trying to find out what your ruling was, because you simply told her to carry on as if you didn’t find it unparliamentary. [Interjections.] We would certainly rule that it was unparliamentary, Madam Speaker, and I am sure that you will find it so as well. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I will come back to the House with a ruling. Hon Rajbally, will you please …

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Point of order, Deputy Speaker. I was not sure which word the hon member was referring to when he referred to the fact that you were going to look at the Hansard.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: What I will do is study the whole text.

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Let him use the word so that we are clear that it is the same word, hon Deputy Speaker. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, it’s okay. We don’t need to repeat anything here. We will study the Hansard and come back. We will study the whole text, and anything unparliamentary will definitely be ruled against.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, we are terribly concerned that the hon Minister must be going deaf, because she knows exactly which word I’m referring to. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Will you please sit down, hon member. Hon Rajbally?

Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I want to reiterate that we thank the DA for campaigning for the MF and for advertising for the MF, because the MF has been inundated with calls … The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member, you’re not reiterating the use of something that is still going to be studied? [Interjections.]

Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Deputy Speaker, can I just say I have the freedom of speech. [Laughter.] It has been inundated with calls saying …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: No, you don’t have the freedom of speech. It is limited. It has to be within the Rules.

Ms S RAJBALLY: My time is also limited, Madam Deputy Speaker. [Laughter.] Can I please continue? Can I crave your indulgence to say … Can I continue?

Madam Deputy Speaker, the MF is inundated with calls saying that the DA feels threatened by the MF. I also want to say that the DA is a democratic alliance. The Minority Front is MF – it’s not an alliance - and it can mean “Mighty Front” as well. [Laughter.] The ANC means African National Congress, not an alliance with the MF.

Hon President, I now shift our attention to more pending issues, such as poverty alleviation and social development. The MF gladly acknowledges and applauds our success and achievements over the past 11 years of democracy, and we embrace the challenge to deliver to our people an equitable and better life for all through service delivery and the firm eradication of poverty. We are encouraged by the target of delivering water, electricity and proper sanitary facilities to the masses, but many loopholes exist that hinder this progress. The MF is especially concerned about the 99 schools in Johannesburg that face having their water supply cut owing to outstanding water bills amounting to R13,5 million.

Mr M J ELLIS: … [Inaudible.] … Rajbansi had his water cut.

Ms S RAJBALLY: It is all very well to set goals for ourselves … Don’t tackle the tiger; he’ll eat you alive. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

It is all very well to set goals for ourselves, but efficient and effective management and skills development need to be intensified to ensure the maintenance and management of the sectors adequately. [Interjections.] Keep quiet!

The MF views Asgisa as promising in this respect, and believes that if it is mechanised correctly …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon member!

Prof B TUROK: I have a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. Do you not think that the conduct of some members of the DA there is deliberate disruption of the speaker? [Interjections.] The points of order, the yelling and the interventions really are not designed to help dialogue in the House. They are designed to disrupt the speaker. I ask you to rule accordingly.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Okay, that is noted, hon Turok. I would like us all, from all corners of the House, to respect people when they give their presentations. Hon Rajbally?

Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I hope I have some …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I just also need to give a warning that my protection will soon be unavailable, because you don’t have to provoke other people in the process. But you’re still protected. Will you please continue?

Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you very much. Though many are dissatisfied with the delay in land restitution and, as applicants await delivery for years from submitted applications, the President’s willing-buyer, willing-seller policy promises to deliver in terms of land restitution, serving as a great means of empowering the less affluent.

We agree with the hon President that we are in the Age of Hope, and the optimism indicated by the statistics provided in the state of the nation address is encouraging. However, it is crucial that the hope be realised through delivery.

Hon President, with HIV/Aids being a great concern in South Africa, we are pleased by your efforts to address more rigid control over the epidemic and the assistance given to those infected with the disease.

Crime and violence would be another great concern of our people, and efforts to stamp out both crime and corruption in South Africa are appreciated.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: … [Inaudible.] … time.

Ms S RAJBALLY: Yes, you took my time.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Not at all, Madam. Please continue.

Ms S RAJBALLY: Both the private and public sectors need to make way for incorporating such potential candidates into the economy. As our hon President boasted, our economy is doing well and now the opportunities need to be seized.

The MF is pleased that as a nation we continue to contribute to peace on the continent of Africa and globally.

Further, with the Telkom competitor introducing itself soon, communications may see a reduction in cost, making it more accessible to the people. As we welcome the 10th anniversary of the introduction of our national Constitution, we commemorate 10 years of its supremacy as law and the skeleton our democracy has fledged itself upon. The MF thanks the hon President for guiding this ship through great waters, overcoming many challenges but never changing course to deliver to the people a stronger nation and a better life for all. Qhubeka ndodana yethu. Sizohamba nawe, siyaya. [Go forward, our son. We will walk along, we are going there.] Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr V G SMITH: Madam Deputy Speaker, President, Deputy President, “All people shall be entitled to take part in the administration of the country.” This was the demand of the people as far back as 1955 when the Freedom Charter was adopted in Kliptown.

Almost 12 years ago to this day our country and her people experienced the right to a democratic one person, one vote. The question that must be answered at this point is: To what extent has this victory advanced our fight to push back the frontiers of poverty so that South Africa can truly belong to all who live in it, black and white?

As a movement, Mr President, we have made genuine and sustainable efforts to reach out to our people and engage them directly in the system of government. Last year Parliament went to Kliptown and, true to form, the DA and others regarded this interaction with ordinary South Africans as not worthy of their participation. The National Council of Provinces has made several visits to provinces so that ordinary South Africans can interact directly with lawmakers, and the Presidency and Ministers have had a programme of izimbizo over the years. Ward committees and the introduction of committee development workers are examples of other initiatives to ensure participation in governance.

Last year, in Mpumalanga, through direct contact with the people, you, Mr President, were able to intervene in the case of Mrs Lettie Nhlapo, 78 years old, who applied for a house long ago without any success. Two months later she was issued a house that was handed over by Premier Makwetla. This is a clear example that the system of izimbizo has advantages and that it works.

As a result of taking Parliament to Kliptown, communities unhappy with the services received were able to put their grievances directly to Cabinet and MPs in the hope that solutions could be found. These kinds of good-news stories were unheard of prior to 1994.

Having highlighted the above, Mr President, it would be misleading to create the impression that there are no problems and challenges still being experienced by our people. However, in the context of a South Africa in transition from conflict to reconciliation, a process that by its very nature lends itself to imperfections and mistakes, South Africa remains a model for the rest of the world in many respects.

The recent disturbances in the Free State and Khutsong, and other areas around our country, bear testimony to the fact that much more still needs to be done. Initiatives such as Project Consolidate and the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa are aimed at reducing bottlenecks in service delivery at all levels of government. Mr President, it can no longer be business as usual for government departments.

These initiatives are introducing a new way of doing the business of service delivery and of creating a better life for all. As we speak, sir, our country is engaged in a self-assessment exercise through the African Peer Review Mechanism.

Mr President, institutions such as the Gender Commission, the Human Rights Commission, the Public Protector and the Auditor-General, supported by our Constitution and the Bill of Rights and by laws -such as the Public Finance Management Act, the Local Government: Municipal Finance Management Act, the Access to Information Act, the Public Audit Act, the Protected Disclosures Act, Act 26 of 2000, just to mention a few - are institutions established and laws promulgated with the specific objective of affording more direct participation in the administration of government and in inculcating a culture of openness and transparency as far as governance in our country is concerned.

Mr President, in my view a glaring shortcoming is that Chapter 9 institutions are underutilised, because people simply don’t understand the role of these institutions. Acting against nonperformance by government officials caused by negligence or a “don’t care” attitude must happen more swiftly than has been the case to date. It is critical that Parliament, the media, faith and community-based organisations exercise oversight more vigorously.

Mr President, with respect to the private sector, areas that require attention include greater accountability by company directors to their shareholders, CEO remuneration levels, and unethical behaviour with regard to tendering especially as it relates to local government. Again, it would be a fallacy, Mr President, to think that these institutions and laws are the panacea to our problems.

I return to the question: To what extent has our political emancipation advanced our fight to push back the frontiers of poverty? In attempting an answer I am arguing that the relevant policies are in place.

It is our contention that the political will to achieve our objective of a better South Africa and a better Africa is beyond doubt. And we can state with confidence that the goodwill and passion to become a successful nation is there for all who are not blind, to see. For the majority of South Africans, Mr President, the future looks bright.

The unfortunate fact is that a small minority amongst us will always portray a negative and gloomy future, and claim that it is the role of any opposition in a vibrant multiparty democracy to do so. Our major challenge continues to be to mobilise the nation to participate in the reconstruction of our country.

Failure to create a better life is an option that is not available to the ANC. We must help translate the Constitution and our laws from theory into practice so that every man, every woman and every child takes advantage of the opportunities South Africa has to offer and takes pride in being an African.

Comrade President, the clarion call to all South Africans, I suggest, must be “Know your rights and be not afraid to exercise them.” Knowing one’s rights and insisting on them is but one way of guaranteeing the dream of “The people shall govern.” Yesteryear, Mr President, Ingrid Jonker wrote:

Die kind is nie dood nie die kind lig sy vuiste teen sy moeder wat Afrika skreeu …

die kind wat net wou speel in die son by Nyanga is orals die kind wat ’n man geword het trek deur die ganse Afrika die kind wat ’n reus geword het reis deur die hele wêreld

Sonder ’n pas

Comrade President, iyenzeka. [Comrade President, it is happening.] Our revolutionary message to all those seeking to build a winning nation, especially in this 10th anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution in South Africa, should be: Knowledge is power. Let’s share the knowledge. All power to the people. [Applause.]

Mr S SIMMONS: Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, it is written that the now established practice of the spelling out of goals and targets has been welcomed as a form of more open government with a heightened emphasis on delivery.

Although I believe that the hon President is serious and sincere about achieving all goals and targets as set out by him, I am, however, not convinced that achieving these goals will be possible given the government’s delivery record.

The hon members speaking before me have almost all touched on the problems hampering full-scale service delivery. It is obviously no coincidence that almost everybody referred to corruption and crime as being among the most troublesome obstacles in the way of effective and efficient delivery, which in effect will give rise to a true age of hope.

While I acknowledge the achievements made by government, I question the existence of the so-called Age of Hope. Can we truly speak of an age of hope while unemployment has risen, while our people are still living in shacks, while HIV/Aids, suffering, corruption and crime are the order of the day?

Hon President, whatever plans are determined to make South Africa a successful developing country will crumble if we do not address the Aids epidemic, for the life expectancy for South Africans has been determined at 46 years of age.

Wat nóg meer is, ons kan nie op grond van die feit dat ons ekonomie positiewe tekens toon, aanvaar of maak asof die regering van die dag in sy geheel goed presteer nie. Inteendeel, buiten die ekonomie van Suid-Afrika is die regering besig om tekens te toon van mislukking, selfs gemeet aan sy eie standaarde. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Furthermore, we cannot, based on the fact that our economy is showing positive signs, accept or pretend that the current government is performing well overall. On the contrary, with the exception of the South African economy, the government is showing signs of failure, even measured according to its own standards.] The United Party of South Africa is of the opinion that one cannot do the bare minimum and claim to bring hope to the people. Hope and hopefully a subsequent better life for all will only be a reality once this government eradicates what we consider to be the fundamental problems in government.

Firstly, every state of the nation address presented by the hon President over the last few years has had a set of goals and targets. The question then is: Are these goals and targets different from the others?

I do not think so, because it is evident that precious goals and targets have not been reached. We are therefore in essence getting the same goals and targets, and therefore, promises year after year, wrapped in a different set of semantics.

Secondly, it has become more and more apparent that the Presidency is taking away core responsibilities from various Ministries by setting specific targets on behalf of these Ministries.

This, together with the lack in the Ministry’s ability to articulate what needs to be done when these presidential policies have to be executed, leads to goals and targets not being achieved. There seems to be too much of a distance between policy formulation and policy execution. Therefore, effectiveness and efficiency of Ministries need serious attention. Finally, the inability to execute presidential policy and goals is a direct result of incapacity at all three levels of government. Capacity is not only a question of quantity, ie, are there enough people to do the jobs, but also a question of quality - do we have the right quality people to do the job? Are these people suitable, experienced and qualified?

Unless this problem of capacity is rectified at all levels of government, no policy, goal or target-setting will bring hope to our people. There are many experienced and qualified South Africans bringing hope in other countries when they should be bringing hope to their own country.

Please, Mr President, let us make a serious effort to get as many of these people back to make South Africa a better place for all. Let us be honest about our failures so that we can rectify them and give true hope to all South Africans. Thank you.

Mr D K MALULEKE: Madam Speaker, Mr President, hon Deputy President, Ministers and Members of Parliament, I would like to set the record straight in relation to the floor-crossing: Our leaving that God-forsaken outfit, the DA, had nothing to do with chequebook politics, but a lot to do with the visionary leadership of President Thabo Mbeki that arises from the progressive policies of the ANC. [Applause.]

I repeat: Our leaving that God-forsaken outfit, the DA, had nothing to do with chequebook politics but a lot with the visionary leadership of President Thabo Mbeki that arises from the progressive policies of the ANC. [Applause.]

The President, in his state of the nation address, has, following Mr Nelson Mandela, called on us to seize the time to define for ourselves what we want to make out of our shared destiny, mindful of yet notwithstanding the accumulated effects of our historic burden.

I ask all members of this august Assembly to ponder the significance of those words. For my part, I am persuaded that a major feature of our shared destiny must be a society in which black people suffer no more discrimination. [Applause.] In such a society, you would agree, Madam Speaker, no organisation that receives public funding and seeks popular political power should discriminate against its black members.

Vanguards of our people, I am sad, I am sad that more than a decade into the new dispensation, there are some who are intent on preserving white privilege. It should irk us that these people are organised into a political formation that actively seeks black votes. I ask: Who are those people? Are they sitting here today?

HON MEMBERS: Yes. Mr D K MALULEKE: Yes, you have answered correctly. [Applause.]

That political formation, the DA, has in its election campaign posters been accusing the ANC of racism. As vile and mean as that cheap allegation is, I do not intend to here defend the ANC against it. The ANC’s track record in fighting racism is well known, and is arguably unequalled. Nonetheless, I note that the DA’s insinuation begs the question, a common error in logic employed in sophistry.

In response to the DA’s propaganda, I have a few questions. Firstly, is it not strange that although blacks make up more than 60% of the DA’s membership, its policy-making organs, the federal council and congress, are overwhelmingly white? [Applause.]

Secondly, is the DA not embarrassed that more than a decade into the new dispensation, no black person has any meaningful degree of authority within its party? [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: How much did they pay you?

Mr D K MALULEKE: I am actually amazed that Donald Lee … I am not surprised that you were singing the praises that you were. If it were not for the leader, you would not be sitting there howling. What a shame! [Applause.]

Thirdly, is it a mark of nonracialism that all permanent employees of the DA are white? [Interjections.] I could elaborate on that: You look at the research department - all white; the news department - all white. The only black person that you may find within that organisation is a receptionist. What a shame! [Interjections.]

Fourthly, is it not morally reprehensible that all nine provincial leaders and nine provincial chairpersons of the DA are white, despite the majority of its membership being black?

Fifthly, why did the DA shun an application by one of its former black MPs for a management position within its party administration, despite the application having considerable merit and the applicant offering to serve without pay?

The answer is very simple - for the simple reason that the management is completely white: They could not bear to stand that a black person could be in a position to take that. [Interjections.]

Sixthly, why has the DA kept in the cooler a proposal made more than a year ago by some of its black members for the party to actively support grassroots black economic empowerment? The answer is obvious. They think that black people do not deserve economic empowerment. What a shame! [Interjections.]

Seventhly, is it not manifestly illiberal, even unconscionable and racist, for the DA to foist on its constitution a provision that ensures that its white members have a far greater chance of acceding to the organisation’s leadership positions than its much more numerous black members? I have never, to save my life, heard of any organisation that determines delegates to its federal congress, using votes cast outside its own structure. What is that, if it is not gatekeeping to make sure that black people never get hold of controlling that organisation. What a shame! [Interjections.]

I am surprised at my brother, sitting over there, when he almost always cried on my shoulder and pointed out to me the racism in your region, and today finds it so funny when I am actually just conscientising him and making him aware that the next opportunity that he finds, he should come back home. [Applause.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: [Inaudible.]

Mr D K MALULEKE: Hon Seremane, you should be the last to speak. I could urge Madam Speaker to have a ten minute break. Let us have an inspection in loco. Let us go to the Marks Building and check the cubicle in which you would find the chairman of the organisation, and then go to the DA’s Chief Whip’s office and look at the difference. That tells the whole story. [Interjections.]

I challenge the DA to a televised debate on these issues. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr C M MORKEL: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, Ministers, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, the Progressive Independent Movement views this year’s state of the nation address as an honest and sufficiently self-critical appraisal not only of the last 12 months, but also of the last 12 years of our democracy and development.

The seminal moments that led us out of our bad yesterday to this better day today lays the foundation for the hope we have of a great tomorrow. We believe that the glass is half full and not half empty. We acknowledge all the national heroes who played their role in leading us across the mountains and through the hills beyond the valley of death and despair of our yesterday to the fertile plain that we are on, on this better day today.

Our nation’s Constitution, the product of a joint national effort is the supreme source of our political, social and economic values and principles. Yet, there seems to be some ideologically charged utterances that should no longer be part of the debate in a constitutionally grounded developmental state.

Our Constitution demands of us to redress imbalances of the past, and deliver economic and social freedom through public goods and services. Our Constitution affirms that there are imbalances caused by our yesterday that were present at the time of its drafting. Although there have been great developmental strides, many imbalances still need to be redressed before we can say that we are all equal, and then we can be judged on merit and merit alone.

Those with meritorious expertise and experience can and must make their contribution to find this balance in the interim. If we have sworn allegiance to our Constitution, then we should make our contribution to the national effort to see all the values and principles it enshrines translated into tangible public services and goods. We cannot be selective of which values and principles we are willing to support or not.

Thus the Progressive Independent Movement will focus its contribution on ideologically agnostic solutions to the challenges that confront all of us today as long as they are constitutional. If patriotic South Africans make their contributions within that context, then the energy that has been expended to promote ideological and narrow interests needs to be and can be refocused on a more constructive debate around modalities, strategies and tactics, on especially the implementation of sound policy and the underspending of the public sector on efficient and effective services.

The call by the President and the Deputy President for all of us to join the national efforts through the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa can be heeded without losing one’s political identity. The PIM is therefore willing to collaborate without being co-opted. We are encouraged and inspired by the type of contribution made by the Freedom Front Plus to the skills database, for example, required by Asgisa. The President’s acknowledgement of their efforts should also encourage other patriotic South Africans to similarly make their contributions. The PIM publicly commits itself here today to make its contribution to the national efforts, as we did during our meeting with the Deputy President on Monday this week when we discussed Asgisa.

This is the type of forum in which we can and will make our ongoing contribution as a party with alternatives, not simply a party that wants to oppose. Such developmental collaboration on a multiparty and multisectoral basis will be the primary focus of the PIM to effect positive change. The PIM as a new political movement has established itself as a lobbying and advocacy platform with representation in Parliament.

We now seek to extend our representation through the elections on 1 March, and tomorrow, we will unveil our local government election manifesto and introduce our candidates. These are men and women who are patriotic South Africans, who have not held political office before, but have already proven that we care and we can make a difference. They are ordinary people, community-builders who want to make their contribution to the national effort, especially through local government, our most challenging service delivery agency as acknowledged by the President.

It is with this mind-set that we will make our collaborative contribution to achieve the great tomorrow that we are all so capable of.

Of course, we have constructive criticism of government. Ours will be focused only on solutions, not ideological debates and personal attacks. We will work tirelessly with all stakeholders to find practical solutions that address the imbalances of the past and grow our economy. Where patriotic voices are not heard, we will lobby for and advocate their practical solutions as proposals to government. We do not believe that screaming will get us heard. We have rolled up our sleeves and, believe me, my sleeves are rolled up under this jacket, and are ready to work.

In the next 12 months, we will, as former President Nelson Mandela said, ``seize the time to define for ourselves what we want to make of our shared destiny”. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr K O BAPELA: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, and hon members, June 16 happened 30 years ago in 1976 and, about 10 years later in 1986, about 23 youths were massacred in Alexandra in what was later known or referred to as The Alex Six Days War, from 14 February to 19 February. Later, in the same year in April, 15 more people were massacred. As if that was not enough, 9 more were massacred in June. So, a total of over 45 people were killed in the township of Alexandra. We’d like to dedicate part of this speech to their blood that nourished the tree of liberation.

The youth of that time who were known as the young lions, including those who perished in 1976 in the course of fighting for our cherished freedom, shouted one particular slogan that said, “Forward ever, backwards never”. As I stand at this podium today, I can still hear their cry as they shouted the slogan, ”Forward ever, backwards never”. And one cannot agree more with the President when he said, “Today is better than yesterday and tomorrow will be even better than today.” And I repeat again, ”Forward ever, backwards never”.

Yes, indeed, South Africa’s freedom and its achievements have given hope to the masses of our people in our country and also to the people of the continent. And I also say, as we say, that it is possible for all Africa to hear the mountains and the hills sing before them.

The youth chanted and sang a freedom song in solidarity with the people of the world, calling names of the countries that supported our revolution, singing praises about their leader, the then President of the African National Congress, Oliver Reginald Tambo. There was one particular song that symbolised and linked our struggle to the people of the world that went like this - I am not going to sing it:

Zambian people, loving nation Here we are far away from home. We shall need you, we shall love you for the things you have done for us.

So the song went on, calling names of all other countries who supported our struggles such as Angola, Mozambique, Cuba, the then Soviet Union, Hungary, etc. The free South Africa has not forgotten what was said in the song that, “We shall need you and we shall love you for the things you have done for us.”

Today we are in the forefront of helping countries in conflict to attain peace and prosper like us. These are countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Palestine, Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Sudan and others that the Minister of Foreign Affairs mentioned in her speech.

The ANC resolved and declared its commitment to creating a better Africa and a better just world. And the youth of the time, in 1986, in Alexandra and other townships said, “Forward ever, backwards never”, to a better South Africa, a better Africa, and a better world.

There is no organisation that can deliver on this expectation except the ANC. We are aware that it is not going to be easy to achieve this noble goal, but our resolve and commitment, coupled with solidarity with nations and people in all the developing and developed countries who are continuously seeking alternatives to unworkable agendas of the new liberal and conservative forces, gives us hope. We welcome the meeting of the progressive governments as a step in the right direction in seeking alternatives and solutions to the reactionary agendas presently dominating our societies.

I recently attended the Socialist International Council in Athens, Greece, representing the ANC, in which we elected the new President of the Socialist International Council, Comrade George Papendreou. He said this in his acceptance speech, and I want to quote:

First and foremost, liberals, new liberals, conservatives and rightwing try to impose their values on the world. We progressive forces, socialists and social democrats attempt to unite people around our values. We are not imposing them. They speak of fear; we speak of security. They speak of halls; we speak of bridges. They speak of clashes; we speak of dialogue. They speak of free markets; we speak of free people. They speak of good and bad nations, good or bad religions; we speak of good or bad policies. They speak about the war on terror; we speak about terror on violence. They speak to capture emotions through fear; we speak to liberate emotions through sincerity. They speak of adapting people to globalisation; we speak of adapting globalisation to people. They speak of the God above; we speak of the God within every human being. They speak about a smaller state but mean a bigger state that benefits the few; we speak about different states and mean one that empowers many. Theirs is politics of contentment; ours is politics of knowledge. They believe in long working hours; we believe in creative work. When they speak of protection from terror, they often mean taking our freedoms. When we speak of protection from terror, we mean strengthening our democracies and freedoms.

I am not referring to Comrade Terror here. [Laughter.]

Comrade President, in pursuance of the dream of a better Africa, as you alluded in the state of the nation address, it is to strengthen the African Union and the acceleration of the process of the implementation of the Nepad programmes. And you further said, in this context, we needed to ensure and conduct a successful assessment process as we prepare our national report on the Africa Peer Review. Parliament has played a role in the PRM process and has solicited submissions based on the questionnaire from various stakeholders in the society, held public hearings of sectors and stakeholders in most provinces, visited communities in both urban and rural areas in all provinces in which about 9 000 people participated, and we are ready to adopt the final report in a Joint Sitting next week. We will be submitting it to the focal point as agreed.

President, we want to indicate here that you must be aware that, throughout the world, parliaments are also beginning to be more involved in international relations and politics. To quote from a submission Towards a Global Parliament written by Richard Falk, Professor of International Law and Practice at Woodrow Wilson, he said:

One crucial aspect of the rising disaffection with globalisation is the lack of citizen participation in the global institutions that shape people’s lives. The public frustration is deeper and broader than the recent city street demonstrations in Seattle and Prague, but to date, these parties have clearly not articulated a general vision of how best to integrate a public role into the international system.

The concern in raising the role of the parliaments in international relations - and I hope this issue will then be taken further - is that some amongst the heads of states, and in particular I will give a reference to the SADC region, for whatever reasons, see no comfort with the SADC parliamentary forum becoming a parliament. I hope, therefore, that the delegation of the SADC Parliamentary Forum that met with you also expressed that the exchange was quite useful, and that they were quite happy with the responses that they got from you.

And therefore I hope that the heads of states will then begin to look at this matter as is the case in Africa and as would be the case in the United Nations, where the debate will then be occurring in terms of creating a parliamentary assembly in the future.

Finally, we will be considering forming parliamentary friendship groups with targeted strategic parliaments, informed by the programme on South-to- South co-operation, North-South interactions, as well as the programme on Africa and also to intensify our observations of the elections.

And then also we, as a Parliament, will be designing a new oversight model in which we will then begin to improve the manner in which Parliament has been doing oversight in the past decade. In the new decade that we have already started, we will then be in a position to begin to ensure therefore that oversight indeed does achieve the desired results of ensuring that there is delivery on all the programmes that we have said that people will be receiving.

In concluding my speech, we are hopeful and confident that a better world is possible, and as the young lions said at the time, “Forward ever, backwards never”, for tomorrow will indeed bring a better day than today, and only the ANC can deliver on that better tomorrow. And one cannot agree more with an African proverb that says, “If you want to travel fast, travel alone. If you want to travel far, travel together. Ke a leboga. [Thank you.] [Applause.][Interjections.] Mr K O BAPELA: Madam Speaker, I just want to check with you whether it is parliamentary that the hon Gibson should speak on behalf of a party which we have been taught is racist. Is that parliamentary?

The SPEAKER: The hon Gibson is an hon member of this House, and has a right to speak.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Mr Bapela thinks he is being funny. They didn’t laugh as much as you expected them to. [Laughter.]

Madam Speaker, the hon Mr Maluleke, after he left the ACDP, joined the DA and he spent 12 years with us. He was treated with respect by us. He was supported by …

Mr D K MALULEKE: Madam Speaker, on a point of order. I would urge the hon member not to mislead the House. He came to my house when I was peacefully sitting there, and dragged me into the mess that I found myself in. The SPEAKER: That is not a point of order. Proceed, hon Gibson. [Interjections.]

Mr D H M GIBSON: I recruited him into the Democratic Party, I treated him with respect and I supported him in every single office he stood for. [Interjections.] He is a very ambitious man. He stood for everything that was going. [Interjections.] Never once did he raise any of these problems in the councils in which he served. [Interjections.]

But, of course, now he has to sing …

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, let the hon member address the House.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Mr Maluleke now, of course, has to sing for his supper. What disconcerts me is to find out how much he hates me, and how much he hates his former colleagues and friends. [Interjections.] All I can say to you, Dan, is: “Shame on you.” [Interjections.]

Mr President, the new policy of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa is virtually on all fours with the economic policy which the DA has promoted for many years. Our policy is entitled ``It’s all about jobs’’, and that is not jobs for pals or cronies or family; it’s jobs for our people. What I am saying is that the emphasis is therefore exactly on what Mr Cronin was at pains to emphasise: It has got to be shared. I want to say, Mr President, that we support your efforts at promoting growth.

Professor Turok objected to the fact that a DA publication, paid for by the party, contained a lot of photographs of Mr Tony Leon. [Interjections.] His public support and standing and public approval are even higher than that of the DA. We therefore regard him as a vote winner, and that is why we use his picture in documents. [Interjections.]

The DA publication was contrasted with one paid for by the taxpayer with one photograph of the President. The taxpayer is also paying for the CD and the booklet dealing with the President’s speech. But, of course, the hon Turok was silent about the poem about the President, also paid for by the taxpayer.

Let me quote from some of it. It says:

Hail Thabo Mbeki our hero Roar, Oh lion of South Africa You the famous and revered …

[Interjections.] It goes on, Madam.

It says: When you smile even the birds of South Africa Sing, rejoicing for the hero

[Applause.]

No wonder Mr Turok conveniently forgot about that. [Interjections.]

Can you imagine what this House would say if we brought out a poem saying this about Tony Leon? [Interjections.]

Certain speakers in this debate were desperate to prove their own credentials in the ANC by trying to prove that the DA is a racist organisation. [Interjections.] The hon Annelizé Van Wyk had the cheek to throw at us something about the National Party in the past. She has forgotten that she was a loyal member of the NP, the heir to apartheid. [Interjections.] She was a loyal and disciplined cadre of the Nats, and then she was a loyal and disciplined cadre of the UDM, and now she is a loyal and disciplined cadre of the ANC. [Interjections.] She has obviously forgotten the Africanist campaign conducted in this very province when they were busy getting rid of Mr Rasool. Who can forget the plaintive words of Mr Rasool who said, and I quote:

The most hurtful thing that these nameless people in the ANC have said about me is that I am tolerated as the leader of the ANC because I am Coloured. That’s what he said. That’s not what I say.

What I want to say to you, Madam Speaker, is that these nameless people weren’t some sort of a little fringe in the ANC. They were the majority. They were the people who were mobilised by Mr Skwatcha to get rid of Mr Rasool. So, instead of coming here and shrieking at the DA, the hon Annelizé Van Wyk should rather go to ANC meetings in this province, and go and shriek at them about their racism.

The hon Leader of the Opposition and I travelled to China last year as guests of the People’s Republic, and we went to a factory where there was a big slogan on the wall, which was translated for me – this is in Communist China – and it said, ``If you do not work harder today, you will work harder tomorrow looking for another job’’.

That’s why the Communists like that so much, and the ANC has taken a leaf out of their book, because the posters all say, Work better’’, but they’re telling the people of South Africa,Work better, vote ANC’’. What they should be doing is saying to the Cabinet and to the government and to the councillors, ``Work better, because if you don’t work better today, tomorrow you’ll work better and much harder looking for another job.’’ [Interjections.]

It’s time the voters of South Africa punished the ANC for the deficiencies and the bad government we’ve had. [Interjections.]

Mr S E ASIYA: Hon Speaker, I want to ask whether it is parliamentary and according to the Rules of this House for an hon member to speak about members who are not members of this House, who cannot respond and defend themselves as members of this House?

The SPEAKER: Whom did the hon member talk about? [Interjections.]

Mr S E ASIYA: The hon member raised the names of Premier Rasool and Mr Mcebisi Skwatcha, who are not members of this House.

The SPEAKER: Yes, hon member. Generally, people do refer to people outside, but if they do so derogatorily, we would then have to look at what to do about that.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam, we have got freedom of speech in this House. That hon member doesn’t know about it, because he is not used to it.

The SPEAKER: Hon member, your time expired long ago.

Mr D H M GIBSON: My watch says I’ve got 38 seconds, Madam. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: No.

Mr D H M GIBSON: All right, I haven’t got freedom to carry on speaking. Thank you. The SPEAKER: You’ve taken up 38 seconds beyond your time. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Madam Deputy President, it is the President’s prerogative to reply to this debate, but Mr President, I hope you will allow me a few remarks.

Firstly, Mr Gibson, you should be in the cubicle. Give Mr Seremane the office, please. [Interjections.] We saw this afternoon that there is nothing more sobering than the witness of a former insider. [Interjections.] A sobering truth has been told. The hon Coetzee had to be ordered to stand up and speak, and he dropped his speech. You could see. He could hardly speak. What he did not do was that he did not assist us by addressing the following questions, which arose from the remarks that he was referring to.

The first question is: Did hon Leon express admiration when writing for the SANDF? Two, did hon Leon ever say there were forms of political prisoner treatment that were all right? Three, did hon Leon ever say it’s okay for him to lead an exclusive and excluding party?

Mr D H M GIBSON: No, he never said that.

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: If the answer is yes to any of these apparently recorded factual matters, then, hon Coetzee, your discussion in your caucus tomorrow should be about whether you should respect your leader. [Applause.]

Mr President, there is a groundswell of support from millions of South Africans who have accepted that they can and will act to give practical meaning to the challenge of giving expression to our shared destiny. Sadly, all we have heard from the opposition leadership is a whinge here and a whine there.

Listening to the debate reminded me very strongly about some of the bitter irony of the magnanimous settlement the liberation movement agreed to after years of struggle. It is indeed most peculiar to have opposition party members stand here and pontificate in false morality about the challenges and impediments that face our government and the people of South Africa.

Strange, because many of the reborn purists had the power to effect change at many points in their privileged lives in apartheid South Africa. When push came to shove, they did not fight for freedom. They stood back and left the battle to the ANC. [Applause.]

As student leaders on campuses, as army recruits, as former MECs of education, as heads of apartheid-created bodies, they had a moment when they could have signalled their intent to work for freedom, but sadly, they missed the moment and failed to heed the call to be freedom fighters.

Today and yesterday, they have sought to impose on this government the badge of failure, the stain of false accusations, because they know they failed the people, and the ANC led the people to freedom. [Applause.]

These reborn failures of history, the cause of much of the awful legacy we deal with today, should admit their culpability gracefully, and have the moral courage to say to the ANC: Thank you for doing what I could not do. Thank you, ANC. Thank you, President Mbeki. They cannot be so brave, and we all know why – lack of vision, lack of purpose, and a lack of engagement with the real challenge facing South Africa.

We have a vision. We have purpose. We are engaged. Further, we firmly believe that along with the goodwill of the millions who do believe that we have a shared destiny, we will be able to create a society that grows its economy, and that shares its wealth, and that allows each person the opportunity to realise their fullest potential.

We hold the view that each day, inexorably, South Africans are building a firm foundation for entrenching those elements of social action that confirm South Africa’s desire to strive toward and arrive at a shared destiny.

You, Mr President, lead that march. [Applause.]

I would like to read an extract from the January edition of Africa Today:

We have continued therefore to use Africa Today to help promote democracy, human rights and the rule of law agenda in Africa. We continue to use the magazine to put pressure on Africa governments to do away with corruption, invest more in their people and improve the living standard and general development of their countries. We continue to pay tribute to those leaders who are doing the right things for their people and countries. That is why we decided to introduce as from this year the Africa Man of the Year Award.

This first one has gone to the President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki.

[Applause.]

Our editors have chosen him because of the astute manner with which he has continued to govern his country, his efforts in bridging the gap between the rich, mostly white, and poor, mostly black South Africans. Most importantly, our editors have been impressed by the way he handled the issue of his erstwhile deputy and hitherto heir apparent Jacob Zuma, who has been charged with corruption and rape. The hon members thought I wouldn’t be brave enough to read the whole quote. They knew of it, but didn’t want to read it in this House, because they won’t acknowledge our President’s leadership in our country and on the continent. [Applause.]

Mr President, you have issued a challenge to South Africa. What will she and her people make of this moment in history? Will they wail like the banshee, destroying all in its wake, or will they grasp life from the glorious opportunity offered by our shared destiny?

Unity in purpose, such as that suggested by the President, requires agreement on the direction our country pursues. Various opinion polls have shown there is agreement on our economic progress. We will intensify our efforts at ensuring shared enjoyment of the fruits of economic growth. We are committed, as the President stated, to supporting small business to grow, to encouraging micro-industries to flourish, and to promoting business activities that enhance expanded access rather than narrow acquisition.

This approach does not imply, as the opposition assumes, that black businesspeople should be the only ones who share opportunity. All private sector actors should begin exploring and indicating how they intend to distribute access to wealth through new share ownership, through creating jobs, and through supporting skills training in the workplace.

The women of South Africa are encouraged by the opportunities suggested by the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa. We believe, to make a real difference in growth, women must be at the centre of economic activity. The inclusion of women, their empowerment and business skills will create a force for building a new South Africa that will be immeasurable in its positive impact.

We are always told that business is the best at wealth creation. Business in South Africa now has a chance to accelerate the creation of real wealth for all.

We will, of course, have to ensure that we provide South Africans with quality education and training if we are to succeed in all our endeavours. The changes we have made in the past 12 years have been directed at promoting quality, and many of the policies we have set out have had a positive impact, but we are the first to acknowledge that there are enormous challenges, but, of course, if we had all the answers, we would have done better as former MECs, former homeland leaders, and former administrators of apartheid. [Interjections.]

We are building classrooms and schools as quickly as we can. We are training teachers better. We are working with experienced teachers to develop cutting edge curricula and assessment tools. Further, we intend to revolutionise artisanal and technical and service skills training through our colleges of further education and training. The recapitalisation process will modernise the colleges and our partners with sector education and training authorities and the Umsobomvu Youth Fund will expand the skills pool in South Africa.

Belief in a shared destiny requires all to feel they’re worth something in our society. This means skill opportunities should not stop at formal institutions. We must offer men and women in our villages, literacy on their doorstep. We must recapture thousands of marginalised youths in the centre of society. We must utilise all available vacant space for engendering a skills opportunity revolution in South Africa. That, Mr President, will convince millions that we are making something of our shared destiny.

Sharing, however, occurs between people. The Deputy President has initiated wide-ranging and inclusive consultations in the work she has done to put meat into Asgisa. That process has created significant stakeholder buy-in to the emerging proposals. Partnerships will be absolutely vital in the leadership role we must assume in creating this affirmation of our shared vision.

Again, our government has based much of its actions, since the advent of democracy, on the securing and nurturing of partnerships with civil society organisations. The Departments of Health and Social Development have been especially exemplary in this regard. Both departments support and are supported through firm relationships with nongovernmental organisations and community-based organisations. They are able to work with thousands of community-based workers, because this government and the post-1994 government have the mass-based legitimacy that allows for such partnerships, a legitimacy the DA doesn’t have and never will have.

Nongovernmental organisations working with government are a vital resource in our promotion of social upliftment and progressive ideas. Making good on our shared destiny requires strong links with social partners.

Moporesidente, o re thusitse ka tiro ya gago ya go aga Aforika Borwa. O simolotse tsamaiso e e re kopanyang le batho ba Aforika Borwa ka tsela e e ba nayang lentswe le seriti. Mmuso wa gago ke wa ntlha go dira selo se sentle jana. Fa re bua ka tshwaragano, batho baa re reetsa. Baa itse gore re bua ka eng. Fa re na le bona, re bua gore tswelelopele e tlhoka mabogo otlhe, baa re tlhaloganya ka lebaka la gago. Re a go leboga Tautona ka tiro eo. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

[Mr President, you helped us by transforming South Africa. This process united South Africans in one voice and gave them dignity. This is the first government of its kind. When we speak of unity, people listen. They know what we are speaking about. We tell them unity is strength and they understand us, all because of you. Thank you, President, for doing that.]

The people of South Africa believe that we can make a success of what we have.

Madam Speaker, Mr President posed a challenge to us all last week, a challenge the opposition have failed to respond to because they do not believe that we have a shared destiny. I am sure, Mr President, you are also challenging us, in the same vein, to confront the impediments that could lead to regression.

The first impediment remains the signs of a society still shaped and sometimes polarised by race - those court cases, when you referred to the judiciary, where some lives seem worthy of hefty sentences, while other lives merit short prison terms.

As you have seen illustrated by the empty politics of Mr Lee, sectarianism is alive and well in the DA and in South Africa. We believe, importantly, that when we speak of transformation of the judiciary, we should not limit that transformation to a mere reflection on the judges, which is what is often done.

It’s a full service analysis and transformation that must occur: The prosecutorial services and how they address the role they must play in courts in ensuring cases are properly heard, properly addressed and properly concluded; the Police Services, in supporting with evidence that can be held up in court; the judges, certainly, executing their mandate. It’s not about judges; it’s not about interference. It’s about a change that must occur, a change for justice. [Applause.]

A second impediment is the persistence of sexual abuse and violence against women as the most vulnerable in our society. Standing here, pointing fingers at government, as some do, will not protect women. Urging our congregations and communities to reject violence actively would be a good beginning to helping the new vision the President referred to. It is impossible for women to feel included if they are afraid or unsafe. It is in our communities where the violence occurs. It is in our communities where we must speak out, and not pontificate at this podium only.

A third impediment lies in exclusionary institutional cultures. Every institution has a role to play in shaping our society. The institutions promoting democracy, our judiciary, our universities, religious institutions, our schools, winning sports teams – not losing ones – all have a role to play in delivering the vision the President has placed before us: A South Africa acting as one to make a success of the opportunities created by our hard-fought freedom.

The children of 1976, who stood before bullets, unseeing because of teargas; the women of 1956, marching to challenge racism; the leaders of South Africa, the treason trialists, standing before unjust courts; all these and many more we shall honour this year, stood and did these things of courage because they believed, correctly, that a shared destiny was the only path that would assure South Africa peace, prosperity and success. I thank you. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: That concludes the debate for today. The President will reply tomorrow.

CONSIDERATION OF NOMINATION OF JUDGE HERBERT QEDUSIZI MSIMANG TO SERVE ON ELECTORAL COMMISSION

There was no debate.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, there are no objections from the DA.

The SPEAKER: There are no objections, hon members. I would like to remind hon members that, because of section 6(2)(c) of the Electoral Commission Act of 1996, we do have to register our votes. For appointment to serve on the Electoral Commission, the nomination must be approved by a majority of members of the Assembly.

Although a division has not been demanded, members are requested to record their support for the nomination. The bells will be rung for one minute.

Question put: That the nomination of Judge Herbert Qedusizi Msimang to serve on the Electoral Commission be approved. AYES - 260: Abram, S; Ainslie, A R; Anthony, T G; Arendse, J D; Asiya, S E; Asmal, A K; Baloyi, M R; Bapela, K O; Bekker, H J; Benjamin, J; Beukman, F; Bhamjee, Y S; Bhengu, F; Bhengu, M J; Bhengu, P; Bloem, D V; Blose, H M; Bogopane-Zulu, H I; Bonhomme, T J; Booi, M S; Botha, N G W; Burgess, C V; Buthelezi, M G; Cachalia, I M; Carrim, Y I; Cele, M A; Chalmers, J; Chang, E S; Chauke, H P; Chikunga, L S; Chohan-Khota, F I; Combrinck, J J; Cronin, J P; Cupido, H B; Cwele, S C; Dambuza, B N; Davies, R H; De Lange, J H; Diale, L N; Didiza, A T; Dithebe, S L; Dlali, D M; Dlamini-Zuma, N C; Dodovu, T S; Doidge, G Q M; Du Toit, D C; Ellis, M J; Erwin, A; Fihla, N B; Frolick, C T; Fubbs, J L; Gaum, A H; Gcwabaza, N E; George, M E; Gerber, P A; Gibson, D H M; Gigaba, K M N; Gomomo, P J; Goniwe, M T; Green, L M; Greyling, C H F; Gumede, D M; Gumede, M M; Gxowa, N B; Hanekom, D A; Hangana, N E; Holomisa, S P; Huang, S; Jacobus, L; Jeffery, J H; Johnson, C B; Johnson, M; Kasienyane, O R; Kasrils, R; Kati, Z J; Kekana, C D; Khoarai, L P; Kholwane, S E; Khumalo, K K; Khumalo, K M; Khumalo, M S; Khunou, N P; Komphela, B M; Kondlo, N C; Koornhof, G W; Kotwal, Z; Landers, L T; Lekgetho, G; Lekota, M G P; Likotsi, M T; Lishivha, T E; Louw, T J; Louw, S K; Lucas, E J; Ludwabe, C I; Luthuli, A N; Maake, J J; Mabandla, B S; Mabe, L L; Mabuyakhulu, D V; Madella, A F; Madlala-Routledge, N C; Maduma, L D; Madumise, M M; Magwanishe, G B; Mahlangu-Nkabinde, G L; Mahlawe, N M; Mahomed, F; Mahote, S; Maine, M S; Maja, S J; Makasi, X C; Makgate, M W; Malahlela, M J; Maloney, L; Maloyi, P D N; Maluleka, H P; Maluleke, D K; Manana, M N S; Mapisa-Nqakula, N N; Martins, B A D; Mashangoane, P R; Mashiane, L M; Mashigo, R J; Mashile, B L; Masutha, T M; Mathebe, P M; Mathibela, N F; Matlala, M H; Matsemela, M L; Matsepe- Casaburri, I F; Matsomela, M J J; Maunye, M M; Mayatula, S M; Maziya, A M; Mbombo, N D; Meruti, M V; Mgabadeli, H C; Mkhize, Z S; Mlangeni, A; Mngomezulu, G P; Mnguni, B A; Mnyandu, B J; Moatshe, M S; Modisenyane, L J; Mofokeng, T R; Mogale, O M; Mogase, I D; Mohamed, I J; Mohlaloga, M R; Mokoena, A D; Mokoto, N R; Molefe, C T; Moloto, K A; Monareng, O E; Montsitsi, S D; Moonsamy, K; Morobi, D M; Morutoa, M R; Morwamoche, K W; Mosala, B G; Moss, L N; Moss, M I; Motubatse-Hounkpatin, S D; Mshudulu, S A; Mthembu, B; Mtshali, E; Mzondeki, M J G; Ndlovu, V B; Ndou, R S; Ndzanga, R A; Nefolovhodwe, P J; Nel, A C; Nene, N M; Newhoudt-Druchen, W S; Ngaleka, E; Ngcengwane, N D; Ngcobo, B T; Ngcobo, E N N; Ngele, N J; Ngema, M V; Ngwenya, M L; Ngwenya, W; Nhlengethwa, D G; Njikelana, S J; Njobe, M A A; Nkabinde, N C; Nkem-Abonta, E; Nkuna, C; Nogumla, R Z; Nonkonyana, M; Nqakula, C; Ntuli, M M; Ntuli, R S; Ntuli, S B; Nxumalo, M D; Nxumalo, S N ; Nzimande, L P M; Oliphant, G G; Oosthuizen, G C; Padayachie, R L; Pahad, A G H; Pahad, E G; Pandor, G N M; Phadagi, M G; Phungula, J P; Pieterse, R D; Radebe, B A; Ramakaba-Lesiea, M M; Ramgobin, M; Ramodibe, D M; Ramphele, T D H; Rasmeni, S M; Reid, L R R; Rwexana, S P; Saloojee, E; Schneeman, G D; Schippers, J; Schoeman, E A; Sefularo, M; September, C C; Seremane, W J; Shabangu, S; Sibande, M P; Sibanyoni, J B; Siboza, S; Sibuyana, M W; Sigcau, Sylvia N; Sikakane, M R; Simmons, S; Sithole, D J; Skhosana, W M; Smith , V G; Solo, B M; Solomon, G; Sonjica, B P; Sonto, M R; Sosibo, J E; Sotyu, M M; Surty, M E; Thabethe, E; Tinto, B; Tobias, T V; Tolo, L J; Tsenoli, S L; Tshabalala-Msimang, M E; Tshwete, P; Turok, B; Vadi, I; Van der Heever, R P Z; Van de Merwe, J H; Van der Merwe, S C; Van Wyk, Annelizé; Vezi, T E; Vundisa, S S; Wang, Y; Xolo, E T; Yengeni, L E; Zita, L; Zulu, B Z.

Question agreed to.

Nomination accordingly agreed to in accordance with section 6(2)(c) of the Electoral Commission Act, 1996.

The SPEAKER: Hon members, the recommendation by the Assembly that Judge Msimang be appointed will be forwarded to the President.

The House adjourned at 19:03.