TUESDAY, 13 FEBRUARY 2007


                                ____



                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

                                ____

The House met at 14:00.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.

                             NEW MEMBERS


                           (Announcement)

The SPEAKER: Hon members, I have to announce that Mr A J Botha and Mr S J F Marais have been nominated with effect from 2 December and 4 December 2006 respectively to fill vacancies that arose as a result of the resignations of Mr R Jankielsohn and Ms H Zille. Mr Botha and Mr Marais have made and subscribed the oath in my office in December last year.

Mr Botha and Mr Marais, I take this opportunity to welcome you in the House officially. [Applause.]

               PRESIDENT’S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS


                           (Announcement)

The SPEAKER: Hon members, I have received a copy of the address of the President of the Republic delivered in the Joint Sitting on 9 February

1. The speech has been printed in the Minutes of the Joint Sitting.

The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Madam Speaker, Mr President and Deputy President of the Republic, hon members and distinguished guests, South Africa has entered its second decade of freedom with the strengthening of democracy and the acceleration of the programme to improve the quality of life of all our people.

We recognise that we are at the beginning of a long journey to a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa in which the value of all our citizens is measured by their humanity without regard to race, gender or social status.

Inspired by the Freedom Charter and the principles enshrined in the Reconstruction and Development Programme, we continue unabated with our social transformation programme informed by democratic principles of the people-centred and people-driven state, and a value system based on human solidarity. These pillars are the attributes of a caring society and beckon us to forge a social compact made up of all our people, and its central objective should be a social policy that preserves and develops our human resources and ensures social cohesion.

At this juncture we can and must reaffirm our commitment to redress poverty and inequality, and on the back of macroeconomic stability, develop an antipoverty strategy that addresses income, asset and social poverty with the objective of eradicating poverty and creating employment.

In terms of our commitment to the Millennium Development Goals to halve poverty and unemployment by 2014, it also means that we should move hastily towards fulfilling and realising the other Millennium Development Goals in terms of education, health care, accommodation and the provision of basic services.

In the context of our continued resolve to challenge underdevelopment and eradicate poverty, and against the background of a huge investment in infrastructure and its attendant possibilities, the emphasis on quality education and health must be recognised. We need educated and skilled citizens who are healthy and therefore productive to benefit from the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa, and the diverse economic opportunities and possibilities that are now available to our citizens. Education and health must be prioritised as the core elements of social transformation. On attacking covert poverty and building comprehensive social security, we must seek to empower people to take themselves out of poverty while creating adequate social nets to protect the most vulnerable in our society. A combination of policies around a social wage and social grants, as well as programmes aimed at engaging people in the reconstruction of our communities, can make a meaningful contribution towards the eradication of poverty.

On attacking poverty and building comprehensive social security, government must continue with its plans towards a comprehensive social security system through consolidation and an ongoing review of all security measures such as the Unemployment Insurance Fund and social grants.

Government has taken bold steps in establishing a national health insurance scheme and must finalise its plans within the next 12 months. Huge strides have been made in the delivery of free basic services and continued support through Project Consolidate and other mechanisms must be strengthened to ensure delivery, especially in municipalities that serve the rural poor.

Noting the expansion of the child support grant for children up to 14 years of age, steps must be taken to support vulnerable children above the age of

1. We must all continue to campaign to ensure that all children eligible for grants access them, and assist in the removal of all obstacles, including nonregistration and the lack of proper documents. However, the huge strides that have been made in this regard must be accelerated, as some 8 million children are currently the beneficiaries of grants.

We must continue to deal with the effects of unemployment through the Expanded Public Works Programme, which is linked to the Urban Renewal and Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategies.

The implementation of the National Youth Service Programme creates huge opportunities for our unemployed youth, and must be sufficiently expanded. The Expanded Public Works Programme and the sector education and training authorities pay particular attention to the skilling of practitioners in the early childhood development and the adult basic education and training sector.

We must continue with the significant implementation of the integrated food security strategy and further develop our sustainable food policy that ensures food security at all times, which directly impacts on food prices for the poor, with a specific focus on women, the elderly, people with disabilities and children.

We are renewing the pledge we made to the electorate in 2004 to strengthen national partnerships to build a better life for all. We will continue to seek partnerships from all in our society to achieve the national priorities of fighting exclusion and marginalisation, the eradication of poverty and the building of social cohesion. We must be able to share the joy and tribulation of reconstructing our country together as South Africans.

Strengthening families is fundamental in the quest for social cohesion and building the social fabric of our society. We intend to release for public discussion this year a National Family Policy. We hope it will stimulate dialogue on our common vision of the family as a core institution in our country, and the rock upon which our communities are founded.

As a caring state, we have to strengthen and improve the welfare services that provide services to the people of this country. We must consider involving the local government sphere, which is the closest to the people. We have to ensure that the destitute and vulnerable in our society find refuge in the comfort of our state until they are able to survive on their own, especially if they are young and able-bodied.

Among the welfare services that remain a priority is the development of children and the young, and protecting them from malnutrition and poverty. More than 8 million children receive the child support grant, while more than 330 000 receive the foster care grant.

We are also exploring the expansion of alternative care services, for example, children’s homes. According to the costing report for the Children’s Bill, there are currently 14 000 beds in children’s homes whereas the present demand is for 155 000 beds.

The social sector is reviewing all measures, including income support to children over the age of 14. A progress report detailing options will be finalised by midyear.

A lot has been said about crime and its impact on our society. This calls for renewed united action to intensify crime fighting and crime prevention efforts, which must include the combating of drug and substance abuse.

South Africa inherited a social security system that was underdeveloped by international standards. It is characterised by policy gaps, duplication in delivery and fragmented institutions. It does not fully meet the needs of the vulnerable groups who face risks such as poverty, ill health, disability, unemployment and injury on duty.

In seeking to provide comprehensive antipoverty and developmental services, the provision of social grants to over 11 million South Africans is complemented by the provision of education which is free to the poor, free health care and free basic services.

The South African Social Security Agency was established to become an effective and efficient national administrative system to respond to the plight of the poor who do not qualify for social assistance. Government also set up the Expanded Public Works Programme. It draws the unemployed into productive and gainful employment, while also delivering training to increase the capacity of participants to earn an income once they leave the programme.

South Africa does not have a fully developed second pillar or system of social insurance. History and experience have proved that the role of the state is critical in providing the platform for the social insurance system to ensure the pooling of risk and to achieve social solidarity objectives. The state cannot simply assume the role of consumer protection and watch failures of private providers such as we are now witnessing in the unfolding Fidentia saga.

While reviewing some policies and improving delivery by a number of agencies such as the Unemployment Insurance Fund, work has been underway to look at best practices for the various components of the social insurance system.

To date, as a government, we have made significant progress on unemployment and maternity benefits with the inclusion of more than one million farm and domestic workers in the Unemployment Insurance Fund. The system has, over the past three years, become solvent, and has significant reserves, unprecedented in the fund’s history. Arrangements for compensation for injuries on duty and diseases and road accidents require reform, given policy gaps, duplication with disability and health care in the first pillar and administrative inefficiencies.

On health insurance, government has increased the number of people contributing to medical schemes, has set up its own employee medical scheme and has also introduced measures to prohibit adverse selection by the private industry. We intend to address a number of outstanding issues in our aim to set up a social health insurance system for South Africa.

The President also referred to the urgent need to reform the country’s retirement provisions. In South Africa, only six out of twelve employed persons contribute to some form of retirement savings using more than 14 500 funds. Many people end their membership to a retirement fund as a result of factors such as early retirement, lump sum withdrawals, retrenchments, poor investment performance, collapsing of funds and serious fraud.

Our view is that government needs to make the participation in retirement vehicles obligatory, to prohibit early withdrawals, to provide for portability and preservation of funds, and set up institutional arrangements for delivery. My colleague the Minister of Finance will address this issue in his Budget Speech. [Interjections.]

The key principle on comprehensive social security is sustainability. The message came through clearly in the state of the nation address that we have to link social grants to economic activities and sustainable development. This includes helping beneficiaries to access education, training, skills development and employment opportunities to ensure safety nets.

A pilot project in Dutyini, in Mount Ayliffe in the Eastern Cape, has proven to us that it is possible to use resources residing in the communities to promote economic activities. We were impressed that women beneficiaries of the child support grant were able to, amongst other measures, save at least R1 a day from the CSG towards a stokvel fund to enable them to start a co-operative.

All the developmental and antipoverty initiatives depend on adequate numbers of social workers, social auxiliary workers and community development practitioners in both government and the nongovernmental organisation sector.

In addition to executing statutory functions, social workers are the first port of call for many families and individuals in distress, and are a source of information with regard to government services. We are currently providing scholarships for social work students, while promoting the professions amongst the youth. In addition, the provincial departments will further train social auxiliary workers to relieve the workload on social workers. We also need to further improve the working conditions of social workers. A study has been conducted in this regard to determine needs. In promoting and developing the profession, we will be honouring the memory of many social workers who have served the poor and vulnerable with distinction, such as the ANC stalwart Charlotte Maxeke of the ANC Women’s League, the first black social worker in our country.

Working together with our partners in civil society, we will be able to meet the goals outlined in the state of the nation address. For this to succeed, we need more consultation and co-operation with civil society, especially the NGOs and faith-based organisations which need to be better resourced.

Let us strengthen these partnerships and toil together to build our country. Nangamso. [I thank you.] [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Madam Deputy President, hon members, at the outset I wish to associate my party with the President’s moving remarks on Friday regarding the heroic life and the sad death of Mrs Adelaide Tambo. I also dedicate my speech today to the thousands of victims of violent crime in South Africa and their families.

This is the ninth time I have been privileged to respond to the President’s state of the nation speech as the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament. It is also the fourteenth occasion on which I have had the honour to address Parliament in this debate as one of the leaders of our political parties represented in the National Assembly.

We have all arrived in this Place from different backgrounds, we wear different party badges, we speak different languages and we represent different people who have different perspectives. But we are united under one flag, we swear allegiance to the same Constitution and we all love our country, the place that gave us birth and gives us life.

This is also the last occasion on which I shall participate in this debate, either as Leader of the Opposition or as the leader of a political party in Parliament. [Interjections.] I hope my observations, therefore, and whatever candid counsel I have to offer, will be accepted in the spirit intended, not with an eye on the next election or with a point to score in this Parliament. Rather they are offered in the hope that, in your own words, Madam Speaker, we can “deepen the debate” and consider the choices which we have made as a young nation. I am mindful that this is an appropriate time indeed to deepen our deliberations, for in 2007 we celebrate our thirteenth year as a democracy.

As a member of the Jewish faith, I must point out that this means our new society is celebrating its Bar Mitzvah, the birthday which heralds the onset of maturity in a young person’s life. It is an apposite occasion then to look back at what we as a nation have achieved and to reflect on the choices that we have made during a tumultuous and at times triumphant phase in our history. For, as with an individual, it is a sign of a nation’s maturity when we are able to examine the choices we have made and to consider in all honesty and frankness whether they are the right ones.

One of the finest choices I believe we made was in 1996. Then it was my great honour and privilege to participate in the debate and on the vote on our new Constitution. That Constitution enshrined our hope of forging South Africa into a democratic bastion for Africa and the wider world.

Such inspiring events remind me of how far we as a nation have come on our progress to democratic maturity, and that we have much to celebrate today in the choices made in the past. Yet, as the President frankly admitted in his address on Friday, we are faced with a number of critical issues that threaten our attainment of a just and a prosperous society.

The President rightly acknowledged that we still have much work to do in combating the important issues that confront us as a nation: crime; corruption; wide-scale poverty; HIV/Aids; and in particular the state’s service capacity. I congratulate the President on the candour of his speech. His admission in revealing detail of the shortcomings in government’s attainments of its own goals was welcome and refreshing. The Age of Hope, proclaimed a year ago, has been supplanted by an age of reality. However, it was disturbing to note that the President outlined, in a sense, a wish list of his administration’s ideals, rather than a set of specific prescriptions to rectify the failures he did so well to acknowledge.

At this juncture, after three successive terms in office, we are surely entitled to expect more of the government. It is of little help to acknowledge shortcomings, but then to insist our policy approach is in all circumstances correct and that our failings are simply a consequence of either lacklustre implementation or faulty perceptions. I submit then that we have made some wrong choices over the past 13 years, and that if we correct these now, we will enjoy greater success in the future.

It is apparent from what we were told by the hon President on Friday - and the statistics as well as the first-hand testimony of the people confirmed this - that government is failing in its pledge to deliver many of the basic services necessary for all our people to attain security, wellbeing and a meaningful stake in society. One key reason for this, I believe, is that since 1994 successive ANC governments have pursued an ill-constructed transformation policy that puts racial representivity above all else.

Of course, after 1994 we had to construct and pursue with vigour a programme of redress and empowerment for the victims of apartheid. And yes, there are some, though in fact very few people in South Africa, who would prefer to pretend that the past never happened or who pay lip service to the need for redress without being committed to it in their hearts and in their deeds.

But none of this changes the fact that over the past 13 years we have failed properly to balance the need for redress with a need for successful service delivery. Again, I am not suggesting that in every instance there has been a failure of such delivery, and the President acknowledged that as well, but for instance, look at the product of 13 years of ANC-run education and tell me that no better could have been done.

It is heart-wrenching that in 2007 our schools are still disgorging hundreds of thousands of young people without opportunity or hope, because they simply do not have the skills to make anything of themselves in our economy, let alone in the broader economy of a globalised world.

According to the teachers’ union, Naptosa, only one out of every one hundred children who begin school in South Africa will attain and complete tertiary education. It is imperative that we harness the diversity of our people and our institutions need to reflect that diversity. I think that is absolutely beyond debate, but it is morally wrong, strategically incompetent and a violation of our Constitution’s purpose to construct a policy of redress on a variant of the Verwoerdian notion of demographic representivity and then elevate it above every other consideration. When a policy of redress is so ill-constructed that it perpetuates, rather than eradicates, a lack of opportunity and crushes the hope of advancement, then surely the policy must be changed.

If we want our children educated, our sick healed, our poor cared for and our unemployed to find work, then we must begin to live the values of excellence, hard work and merit. As a mature democracy, responsible for our own decisions, it is time we make a clear choice. We simply cannot have it both ways. We cannot choose delivery and growth if we also choose racial preferment at all costs. As Max Weber once said: “If we serve one god, we land up offending another.”

Indeed, last week we hosted the President of China on these shores. Perhaps we should reflect on the famous axiom of the founding father of modern China’s economic miracle, Deng Xiaopeng, who said once: “It doesn’t matter if the cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice.”

This does not mean redress and empowerment should be shoved to the back of the queue, far from it. BEE, if practised with openness, accountability and affordability, can release new energies into our economy and empower those previously denied access to opportunity. It can, indeed it should, increase the size and the diversity of the winners circle in South Africa.

There are indeed people in government who recognise this. The hon Deputy President, in her capacity as chairperson of Asgisa, said: “I don’t think there is any virtue in pure BEE if it equals poor service.”

An outstanding example of what may be achieved is available for study in the City of Cape Town. The DA-led multiparty coalition that took power in March last year inherited a corroded BEE system, the defining features of which were race quotas, nepotism and corruption. Since then we have abolished the quota system for tenders, opened the books to transparency and eliminated corruption. Because we did not predetermine the outcomes or the beneficiaries, a wider pool of role-players was engaged. It is a matter of proud record that we have increased the number of BEE firms involved by 10% in less than one year. [Applause.]

The people of the Mother City have made a choice. They have chosen openness, accountability and efficiency over backdoor cronyism and frontdoor incompetence. We commend this example to government, of the kind of choice we need to make at a national level as well if we are to attain the vision of a great nation enshrined in our Constitution. Deepening the debate also means choosing freedom over fear. The former Soviet prisoner of conscience, Natan Sharansky, makes an important distinction between what he calls “free societies” and “fear societies”. In 1994 we made the choice to become a free society, and constitutionalised that choice two years later. Yet sometimes we display the characteristics of a fear society.

In fear societies there is limited space for difference. In fear societies we reflexively label our opponents as racists or counter-revolutionaries. And it is in fear societies that we force on people the stifling straitjacket of political correctness.

Yet the only way to manage diverse societies with justice is to embrace pluralism. And so, therefore, I warmly welcome the President’s call on Friday for inclusivity to, and I quote: “… act in partnership to realise the happiness for all that should come with liberty.”

In effect this means that as a nation we should spend more time listening to each other and not be too quick to judge as illegitimate the concerns and expressions of any individual or any group.

Kyk maar na die oorhaastige reaksie van die woordvoerder van die Departement van Kuns en Kultuur oor die gewilde liedjie De La Rey wat tans deur die land beweeg. Moet ons nie eerder luister na die boodskap en sy implikasies, pleks daarvan om amptenare te stuur om die ruimte vir hierdie tipe vrye uitspreek van opinie te sluit nie?

Elke Suid-Afrikaner wil soos ’n regmatige landsburger voel, met ’n kulturele identiteit wat nie ontken of eenkant toe gestoot word nie. En ons wil almal weet dat niemand vergeet sal word wanneer ons geskiedenis opgeteken word nie, en dat die proses nie deur ’n dominante faksie gemanipuleer sal word om hul eie politieke wense te vervul nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Just look at the overhasty reaction of the spokesperson of the Department of Arts and Culture with regard to the popular song De La Rey that is currently moving through the country. Shouldn’t we rather be listening to the message and its implications, instead of sending officials to close the space for this type of free expression of opinion?

Every South African wants to feel like a rightful citizen of the country, with a cultural identity that cannot be denied or pushed aside. And we all want to know that nobody will be forgotten when our history is recorded, and that the process will not be manipulated by a dominant faction in order to fulfil their own political wishes.]

Neither victims nor perpetrators make for a self-confident, tolerant and united citizenry. One way, I believe, of understanding the project of the new South Africa, is to see it as an attempt to move beyond victimhood and guilt to a place in which we are united without having to be uniform.

The other characteristic of fear societies is the limited space for criticism. That is why the effective muzzling of First National Bank was disturbing and disappointing. All leaders have to deal with the criticism of their leadership. I know whereof I speak. As a leader, however misguided you may feel your critics are, and however much you may distrust their motives, it is finally always better to ensure that the space for criticism is protected and that we listen to the critics with care. Put simply, tolerance of criticism wins respect; suppression of it breeds resentment.

Let me now turn to crime, the crisis of the hour. I think it is fair to say that I echo the feelings of many South Africans who are disappointed and disheartened by the hon President’s response to this crisis. I understand that the President wants to approach the problem of crime in a reasoned and deliberate manner. But our country is desperate for empathy, for a belief that the campaign against crime is fuelled by both passion on the one hand and steely-eyed determination on the other.

Our people want to see crime and the fighting of it elevated to the top of the national agenda, not placed in the middle of it, with a host of contending and often contradictory items crying out for resolution and redress.

It may help the President to understand the crisis better if he listens to the voices of the people. According to a recent television poll, 98% of South Africans believe that government is losing the fight against crime and that it is indeed out of control. For every high-profile victim, like historian David Rattray, whose killers have commendably been brought to book, there are thousands whose murderers, rapists and robbers roam free.

The orgy of violent, sickening crime continues relentlessly. Just this weekend the community buried the 14-year-old Johannesburg schoolgirl Thato Radebe: two weeks ago the nation was horrified by her savage rape, murder and dismemberment.

Let me share with you the sentiments of a patriotic South African, Vi Rathbone, grandmother of the more famous Clyde, the former captain of the South African under-21 rugby side. She recently wrote to me to explain why, at the age of nearly 80, she is unwillingly emigrating to Australia to join the rest of her family. She wrote:

The full story of my grandson Clyde Rathbone’s decision to relocate to Australia and play rugby for the Brumbies is not well known. His mother is lucky to be alive, as, when their home in Warner Beach in Durban was broken into, she was dragged by the hair to their upstairs balcony and pulled over the balustrade. She sustained serious injuries but fortunately did not become bedridden for life.

Mrs Rathbone concluded her letter to me by saying:

I will always love South Africa, and I will never run it down. I only hope and pray … that the government will do all in its power to fight the rampant crime in South Africa.

We must listen, Madam Speaker. We must feel with our people. And we must lead them to victory over the criminals.

In his address, the President argued that proper implementation of existing policy was the solution to crime. Apart from some minor tinkering, the major new prescription offered was the very welcome announcement that the police force will be increased to 180 000 members.

But if we are serious about winning the war against crime, we need to send out a clear and unequivocal message that, for example, connections with the ruling party will not lead to you falling off the list of Travelgate accused, or to your featherbedding in prison, or to your early release from jail.

As ons ernstig is oor die stryd teen misdaad, waarom dring ons daarop aan dat die polisie in sterk Afrikaanssprekende provinsies soos die Noord-Kaap en die Wes-Kaap slegs in Engels mag kommunikeer? (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[If we are serious about the battle against crime, why do we insist that the police in predominantly Afrikaans-speaking provinces such as the Northern Cape and the Western Cape may only communicate in English?]

If we are serious about winning the war against crime – at home, where it needs to be fought – why is the Minister of Safety and Security deployed on lengthy peacemaking missions to the Great Lakes and elsewhere, when we have a Minister of Foreign Affairs and two deputies, presumably equal to the task?

If we are serious about winning the war against crime, why is it that a politician, and not a policeman, was appointed by the President as the National Commissioner of Police? And why, after serial failures in office, is he retained there?

International and domestic experience shows that visible cops on the beat are the best deterrent. That is why it is imperative that the government ensures that these officers are on the streets, taking the fight to the criminals, not behind their desks.

And we certainly welcome the President’s appeal to all sectors of society to become involved in the battle against lawlessness. Yet at the same time the government seeks to centralise control of the police force, which flies in the face of best international practice. In South Africa there will be no more special police units and moves are afoot to do away with municipal police forces as well. Once again, we seem to be pursuing the wrong choices in the attainment of worthy goals.

It is not only in relation to crime that we are failing to make the right choices. It is also in our international relations with the world that we sometimes seem to have lost our way. Surely our Constitution behoves us, as with the biblical injunction of the Good Samaritan, not to walk by on the other side of the international road, ignoring the tyranny in Zimbabwe or the dreadful human rights violations in Burma.

So, on the occasion of the onset of our maturity, we must begin to make those mature choices. If we seek ANC-style transformation first and effective delivery second, we will achieve a representative Public Service which could fail apartheid’s worst victims. If we fail to respect cultural diversity and close the space for criticism, we will achieve a resentful citizenry that eventually will rise up in anger. If we continue with an uninspired, unempathetic and unfocused approach to crime, we will achieve a terrified populace that flees the country, hides behind electrified fences or engages in violent acts of vigilantism.

In making our choices for the future, we should be guided at all times by our founding document. It behoves us as a nation to redouble our efforts to give meaning to the noble ideas of our Constitution.

Looking back, it is salutary to recall the shining ideals that animated so many South Africans, in the ANC and outside the ANC, at the time of the struggle against apartheid. Those who fought for a new society did not dream of the watered-down, halfway complete or compromised democracy that too often we seem content with today. Rather, we set the bar high, aspiring to make of our new democracy a shining star among the free and winning nations of the world. When we have done that, we will be able to say that we have come of age as a nation, and have with full confidence, honesty and responsibility entered into our maturity.

That is the cause that brought me into Parliament and into the politics of South Africa. I know it inspires and burns bright in the ranks and hearts of the many who will follow me into this Place, long after I have left it. Thank you. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Thank you, Madam Speaker, President Thabo Mbeki, Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, comrades and hon members.

President, as you began the state of nation address, you pointed out that Mama Tambo, freedom fighter and devoted community builder, has passed on. Thank you for your wonderful tribute to her at her funeral on behalf of all of us. You also reminded us of the 90th anniversary of the birth of Oliver Tambo and the 40th anniversary of the death of Albert Luthuli. They are both part of a generation of leaders that dedicated their entire lives and energies to removing from our country, in your words: ``… much that is ugly and repulsive in human society.’’ They ensured that the common dream of freedom came true.

Indeed, our task now is the transformation of South Africa ``into a democratic, peaceful, nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous country, committed to the noble vision of human solidarity’’.

It is the attainment of democracy, peace and prosperity that we wish for Africa and the world a new world order that is free of racism and sexism, where we all share the benefits of our own labour — a more inclusive and people-centred world.

Madam Speaker, the late Comrade Albert Luthuli, in his acceptance speech on receiving the Nobel Peace Prize for 1960, had this to say, and I quote:

This is Africa’s age — the dawn of her fulfilment, yes, the moment when she must grapple with destiny to reach the summits of sublimity saying, ours was a fight for noble values and worthy ends, and not for lands and the enslavement of man …

Nearly half a century later, we are beginning to see the dawn of Africa’s golden age, and that a free and independent Africa is asserting itself in the world.

In the 8 January statement, you also recalled that the ANC and South African people have a long tradition of international engagement and solidarity. And you went on to say that this arises from the understanding that our fortunes as a nation are intimately interconnected with the fortunes of our neighbours, our continent, indeed all of humanity; and that it is therefore on the basis both of moral responsibility and collective self-interest that we continue to be actively engaged in the effort to build a better Africa in a better world.

Our greatest achievement in Africa in recent years has been the restoration of peace and democracy in the DRC after 40 years. True to Patrice Lumumba’s last words: ``History will have its say in the DRC’’, indeed, history has had its say in the DRC. Of course, our involvement in the DRC has not come to an end. The challenges of nation-building, infrastructure development, health, education, economic development and the building of state institutions are only starting.

Madam Speaker, Darfur, Somalia and Cote d’Ivoire will be major preoccupations for us and the rest of the African continent in the coming months. The mutual distrust between the North and the South in Sudan is slowing the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Of course, the international community must also make good the pledges made in Oslo for the reconstruction so as to make unity attractive for the southerners.

The President in his address also emphasised the importance of community safety and security and said on the international front, as within South Africa, we also acknowledged in particular the vulnerability of women and the prevalence of gender-based violence in the world. Within the Progressive Women’s Movement and other women’s organisations, we shall all continue to make inroads in addressing the plight of women and how to empower women. In this regard, South Africa has been mandated also by the continent to host the Pan African Women’s Organisation, Pawu, in 2007 in which African women can help to take forward the emancipation of women on the continent.

We also salute the work of Sawid, South African Women in Dialogue, in particular as it remains very helpful in improving the situation of women, both at home and in terms of their work with other African countries.

Madam Speaker, the African Union, AU, has also decided that the Diaspora should constitute the sixth region of the continent. In this regard, South Africa was mandated to host the global conference of the Diaspora and the continent. This will bring together Africans from around the world, who wish to contribute towards the cause of Africa’s development and African advancement. In this regard, we shall work closely with the AU and the Caribbean Community and Common Market, Caricom. This event will be preceded by consultations at a national level, and there will be a ministerial meeting. We see this event as providing a platform for reasserting African culture. It will be of mutual benefit to both the Diaspora and our continent. We look forward to co-operating with Parliament in this regard.

Madam Speaker, the AU is also grappling with the challenge of how to accelerate the political and economic integration of our continent. Whereas we all agree on the ultimate goal of a united Africa, the vexing question is: How? A decision has been taken to have what has been termed by the heads of state “the grand debate” on which the very question will be debated in Ghana in July this year. But before this takes place, wide national consultation is needed, including debates in this very Chamber. Put simply, the question is whether the time has come to put into action the late Kwame Nkrumah’s vision of a United Africa. Let me remind the House what he said:

Never before have a people had within their grasp so great an opportunity for developing a continent endowed with so much wealth. Individually, the independent states of Africa, some of them potentially rich, others poor, can do little for their people. Together, by mutual help, they can achieve much. But the economic development of the continent must be planned and pursued as a whole. A loose confederation designed only for economic co- operation would not provide the necessary unity of purpose. Only a strong political union can bring about full and effective development of our natural resources for the benefit of our people.

The political situation in Africa today is heartening and at the same time disturbing. It is heartening to see so many new flags hoisted in place of the old; it is disturbing to see so many countries of varying sizes and at different levels of development, weak and in some cases almost helpless. It is this terrible state of fragmentation, and if this terrible state of fragmentation is allowed to continue, it may well be disastrous for all of us.

Critics of African unity often refer to the wide differences in culture, language and ideas in various parts of Africa. This is true, but the essential facts remain that we are all Africans, and have a common interest in the independence of Africa. The difficulties presented by questions of language, culture and political systems are not insurmountable. If the need for political union is agreed by us all, then the will to create it is born; and where there’s a will there’s a way.

Those who think that we are ready to implement what Nkrumah said that if he was ready then, we should be ready today. But, the other view is that we should follow a step-by-step route maybe like the EU. Of course, I’m raising this to start the debate and the consultation so that we are ready for the Grand Debate when the time comes.

Madam Speaker, Paul Kennedy in his book, The Parliament of Man, quotes Lord Alfred Tennyson in 1837 in Locksley Hall:

When I dipt into the future far as human eye could see; Saw the Vision of the world and all the wonder that would be.

Saw the heavens fill with commerce, argosies of magic sails, Pilots of the purple twilight dropping down with costly bales;

Heard the heavens fill with shouting, and there rain’d a ghastly dew From the nations’ airy navies grappling in the central blue; Far along the world-wide whisper of the south-wind rushing warm, With the standards of the peoples plunging thro’ the thunder storm;

Till the war-drum throbb’d no longer, and the battle-flags were furl’d In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world.

There the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe, And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapped in universal law.

This young English poet forecast that the nations of the world, realising that they could destroy one another, might mutually agree to form a political federation, the Parliament of Man. Indeed, Harry Truman at the San Francisco Conference read that passage from Locksley Hall.

I am quoting this poet to demonstrate that the need for a multilateral system is today as important as it was envisaged by Tennyson, and that the only way to save nations from destroying one another is the United Nations. And the United Nations is the global primary instrument by which the world should solve its problems.

We still believe that it is very essential to stick to this multilateral system of governance but that it does need to be reformed. President, as you said at the UN:

Because this organisation of the people of the world has grown to encompass the entire world, many had thought it would be logical that this custodian of global democracy would itself serve as beacon in our contemporary request for democracy in all our countries. Clearly, for the UN to continue occupying its moral high ground, it has to reform itself urgently and lead by practical example as to what is meant to be democratic.

Madam Speaker, as you are aware, on 16 October 2006, South Africa was elected by the member states of the UN General Assembly onto the Security Council as a nonpermanent member for the period 1 January 2007 to 31 December 2008. Our participation in the UN Security Council is, first and foremost, to champion the cause of Africa and to be a voice of the Africans on the continent. We will work hard to elevate the African agenda of achieving peace, security and development. We see our task as bringing greater alignment to the work of the Security Council and that of the AU, especially the Peace and Security Council and those bodies outlined in Chapter 8 of the UN Charter, which deal with regional organisations. The major challenge that South Africa will have to contend with is how to operate in an environment that is characterised by conspicuous power imbalances and a domination of the UN Security Council by its five permanent members.

We need to pay special attention to the problems of Serbia and the clamour for independence of Kosovo, the Middle East, Iran, Iraq, North Korea, and Western Sahara. South Africa has been given lead to take the lead on the matter of Timor-Leste.

Special groups have been formed to take care of most of these issues that I have mentioned, and South Africa needs to acquaint itself with them. We will also be chairing the G20 Finance Group and the Nuclear Suppliers Group. I would also like to thank the President for reminding us that there is urgency to the creation of a better life for all.

I would like to conclude by quoting Comrade Oliver Tambo when he spoke at the University of Fort Hare:

We are therefore called upon to embark on the long and thorny road of transformation. Transformation requires a more dynamic discourse that insists on capacity and potential; on originality and on a creative existence that makes and remakes its own essence; that stimulates a will to overcome history, time and necessity rather than encouraging submission. We need to introduce this into our universities as much as to our national fora. South Africa needs to believe in our capacity to overcome our painful history; to begin again and to regard our failures, when they occur, not as finite moments, but as occasions for a new beginning. I think if we all believe, like Oliver Tambo believed, that South Africa has the capacity to overcome its painful history and to be transformed into a South Africa we all would like to live in, we should all keep our shoulder to the wheel and work, and stop grumbling and complaining. Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr M G BUTHELEZI: Madam Speaker, your Excellency our President, your Excellency our Deputy President, hon members of the House, I would also like — on behalf of myself, my wife Irene and the IFP — to pay tribute to Mrs Tambo, who was not only a mother to us in the sense in which she was to all South Africans, but a friend of many years.

In paying tribute to her I would like to say that one thing that I will never forget in what remains of my own life is the fact that even when, after having worked for many, many decades with her late husband, Mr Oliver Tambo, and things changed because of differences in strategy, she never changed or adopted a different attitude towards us.

I would like to pay tribute to you, Mr President, for the tribute you paid to Mrs Tambo at her funeral service was a befitting tribute, not only because you were doing so on behalf of all of us, but also because it was an example of sons paying tribute to their mothers, because she was more than a mother to you personally.

Thirteen years into our democratic experience, it seems that a new tone and a new hope have come to characterise this debate. We feel that in his address our President has opened the door to a more sober, self-reflecting and pragmatic approach, and I hope that his new tone will now offer this debate the opportunity of finally listening to things which have often been spoken of within this House, but rarely recorded and acted upon.

The President has embraced the serenity to admit that we face dramatic challenges which we must address with possibly drastic actions. This is a turning point in the history of our Republic.

We must respond to the President with a cross-party approach which creates a new spirit of national unity in dealing with these challenges. I appeal to both sides of the aisle to consider the need to join hands to provide our contribution in our respective roles by placing the interest of the country above that of our own parties or politics in general.

We must not belittle the enormity of what we have achieved in the past 13 years. Indeed our democratic experience has, thus far, been extraordinarily successful and admirable.

However, the healthiest of bodies will fall ill and possibly die on account of a single disease or wound. We must now turn the page and accept the need to focus our political attention not on what is going right, but rather on what is going wrong. It is in this spirit that, on this occasion, one should not enumerate the long list of things for which our government ought to be rightly praised. Praise is undoubtedly due, but this is neither the time nor the occasion for it.

For 13 years, on this occasion, I have sounded the warning that the rising spiral of crime would undermine the gains of our liberation. Indeed, I sounded these warnings since the ANC began its campaign to make townships ungovernable, destroy our education system and undermine any notion of authority, legality and social co-existence as strategies for our liberation struggle. We have now reached the point in which it is not Mangosuthu Buthelezi alone stating that crime is out of control, but the reality of crime being out of control has finally been recognised domestically and internationally.

Three years ago I stood at this rostrum, if I may remind you, declaring that I knew no one who had neither been a victim of crime nor did not live in fear of becoming one. From the highest level, that of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party, the retort came that no one was in fact known to be in such a position. I can never forget the raucous, derisive laughter that shook the benches of the ruling party, who saw me as bonkers when I made this statement. [Laughter.]

This syndrome of denial has bedevilled our government much more than the problem itself, and part of this syndrome has also been an often unexpressed apologetic attitude, suggesting that crime is an inevitable by- product of poverty and that it affects only a privileged few.

However, I do not wish to give the impression that I believe that the government is somehow soft on crime. Of course government wants to eradicate crime — I know this, I was in government for 10 years – who does not? But we must, to purloin a famous phrase, “be tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime”.

For more than half a century I have carried the burden of governing a community of thousands of people who are among the poorest of the poor. Nobody has anything to teach me about poverty. I do not need to read the AU and UN reports on poverty to learn about it, even though I welcome its recent findings about the levels of hardship in South Africa. It is just plainly not true that poverty alone causes crime. It is the disintegration, rather, of the social fabric of society which turns poverty into a breeding ground for crime. [Applause.]

It is also absurd to continue to suggest that crime is only the problem of the rich or of white people. The rich amongst us have ways and means to cope with crime, protected as they are by high walls, sophisticated security systems, armed response and vicious dogs. [Laughter.] Today the largest number of victims of crime are amongst the poor, including the older people attacked in townships by youngsters who pillage their wages at the end of a hard week’s work, or the small emerging businesses trading in rural and growing urban areas alike.

We must stop blaming the police for what is in effect police in action. Too often policemen are terrified of themselves becoming victims of crime as criminals know where they live and because of that they are open to retaliation with no defence. We have rising numbers of assassinations of police every year. Truth be told, everyone, including the Police Service, has been abandoned and neglected by the state. We need to strengthen the state to change this state of affairs.

I often despair at how politics seems to be the only field of human endeavour in which words are often confused for thoughts and thoughts confused for actions. It is not our talking about crime that will solve the problem. We need to multiply the police force manifold, and even far beyond what our President suggested. We need to boost their equipment, skyrocket their budgets and expand their training.

We must also break down the absurdity of a nationally organised, structured and directed police force. Throughout the world the most efficient police forces are structured, organised and directed at the local level to reflect the fact that the overwhelming majority of crime is in fact localised in scope and activities.

And yet the Police Service is being further centralised at the present time as I speak to you today. The post of area commissioner is being abolished in many areas. I learnt only last week that there was no longer an area commissioner in the Ulundi region, where I live.

We must also become serious in addressing the crime problem by solving the disastrous conditions of our judiciary, and we must not be priggish about it. Under our circumstances we must pass legislation compelling judges to deliver their judgements or sentences within two months of trial. [Interjections.][Applause.] The tardiness and often outright laziness of some judges have become part of the problem. We must also create investigative structures within the judiciary and the police to halt the convenient disappearance of dockets which has become so common.

More importantly, we need to have the courage to overhaul our antiquated criminal and civil procedures so that the bulk of judicial activities can be removed from our courtrooms and be dealt with in pretrial, as is the practice in many other countries. This reform alone would effectively multiply overnight, and at no cost to the state, the number of judges, courtroom hours and judicial infrastructure available to our fight against crime and our judicial system in general.

In fact, the problem is not just on the criminal side, as there is no real justice when an average civil case must take three years to deliver redress to the aggrieved party. It is a well-know maxim in our jurisprudence that “justice delayed is justice denied”.

At a deeper level, Madam Speaker, your Excellency the President, your Excellency the Deputy President, hon Ministers and hon members, we need to go back to basics and inculcate a respect agenda amongst our youth. A transforming society such as ours need not be an uncivilised society. The seeds of crime and lawlessness are often sown at a young age, and we must bring back a sense of respect in our schools, communities, townships and cities.

I’m sure those who were with me in Cabinet when Madiba was President will remember when the Bill abolishing corporal punishment came before us. Madiba was sitting next to me and our President was sitting on his other side as then Deputy President. I said: “You know, the President would not be sitting here if he didn’t get some whacking when he was young.” [Laughter.] And Madiba said: “He’s right! He’s right! He’s right!” [Laughter.]

When one considers that the ANC is the ruling party of our country, it is unsurprising that the flames of violence and crime are fomented when members of the ruling party insult and abuse the Head of State, even before a visiting head of state. I personally witnessed this with great shame when the President was hosting the Prime Minister of India, Dr Manmohan Singh, in Durban. Even worse, it took place when the occasion was the celebration of Mahatma Gandhi’s Satyagraha.

As if this was not enough, despite my appeal before this national forum for people to show the respect that should rightly be accorded to the Head of State, members of the ruling party once again hurled insults at the President on the sombre occasion of the interment of the mortal remains of an African stalwart, Mr Moses Mabhiba, in Pietermaritzburg.

Ukukhipha umhlonishwa uMongameli ngaphansi kukanina ichilo. Ungene ngani umta kaMoerane nxa nizicabela izikhundla? [Calling the hon President “under his mother’s skirts” is a disgrace. What the heck does Moerane’s child have to do with you paving the way for top positions?]

This behaviour, if I may say so, is foreign to our African culture, which has always been rooted in respect. What kind of example does this set for our country? Can we not disagree without being disagreeable? Are we surprised that crime is escalating out of control when we consider what happened in Khutsong and during the Satawu strike? I stood before you here, hon members, for many years, pleading with government to awaken from its denial of the HIV and Aids pandemic. We need to have the courage to go through the unsettling process of awakening to many other arenas which have been discussed in this House, but often with little practical outcome. These are the challenges of poverty, corruption, unemployment and, of course, HIV and Aids.

We must address corruption apart from crime, as it is becoming a phenomenon in its own right, which, like a cancer, is pervading the matrix of government and civil society, and is becoming part of common mindsets. Unless we put a stop to it, we shall be facing disaster. Too often meritorious government programmes are not launched because they lack politically interested patrons, while political clientele have promoted deals, programmes and activities that are either not in the interests of the state, or are grossly overpaid.

The recent cover story in the Financial Mail about dealership shocked us all. We must face up to the fact that the impeccable legislation we put in place is not addressing this problem. Perhaps we will need to establish a qualified and internationally representative fact-finding commission, which can suggest ways and means to stop corruption before corruption stops anything which is noble and pure in our Republic. Let us be bold that corruption is a heinous crime. Our economy is doing better than many expected. However, little of its success, or perhaps lack of failure, can be ascribed to the action of government. Employment generation programmes have not succeeded, and most people in this House would be hard pressed to exactly name such programmes or projects, and how they are operating in their own constituencies.

Our training programmes have been financed by 1% of our nation’s payroll for more than five years now, and we are still far from the beneficial results which we would expect to flow from this huge expense. We have often talked about the need to introduce much-needed flexibility into our labour market, but little has been done about it in practice. And it is not for the failure of government in this case, as you know. You remember that I once told you of a certain chant, which almost became a second anthem in this country: “Asiyifuni’ iGear”. [“We do not want Gear.”] [Laughter.]

Our economy is suffering because young people, especially young people from the previously disadvantaged groups who are now ready to make their contributions in the workplace, cannot find employment opportunities because they are not allowed to replace less competent people hired at their expense. This is especially true within our Public Service. We have focused so much on our affirmative action programme that we may have failed to be alive to the need to enable a second and third wave of beneficiaries of these programmes to provide their essential contribution. We have a stated policy of encouraging foreign investment, and yet our actual programmes do not compete with those of other countries. In addition, our obsolete exchange control regulations have become a major impairment to any small foreign business investing in South Africa. They are administered in an arbitrary and autocratic manner by the Reserve Bank, which is not even part of our government, even though the Constitution requires it to be an organ of state.

We must have the courage to rein in and reform the Reserve Bank … [Applause.] … and perhaps like its prototype, the Bank of England, we should nationalise it, so that it may no longer be owned by private entities or even foreigners. Within this context it would be appropriate to fulfil the promise made by our government as early as 1996, that exchange controls would be abolished.

These are all painful and necessary measures. We cannot continue to rely on declaration of policy to bring about change. We must avoid kneejerk reactions to protect what we have for fear of letting in a better alternative. I am very saddened by the disintegration of the system of migration control, which was so laboriously put in place when I was the Minister of Home Affairs. I am not sad just because it obliterated ten years of my work and five years of the work of Cabinet and Parliament. I am sad because we told the world that our country needs foreign skills to ramp up economic growth and employment.

Having made that statement in the past three years, this Parliament has hastened to undermine the very law that embodies it. The message we send to the world could not be clearer, that we want the outside world’s contribution but we are ready to bite the hand that delivers it.

I fear that we are still to gain a better collective understanding of the hard rules of the age of globalisation. We must make investments to produce South African technology and products to be sold in the market place of the global village, while opening our doors to foreign products, services and people.

I do not understand why our government should impose duties which force our people to pay twice as much for motor vehicles bought in this country than people pay overseas. This even applies in respect of vehicles produced in South Africa which are sold at higher prices than abroad, because of the protectionism of import duties.

All this is self-defeating, as it makes us uncompetitive. Similarly, I cannot understand who we are really benefiting by continuing the absurd monopoly of telecommunications, which leads all of us to pay as much as 10 times for our phone services as people in other countries. Equally damaging is the fact that our country is not ready for the new technologies such as direct satellite communications and voice-over internet protocol, which are rapidly replacing the old telecommunication dinosaurs to which we cling. The same could be said of our banking system. In the end our short- sightedness damages our children and their posterity.

Madam Speaker, your Excellency our President, I appreciate that the challenges are grave, that they are great, and that there are many. We are even facing a climate of declining political leadership and rising political turmoil. It is saddening for our Republic that on this day we have heard perhaps one of the last parliamentary addresses from one of South Africa’s greatest sons and patriots, the hon Tony Leon, MP, the Leader of the official Opposition.

I think all sides of the House would wish to join me in acknowledging that he possesses a very subtle ability to marshal words and ideas to sustain his case, and then use them to devastating effect against his political opponents. [Laughter.] That, importantly, is how Mr Leon sees those on the opposite benches. He sees them as opponents, not enemies. Mr Leon has always consistently and fearlessly championed the centrality of the institution of Parliament to our way of life, even as its powers have been steadily eroded. I say this notwithstanding the stridency, which, as I have pointed out, was often misheard by African ears. [Laughter.]

For this reason, I wish to conclude by referring again to my initial appeal. In the looming shadow of a leadership crisis, the weak will turn to create conflicts, as we can see. It is for the strong and the wise to recognise that this is the time to rise above political conflicts, and force national unity in the relentless struggle against crime, HIV and Aids, unemployment, corruption and poverty.

I urge the consolidation of all the political forces that are not within the control or sphere of influence of the ruling party, so that together we may provide a joint constructive and solid contribution towards a dynamic democracy. Faced, as we are, with approaching political turmoil and uncertainty, we must invoke, once again, the spirit of national unity and work together in our respective roles of the ruling party and the opposition to promote the success of our Republic and the rule of democracy. May God so help and inspire us. Dlamini![Thank you!] [Applause.]

Ms C C SEPTEMBER: Thank you, Madam Speaker. Comrade President Thabo Mbeki, Comrade Deputy President, hon members, comrades and fellow South Africans, this year, 2007, we enter the last five years that would conclude the celebration of the centenary of the birth of the ANC. This is an occasion whose significance will surely resonate across our land. Our commitment, therefore, is to intensify the struggle against poverty as we advance in unity towards 2012. Phambili! [Forward!]

Attacking poverty and deprivation remains the first priority of the democratic movement. Improving the quality of life of all South Africans, in particular the most poor and marginalised sections of our community, remains central in transforming South Africa. In attacking poverty towards the eradication and elimination thereof, the ANC-led government continues to focus the attention of South Africa towards eliminating hunger, providing land and housing, access to safe water and sanitation, affordable and sustainable energy, eliminating illiteracy, raising the quality of education and training for our children, protecting the environment, and access and improving the health of all our people.

Today we, those of us in the social transformation cluster of the ANC here in Parliament, renew our pledge to speak together of freedom, to act in partnership to realise happiness, and through our programme of oversight in Parliament this year to attempt to respond to agreeing: “Enough of everything that made our country to contain within it and represent much that is ugly and repulsive in human society”, as you said on Friday, Comrade President.

Die kern van ons program sal wees om die fokus op parlementêre toesig te verbeter en in die debat te fokus op die wegdoen van apartheidspatrone en om nie-rassige menslike vestiging en grondhervorming daar te stel. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The crux of our programme will be to improve the focus on parliamentary oversight and to focus in the debate on doing away with apartheid patterns and to bring about nonracial human settlement and land reform.]

The strides made in sport transformation in the past decade have gone back a few steps in some instances, as more limitations are now being placed on women, on rural communities, on the youth and people with disabilities aspiring to become national athletes.

Our oversight and constituency focus, therefore, would be to galvanise the South African population into a united force, not only to deliver the best ever Soccer World Cup, but to emerge as a nation united in our diversity with the common purpose to create a better South Africa and Africa. Thus it will be prudent to identify a common theme for the World Cup, one that would lend itself towards social cohesion.

Verder, wat die vroeë ontwikkeling van die kind betref, kan menige ouer weens uiterste armoede steeds nie daarin slaag om aan hulle kinders ’n veilige omgewing te verskaf nie. Baie ouers in hierdie situasie kan ook nie die nodige gebalanseerde voeding, ’n gesonde leefstyl en kwaliteit opvoeding voorsien nie. Daardie kinders wat fisiek of sielkundig gestrem is, ondervind steeds die las van stigma en diskriminasie op alle vlakke in die samelewing. Dit sluit in skole wat nie oor die nodige infrastruktuur en hulpbronne beskik om in hulle spesiale behoeftes te voorsien nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.) [Furthermore, as far as the early development of the child is concerned, many parents still cannot manage to provide a safe environment for their children as a result of extreme poverty. Many parents in this situation also cannot provide the necessary balanced nutrition, a healthy lifestyle and quality education. Those children who are physically or mentally challenged still bear the brunt of stigma and discrimination at all levels in society. This includes schools that do not have the necessary infrastructure and resources to provide in their special needs.]

The cluster will, therefore, also focus on ensuring that adult basic education and training is more accessible and expanded. In so doing we would encourage the utilisation of empty school buildings, and in the process ensure that poor families steadily move out of the shackles of poverty.

The cluster will also ensure that all poor children are prioritised in programmes such as the no-fees schools, free basic water provision, electricity, proper sanitation, free quality health services and social security. Our people in South Africa deserve dignity, and therefore the ANC is committed to eradicating the bucket system by December 2007 and towards providing decent sanitation for all. Indeed, the ANC prides itself on spending more money on water and sanitation than on arms … amanzi [water], of course.

These are our noble objectives of eradicating poverty. Comrade President, to provide the freedom and happiness that comes with liberty, the bucket system must go in the Free State. It must go in the Eastern Cape. It must go in North West, in Mpumalanga, in the Western Cape, Northern Cape, Gauteng, Limpopo and KwaZulu-Natal. The cluster will do the following to ensure that this happens: It will do a detailed oversight programme in all the nine provinces; it will involve our constituency offices to monitor the progress; and also ask our ANC branches to form broad forums of development in pursuit of eradicating the bucket system.

With regard to the centenary of the ANC, we want to state that the Freedom Charter has found expression and implementation in South Africa, and we want to feel and live the freedom and happiness that come with this liberty. As we do this, we need to turn our attention towards the areas that in some instances have fallen short with regard to our own and our people’s expectations, and one such area in many instances is the area of social exclusion. Those areas would cover instances of the plight of the long-term and intermittently unemployed, who are single parents sometimes. In many instances they are referred to as the means-tested category.

While taxes do assist, the composition of the poor differs and it reflects different welfare state emphases. The question is: Who bears the brunt? It differs from the youth to women, from old to young, from urban to rural. What are the ages of the people who are the long-term unemployed? It matters for skills development; it matters for shared growth. The UIF does make this differentiation. Job-training policies are also a way to combat social exclusion. Raising the skills level increases the hiring of disadvantaged groups, thus raising productivity, but training and economic growth complements each other. Programmes to keep track of and retain all who have undergone various forms of Seta training and other training may make them part of insertion, instead of them searching in vain for employment.

Miskien moet daar gekyk word na projekte soos die programme van die Departement van Openbare Werke wat ons reeds het, of vervaardigingsprogramme wat die hele gemeenskap sal bevoordeel – programme wat miskien diegene wat tans uitgesluit word, in staat sal stel om deel te neem en om sosialisering in spesifieke kulture te bevorder, of dit nou koöperasies, ondernemings, die staatsdiens of gemeenskapsbehoeftes is. In teenstelling met belastingvoordele, deregulering en ander winsgedrewe motiewe, behoort die doel eerder te wees om die skep van werk- en besigheidsgeleenthede na te strewe, met die doel om sosiale uitsluiting teen te werk. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Maybe projects such as the programmes of the Department of Public Works which we already have, or production programmes that would benefit the entire community, should be looked into – programmes that maybe allow those who are currently excluded to participate and to promote socialising in specific cultures, be it co-operatives, enterprises, the Public Service or the needs of the community. In contrast to tax benefits, deregulation and other profit-driven motives, the aim should rather be to create job and business opportunities, with a view to working against social exclusion.]

The ANC speaks with confidence because it has been at the head of this national effort to change our country for the better. Working with you in a people’s contract to create work and fight poverty, we are confident of success. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, …

… siyambona notata ka-Annanias Mathe ukhona apha namhlanje, utat’ uBalfour. [Kwahlekwa.] [… I see that Annanias Mathe’s father, Mr Balfour, is present here today. [Laughter.]]

Let me thank President Mbeki for an issue-driven speech that touched upon most of the pressing concerns facing this country. Indeed, I think we should heartily welcome his repeated references to unity, partnership and joint initiatives.

The President’s appeal for unity and Madam Speaker’s theme for the year: “Masijule ngengxoxo, Mzansi – Let us deepen the debate South Africa”, indicate that we, as South Africans, have not yet found one another on a number of issues. We normally notice this with some of the emotional and controversial laws that we have passed in this House. Sometimes I get the feeling that we are leaving our population behind. Perhaps the electoral system we have plays a role in this.

To deepen this discussion, it will have to be inclusive as much as possible. Perhaps it might not be a bad idea to form a steering committee composed of all South African stakeholders to begin to identify areas where we need to deepen the debate as a nation.

Such a process should culminate in a national convention where resolutions would be taken. Those that require the attention of this House can come to this House; those that require the attention of the executive would be referred to the executive. This is the type of action that I believe is required. We cannot simply talk of unity and deeper debates if they do not result in something concrete.

I am sure that there are many issues that the public wants us to debate and address, for instance the floor-crossing issue that was introduced merely to accommodate ex-National Party political orphans. Yet it has taken years for the public’s views to be heard, and it will take more years for the debates to actually happen and for the necessary changes to be made.

Why do we, as South Africans, yearn for unity when it should go without saying that we are all united in our citizenship and commitment to democracy? It is because we live in a divided country. We have a history of being divided, and today we continue to find not only some of the old divisions, but also new ones: black versus white; rich versus poor; healthy versus sick; rural versus urban; suburb versus slum; victim versus criminal; employed versus jobless and government versus the people. This should not be the case and it need not be that way.

With all these divisions, it is easy to fall into a defensive mentality and to adopt an attitude of “us versus them”. This is the reason so much of our national debate has become trapped in the same, shallow clichés and stereotypes.

Take, for instance, the issue of crime and the whole FNB saga. [Interjections.] Bayangxola aba bantu bahleli ngasekhohlo. [The people on my left are making a noise.]

It demonstrates that we are still miles apart and divided regarding approach, even when we agree that something needs to be done. FNB and others might legitimately feel that government should be petitioned to ensure that crime is top priority, because it undermines business, job creation and foreign investment.

On the other hand, others might ask: “But where was this concern in the ‘90s under President De Klerk’s government, when thousands were massacred in violent crime?” Indeed, others would argue that FNB’s approach is nothing but a corrosively subliminal rejection of black rule. From my experience of FNB, however, it is a pity that they find themselves in this situation because they took risks in the past by providing services to the progressive forces when it was not politically correct to do so.

FNB also built a home for football, which was considered a pariah sport for blacks by the apartheid regime. It should also be remembered that FNB is one of the main sponsors of the 2010 Soccer World Cup. I’m sure when their actions hit the international newswires, the prophets of doom who think that we cannot host the World Cup jumped up and down and said: “You see, we told you so. Look at their main sponsor.” Perhaps with hindsight, their decision not to proceed has prevented further divisions and polarisation of society around the issue of crime.

In the cause of seeking that unity and of deepening the debate, allow me to expand upon some of the important issues that the President raised here in this House last week. Firstly, regarding crime, government should recognise that a crime-fighting operation must be managed by crime fighters.

A review of the police management structure is required. We need experienced policemen and policewomen at the highest level. Just as we wouldn’t appoint anybody but a career soldier to lead our soldiers in defence of the nation, so we should not expect anybody but a career police officer to lead us in the fight against crime. It is hard to sustain unity of purpose when we do not have faith in the person leading us.

Whilst we call on government for drastic action, we need to consider all the factors that fuel violent crimes. The fact is that firearms are the common denominator in the many violent crimes that are committed in this country. We need to consider how we can drastically reduce the number of firearms that are on our streets. Perhaps it is time to say that firearms should not leave the home or property of the owner, so that it is only the police and the security forces that can legally bring guns on the street.

I agree with President Mbeki that we need to regulate the private security industry better, and that only those with valid reasons should be allowed firearms. We could then ask the SA Police Service, with the assistance of the Defence Force, to hold regular, random roadblocks to search for firearms.

I am certain that the public, if it stands united behind this initiative, would assist the authorities and we could begin to remove the licensed and unlicensed guns that are used in violent crimes. Such an initiative would require give-and-take from society, and certainly a great deal of patience would be required with the roadblocks. Thus it should perhaps be run on a trial basis for 6 to 12 months, and then be re-evaluated. Another aspect of crime that seems to have come to the fore as we battle against arrogant, violent and organised criminals is that there is a complicit market involved in most crimes. If violent crime is a beast, then its soft underbelly are the members of the public who buy stolen and illegal goods. It is they who provide the criminals with an income by being willing to buy that cheap cellphone or car part, DVD, cigarettes, brand clothing or banned substances. We should arrest and sentence these people to embarrassing community service.

Hardened criminals might be difficult to reform, but I suspect that the misguided buyers of illicit goods will respond positively to community service and the threat of prison. In this way we can begin to make crime less profitable by destroying the market for stolen goods.

If we speak of being unified as a nation against criminals, then the nation must understand that consorting with criminals will not be tolerated.

The SPEAKER: Liphelile ixesha lakho, tata. [Your time has expired, hon member.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Hayi bo, ndisathetha nje. Kutheni uphelisa ixesha lam? Awulawuleki he! Enkosi. [Kwahlekwa.] [Kwaqhwatywa.] [No, I still have something to say. Why are you telling me to stop now? You are uncontrollable. Thank you. [Laughter.] [Applause.]]

Nmz J B SIBANYONI: Somlomo wePalamende, ngilotjhisa uMongameli nePhini lakhe, begodu ngilotjhisa nani noke malunga wePalamende kilomnyaka omutjha we-2007.

Ngizokhuluma isikhethu, isiNdebele, khona isitjhaba sizangizwa kuhle bonyana ngithini. IsiNdebele ngelinye lamalimi ekhabe aqalelwa phasi ekadeni. Ngithula ikulumo le ngesiNdebele ngokuhlonipha namkha ngokukhumbula iNgwenyama uNdebele, umsunguli wesitjhaba samaNdebele, okhabe angenye yamadodana kaNguni. Emnyakeni lo, ngenyanga ezako uNtaka, emnyanyeni wakoMjekejeke eMetsweding hlanu kweTshwane, kuzabe kukhunjulwa begodu kukhulunywa ngomlando weNgwenyama uNdebele neNgwenyama uSilamba.

Ekulumeni yakhe yomnyaka uMongameli ukhulume ngomzabalazo wokuqeda umthlago wathi: “The struggle to eradicate poverty has been and will continue to be a central part of the national effort to build the new South Africa.”

Ngijama nayo ikulumo le begodu ngifuna ukukhuluma ngokwenzeka endaweni engithunyelwe kiyo, iKungwini Parliamentary Constituency Office, PCO. I-PCO le isebenzela isifunda sangeMetsweding soke, ekuyindawo emaplasi wokufuya newokulima. Ngombana iyi-Regional PCO, ifaka indawo yange Bronkhorstpruit neyange-Cullinan. Kwanjesi isitjhaba sesiyawalemuka amahlelo wokuthuthukisa enziwa mbuso. Ngenyanga kaNobayeni nyakenye nangoTjhirhweni nonyaka, thina be-PCO yeKungwini, savakatjhela amahlelo wokuzithuthukisa enziwa mphakathi. Kunabomma bangeKangala, konoBhalarhana, abasungula ihlelo balithiya bathi “yiManzini Wonder Brick Co-operatives.” Sinobaba uKabini, abantu bathi ngu- Mayor for Life, owabasiza ngokuthi babandulwe mantangi khona bangazokubhalelwa msebenzi wabo begodu batlolise ne-co-operative yabo. UMasipala weKungwini noweMetsweding wabasiza ngokubabhorela amanzi, wabapha iingolovana, idrada nokunye kokubasiza emsebenzini wabo wokuforoma iintina.

Begodu, khona ngeKangala kunabanye abomma abasarha imithi emikhulu - le eqeda amanzi. Bayayibasa benze ngayo i-charcoal. Abanye abomma banehlelo lokufuya iimfarigi, bazithengise.

Savakatjhela godu nabanye abomma abanehlelo lokuqotha indlala, i- Rethabiseng Food and Vegetable Gardens. UmNyango wezokuLima e-Gauteng wabapha izinto zokulima nembewu yokutjala. Kwanjesi bakghona ukuvuna, bathengise bafumane imali yokuziphilisa bona nabantababo. Sebanobuphilo obungcono.

Godu ngoNobayeni nyakenye, umNyango wezokuLima e-Gauteng wasungula amahlelo we-Agricultural Micro-Credit Fund, i-Mafisa, eMetsweding azokunabiselwa kiwo woke amaWadi.

I-PCO yeKungwini isebenzise ijima lesifunda se-Gauteng elibizwa “i-Making Our Schools Work Campaign.” Ijimeli liqaliswe kinazi izinto ezimbili:

No learner is excluded on the basis of not having school fees.

We strengthen school governance and safety in school by working with SGBs and CPFs.

Ama-SGB ayabandulwa khona azokghona ukwenza umsebenzi wawo ngcono. Kwenziwa namano wokuqalana nokuphepha eenkolweni. Kunehlelo lesikhatjhana lokufaka idrada eenkolweni.

Mongameli,isitjhaba sangeMetsweding singithume kuwe, ngombana batjho sona sigcina ngokubona uMongameli ku-TV nemaphephandabeni kwaphela. Abanye batjho bagcina ngokumuzwa nakakhuluma emrhatjhweni. Batjho ngombana mina ngikwazi ukumbona ngamehlo wenyama nokukhuluma naye, ngimtjele, UMongameli, bonyana abantu basatlhaga emaplasinapha, batlhagiswa banikazi bamaplasi. Bagirizelwa izindlu zabo ngeengaragara, bayaqothwa ngemaplasini, abanye bafuzelwe imizi ngekani, bayokulahlwa hlanu kwendlela.

Umnikazi weplasi e-Boschkop, wabetha umuntu obegade atjhayela ibhesi yabantwana besikolo ambangisa, bonyana uthela ikoloyi yakhe ngethuli. Omunye batjho walayitjhwa mnikazi weplasi; wawela endleleni angamboni; wambona sele abuya. Umuntu lo wabulungwa ngaphandle kokutjelwa komndeni wakhe.

Abantu abaqothiweko, Mongameli, nanje basahlala eholweni yomphakathi we- Roodeplaat, abanye bahlala e-testing ground yeMetsweding. UMongameli lokha nakakhuluma ngehlelo lokubuyiselwa kweenarha, uthe:

While the land restitution programme has resulted in more settlements in the recent period, we still need to put in extra effort in dealing with remaining cases.

Kunamaqhegu amabili wakwaMahlangu, kwaDima, elinye ngelakwa Mothupi. Elidala lineminyaka ema-82 begodu mabili la, aneminyaka ema-77. Akhamba ngamadondolo. BakwaDima bafika eplasini ngomnyaka we-1939, uMothupi wafika ngomnyaka we-1960. Inarha kwamva yathengwa yimayini yeGolide, engasasebenziko kwanjesi. Isibawo sabo sokubuyiselwa inarha nanje asikaqedwa. Kwanjesi sele batshwenywa mnikazi weplasi ohlanu kwabo. Uthumela abahloli bomNyango wezokuLima bonyana abatlhorise. Batjho baphungule ifuyo yabo begodu basuse nesirhalarhala. Kodwana yena, umakhelwana lo, ufuye iinkomo ezinengi, nesirhalarhala sinengi ngeplasini lakhe.

Amaqhegu la gade avele phambi kwekhotho yange-Bronkhorstspruit. Kurareke nomarhastrada, uSkhosana wathi yena akasegisi, bekathumele ngejele abantu abarhola umndende, kodwana uthumela iinlelesi. Omunye wabobababa, Mongameli, uthe ngikutjele bonyana uneminyaka ema-82, begodu uyathoma ukungena ngekhotho ebuphilweni bakhe. Ngemaplasinapha batjho ubuphilo busafana nekadeni, kwamanye amaplasi, batjho bumbi buphala ubuphilo bekadeni. Batjho idemokhrasi yeSewula Afrika ngemapulasinapha abakayiboni.

Ngifuna ukutjho bonyana lokha navane ngikhuluma emrhatjhweni, umphakathi vane uthi ubawa amalunga wePalamende bonyana uwufundise ngamahlelo kaMongameli. Ngithokoza godu lokha UMongameli nakaswaphelisa ikulumo yakhe athi:

Let us all roll up our sleeves and get down to work, fully understanding that the task to build the South Africa for which we yearn, is a common responsibility we all share.

Mongameli ngiphethe iincwadi neenthombe, ezinye iincwadi zivela ekhotho, zabantu abaqothwa makhotho bebalahlelwe eentradeni. Ngiphethe godu nesithombe esibonisa umuntu owabethwa likhuwa, limbethela bonyana ulithela ngethuli. Ikhuwelo azange libotjhwe. Ngiphethe godu nombiko ovela kumasipala weKungwini wabaqothwe emapulasini newalabo abagirizelwe izindlu. Ngithanda ukutjho bonyana nasakha isitjhaba seSewula Afrika, sithola bonyana izintwezi zimraro omkhulu esiqalene nawo. Ngiyathokoza. (Translation of isiNdebele speech follows.)

[Mr J B SIBANYONI: Speaker of Parliament, I greet the President and his Deputy, and also Members of Parliament in the new year, 2007. I will speak my language isiNdebele, so that the nation can clearly understand what I am saying. IsiNdebele is one of those languages that were marginalized. I deliver this speech in isiNdebele in the honour of King Ndebele who started the Ndebele nation. This year March, at koMjekejeke in Metsweding next to Tshwane, there will be a commemoration of King Ndebele and King Silamba.

In this year’s state of the nation address, the President spoke about the struggle to eradicate poverty, and said:

The struggle to eradicate poverty has been and will continue to be a central part of the national effort to build the new South Africa.

I support the President’s speech because I want to talk about what is happening in the place that I was sent to, Kungwini Parliamentary Constituency Office, PCO. The PCO works for the whole Metsweding region, which is a rural place for land and stock farming. Because it is the regional PCO, it covers Bronkhorstpruit and Cullinan.

Now, the nation understands the developmental programmes undertaken by the state. In December last year and January this year, Kungwini PCO visited the self-empowerment projects undertaken by the community. There are women at eKangala, in Bhalarhani’s place, who have started a project and named it “Manzini Wonder Brick Co-operatives”. We have Mr Kabini, known as the Mayor for life, who assisted them to get training first, so that they could work effectively and also to register their co-operative. Both Kungwini and Metsweding Municipality assisted with water boreholes, donated wheelbarrows, fencing and other forms of assistance that is related to their job of brick manufacturing.

Again in eKangala there are women who saw trees that absorb a lot of water. They burn these trees and turn it into charcoal. Other women are running a piggery project and sell these pigs.

We visited women who have a poverty alleviation project, Rethabiseng Food and Vegetable Gardens. The Gauteng Department of Agriculture donated farming equipment and seeds. Now, they are able to harvest and sell their products to get money for themselves and their kids to survive and, indeed, they have a better life.

Again in December last year, the Gauteng Department of Agriculture started a programme called the Agricultural Micro-Credit Fund, Mafisa. This programme will be spread across the Metsweding wards.

The Kungwini PCO used the Gauteng campaign called “Making Our Schools Work Campaign.” This campaign focuses on the following two issues: No learner is excluded on the basis of not having school fees; we strengthen school governance and safety in school by working with SGBs and CPFs.

The SGBs are now trained to perform their job better. There are also strategic plans, which focus on safety in schools and there is also an interim programme to fence schools.

President, I have been sent to you by the Metsweding community, because they only see the President on TV, in the newspapers and hear him on the radio. They said because I’m able to see the President face-to-face and talk to him, I must tell the President that people on some farms are still being harassed by the farm owners, who destroy their houses by using bulldozers, and evict them by force and throw them along the roadside.

A farm owner in Boschkop beat the bus driver who was transporting schoolchildren and accused him of raising dust in front of his car. It is alleged that the other person who was taken with the farm owner fell off along the road, without the farmer noticing, and that the farmer only saw him when he came back. The deceased was buried without the knowledge of his next of kin.

Evicted people are still living in Roodeplaat community hall and others in Metsweding testing ground. When the President talks about the land restitution programme, he said: “While the land restitution programme has resulted in more settlements in the recent period, we still need to put extra effort into dealing with remaining cases.”

Two old men, one from the Mahlangu family, Dima, and the other from the Mothupi family, use walking sticks. The eldest is 82 years old and the other is 77 years old. The Dima family arrived at the farm in 1939 and the Mothupi family arrived in 1960. The land was later bought by the owners of the gold mine, which has now closed down. Their land claim is not finalised yet. They are now being harassed by the farm owner next to them. He sends the inspectors from the Department of Agriculture to harass them. He says they must reduce their farm stock and remove a poisonous plant that kills cattle. But he himself has a herd of cattle and a lot of poisonous plants.

These old men appeared before the Bronkhorstpruit magistrates’ court. Magistrate Skhosana was shocked, and said that he was not going to judge and send people who receive a government grant to prison and that he only sent criminals to prison. The other man, Mr President … they said I should tell you that he was 82 years old and that that was his first appearance before a court of law. They say that on some farms life is not like what it used to be before the new dispensation. They also say that on some farms conditions are worse than it used to be in the past, and they haven’t yet seen the South African democracy.

I would like to say, when I speak on radio, that the community requests members of Parliament to teach them about the presidential programmes. I would also like to thank the President for ending his speech by saying:

Let us all roll up our sleeves and get down to work, fully understanding that the task to build the South Africa for which we yearn, is a common responsibility we all share.

President, I have letters and pictures, some letters are from the court, for people who were evicted and thrown on the streets. I also have a picture that shows a person who was beaten by a white person, who accused him of raising dust in front of him. That white person was not arrested. I also have eviction reports and that of those whose houses were destroyed. I would like to say while building the South African nation, we find that we are still facing these problems. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, let me start by thanking the hon President for his honesty in admitting some of the shortcomings that we are facing in our country. For that you must be applauded. However, some of these shortcomings are a direct result of our government’s policies over the past twelve years.

There’ve been noticeable achievements in that time, but there have also been short-sighted decisions. In a speech to a Public Service managers’conference in 2004, the Minister of Finance, Trevor Manuel, said, and I quote:

… in many aspects of management, we are failing the poor. It is a failure of our management systems and of our managers. It is our collective failure.

The ID welcomes the government’s gradual return to its social democratic roots, after the largely unsuccessful policy of Gear. As social democrats, the ID supports the developmental state, but the tragic irony that confronts us is that we desperately need a strong state to bridge the socioeconomic divides of the past while in reality we have a weak state.

Too many government departments are receiving qualified audits from the Auditor-General, and too many are underspending their budgets. The latter is criminal, and the ID is expecting you, hon President, to outline what action you are going to take against guilty Ministers. The challenge that we face is to make all government departments as efficient as the SA Revenue Service, in fact, we need to “sarsify” all of them.

For the ID the solution is simple. Instead of relying on the state apparatus to deliver on social goals, we need to form partnerships with all stakeholders, such as civil society, business and the public at large.

While the state lacks capacity, our people do not. On a whole range of issues, South Africans are crying out for action, and we need to channel the energy into a productive force for change. The government must unlock the capacity within our communities and organisations by creating a developmental model that builds social cohesion. The irony, Mr President, is that the Gear policy is not designed to create a developmental state.

The goal of the Reconstruction and Development Programme was to transform growth to benefit the majority of our people. The key elements in any development strategy, as Asgisa reiterates, must be to create employment on a massive scale to meet the basic needs of our people and to diversify the economy and exports.

This developmental vision cannot stop at BEE, making the rich more representative without addressing the suffering of the poor. The ID wants BEE to benefit workers and the poor, not only through employment equity and skills development, but also by doing far more to create employment.

Greater action should be taken against public servants and public representatives who steal from the state. The Shaik and Yengeni trials do not help to instil a new culture of law and order in our country. Neither does the fact that it is left up to the British and German prosecutors to finger South Africans involved in the arms deal corruption.

We must stop talking with a forked tongue, Mr President, about corruption, which bedevils the developmental agenda through the theft of resources from priority focus areas. We should also streamline extradition agreements between the European Union and ourselves, so that the guilty can be extradited.

Crime affects us all, Mr President. We’ve heard all the horror stories and some political parties have unwisely relived them on their websites. We should not use the suffering of our people for political gain, but rather channel our people’s anger into a force for positive change. It is said that out of crisis, opportunities arise. Many communities have been able to turn the tide on crime. We need to highlight these successes and replicate them throughout South Africa.

This is why the ID has consistently called for a crime summit. In August 2006, the ID discussed this idea with the Minister of Safety and Security, and we are still awaiting a positive response. The summit will set up an exchange of ideas and solutions between individuals, communities, civil society, business, churches, and government. It will enable us to act decisively against the criminal minority that is holding this country hostage.

We successfully overcame the criminal minority apartheid government, so that is not new to us. We also need to take a long, hard look at our society and ask why we are producing so many violent criminals. If government has failed to implement the crucial aspects of the National Crime Prevention Strategy, then let us as a nation help you to rectify the mistakes. Let us empower loyal and patriotic South Africans to help government achieve the social cohesion that you, Mr President, so eloquently spoke about on Friday.

Government engagement with all sectors is also an important pillar of the developmental state. I am also concerned about the attack on foreign diplomats and I appeal to you, Mr President, to ensure that our compliance with the Behenna Protocol is observed. A crime summit will produce a plan owned by all of us.

The ID is encouraged that you recognise that children between the ages of 14 and 18 are falling through the social assistance cracks. We again call on you, Mr President, to extend the child support grant to all children under the age of 18, because poverty does not magically disappear when they turn 14.

The ID also believes that the school nutrition scheme should be extended to high schools, to provide sustenance, and to ensure that our high school dropout rates are reduced.

Hon President, we need to see ourselves as a leading nation in this world, and be prepared to rise to the challenges confronting us at home and internationally. The ID will continue to offer constructive solutions to the challenges we face. I thank you. [Applause.] Mr W J SEREMANE: Madam Speaker, hon Mr President, hon Deputy President and hon members, given the time constraints I prefer to leave the usual praise singing to professionals. I would rather say this, Mdengeentonga Mr President: Masijule ngengxoxo, Mzansi, ka gore ntwakgolo keya molomo. [Let’s deepen the debate, South Africa, because people do differ in opinion.]

Briefly stated, we are not oblivious of the positives of South Africa’s Foreign Affairs policies and thrust, not only in Africa, but in the international sphere as well. For the commendable achievements we say, “Keep it up.” Only the best is good enough for South Africa. However, having said that, we would like to make a few points worth taking note of in order to rouse all of us from sitting lethargically on our proverbial laurels.

It seems there are two different kinds of human rights in South Arica. There is the ANC’s version of human rights that does not tally with the values and principles contained in the Bill of Rights in our South African Constitution. What has been repeated by actions often perhaps by the ANC, though not alone, is that you keep quiet about human rights abuses if the offender is a friend of the ruling party. The Constitution, on the other hand, states that: “The state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights in the Bill of Rights.”

Former President Mandela succinctly stated and understood the importance of human rights. In 1994 he wrote the following:

South Africa will not be indifferent to the rights of others. Human rights will be the light that guides our foreign affairs or policy.

I am sad to say, Mr President, that currently it is patently clear that what influences policy greatly and even undermines the very ideals expressed by Madiba is your party’s loyalty to those parties which you share a long history with, and thus you tend to turn a blind eye to the human abuses perpetrated by so-called friends in solidarity. We have to speak up when human rights are violated by all and sundry, friend and foe.

Mr President, human rights should, like never before, be the light that guides our foreign policy both on the African continent and in the world out there. Neither political loyalty nor struggle solidarity should override universal basic human rights or countenance human rights abuses by sheer reticence.

Much has been written, perhaps ad nauseam, about South Africa’s approach to Zimbabwe over the past four to five years, yet the problem has grown bigger. Yes, all role-players in Zimbabwe must together break the log jam and find amicable solutions like we did, but do not rule out the fact that we were all brought to the table by pressures of some sort injected by the democratic peace and freedom-loving people of the world.

Our sotto voce approach does not help the intransigent and untenable situations prevailing in Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Darfur, etc. Surely the people, the citizens whose rights are violated, should be placed above the narrow interests of parties or governments maintaining their rule by undemocratic means that violate human rights?

On the international scene, while South Africa is doing well to eradicate the pariah stigma brought on the country by the past ignoble and unjust system, South Africa should not be complacent of some of the pitfalls that we may encounter. Multilateral and bilateral agreements, by all means, beneficial to all parties concerned, should not be at the expense of the selfsame human rights and democratic tenets that we so cherish. The presence of South Africa in the United Nations, especially on the Security Council, must be of such a nature that we promote those ideals across the board. We must use the power of our vote prudently and judiciously.

How we relate to other countries, in terms of our constitutional interests and those of Africa as a whole, is very important. The influence we have must be for the common good of the very ideals we cherish so much.

There is no way that we can avoid looking at our partners and how they conduct their affairs in the context of what we hold dear: the Constitution; human rights; democratic and transparent good governance; various treaties and protocols, to name but a few.

We have no choice but to scrutinise … Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Rev K R J MESHOE: Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, I want to start by agreeing with the President:

… that government must move forward as quickly as possible to implement detailed programmes intended to reduce the cost of doing business in our country; to promote the growth of the small and medium business sector; to continue with programmes to build a social security net; to meet the objectives of poverty alleviation and to expand access to such services as water, electricity and sanitation.

On improving the safety and security of all citizens and communities, we expected the President to elaborate more as crime is the most spoken about subject at the moment. While the ACDP applauds the long-overdue decision to improve the remuneration and working conditions of the police and to expand the number of SAPS personnel to over 180 000 in the next three years, we want to know what new strategies government is going to implement to drastically reduce violent crime in our country.

The ACDP agrees with citizens who say that the President must make fighting crime government’s number one priority. If violent crime remains as high as it is today, then programmes that promote growth of the small and medium sectors will fail, an enabling environment that encourages investment will not be created and, without new investment, poverty alleviation will be stifled.

There was a mixed reaction to FNB’s anticrime campaign and their subsequent decision to withdraw it. While some accused the organisers of attacking the President, we saw it as a desperate attempt to communicate with him. Citizens must be allowed, we believe, to exercise their right to raise their concerns with their President.

Because the ACDP supported the FNB’s anticrime campaign, I want to read the letter they decided not to publish, but which was subsequently published in the media, in order for it to become part of this debate. I’m going to read the letter on behalf of those millions of South Africans who are despondent and frightened by the high levels of crime in our country. I’m doing this on behalf of parents, like me, whose children and babies have become victims of crime, some brutally raped, abused and violated. I’m doing this for those who are trying to say to the President that to them crime is not a perception, it is a reality. I’m doing this for those people who have tried to voice their fears and have been told to stop whingeing or else to leave the country.

The letter reads as follows:

Dear President Mbeki

I am a proud, but concerned South African. Proud because I live in such a wonderful democracy. Proud because my country has been recognised by the world to host the Fifa 2010 World Cup. Proud because our economy is showing exceptional growth. And proud because we showed the world that peaceful settlement can be achieved through working together.

But I am also concerned.

Concerned because even though I live in the most prosperous country in Africa, our crime rates are the highest on the continent, far outstripping the poorest African countries. Concerned because last year alone reported statistics recorded 18 528 murders, 54 926 rapes and 119 726 violent robberies.

I’m also concerned that crime is destroying our progress and threatens our dream of eliminating poverty and living in peace. As a result, the world continues to question the credibility of our progress.

Mr President, I know you love this country as much as I do, so please make crime our government’s Number 1 priority. As a committed South African I will be right behind you – because our nation’s history has shown, there’s nothing we can’t achieve when we work together.

Yours faithfully

I see no vindictiveness in this letter. It is a heartfelt cry for help from the President. It is the primary role, I believe, of government to protect its citizens.

The Sunday Times recently published a letter written by Ivan Makoku, who is now based in the UK, which I also want to read to show the concerns that people have about crime.

He wrote, and I quote:

I am a proud South African living in the UK at the moment and I am as black as you can get. I have been considering moving back to South Africa, but I am too scared about the level of crime in my beloved country.

The ANC has to realise that this is not a black or white issue. I have lived in Germany and the UK for the past seven years now. I am not moving back until crime is down. Why should I put my life on the line when I can stay here? I urge all South Africans to challenge the government and to bring back the death penalty. Come on South Africa, let us all get together and fight these criminals. This is not about white South Africans whingeing. This is not about poverty, Mr Mbeki. I was brought up in the North West and most days I did not have anything to eat. But I worked hard to help myself and my family. I am not a criminal because I chose not to be one – so don’t give excuses, please. If the ANC does not deliver, I urge all South Africans to think twice when we vote in 2009.

That’s the end of Mr Makoku’s letter.

While the ACDP appreciates government’s commitment to ensuring that the 2010 Fifa World Cup is the best ever, we nevertheless want to warn the President that if violent crime is not drastically reduced or, at best, eradicated from our country, then the privilege of hosting this prestigious event might slip through our fingers, despite the many assurances we have received from Mr Sepp Blatter, who is a friend, admirer and great supporter of South Africa.

If governments of the world voice their concerns about the safety of their citizens in this country, then Fifa might be forced to reconsider their decision. We do not want this to happen. That is why we are appealing to government to ensure that crime is dealt a deathblow. It is this government that will determine whether these threats happen or not. I therefore urge you, Mr President, on behalf of the millions of concerned South Africans, to make the drastic reduction of violent crime in this country government’s number one priority.

My second warning to you, Mr President … [Interjections.] Yes, listen. It is that if government continues to ignore the concerns of South Africans who objected to the legalisation of so-called same-sex marriages, then the ANC will pay a heavy price for that. The price is going to be very, very heavy, Mr President.

Finally, while we have noted what the President said about government’s commitment to “intensify the campaign against HIV and Aids”, we want an assurance from the President that proper nutrition and treatment will be made accessible to the majority, if not all, Aids sufferers in our country. The present, so-called prevention methods that form part of government’s campaign to turn the rate of Aids infections around have not been effective, as there are now as many as 1 400 new HIV infections … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr M M S LEKGORO: Deputy Speaker, thank you for this opportunity to address this august House.

Mr President, Madam Deputy President, hon members, I wish to join those who spoke before me in thanking the hon President for his comprehensive and enlightening state of the nation address.

It is now 13 years after our nation declared that we are free at last; free from national oppression and exploitation. The excitement and celebrations that accompany the declaration of freedom are now over. Every day that passes by it becomes clearer and clearer what past we need to deal with. It is obvious that most of us thought that the benefits of our liberation would be very immediate to all of us and on all fronts.

But all this was just a fantasy if not a fallacy. The truth is separating itself from the flight of imagination with every day that passes by. It is becoming clearer that our post-apartheid existence is a fierce struggle between the old, as characterised by the legacy of apartheid, and the new, as characterised by the policy positions advanced by the African National Congress in our new democratic dispensation.

This situation reminds me of the old saying that “the real struggle begins with the declaration of independence”. It is clear from policies and programmes adopted by government in the last decade that government decided to work in an effort to grow the economy and to improve the capacity and functionality of the state. The positive economic growth figures and other economic indicators are a source of hope and it indeed needs to be sustained.

Let us join the ANC in asserting that poverty is a huge problem affecting our society, and that everything needs to be done in our power to reduce it. This is the main problem, because it is the one that underpins all other problems, including crime.

The naïve have always wanted to assert that poverty is a new phenomenon that our country is only starting to experience with the advent of democracy. Poverty dates back hundreds of years when the early colonial settlers destroyed the indigenous African economic system. It was systematically and gradually imposed on the people through land and livestock dispossession, imposition of taxes, forced removals and Bantustanisation of the indigenous people to less than 30% of the land of the Republic.

What we are seeing today is an accumulated effect of all colonial and apartheid policies and oppression. Poverty is the direct legacy of the apartheid capitalist system and its racial production relations. It is for this reason that poverty – mostly prevalent in the black communities – has actually taken the character of race. It does not affect all people in the same way and in the same degree.

South Africa, like many African countries that have a colonial past, was ravaged by plunder of colonial rule and imperial looting. Nothing was left for future generations of liberation states except the remnants. Our struggle now is to meet the needs and wants of our people with these remnants. We have not chosen this but we have to make a success of this difficult situation.

But, the big question that needs to be asked is what causes poverty in our country? Is it the level of technological know-how in the production of goods and services for the people or is it the problem of inequality and distortions in the distribution of incoming goods? I think as many others have said before me, especially those coming from institutions that deal with poverty and public policies, that South Africa is capable of producing anything and everything for its people and all who are visiting. Our problem is that of inequality in the distribution chain.

We must re-engineer production relations and reduce inequality and income gaps. We must ensure that with every percentage growth in our economy the poor must gain in income and wealth. In other words, we have to make sure that the growth rates that we achieve are also elastic towards the poor.

Economic growth is an essential basis in the struggle to reduce poverty. It should however be noted that economic growth does not translate automatically into making gains for the poor. The state must take care to ensure that there is redistribution to the poor through direct income or the social wage. Government should not hesitate to do this. This is the only way we could drag our society out of deprivation and underdevelopment.

Infrastructure development is the access on which poverty reduction should be anchored. Both big and small community-based infrastructure projects should be utilised in an effort to create work and skills for the poor. Huge infrastructure projects are more useful in the medium and long term.

A four-country study conducted in Bangladesh, Senegal, Thailand and Zambia – as a joint venture between Japan and the United Nations Development Programme, UNDP – demonstrated clearly and without doubt that small community projects could actually bring serious benefits for the poor. We must increase the number of infrastructure projects in different communities to offer these communities the possibility to create valuable community infrastructure for themselves and to earn an income. The maintenance of this infrastructure will create yet another possibility for those involved in these projects to earn an income.

My constituency office is located in Mamelodi on the far eastern side of the Tshwane CBD. People in that area are mainly working class, and the majority are poor and unemployed. Our experience in this constituency confirms the theory that community-based infrastructure programmes are adequate instruments in addressing poverty in communities. Since the housing projects in the area have started, they have gone a long way in providing skills to those in the community who previously never had skills. Even after projects have been completed, those who participated in these projects are in a position to fend for themselves, using the skills that they have acquired during these projects.

It is however critical for the state to improve the speed at which these projects are processed and completed, because when they are prolonged they also add to stress in the community.

Baswa ba bopa ye nngwe ya dikarolo tše bohlokwa setšhabeng, mme e bile ke ba bangwe ba makala a setšaba ao a angwago ke botlhoki le tlhokego ya tlhabologo. Matsapa a mmušo a go fediša botlhoki a swanetš e go hwetša tsela yeo baswa ba kago ntšhwa tebetebeng ye ka yona. Ke nnete gore ga go bonolo go hlola mananeo a go lebelela tša mereo ya baswa. E feela, mafapha a mmušo a swanetše go dira bonnete bja gore mathata a baswa a fiwa šedi ye kgolwane. Dikgoro tša mmušo di swanetše gore mo mananeong le mešomošomong ya wona go akaretšwe merero ya baswa. Le ge go le bjalo, re swanetše go leboga mmušo mo matsapeng ao o a tšerego go thuša khomišene ya baswa le Umsobomvu Youth Fund go phethiša maikarabelo a bona.

Ke rata go feleletša ka go gatelela karolo yeo Kgoro ya Mmušo-selegae o kago e bapala go tlišeng diphetogo setšabeng. Ke a leboga. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[The youth make up a big part of the nation. They are also a part of the nation that is highly affected by unemployment and lack of development. The government’s efforts to eradicate poverty must be focused on helping the youth out of this mess. It is true that it is not easy to establish youth programmes, but government departments must ensure that they give priority to the challenges that the youth are facing. The government departments must include the issues of the youth in their strategic planning. We should, however, be grateful to the government for their assistance with regard to the Youth Commission and the Umsobomvu Youth Fund in order to fulfil their responsibilities.

I would like to conclude by emphasising the role that the Department of Local Government has played in bringing transformation to the people. Thank you.]

Business suspended at 16:17 and resumed at 16:39.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Please be seated. We now invite the hon Minister of Safety and Security to address us.

The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Madam Deputy Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, the ANC has started organising its structures, hon President, to give expression to the marching orders you gave at Witbank, Mpumalanga, on January 13. As to our own input regarding the fight against crime in South Africa, you reminded us on that occasion that:

The Police Service and government agencies cannot fight crime alone and that it requires the involvement and active participation of all communities and all sections of society to meet this challenge.

Your observation, Comrade President, was a reminder of what we have always known in the ANC. That question and other matters that were canvassed within our ranks did not automatically become law in the new South Africa. Some of them changed in both form and content on the operating table of negotiations.

Discussing the matter of policing in 1992, as part of our overall strategy to prepare ourselves to govern the country, we said among other things:

Community policing has now been recognised as more effective, because it understands that it is not the police alone who combat and prevent crime. It is the community who are responsible for criminal prosecutions. They lay charges, make statements, testify in court, and assist the police in the performance of their functions. Without this co-operation, no police force can discharge its duties.

Our view at the time was that effective policing was not dependent on huge police numbers, but rather on better police-community relations. The key, we argued, was the ability of the police to root themselves among the people and work together with the communities in a well-defined partnership to prevent and combat crime.

Defining that arrangement we said:

The relationship between the police and the policed should be one of reciprocal control.

We were clear that:

Unless the police are rooted in and accountable to the communities in whose name they police, they will not enjoy the support of those communities.

We may have raised those questions as ANC members, but we understood, Comrade President, that we were addressing national security. We were clear that national security was a national matter that requires the involvement of all South Africans from all walks of life in our country. When we spoke about our communities, we meant all of them. That continues to be our position to date.

Crime is a very emotional matter because it affects many people directly. But while we must all agree that crime is a serious matter in South Africa, it is incumbent on all of us as leaders, hon members, to be logical and rational in our response to the scourge.

There are many South Africans who understand that truth, Comrade President. They are members of South Africa’s various community-based and nongovernmental organisations, the labour movement, business and religious sectors, as well as some political parties.

One of the responses must be the mobilisation of our communities to work together with the police to prevent and combat crime. The people at local level are the best repository for information. They know who is where and doing what, even when it relates to crime and criminality. They are the eyes and ears of law enforcement.

At this juncture, allow me to mention the role that politicians like the hon Patricia De Lille have played in mobilising residents in the areas where they live to participate in crime prevention. The hon De Lille, together with a number of residents whom she has helped to mobilise against crime, take turns to patrol the area, alongside the police.

There are other experiences like Manenberg where Comrade Mario Wanza lives. He too has played a leading role in mobilising people in his area to participate in crime prevention and fighting. Dr Mzukisi Qobo is of one mind with you, Comrade President, when you said, as you did on Friday, that: Working together to achieve the happiness that comes with freedom applies equally to the challenge of dealing with crime. Certainly, we cannot erase that which is ugly and repulsive and claim the happiness that comes with freedom if communities live in fear, closeted behind walls and barbed wire, ever anxious in their houses, on the streets and on roads, unable freely to enjoy our public spaces. Obviously, we must continue and further intensify the struggle against crime.

In a column piece he did for the Cape Argus on Friday, Dr Qobo wrote:

The emergence of a more stable, healthy and balanced society will not come as a result of technical and administrative work of the government, but through collective ownership of the existing challenges and preparedness to step out of our comfort zones and be responsible citizens, including through wealth and skills transfers from areas of high resource concentration to areas of low resource concentration.

Crime is a collective responsibility and dealing with it would require fundamental change in the social structure in South Africa, as well as a serious examination of the state of morality of our society.

Dr Qobo is a Mellon Research Fellow in the Department of Politics at the University of Stellenbosch.

No crime in South Africa terrifies our people like serious and violent crime. That type of crime is visited directly on victims in the form of serious and violent assault, rape and murder, as well as attempts to cause such violence.

Research by some independent bodies and the SA Police Service indicates that most of those crimes happen between people who know one another and occur, mainly, in secluded areas including behind closed doors of the homes of either the perpetrator or victim.

The police recently analysed 9 623 dockets for murder, attempted murder, rape, serious and violent assault and common assault. The result of that analysis was published in 2005-06 SAPS annual report. What the exercise revealed was that 81,5% of the murder victims were killed by persons they knew. The killers in 61,9% of the cases were relatives, friends or acquaintances of the victims. In 75,9% of rape cases, the victims knew the rapists, while in 56,9% the rapists were relatives, friends or acquaintances of the victims. Cases of assault showed higher percentages of perpetrators known to the victims including relatives, friends or acquaintances.

It seems to me that we need to do more than just policing to deal with such crimes. I believe that those crimes are a direct consequence of moral decay within our communities. Others are generated by the social conditions under which people live. There, surely, must come a time, Comrade President, when as South Africans we will come together and do a thorough assessment of the extent of the damage that apartheid caused to our people as a whole – oppressed and nonoppressed.

Apartheid contributed directly to the destruction of family values that were built over many centuries by the indigenous communities of our country. Apartheid contributed directly to the collapse of the moral fibre in many of our communities.

An exhaustive interrogation of that question, therefore, may provide the answer to the problem of social crime in South Africa. Meanwhile, the ANC’s commission on religious affairs intends to place the matter of social crime, especially the serious and violent kind, on the agenda of the programme of religious interaction on the moral regeneration campaign.

It is a fact that everywhere that the partnership between the residents and the police has taken root, crime has gone down. This is true of Alexandra, Sebokeng, Orlando, Motherwell and other places that I will mention, Comrade President, during my Budget Vote speech later this year.

The SA Reserve Bank and the SA Risk Information Centre have partnered the police to deal with armed robberies in a project that is called Cash Risk Management, or Crim in short. The relationship has extended to other enterprises, including the retail sector, and the gambling, entertainment and property industries.

The campaign by the police in the second half of last year, which dramatically brought down armed robberies, especially at banks and other financial institutions, as well as cash in transit heists, benefited tremendously from the co-operation with business and many members of our communities, who supply the police with valuable information.

The President, through the Presidential Big Business Working Group, influenced the forging of a relationship between that group and the justice, crime prevention and security cluster of Cabinet. The partnership, I am happy to report Comrade President, is working well in the search for the necessary responses to crime in South Africa. A system of regular interface between the two sides has become an established form.

Allow me to go back to the original point I made about community-police relationships. One of the most important interventions South Africa made to realise that objective was the establishment of the Community Police Forums. We must admit, though, that the final product of our labour was not the formidable structure we thought would help communities:

To assume a more active role in crime prevention in the policing of their areas.

The ANC believes that we should go back to the original concept and make CPFs autonomous bodies that would be responsible for the communities they serve, but work closely with the police in a manner where they would discuss with them the policing priorities of the given local areas, and help assess police performance on the basis of such priorities.

Given that the CPFs would be responsible to the people who would use democratic means to establish them, they would have a dynamic relationship with both the communities and the local government authorities.

It is quite clear, though, that interventions we need to make relate to the entire criminal justice system. Safety and Security, Justice and Correctional Services are already working in an integrated fashion, together with the country’s intelligence community to deal with crime as a united entity. Without reinventing the wheel, we would like to expand the work of CPFs for interventions across the entire integrated justice system.

These matters, Comrade President, will be subjected to further scrutiny at the ANC’s policy conference in June. It is our hope that when they are endorsed they will come to Parliament where amendments could be made to existing legislation to create the conditions that our situation demands – of better community-police relations for our nation, united in action to, to quote you, Comrade President:

Erase that which is ugly and repulsive and claim the happiness that comes with freedom.

Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Nksz M M SOTYU: Somlomo kunye noMongameli obekekileyo, Mphathiswa Nqakula liyinyaniso elokuba thina singurhulumente okhokelwa nguKhongolozi sikholelwa ekubeni idabi lokulwa nolwaphulo-mthetho yingxaki yethu sonke bemi beli loMzantsi Afrika. Ngoko ke kunyanzelekile ukuba sibhinqele phezulu, sinyathele kunye ekulweni esi sihelegu, kuba kaloku urhulumente yedwa akasoze aphumelele, ngengokuba sele utshilo. Thina malungu eNdlu yowisoMthetho silapha nje, sivotelwe ngabantu ngokusithemba, yiyo loo nto kufuneka, kwaye kunyanzelekile ukuba sibakhusele aba bantu kunye nezinto zabo ekuhlaleni. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)

[Mrs M M SOTYU: Madam Speaker, the hon President and Minister Nqakula, it is the belief of the ANC-led government that the fight against crime is a responsibility of all the citizens of South Africa and that co-operation with it is important as on its own it could never succeed in the fight against crime as you have already said. People elected us to represent them in this House because they trust us, and we are obliged to protect them and their property wherever they live.]

Madam Speaker, the ANC National Executive Committee in its January 8 statement states that:

As the ANC we will therefore undertake an extensive mass campaign to mobilize communities to assume leadership in the struggle for peace, stability and safer places to live.

Somlomo, ngamampunge into yokuba urhulumente okhokelwa nguKhongolozi akawunanzanga kwaphela umba wolwaphulo-mthetho kweli lizwe. Wakhe wasiva phi isigebenga sithi xa siza kumosha okanye siza kudlwengula siqale sikubuze ukuba ungowawuphina umbutho? Masiyeke ukuphatha amasiba abomvu thina malungu ale Ndlu, sibe sixakekile silungisa okulungileyo nokungalunganga babe bona abantu phaya ngaphandle belindele lukhulu apha kuthi sonke. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)

[Madam Speaker, it is not true that the ANC-led government does not care about the extent of crime in the country. Where have you ever heard a criminal or rapist asking for one’s political affiliation before committing a crime? We should cease using a red pen to mark what is and what is not wrong as people expect more than just that from all of us.]

Let us build partnerships with all sectors including churches, spaza shop owners, and tavern associations …

… kuba kaloku apha kwezi ndawo kulapho uninzi lwabantu lufumaneka khona. Nezi zigebenga kaloku nabo ngabantu, bazalwa kwasithi aba. Intsebenziswano sikwayilindele nakumashishini azimeleyo, ngoba xa ebona ukuba ubundlobongela buchaphazela uqoqosho kunye noluntu ngokubanzi thina silindele ukuba abe nendlela yokuncedisana norhulumente ngokuthi babuze ukuba anganceda njani na.

Xa nditshoyo ke Somlomo, ndithi masizame singamalungu ePalamente ukuphucula indlela esiqhagamshelana ngayo noogxa bethu abaphaya kurhulumente, bejongene nezinto zasekuhlaleni, lowo ke ngurhulumente wezekhaya. Iinkqubo zethu neyabo mayisebenzisane ukuze sithi xa sithatha ukhenketho sisiya emaphondweni sikwazi ukukhawulelana ukwenzela ukuba sikwazi ukufikelela kwiindawo ezininzi kule minyakana mihlanu sinayo. Thina siziikomiti ezijongene nezokhuseleko masithathe inxaxheba ngaxeshanye ukuya kuhlola, ngakumbi kwimida yethu namanye amazwe, ukuzama ukuncedisana neSebe leZekhaya. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[… because these are places where most people reside. Criminals are human beings too. They come from amongst us. We ask for co-operation from the private sector too, because when they see that crime affects the economy and the lives of community members, we expect them to assist government in any way they can.

By that Madam Speaker, I am appealing to hon Members of Parliament to work towards uplifting and bettering the methods of communication we use with other civil servants in local government. We should seek to integrate our programmes and theirs before we visit provinces in order to facilitate collaboration with as many areas in the five years that we have. Safety and security committees should take the initiative to plan monitoring trips to the boundaries we share with other neighbouring countries to assist the Department of Home Affairs.]

We are reminded by the President to capacitate our intelligence agencies.

Yiyo loo nto sibongoza uluntu ngokubanzi ukuba lukhathalele ukumazi ummelwane walo. Kufuneka ube liliso lommelwano wakho. Ngaloo ndlela siza kuba nakho ukuphawula xa kukho into engaqhelekanga, sihlabe ikhwelo. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)

[That is the reason we are pleading with the general public to take time to get to know their neighbours. Be watchful of thy neighbours. In that way you would be able to notice anything sinister and mysterious in the neighbourhood and inform the police.] Whereas the President in the state of the nation address was not specific about overcrowding, he made a commitment that government would ensure that decisions to expand the infrastructure of our correctional facilities services are implemented. This indicates the fact that our democratic government still regards overcrowding as a serious challenge, which must be addressed.

The peace and stability cluster Ministers, together with all the affected departments’ Ministers, made a request to Members of Parliament through the constituency offices to assist in the identification of facilities in their constituencies to be converted into secure places of safety for abused women, children, and children in conflict with the law.

Siza kuthanda ukubongoza uluntu ukuba luwamkele amabanjwa asigqibileyo isigwebo sawo nanjengokuba ebetshilo uNgconde ukuba uyacela ukuba sibamkele phakathi kwethu. Siye saphawula ukuba uluntu alubamkeli ncam abo baphuma entolongweni, sele besigqibile isigwebo, nto leyo eyenza ukuba baphinde benze izenzo ezigwenxa ezenza bazifumane sele bephinde babasemva kwezitshixo. Kunjalonje abanye babo baphuma bezincutshe kwimisebenzi yezandla. Loo nto ithetha ukuba baza kuba luncedo eluntwini. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)

[We humbly ask community members to welcome back those people who served and completed their sentences, and by that I am repeating what the hon Ngconde had already mentioned. We have observed that communities do not find it easy to welcome former inmates back among them, something that drives some of them into committing crimes that eventually send them back to prison. Some of them come out skilled in handicraft in most cases. That indicates that they could be useful to society.]

The ANC in its National General Council in 2005 noted processes relating to rationalisation of our court system, and resolved that there should be the establishment of an extensive mechanism to transform and rationalise the superior court structures. Though this legislation is still in process, the President in his state of the nation address indicated that the government, in consultation with the judiciary, would finalise the remaining aspects of the transformation of the judiciary.

Asikwazi kwaphela ukuyamkela into yokuba emva kweminyaka elishumi elinesithathu safumana le nkululeko kube kusekho abantwana abadutyulwayo, kuba umntu othile ebecinga ukuba udubula imfene okanye irhorho, ze nenkundla imfumane engenatyala lakubulala okanye asuke anikwe isohlwaywana kuthiwe makahlawule nje ama-R10 000 kuphela. Leyo asoze siyivume tu! Lo ngomnye nje wemizekelo. Zininzi zona iziganeko ezikwa lolu hlobo. Masikhumbule kakuhle ukuba ngumsebenzi wethu thina malungu ale Ndlu yoWiso- Mthetho ukuqinisekisa ukuba abantu bethu bayachazelwa ngamalungelo abo. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.) [It is totally unacceptable that after 10 years of democracy people are mistaken for baboons and shot, and then courts find those who commit these acts not guilty of murder or only ask them to pay a fine of about R10 000. That, we will never accept! This is but one example. Many such incidents have been reported. Let us remember that one of our responsibilities as members of the National Assembly is to ensure that our people are informed and educated about their rights.]

In conclusion, let me take this opportunity to congratulate members of the SA Police Service … nanjengokuba sele etshilo uMphathiswa uNqakula … [as Minister Nqakula has said …] at the Manenberg police station for the initiative that they took by engaging in the Safe Schools campaign with the community of Manenberg under very difficult and dangerous conditions.

I also congratulate the Sekhukhune police station in Limpopo where members of the SAPS established a tea club together with the communities, and out of the tea funds managed to build beautiful brick houses to accommodate abused women and children. Keep up the good work! [Applause.]

Tat’uNdlovu ndiyadana xa kanti i-IFP ayazi ukuba sohlukana naba komishinala bemimandla ngoba sasivumelene siyiKomiti yoKhuselo noKhuseleko emveni kokuba sithe satyelela amaphondo olithoba, saze safumanisa ukuba izisetyenziswa ziphelela kule mimandla aziyi apho sizidinga khona ngamandla, ezitishini. Kwiingxoxo zethu zabucala masibaxelele izizathu zokuba sithi asisasebenzi ngaba komishinala, ngoba zizigqibo ezathatyathwa kwiKomiti yemiCimbi yePhondo zaze zangqinwa yile Ndlu. Enkosi kakhulu. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)

[Hon Ndlovu, it disappoints me to learn that the IFP does not know that we have since done away with regional safety commissioners and that that decision was taken by the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security after our visit to all nine provinces where we found that resources were not utilised by the most needy of areas. During discussions at our constituency meetings, we should inform our people about the reasons for doing away with commissioners and that decision was made by the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local Government. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr N T GODI: Thank you, Chairperson. Your Excellency, Comrade President of the Republic and the Deputy President, comrades and hon members, we wish to extend, on behalf of the PAC, our congratulations to you on your delivery of the state of the nation address.

The freedom that we enjoy today came about primarily as a result of the sweat, toil, and blood of the masses, but with indispensable international support. Thus a democratic and progressive South Africa must speak out in support of all oppressed, threatened and bullied nations: from Cuba and Venezuela to Palestine and Iran. We must continue to be amongst the frontline nations in striving for a much-strengthened South-South solidarity.

The current WTO talks are an example that acting in concert we can withstand the bullying and hypocrisy of the North. You must be congratulated, together with the rest of Africa, for your steadfastness on matters of a fair international trade regime.

We also share in the nation’s delight about South Africa’s tour of duty in the UN Security Council. We wish and hope that South Africa will make a lasting impression in striving for international peace and security.

Comrade President, Africa our motherland and Africans as a people do not occupy the front rows in terms of levels of development amongst nations of the world; this is despite its great endowment with primary commodities. This is a challenge to the African political class and the masses of our people to bring pride and dignity to ourselves by becoming masters of our own destinies and captains of our souls. It means greater control and efficient management of the resources at our disposal for the benefit and development of Africa.

In a globalising world, it can only mean deeper and faster integration – economically, militarily and politically - of all of Africa, a Pan-African unity that would give us a zone of manoeuvre and resistance to external pressures. We are alive to the obstacles that are there, but we believe there is no alternative to unity or integration. Can we have our government on the side of those who are calling and working for greater and quicker integration? We hope so.

We wish to express our support for the government on its role in Africa. South Africa is doing for Africa far more than any other African country today. We believe this needs to be applauded and encouraged. [Applause.]

Chairperson, if we move from the premise that it was the intolerable and gut-wrenching poverty and inequality that mobilised our people to rise in struggle against settler colonialism, then the freedom we have attained should address itself to these two: poverty and inequality that afflicts the majority.

The struggle to improve the material conditions of our people should remain the primary task and focus of this epoch. All other social problems we face find their resolution ultimately in addressing the challenges of poverty and inequality in our country. This will come about as a result of a national effort by all of us, the citizenry, government and private capital.

The historic political settlement of Kempton Park in 1993 had given private capital an opportunity to demonstrate its commitment to the new dispensation by committing their resources to addressing these two challenges. Can we say that private capital has responded enthusiastically to this challenge? [Interjections.] We do not think so.

Even the 18,4%, President, that you spoke about in terms of investment, we know that it is in a large measure due to the increase in public investment by government. We know that the Growth and Development Summit had agreed on a higher percentage of around 25%, which we have not been able to attain.

We also believe that the state has a fundamental role – a developmental role – to play in the socioeconomic landscape of our country, but this can only be done if the state is sufficiently capacitated, properly organised and has strategic leadership in its bureaucracy.

We concur that the vacancy rate at senior management levels is unacceptable, and the lack of strict and consistent monitoring and lack of compliance with laws, regulations and procedures is undesirable. These have a huge impact on local government delivery, the implementation of the Expanded Public Works Programme and many others.

Comrade President, our Constitution directs us to honour those who fought for freedom in our country. The President has correctly not failed to honour them, thus reminding us that as we celebrate freedom, let us honour service – the service of those who have served, suffered and sacrificed for our freedom. This is a tradition that should continue forever into the future so that future generations can appreciate where we come from and understand the traditions and values of the liberation movement.

If the President had lifted his eyes, he would have seen beyond the activists of the 1956 Women’s March and the 1976 uprising, and the leaders and survivors of the 1960 Sharpeville and Langa massacres. He would have seen beyond iNkosi Albert Luthuli, Comrade Oliver Tambo and Comrade Steve Biko, and Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, whose passing away 29 years ago we will commemorate in the little Karoo town of Graaff-Reinet next week. He would have seen the late Sabelo Phama, who died on 9 February 1994 on a dusty and desolate road in Tanzania, on the eve of our democratic breakthrough.

Comrade President, indeed there are cold souls out there who do not feel the warm embrace of freedom, who feel that their sacrifices and efforts go unacknowledged. We believe there is in you, comrade, the largeness of heart and the magnanimity of victory to embrace the totality of the liberation movement family, thus guaranteeing the equal enthusiastic celebration of freedom as the collective achievement of all.

The PAC remains committed to positively contribute, as it has done during the liberation struggle, in this epoch of national reconstruction and development. Thirteen years is a very short time in the life of a nation. A lot has been done so that our country does not contain within it and represent much that is ugly and repulsive in human society, but much more still needs to be done. The struggle continues. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs W S NEWHOUDT-DRUCHEN: Chairperson, hon President and hon Deputy President, and hon members, the history of the ANC has always been one of fighting oppression, of fighting discrimination. We have now achieved our democracy and freedom, but the fight continues: against poverty and against crime. Just as our commitment and energy went into fighting oppression, in the same way our commitment will be to fighting poverty and crime. The work continues.

Among the many effects of the system of apartheid, poverty, social dislocation and systematic violence helped to create conditions for the growth of crime. In spite of the growing crime, work done over the past decade shows that crime can be beaten if South Africans continue to work together to reduce criminal activities and to build safer communities – communities where our children can play freely, where women can walk anywhere and also be free inside their own homes, where our elderly will be respected and not abused.

In our 1994 election manifesto, the ANC had a clear plan to build a better life for all, one that requires a peaceful and secure environment in which people can live without fear. The 1994 manifesto stated that our country needed peace. We needed to end the violence against communities and the abuse of women and children. It was required of our government to commit to dealing firmly with the violence and crime.

In the 1999 ANC manifesto the ANC had a clear plan for combating crime and corruption, to get tough on the underlying causes of crime such as poverty and inequality, and tough on crime and corruption itself.

In our 2004 election manifesto, we said we should improve the security of all South Africans, and make life increasingly difficult for criminals in both private and government structures. The ANC and the ANC government have always shown that it is interested in building safe communities for all South Africans. We have never shied away from that; we see that the ANC has always taken the security of all South Africans into consideration.

As the hon President said on Friday, and I quote:

Since 1994 we have worked to transform the SA Police Force …

Many hon comrades will expand on that later -

… and other institutions of the criminal justice system to serve all our people more effectively and to work to safeguard their safety and security. We have increased the numbers of police personnel, improved systems of co-ordination and management, and improved the efficiency of our courts and prosecution services.

Yet, as the hon President continued to say: “… all our efforts will not succeed unless we make tangible progress in addressing the socioeconomic conditions that feed crime and violence.”

I agree, hon President, that the police service and government agencies cannot fight crime alone, and that it requires the involvement and active participation of all communities and all sections of society to meet the challenges of crime. We must stand united against crime.

Every year since 1998, from 25 November to 10 December, South Africa takes part in the campaign “Sixteen days of activism for no violence against women and children”. South Africa uses this international and UN-recognised campaign annually to generate increased awareness of the negative impact of violence against women. The campaign starts on 25 November, which is the international day for no violence against women. This day was also chosen to commemorate the death of the Mirabal sisters in 1960 at the hands of dictatorship of Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic. The campaign ends on 10 December, which is International Human Rights Day.

During that 16-day period, there are also two other important international commemoration dates. The one is 1 December, which is International Aids Day, and the other 3 December, which is the International Day for Disabled People. Those days are recognised and celebrated here in South Africa.

We have seen an increase in the abuse of women and children. The President of the ANC has mentioned that there will be an extensive mass campaign to mobilise communities to assume leadership in the struggle for peace, stability and safer places to live. The campaign will also seek to strengthen partnerships between communities and the police service, and between the public and private sectors. This campaign also pays particular attention to crimes of violence, especially violence against women and children. We will extend this campaign of the 16 days of activism to be for the whole year, 365 days, so as not to forget that violence against women and children is just not to be tolerated.

When we think of building a safe community, we must also think of other vulnerable groups in our communities, such as people with disabilities and the elderly. They are also abused, and sometimes in many ways very silently. People with disabilities are often not understood, for example, when a person with a mental disability is abused, his statement is not taken seriously. When a person with multi-disabilities is abused, no one believes that person.

When a deaf child is sexually abused or raped by her educators, the case is thrown out of court, simply because they don’t have qualified and accredited South African sign language interpreters. When a deaf person who has never gone to school, who has never been exposed to sign language, becomes a victim, it is important that a deaf person acts as a relay interpreter to assist the sign language interpreter.

Reporting should be handled with sensitivity, by both the police and the staff of the court. They also need sensitivity training and training on how to work with people with disabilities. There should be physical access to police stations and to courts. When the elderly report a problem, such as the abuse of their pension, this is sometimes a problem. In my area many old people were abused and raped, and many times it is done by perpetrators whom they know. A policeman in my area then called the old people together and explained to them about crime. Crime is happening to them and they know the perpetrators.

We need the community to be involved. We cannot emphasise that enough. When I read the newspaper, I read of a mother who abused and beat a child until she died. The neighbours heard this but they didn’t want to get involved. What happened to the slogan “every child is my child”?

Community development workers, too, need to be involved and be active and participate or be mediators between the police and the old people.

Here in Parliament, what have we done for people who have been abused children and for women? A parliamentary task group on sexual abuse of children was set up, and in the Women’s Parliament issues of domestic violence were discussed and issues of trafficking of women and children were highlighted.

And now we have the Children’s Bill, which was signed by the hon President and is now an Act. In a comprehensive section of the Act, section 18, the trafficking of children is discussed. For the first time trafficking is discussed as a crime. The Act also provides a message to look after the interests of children. The work continues for a better life for all our people. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs S M CAMERER: Chairperson, Mr President, one of the things which you highlighted in the state of the nation address as ugly and repulsive in our society is an increasingly high rate of corruption and falling moral and ethical standards in all areas of government service. You committed to greater effectiveness of anticorruption strategies for all spheres of government by the end of the year and to intensify the public sector and national anticorruption campaign.

Never in the history of our country has this been more necessary. There is no doubt that South Africa is suffering from an ethical and moral malaise. The evidence is not just anecdotal; it is documented daily in the courts, in the media, in Parliament. The ANC’s secretary-general has said “this rot is across the board”. Members of the public can rightly ask: Who can we trust?

Let us start at the top of the justice system. Can we trust the judges? I believe, with some exceptions, standards have not been sacrificed on the altar of transformation, but increasingly we are having problems. Take the Judge President of the Western Cape, John Hlope: court papers have revealed that he was unable to perceive the conflict of interest in a situation where he was the recipient of large amounts of money, some R500 000, from the Oasis Group, but nevertheless gave them permission to sue one of his fellow judges. Clearly, he should have recused himself from the case. Surely this lack of judgment should be taken up again by the Judicial Service Commission.

Justice Minister Brigitte Mabandla needs to be more proactive, since she has a role prescribed by law in all this. No judge may do remunerated work outside their judicial work without her permission. In the light of how Judge Hlope has acted, she should refuse or withdraw any permission he might have, but she has done nothing about it.

Instead, she has misdirected her energies to turn down the Free State Judge President’s request that she appoint some local members of the Bar – who happen to be white – to act temporarily as judges to clear the significant case backlogs in that province. She has apparently demanded that any appointees be of another colour.

Mr President, you made reference in your address to the need to reduce these court backlogs. There are currently very few black attorneys or advocates in the Free State willing or able to act. The Minister and I sit on the Judicial Service Commission together, and she knows this. Playing these pointless racial games does not enhance transformation or the effective administration of justice.

Another judge has been captured on film allegedly driving drunk and being disorderly. Sadly these and other events have made it essential to pass legislation to deal with misconduct by judges more comprehensively and to establish a much-needed, it seems, code of conduct for them. Perhaps, Mr President, you can persuade the Minister of Justice to fast-forward this long delayed legislation. If we cannot respect the judges, who is left for the public to look up to?

Then there is the case of our top cop, Commissioner Jackie Selebi, who admits to being the friend and confidante of an alleged organised crime boss, from whom, it seems, he regularly received gifts. Surely the public has every right to ask why the police is still being led by someone who believes that he need not abide by the moral constraints of high office.

Then there are the shenanigans going on in Correctional Services, where a different set of rules seems to apply to white-collar criminals with top ANC connections. Mr Tony Yengeni was found by our courts to be a crook, but he was escorted into prison by the Speaker of this House, received lengthy visits in his cell, or should I say hospital ward, by the Minister in charge of prisons. [Time expired.] [Interjections.]

Mrs L S CHIKUNGA: Chairperson, hon President, uBabe Mbeki, Deputy President, u Make Mlambo-Ngcuka, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon Members of Parliament, ladies and gentlemen, on an important occasion such as this one, it is befitting and important to be reminded about the selflessness of our fallen heroes and heroines of our struggle for liberation.

I therefore dedicate my speech to those 42 people, including children and women, who were massacred by the SADF in the early hours of the morning of that fateful day of 9 December 1982. One of them was a young, energetic patriot, the real son of the soil and recently qualified medical doctor who at the time was only 27 years old and completing his internship at the Edendale Hospital and that was Doctor Norman Ngciphe.

The crime problem is a complex phenomenon, particularly in a society ravaged by apartheid and colonialism. Having said that, I am not suggesting that crime is unique to South Africa, rather it is a universal problem.

Akungabazeki ukuthi ubugebengu buyinkinga ehlasela iningi labantu. Kodwa futhi abathinteka kakhulu yibo laba abampofu abahamba ebusuku ngezinyawo, beyofuna imisebenzi noma bebuya emsebenzini; yibo abangakwazi nokufaka imithangala emide ngoba abanamali. Yibo laba abahlala emapulazini, abahlukunyezwa maqede umnikazi wepulazi ayovula icala kuqala, athi webelwe. Yingakho indlela yokulwa nobugebengu ifuna kuliwe nezimbangela. Ziningi izimbangela zobugebengu, ilungu elihloniphekile lale Ndlu, uKoornhof, lizokhuluma ngazo kodwa-ke ngeke uzehlukanise izimbangela zobugebengu nokulwa nobugebengu. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

[There is no doubt that crime is a problem affecting many people. But the most affected people are the poor people, the pedestrians, who walk on our roads at night, looking for employment or coming from work. These are the people who cannot build the sophisticated, high walls because they are penniless. These are the people who stay on the farms, and are ill-treated by the farm owners and who then, after ill-treating them, run as swiftly as they possibly can to open theft cases against these very poor people. It is for all these reasons that we say that in our fight against crime, we need to start first by fighting the causes of crime. There are many causes of crime and the hon member of this House, Mr Koornhof, will talk about these. But you cannot divorce the causes of crime from the fighting of crime.]

Health professionals say: Treat the cause of the disease and not just the symptoms and signs. In preventing crime we have to deal and treat the causes and not just the symptoms.

Yingakho kuyiqiniso ukuthi kumele silwe kakhulu kunakuqala nobuphofu nokuswela imisebenzi. IMbuluzi, eMpumalanga, endaweni engisebenzela kuyo, iyindawo esemakhaya, futhi ekhungethwe ubuphofu. Ekuzameni ukulwa nobuphofu siye sanikela ngezicathulo zesikole kubantwana abahluphekile abasemabangeni aphansi.

Omunye umntwana ocishe abe neminyaka eyishumi nambili uye wathi esebonga, “Kukabili ngizama ukuntshontsha izicathulo esitolo ngoba ekhaya vele ngeke bakwazi ukungithengela, futhi esikoleni abanye abantwana njalo uma kuvulwa izikole baba nezicathulo ezintsha.” Uye wathi futhi, “INkosi ingibonile, ngeke ngiphinde ngicabange ukweba. Ngiyabonga kakhulu.” Lokhu kusho ukuthi ngeke sithi silwa nobugebengu sibe sikushiya ngaphandle ukuswela. Yingakho kumele silwe nobumpofu, khona-ke lokho kuyoba nomthelela omuhle ekulweni nobugebengu.

Siyile ezimbizweni lapho kuba khona noMongameli wethu, kube khona nePhini likaMongameli kanye noNgqongqoshe. Sasikhona eMkhondo, wayekhona nomama uThoko Didiza, ekhona noMongameli ngesinye isikhathi ePixley ka Isaka Seme. Sasikhona eGovan Mbeki, nathi siyazibiza izimbizo emagatsheni, futhi siyaya emakhaya lapho singena umuzi nomuzi.

Bathi abantu, “Mongameli, Phini likaMongameli, Ngqongqoshe, Lungu lePhalamende, sidinga imisebenzi, sihluphekile. Bathi abanye, “Sidinga amanzi nokunye.” Kanti abanye bakhala ngeziteshi zamaphoyisa, njengesiteshi samaphoyisa saseMayflower. Abanye bayasho ukuthi obunye bobugebengu bubangwa ukweswela nokuphela kwezimilo zabantu.

Asibacabangeli, akukho ndaba esizakhela yona, asibhuli futhi asiphuphi, sisho abakushoyo. Ngakho-ke sizokwenza lokho abakushoyo, singesabe muntu. [Ihlombe.] Yingakho sidingana sonke ekulweni nobugebengu: amaphoyisa, izimantshi, abezokuhlunyeleliswa kwezimilo kanye nosomabhizinisi.

Isiteshi samaphoyisa saseFeni, eMbuluzi, sibe ngesihamba phambili ezingeni lokusebenza kwamaphoyisa ngoDisemba kuzwelonke. Imfihlo yabo bathi ukuthi basebenza nomphakathi, benza izigebengu zingabi nandawo; basifuna baze basithole isigebengu, uma nje siseNingizimu Afrika. Kodwa futhi lawa maphoyisa athi, njengamalunga emiphakathi, ayahlanganyela asize ezinhlelweni zokunciphisa ububha. Lo mphakathi uyafakaza uthi ubugebengu behlile. (Translation of isiZulu paragraphs follows.)

[Therefore, that is why it is indeed true that we need to fight crime, poverty and unemployment more energetically than before. Mbuluzi, my constituency in Mpumalanga is one of the places plagued by poverty. In trying to combat poverty in the area, we donated school shoes to destitute primary school children.

One of the children in one of the schools who was about 12 years of age, when thanking us, said: “It is about the second time now that I have been trying to steal shoes at a certain store, because at home they cannot in any way afford to buy me a pair, and besides the other children would always have a new pair of shoes at the beginning of every school term. The child continued and said: “The Lord has seen me, and I will never think about stealing again. I thank you very much.” This, therefore, means that we cannot exclude poverty in fighting crime. We, of course, need to fight poverty so that our fight against crime can bear positive results.

We have attended many izimbizo whereby the President, the Deputy President and the Ministers would be present. We were present at Mkhondo and the hon Madam Thoko Didiza was present as well, and the President was also present at Pixley ka Isaka Seme. We were there at Govan Mbeki. We also have our own izimbizo at branch level, and we also visit houses door to door. The people say: “Mr President, the Deputy President, Minister, Member of Parliament, we need jobs, we are destitute.” Others say: “We need water and other things.” And yet others complain about police stations which are ineffective, like the police station in Mayflower. Others say crime is a result of the moral degeneration of our people.

We do not think for the people. We do not invent stories. We are not prophesying or dreaming, but we are saying what people say. Therefore we will do what they say, and we will not shy away from it. [Applause.] That is why we need each other in fighting crime. We need police, magistrates, correctional officers, and the private sector.

The Feni police station at Mbuluzi was voted the best working police station nationally in December last year. They said their secret for success is that they work with the community, making sure that the criminals do not have a place to hide; they would look for the criminals until they find them, especially if they are still in South Africa. When these police officers were asked how they managed to do it, they said they are members of the public themselves; they take part in programmes to fight poverty. The community indeed testified that crime has since come down in the area.]

Chairperson, fighting crime in a sustainable, comprehensive and measurable manner is high on the agenda of government and this Parliament. We believe that if all of us can combine our effort in fighting the root causes of crime which, among other things, include poverty and degeneration of morals, we will win this fight.

It is also equally important to be reminded that section 35 of the Constitution deals with the arrested, detained and accused persons. In this section the provision 3(h) deals with the presumption of innocence until proven guilty by the law. This calls for sensitivity among all of us as communities to have self-respect and respect for the dignity of others in fighting crime.

Lo msebenzi udinga imali eningi impela. Sisishayela ihlombe isimemezelo esenziwe uMongameli sokuthi inani lamaphoyisa lizokhushulwa liye ezi-180 000 kule minyaka emithathu ezayo. Ngale kokwandiswa kwesibalo, kusho ukuthi kuzodaleka amathuba emisebenzi kubantu abayi-180 000. Sikushayela ihlombe lokho. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

[This work needs a lot of money. We applaud the announcement made by the President that the police force will bring their total number to over 180 000 police officers in the next three years. Besides the expansion of police personnel, there will be 180 000 job opportunities for the people. We really applaud this.]

Chairperson, suggesting that corruption is a product of this government is weird and unjust to say the least. Pre-1994 South Africa was a racially fragmented country and the majority of people were subjected to a morally and politically corrupt regime. Postapartheid South Africa has witnessed the new government embarking on development and reconstruction in order to overcome corruption, which leads to poor services created by apartheid rule. Some of you benefited from it.

Lo hulumeni yiwo olwa nohwaphilizo olungene emithonjeni yabantu isikhathi eside. Qha, lo hulumeni akalufihli uhwaphilizo, ulubeka obala – umehluko lowo. [Ubuwelewele.] Uhwaphilizo lushaya uhlangothi lwemisebenzi kahulumeni kodwa futhi lukhona nasohlangothini lwezimboni ezizimele. Abadala bathi ugotshwa usemanzi. Kuqala ngokuthi umuntu athi kogogo ngenkathi beya kohola impesheni, “Ngizokufaka phambili emgqeni kodwa nginike u-R10.” Kusuka lapho kuye nasemsebenzini umuntu athi, “Ngizokufaka emsebenzini. Ngifuna R300.” Kuya nasekunikezeni amathenda, umuntu athi, “Ngizokunika ithenda, nginike R50 000,” aze athathe nemali yethu emabhange nge-Internet. Ugcina esecabanga ukuthi vele indlela yokuphila inkohlakalo nohwaphilizo. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)

[This is the government that really fights corruption which has been deeply embedded in people’s veins for a long time. Oh yes, this government does not hide corruption, this government brings it into the open – that is the difference. [Interjections.] Corruption affects government departments terribly but it is also present in the private sector. There is an old saying which says that you should teach the child whilst he is young. Corruption starts with someone saying to an elderly lady queueing for her pension: “If you can give me R10, I will make you jump this queue.” That’s where it starts, and it goes up to workplaces, where someone would say: “I have a position for you, if only you would give me R300.” It doesn’t only end there. It even applies to awarding tenders. You would find someone saying: “Give me R50 000 and I will award a tender to you.” Such a person would end up stealing our money from the banks through the Internet. Such a person ends up thinking that corruption is a way of life. [Time expired.]]

Ms N M MDAKA: Chairperson, hon President, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, in his state of the nation address to the House, the hon President has once again given us the inspiration that the government remains hard at work to ensure that the nation’s objectives will sooner or later be met.

The points you have raised, hon President, are generally favourable. We support many of the initiatives you have spoken about, and it would be an injustice to our country if we were to say otherwise.

The UIF admits that the hon President unveiled an ambitious plan to stimulate economic growth and to fight poverty and crime, and that has renewed our hope as a nation. The hon President stated categorically that an average of 4,5% growth rate of our economy over the past two and half years has been at its highest since we attained our democracy.

In order for a good quality of life for all our people to become a reality, poverty must be replaced with prosperity. In order for the people of South Africa to enjoy any form of prosperity they must have jobs. The first pillar for any poverty alleviation programme is job creation, and most of the jobs must be permanent.

In a rapidly globalising world, an increasing number of countries are becoming more competitive and ready to make their contribution to world markets, culture and social exchanges. We must decide now on what South Africa is going to be and on what it will be known for in this rapidly globalising world. We need to plan something more, something better and make the required investments to achieve our goals.

Chairperson, the opportunity and privilege given to our country to host the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup is clearly going to bring a major boost to our economy.

It was and it is still a great concern, hon President, when you stated in the state of the nation address that on 1 September, last year, 27% of municipalities did not have municipal managers. This brings the vacancy rate at senior management level to over 50%.

It makes one wonder, hon President, whether the five-year local Government Strategic Agenda is the right tool to eliminate challenges faced by the municipalities. We must be vigilant to avoid such problems that can become obstacles in organising the 2010 soccer showpiece.

We need the goodwill of all our people to make our country succeed. We also need to extend the call for social discipline in other segments of our society, including workplaces and communities.

In the final analysis, through a political will, the fight against crime and poverty can be won. Where there is will there is always a way. We carry the responsibility of giving to the country a government which the people can look up to for leadership and moral inspiration. I thank you. [Applause.]

Dr G W KOORNHOF: Mnr die Voorsitter, mnr die President, die Adjunkpresident, Ministers, Adjunkministers, “comrades” en agb lede, ek neem graag aan hierdie debat deel, waarin ek hoofsaaklik in Afrikaans sal praat, en ek gaan fokus op die tema van die skepping van veiliger gemeenskappe, en dus op hoe om misdaad effektief te bekamp.

Laat ek dadelik ter inligting, en ter inleiding, die voorkoms van misdaad in ons land in konteks plaas. Dit is ’n feit dat die impak van die apartheidsbeleid voor 1994, tesame met die gebruik van die polisie as ’n instrument van onderdrukking, gelei het tot ‘n skerp toename in misdaad en geweld in ons gemeenskappe.

Verder kan die bekamping van misdaad nie in isolasie gesien word van ander belangrike prioriteite nie. Dit sluit in die verligting van armoede, die skep van werkgeleenthede, die uitwissing van ongelykhede, die voorsiening van behuising, gesondheidsdienste en toegang tot basiese dienste vir die meerderheid van ons mense.

Wat betref die voorkoms van misdaad, wil ek graag vandag ’n perspektief gee uit die kiesafdelingsgebied wat ek deur die ANC toegedeel is, naamlik die oostelike voorstede van Pretoria, of Tshwane. Eerstens wil ek erken dat misdaad en geweld ’n ernstige probleem in hierdie gebied is. Omdat deur-tot- deur werk hier problematies is, besoek ek gereeld gemeenskapsleiers, insluitende predikante, mediese dokters, al die skoolhoofde, sakeleiers en polisiebevelvoerders om die omvang van hierdie probleem prakties te bepaal. Die tipe misdade wat voorkom en die effek daarvan op mense en die gemeenskap word almal aan hierdie leiers meegedeel.

Die afgelope ses maande was daar ’n dramatiese toename in veral gewelddadige huisroof, waar mense in hulle huise aangeval en ernstig beseer is. Daar is ook baie verkragtings en skietvoorvalle. In my kiesafdeling hoor ek van die ervarings en vrese van mense wat geweldsmisdade beleef. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.) [Dr G W KOORNHOF: Mr Chairperson, Mr President, the Deputy President, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, comrades and hon members, I gladly participate in this debate where I shall be speaking mainly in Afrikaans and shall be focusing on the theme of creating safer communities, thus focusing on how to combat crime effectively.

Let me start immediately by putting, for your information and as an introduction, the occurrence of crime in our country in context. It is a fact that the impact of the apartheid policy before 1994, together with the use of the police as an instrument of oppression, gave rise to a sharp increase in crime and violence in our communities.

Furthermore, the combating of crime cannot be seen in isolation from other important priorities. This includes poverty alleviation, job creation, the eradication of inequalities, the provision of housing, health services and access to basic services for the majority of our people.

Today, I would like to speak about the occurrence of crime from the perspective of the constituency area that the ANC had allotted to me, namely the eastern suburbs of Pretoria, or Tshwane. Firstly, I want to acknowledge that crime and violence is a serious problem in this area. As working from door to door here is problematic, I regularly visit community leaders, including pastors, medical doctors, all the school principals, business leaders and police commanders to determine the scope of this problem in practice. All the different types of crime that occur, and the impact thereof on the people and the community, are conveyed to these leaders.

The past six months there was a dramatic increase especially with regard to violent housebreakings, where people were attacked and seriously injured in their homes. There are also many rape and shooting incidents. In my constituency I get to hear about the experiences and the fears of people who encountered violent crimes.]

My constituency work on this matter of violent crime made me realise that crime statistics can never mirror the pain, the fear, the uncertainty, the trauma and the resignation of our people. I did research on statistics of crime in my constituency area, but I’m not going to give it today, because it hides the individual despondency of many of our people about crime.

The question that arises is: What do we do to solve the problem of crime in our societies? In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell wrote that we are all powerfully influenced by our surroundings, our immediate context. To combat crime effectively, we therefore need to change the social context in which crime is currently flourishing. A combination of relatively small changes can have a big impact. Such smaller changes will work together for larger changes, which will result in a tipping point where the occurrence of crime will be reduced. In changing the social context in which crime is currently flourishing, we need to improve the functioning of the SA Police Service, but we must also address, for example, poverty, the criminal justice system, violence on television, restrictive borders, mobilisation of the youth, respect for life, etc. It is possible that with the slightest push in just the right places, crime can be tipped.

Dit is juis om hierdie rede dat ons president Mbeki se uitsprake wat hy in sy staatsrede verlede Vrydag hier gemaak het, naamlik dat ons die stryd teen misdaad gaan voortsit en verder verskerp, nou moet steun. Die uitdaging is om hierdie visie van die President nou suksesvol te gaan implementeer.

Die President se aankondigings oor die stryd teen misdaad is in lyn met die ANC Nasionale Uitvoerende Komitee se 8 Januarie verklaring en strategiese plan. Drie van die sleuteltake wat geïdentifiseer is vir implementering teen misdaad, wat as ’n prioriteit vir hierdie jaar geïdentifiseer is, sluit in: die mobilisering van gemeenskappe om leiding te neem in die stryd vir vrede, stabiliteit en veiliger woonplekke; die bou van vennootskappe tussen gemeenskappe en die polisie; en verskerpte deelname aan gemeenskapspolisieforums.

Ek wil graag ’n paar voorbeelde noem van praktiese stappe wat ons in ons kiesafdelingsgebied gedoen het of beplan om te doen om die sosiale konteks waarbinne misdaad voorkom te verander. Hopelik gaan dit ons nader bring aan die “tipping point” om misdaad suksesvol hok te slaan.

Eerstens, een van ons ANC-takke het besluit om ’n vrywillige taklid elke Saterdagaand aan ’n polisiestasie beskikbaar te stel vir diens, sodat ’n SAPD-lid beskikbaar gaan word vir sigbare polisiëring. ’n Ander ANC-tak het ’n taklid geïdentifiseer om gereeld gemeenskapsforums by te woon om te bepaal waar hulp vir die polisie nodig is en waar gewone kiesers kan help.

Tweedens, ons fokus op verskerpte bewusmaking van die gemeenskap oor agtelosigheid teenoor misdaad, want mense is nie altyd veiligheidsbewus oor oop deure en oop hekke in hul eie woonplekke nie, en ook om mekaar te help, op te skerp en te steun. Derdens, ons help om die omgewingsuitleg te verander. Byvoorbeeld, waar daar nie straatligte werk nie, waar daar lang gras in openbare plekke is, waar daar dig beboste oewers langs die spruite is, gaan ons in gesprek tree met die plaaslike owerhede en sê: Maak hierdie klein veranderings sodat ons ’n groot impak kan maak.

Vierdens, ons moedig gemeenskappe aan om meer betrokke te raak by misdaadbekamping, soos byvoorbeeld gemeenskapsforums; die patrolering van eie gebiede op eie koste en onbewapen, en laat die polisie weet van probleme. Laat ons die oë en die ore van die polisie wees, samewerking tussen gemeenskappe en die polisie en sekuriteitsmaatskappye inisieer en strenger polisiëring aanmoedig. Ook ten opsigte van die metropolisie, byvoorbeeld waar alledaagse verkeersreëls oortree word, dat ons dit strenger toepas en die idee bevorder van een van die suksesse in ons gebied, van die Hatfield Hof waar jy vanaand gearresteer word en môre in die hof verskyn, en die “City Improvement District” waar jy sypaadjies plavei, straatligte regmaak, stukkende vensters herstel, skoonmaakdienste verskaf, en inligting tussen die polisie en sekuriteitsmaatskappye uitruil.

Hierdeur wil ons vir die President sê ons as LP’s in hierdie gebied gaan help om die regering se misdaadplan suksesvol te implementeer deur die sosiale konteks en omgewingsontwerp waarbinne misdaad gepleeg word te verander in vennootskap met die gemeenskap, en vennootskap met die polisie en ander rolspelers. Ons vertrou hierdie klein veranderings gaan groot gevolge meebring.

Ten slotte, geweldsmisdaad het geen respek vir lewe nie. Ons moet ’n respek vir lewe by ons mense aankweek. Ons moet by die jeug begin sodat ons die nasionale kohesie van ons nasie kan voltooi. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Precisely for this reason, we should now support the pronouncements made by our President Mbeki in his state of the nation address here last Friday, namely that we will be continuing and further intensifying the fight against crime. The challenge now is to implement this vision of the President successfully. The announcements by the President on the fight against crime are in line with the statement and strategic plan of the National Executive Committee of the ANC of 8 January. Three of the key tasks which were identified for implementation to combat crime, and were identified as a priority for this year, include the following: Mobilising communities to take the lead in the struggle for peace, stability and safer living areas; establishing partnerships between communities and the police and intensifying participation in community police forums.

I would like to mention a few examples of practical steps that we have taken or intend to take in our constituency in order to change the social context in which crime occurs. Hopefully, it will bring us closer to the “tipping point” in order to combat crime successfully.

Firstly, one of our ANC branches has decided to make a voluntary branch member available for service at a police station every Saturday evening, in order for a SAPS member to become available for visible policing. Another ANC branch identified a branch member to attend community forums on a regular basis in order to determine where the police need assistance and where ordinary citizens can assist.

Secondly, we are focusing on intensifying community awareness regarding carelessness when it comes to crime, because people are not always safety- conscious with regard to opening doors and opening gates in their own homes, and also to help, inform and support each other.

Thirdly, we are helping to change the environmental layout. For example, where streetlights are not in working order, where there is tall grass in public areas, where there are thickly-wooded shores alongside side-streams, we are going to engage in consultation with local authorities and request them to make these small changes in order for us to make a big impact.

Fourthly, we are encouraging communities to become more involved with the combating of crime, for example, to become involved in community forums; to patrol their own areas at their own cost and unarmed, and to inform the police of problems. Let us be the eyes and ears of the police, initiate co- operation between communities and the police and security companies and encourage more stringent policing. With regard to the metro police also, for example, where common traffic regulations are violated we should enforce it more stringently, and promote one of the successful ideas in our area, namely the Hatfield court where you would be arrested tonight and appear in court tomorrow, as well as the City Improvement District where you would pave sidewalks, fix streetlights, repair broken windows, provide cleaning services and exchange information between the police and security companies.

Through this we wish to inform the President that we, as MPs in this area, will be assisting government to implement the crime plan successfully, by changing the social context and environmental design in which crime is committed in partnership with the community, and in partnership with the police and other role-players. We trust that these small changes will result in major consequences.

In conclusion, violent crimes have no respect for life. We have to cultivate a respect for life amongst our people. We should start with the youth, in order for us to complete the national cohesion of our nation.]

In 1994 we started a rainbow nation. We have walked this road now for 13 years. Currently we stand at the dawn of the age of hope. Collectively, we should not allow crime to steal our dream for this nation. We don’t want to become a nation of fear; we want to become a nation of hope.

Ek dank u. [Applous.] [I thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Chairperson, hon President of South Africa, hon Deputy President, on an occasion of this nature, on 18 February 2003, Azapo stated as follows:

The growth of the economy in the various sectors mentioned in the address by the President is indeed encouraging in so far as it strengthens economic fundamentals. However, this growth should at the same time be accompanied by the growth in jobs and standard of living of the poor. To the extent that this is not happening, is a matter that Azapo believes should be attended to with speed.

We all know that in a capitalist society such as ours, the capitalist class does not preoccupy itself with the eradication of poverty. At best it can create some jobs, but even in creating these jobs it does so only if this is consistent with the profit it makes. The question we should ask is: Who should bear the responsibility for the creation of adequate jobs? What then should be done in a situation where economic growth is 4,5% or even higher and jobs that are created are not consistent with this growth?

Many will no doubt agree with Azapo that a situation of this nature calls for innovative economic policies as well as the acceleration of economic intervention strategies. Government must act, and all of us must also decisively support a move to create more jobs.

We must begin to move to a situation where jobs that are created are measured against the number of poverty-stricken people who access these, as opposed to just accepting statistical data that jobs are being created without any indication as to whether the majority of the poor are benefiting from these jobs. We should measure whether these jobs are indeed accessible to the poor in terms of requisite skills that correspond to the jobs created.

With regard to the Expanded Public Works Programme, we should ascertain whether allocated resources are achieving the desired effect in terms of poverty eradication and raising the standard of life of poor citizens. We should indeed move away from merely being happy and proud of budget allocations, without monitoring whether resources allocated are reaching the poor as well as producing the intended results.

To Azapo it is important to note that poor existential circumstances, poor housing, joblessness, homelessness and a combination of other factors that the poor are subjected to, contribute to the dehumanisation of people and lead to feelings of inferiority and hopelessness.

Crime is one of the most spoken about subjects in our country, sometimes in an exaggerated fashion. To this end we agree with the call to unite around this matter. Azapo suggests that the following measures should be taken: Enhancing family and community values by creating conditions for the healthy upbringing of children – that is looking at the family and communities as core starting points for the promotion of free and responsible citizens; and determining the extent to which poverty and dehumanising conditions of existence may contribute to individual dispositions to crime. Government should declare mini-states of emergency, targeting crime hotspots and deploying the police and the army to root out criminals and weapons that are used to commit crime.

Coupled with this, the judiciary should carefully look at inconsistencies relating to sentencing and imprisonment of offenders. Notwithstanding the fact that sentencing is a matter of law, Azapo does not understand why a white person who shoots a person and alleges that he mistook him for a dog gets a fine and a suspended sentence, while a black shoplifter who steals a bottle of perfume is sentenced to imprisonment without a fine. So the judiciary must do something about this. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

The perception out there is that those who can afford expensive lawyers can avoid the full might of the law, and that when you are poor you go to prison, even for minor offences or a crime that you never committed. Azapo believes that more could be achieved through national co-operation where the interests of the country are paramount. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr K O BAPELA: Thank you, Chairperson, the President, Deputy President, Ministers and Deputy Ministers and all hon members.

Ke a le dumediša. Ke re thobela. Ke a le tamiša. [Greetings to you all.]

The ANC forms part of the global forces, including governance, parties and civil society organisations in developing and developed countries, campaigning for a humane and equitable world order.

This is a quote from the ANC’s Strategy and Tactics.

Mookamedi, mo moletlong le tshepedišong ya wona, mokgatlo wa ANC o ile wa ithuta le go tsentšha letsogo morerong wa tšhomišano go tša tlhompho ya botho – human solidarity – lefaseng ka bophara. [Director, the ANC has in their celebration and proceedings learnt about, and also played a world- wide role in respect for, human rights.]

It was informed in its international work by values of internationalism, promotion of human rights against abuses and violations, and support for national liberation.

Le lehono re sa ntše re ikemišeditše go latela diphišegelo tšeo. Gape ebile re tla tšwela pele go tiiša ditlemagano le mekgatlo yeo e šomišanago le rena - strengthening of progressive networks - go fihlela re bona tekano le tlhompho ya botho lefaseng ka moka. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)

[We are still willing to follow up on those wishes. We will also strengthen the spirit of working together with other organisations – strengthening the progressive networks – until there is equality and respect for humanity across the world.]

That is the emergence of an equitable and humane world order. The emphasis is also made to remind us where we come from and why we are continuing on the path to create a better world, and also to express the ANC’s solidarity message to the people of Myanmar.

The ANC’s lekgotla stated as follows:

The ANC should work, together with other organisations locally and internationally, to campaign for the restoration of democracy and human rights in Myanmar.

The meeting further reiterated the ANC’s deep concern at the situation in Myanmar, including widespread repression and the continued house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi, and urged that these matters be taken up through the appropriate organs of the UN systems.

We raise this issue to clarify our position, knowing that we will be meeting at international platforms soon; some amongst us will take it out of its context for selfish interests or may regard it as regrettable, as already said by some.

As a matter of record, we want to inform Parliament and the nation that our delegates, who have attended numerous meetings of the Inter-Parliamentary Union and also the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, have signed, attended and spoken in solidarity with the people of Myanmar who in these bodies will have sidetalks and petitions for signing. We will continue to give support to and express solidarity with the cause of the people of Myanmar and will support resolutions, if appropriately raised at the correct platforms.

Ke tshepha gore Mookamedi o tla otlologa gomme a fa setšhaba sa gaborena lesedi ka ga taba ye, le gore a bontšhe gore re le Maafrika-Borwa re a e thekga gore go be le tharollo ka se se diragalago kua Myanmar.

Taba ya bobedi yeo ke tlago bolela ka ga yona ke tema yeo Palamente e e kgathago mo go tlišeng toka le tekano lefaseng. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[I trust that the director will take this opportunity to give our people information on this issue and to show that we as South Africans support that the issues of Myanmar be resolved.

The second thing I would like to talk about is the role that Parliament plays in strengthening justice and equality in the world.] Parliaments all over the world are strongly emerging as international players in global politics. So is our Parliament. We have affiliated to a number of world parliamentary bodies and are being canvassed to join others. During the visit by our Speaker to Belarus an appeal was made to the Speaker that we should form a non-aligned movement parliamentary body, which we are considering, as one of the international parliamentary bodies that are emerging.

The challenge remains that affiliation alone is not enough, and we should now embark on transforming these bodies to make them more relevant and significant, in order for them to become instruments of change, taking up such issues as fighting poverty, through the monitoring of our respective countries’ performance in achieving the Millennium Development Goals; consolidating the African Agenda; pursuing such programmes as Nepad, regional economic integrations, and global warming issues; fighting the causes of terrorism; ensuring that the number of African children going to school increases; ensuring that health accessibility to women and children is a right and not a privilege for a few; ensuring that conflicts on the continent are eliminated and that women and children live in peace and do not remain refugees forever; and ensuring that Africa emerges as an important global player.

We strive for a world free of hunger and poverty. We are striving for a day when, in years to come, we will say, as a country and as a continent: “Tlala o nyele, bohumi bo fedile.” I hope the interpreter did not use the wrong word. “Tlala o nyele” means “we have defeated hunger and poverty”. [Laughter.] Ke sepedi seo. [That is Sepedi.]

We need to engage, monitor and involve our people in a participatory democracy, in seeking solutions afflicting humanity, as parliaments, as people’s representatives, representing the people who voted us into parliaments.

We have just adopted, as the Joint Rules Committee of Parliament, a policy for the establishment of a parliamentary group on international relations that will guide us to engage with and fulfil all these challenges I’ve mentioned. We hope that before the end of the first quarter we’ll be able to adopt it in both Houses to begin implementing it.

Parliamentary diplomacy is on the rise and members will be expected to empower themselves and follow events closely in pursuance of the strategic goal of a better world and a better Africa. We should not view international or foreign politics in a narrowminded way, as our foreign policy captures it correctly, and I quote:

Foreign relations are an expression of the domestic interests.

We do all this to attract investment to our country, to open space for our goods to enter other markets in the world, for our people-to-people relations to grow and increase, to allow mobility of skills which benefits countries, and for parliamentarians also to become ambassadors of their own country.

In relation to the theme of this year’s state of the nation address, Parliament chose the theme “ Let’s deepen debate in South Africa”. Part of the contribution to the debate is for South Africans to discuss, debate and express views around our role on the continent in particular. There is acknowledgement by the continent of South Africa’s role in conflict resolution and peacekeeping, and that we have a strong economy, better infrastructure and strong leadership. Some even go to the extent of saying that we have a strong army. Hence there is a continuous call for us to participate in various missions on the continent.

The rest of the continent acknowledges that as a country we obviously have our own domestic challenges. Notably, we have expressed the need for us to fight poverty and ensure that the poor’s needs are met, and the need to fight crime, particularly violent crime. But they are also confident that South Africa will triumph over these two pressing issues. They also warn us that as South Africans we have a tendency to run down our own country. We hope that in engaging with and debating these issues, we will give rise to action and programmes towards delivery.

A debate needs to start on whether South Africa should consider a policy option for the creation of a fund for development aid, focusing on Africa, obviously because of the size of our economy, to assist with development challenges for the continent and to set a trend for other stronger countries in Africa to follow suit. Currently, the African Renaissance fund is just an intervention fund.

South African private sector investment in the continent in areas of retail, mining, construction and engineering should be encouraged. However, we need to emphasise here that private companies, too, have a responsibility in ensuring that our flag is raised high, that they respect employment practices, and that they procure and buy goods locally.

Government should foster a partnership in the spirit of Nepad and the vision for a better Africa, and businesspeople should raise the flag proudly, as we do within such a vision.

As I end my speech, I would also like to call on parliamentarians to discuss and report on international matters in their own constituencies and give reports there. As Ingoapele Madingoane said in his famous poem in the 80s: “Africa My Beginning, Africa My Ending.”

Lastly, I want to urge that we should also, as is happening in the capitals of Kenya, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Mozambique, just to mention a few, name our streets after leaders such as OR Tambo, Chief Luthuli, Nelson Mandela, Julius Nyerere, Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Sam Nujoma, Kenneth Kaunda, etc. We should consider doing so in thanking these leaders for fighting colonialism and freeing Africa, and also for contributing to the liberation of South Africa. Again I say: Africa my beginning, Africa my ending! Africa my home! Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr A I VAN NIEKERK: Mnr die Voorsitter en agb President, ek wil graag ’n paar opmerkings maak na aanleiding van die President se opmerking in sy staatsrede dat hy grondhervorming wil versnel. Mnr die President, ek gaan vandag in Afrikaans met u praat, want ek is ’n boer, soos vele ander, wat my familieverbintenis met die landbou 350 jaar terug kan naspoor. Ek praat met u as ’n Afrikaner wat uit die landbou kom en in murg en been hier geskape is en hier wil bly. Ek wil bydra tot die sukses van hierdie land en ek wil sien dat grondhervorming slaag, want ek steun dit.

Landbou is nie ’n maklike bedryf nie. Die klimaat is onvriendelik, die reënval min en die politiek vol voorskrif. Die landbou in Suid-Afrika dra 30% tot ons ekonomie by, direk en indirek, en ons is een van sewe lande in die wêreld wat ’n netto uitvoerder van voedsel is. Daar is nie kitsoplossings vir landbouprobleme nie. Die sukses en volhoubaarheid van landbou kom uit kennis, ondervinding en praktiese planne, en ’n fyn balans tussen klimaat en ekonomiese en politieke realiteite.

Indien u die huidige grondhervormingsproses wil versnel, het u ’n groot probleem. Besef u dat feitlik alle grondhervormingsprojekte wat met landbou te doen gehad het tot dusver misluk het? Dit was swak beplan, is onbeholpe bestuur en het in chaos geëindig. Om die huidige rigting van grondhervorming te versnel, voorspel net versnelde mislukking en dit kan ernstige gevolge vir ons land inhou.

Kyk net wat het met die ekonomieë van die buurlande gebeur waar grondhervorming politiek en prakties verkeerd gehanteer is en die landbou nie volhoubaar bedryf is nie. Indien u grondhervorming suksesvol wil toepas, sal u die rolspelers, die rigting en die metodiek van grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika moet verander. U sal die landbougemeenskap, en veral hul leiers, in hierdie verband moet betrek.

Hulle het die noodsaak van grondhervorming aanvaar. Hulle verskil nié met die regering oor die beginsel van grondhervorming nie, maar oor hoe om dit suksesvol, prakties en volhoubaar toe te pas. Hulle het die kennis, ondervinding en vermoë om dit te bewerkstellig. U het hul betrokkenheid nodig indien u wil slaag.

Hul hand van samewerking word egter konstant weggeklap. Hul welwillendheid word wantrou. Die beter verhoudings tussen die regering en die boere onder die vorige Minister is tot niet. Verhoudings tussen die regering en die landbou is tans erg deurmekaar. Daar word op foute gekonsentreer en nie op oplossings nie.

Algemene beskuldigings teen die boere word om hul hoofde geslinger. Oortredings van wette en vergrype van mag deur ’n klein persentasie van die boere word as algemene klag teen alle boere opgestel. Hierdie vergrype word nie goedgepraat nie en word ook nie deur die oorgrote meerderheid van georganiseerde landbou geduld nie. Hierdie ondeurdagte beskuldigings van regeringskant sonder stawende bewyse word op alle boere van toepassing gemaak en vertroebel verhoudings nóg meer.

Aan die voorpunt van hierdie onverkwiklike aanslag is die nuwe Minister van Landbou en Grondsake in haar uitsprake. Stem u saam met die Minister as sy sê dat alle boere onpatrioties is en nie die regering erken nie? Stem u saam dat alle boere plaasarbeiders onmenslik behandel en onwettig van die plase afsit, soos die Minister in haar Kersboodskap aan boere geïmpliseer het? Stem u saam met die verwoording van getuienis wat gebaseer is op Rawsonville-aanklagte dat boere in die algemeen hulle arbeiders verkrag en aanrand?

Meneer die President, die landbouperd sal nié saamwerk om oploswater te soek of te drink as dit met ’n gesplete sweep van vals beskuldigings gegesel word nie. Kry die vertroue van die landbouperd, en u sal baie ver en rustig op sy rug kan ry. Dan sal grondhervorming van krag tot krag gaan en suksesvol in hierdie land tot voleinding gebring word. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Dr A I VAN NIEKERK: Chairperson and hon President, I would like to make a few remarks with regard to the President’s statement in his state of the nation address that he would like to accelerate the pace of land reform. Mr President, I am going to speak to you in Afrikaans today, because I am a farmer, as so many others, who can trace back my family’s ties to agriculture for 350 years. I am speaking to you as an Afrikaner that hails from an agricultural background, who was born and bred here and would want to stay here. I want to contribute towards the success of this country and would like to see the success of the land reform process because I support it.

Agriculture is not an easy industry. The climate is unfriendly, rainfall scarce and politics encumbered with regulations. Agriculture contributes, directly and indirectly, towards 30% of South Africa’s economy, and we are one of seven countries in the world who are net food exporters. There are no instant solutions for agricultural problems. The success and sustainability of agriculture is derived from knowledge, experience, practical plans, and a fine balance between climate and economical and political realities.

If you wish to accelerate the present land reform process, you have an enormous problem. Do you realise that thus far all agricultural land reform programmes have actually failed? The planning was bad; it was poorly managed and ended in chaos. Accelerating the current direction of land reform, only predicts accelerated failure and this could have serious implications for our country.

Just look at what has happened to the economies of the neighbouring states where land reform had been dealt with in a politically and practically incorrect manner and where agriculture was not managed in a sustainable way. If you want to apply the land reform process successfully, you will have to change the role-players, the direction and methodology of land reform. You will have to involve the agricultural community, and especially their leaders, in this regard.

They have accepted the need for land reform. They do not differ with the government on the principle of land reform, but rather on how to apply it in a successful, practical and sustainable manner. They have the skills, experience and ability to bring this about. You need their involvement if you wish to succeed.

However, their co-operation is rejected time and again. Their goodwill is regarded with circumspect. The improved relations between the government and the farmers, under the former Minister, have been destroyed. Relations between the government and the agricultural sector are extremely chaotic at the moment. Prominence is given to flaws and not to solutions.

General accusations directed at farmers are used to judge them all by the same yardstick. Contraventions of the laws and the abuse of power by a minority of farmers, is held as a general complaint against all farmers. These transgressions are neither condoned nor tolerated by the overwhelming majority of organised agriculture. These ill-considered accusations on the side of government, without evidence to substantiate it, are applied to all farmers and confuse relations even further.

At the forefront of this unpleasant onslaught, is the new Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs in her pronouncements. Do you agree with the Minister when she says that all farmers are unpatriotic and they do not recognise the government? Do you agree that all farmers treat their farm workers inhumanely and illegally evict them from the farms as the Minister implied in her Christmas message to the farmers? Do you agree with the wording of evidence based on the Rawsonville charges that farmers generally rape and assault their farm workers?

Mr President, the workhorse of agriculture will not co-operate to find solutions, or be part of such solutions, if it is flogged with a split whip of false accusations. Seek the trust of agriculture’s workhorse and you will have an extended and smooth ride on its back. Then land reform will grow from strength to strength and it will come to fruition successfully in this country. I thank you. [Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Thank you, Chairperson, Mr President, Deputy President, members of the House. I would like to deviate and start off by responding briefly to some aspects of the debate. And I would like to underline that I certainly accept the bona fides of the hon Leon in his observations with regard to the question of crime.

I do want to say that I think that we must avoid the temptation to evaluate the national progress on the basis of reactions by individuals who maybe traumatised by personal tragedy or those who may be seeking justification for their actions or inaction. I refer specifically to the examples that were quoted by the hon Leon and the hon Meshoe – I see here he has escaped from the House now.

Now, the hon Buthelezi correctly reminds us that the majority of victims of crime in this country are black, or rather are poor. And I say: The majority of the poor are black. They are in townships, in informal settlements, they are in the countryside, they are in downtown Johannesburg, Sunnyside and other cities. These very, very poor sections of our population are the vast majority and are the victims of these crimes.

Now, we single out the voice of some wealthy individual who can afford to take his whole family and leave this country and go to Australia, and then this is highlighted in the House before this nation. The hon Meshoe invites into this House the comments of someone who is sitting in the exaggerated comfort of European cities, pointing a finger and saying how wrong this country is.

What we need - and I think what we as South Africans should be doing – is to speak of those who recognise that crime is one of the problems in our country. But who, instead of sitting as spectators or walking away, take action to join with all of us to fight this crime. When are we going to speak about the majority of black and white South African farmers who are sticking it out on their farms in the Free State, the North West and Limpopo, and who are working to try and contribute to the national effort to fight crime.

Those are the people, I think, we should be speaking about and speaking to here. [Applause.] The examples, in my view, that we should highlight, are the commendable efforts of loyal and patriotic black and white South Africans who are working with all of us to fight this crime so as to make South Africa a better place. Let’s hear more of those …

Laat ons ’n bietjie meer hoor van iemand soos André Venter, wat sy beste jare gegee het sodat Suid-Afrika glorie op die rugbyveld kan hê. Vandag sit hy verlam in Bloemfontein. Laat ons meer hoor van die spelers – blank en swart – wat nou in die krieketspan, in rugby en in sokker Suid-Afrika se naam hoog hou. Nie van ’n paar individue wat Suid-Afrika die rug gekeer het, en weggeloop het Australië toe nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Let us hear a little bit more about somebody like Andre Venter, who gave his best years in order for South Africa to achieve glory on the rugby field. Today he is sitting in Bloemfontein – paralysed. Let us hear more about the players – white and black – who are currently in the cricket team, in rugby and in soccer maintaining South Africa’s good reputation. Not just about a few individuals who have turned their backs on South Africa and run away to Australia.]

Let them go to Australia. Let them make it a happy home for themselves, that’s fine. We are interested in the citizens of this country who want to sit here and fight and who want to make South Africa a better place. [Applause.]

We need partners in the battle against crime and not this eloquent spectators speaking from the exaggerated comforts of their own elsewhere.

I am sorry, but these are not examples to be held before the youth of our country.

Mr President, in 1906 Pixley ka Seme wrote: The giant is awakening. From the four corners of the earth, Africa’s sons …

And here I want to add, “and Africa’s daughters” …

who have been proved through fire and sword are marching to the future’s golden door, bearing the records of deeds of valour done.

One hundred and one years later, the golden door is in sight, the quest for unity amongst the peoples of our continent is still central to our understanding of a better life for all. Our march through fire and sword lasted for over four centuries and entailed the defeat of colonialism and imperialism. For the first time in the history of our continent, we hold the possibility of shaping our own destiny. We are busy with the task. [Applause.]

Chairperson, we have been committed to the liberation of the people of South Africa since 1912 in an organised fashion. We then enshrined the goals of peace, stability, equality and of building of a better life in the Freedom Charter in 1955. Moreover, Africans across the continent and our movement amongst them understood and accepted that whilst one country in our continent was not free, all were not free. It explains therefore why nations across our continent, in spite of their problems, made firm their commitment to supporting the democratisation of this country. And today, in our own country, that goal has come through and we are seized with that vision and with that spirit.

Today we keep to the view that without peace without security, there can be no development on the continent. Without peace and stability in the continent of Africa, there can be no peace and stability in South Africa. Thus we have no option, but to address the various conflicts still raging on our continent.

Mr President, in this regard your leadership must not waiver; our movement should not waiver behind you. We must continue to deal with the problems at home, but our contribution to the advancement of the continent is imperative. [Applause.] Last week, the World Bank released a study and it says:

Conflicts are now arguably the single most important determinant of poverty in Africa, that recent research suggests that the incidents and severity of conflicts in Africa have had a robust negative effect on the growth rate of incomes. Countries that experienced civil wars had an average income of 50% lower than those of countries that experienced no civil war.

A study released a little earlier in 2004 confirms that:

The direct cost of war is only a fraction, often less than 10%, of the indirect costs. Far more people die from more related diseases and malnutrition than from battle deaths. The implications of these conflicts need to be understood if the urgency of their resolution is to be prioritised.

They cannot be subject to knee-jerk reactions and one size fits all solutions. And South Africa cannot take part in the drive to resolve these conflicts when it has the luxury to do so. I am therefore proud to announce that our past interventions have so far had a telling impact on the continent. But, as the World Bank report says:

The fact that wars are ended doesn’t necessarily mean that their underlying causes have been addressed. For peace to be sustainable over the long run the root causes of conflict need to be addressed.

That explains why, although we resolved the Burundi problem sometime ago in terms of going to elections, South Africa has sustained the presence of some of her contingents in order to enable that fledgeling democracy to take route and to be able to sustain itself.

Consequently, we are adjusting our approach and introducing in the training of our people, content that improves the impact of our interventions. The men and women who are now going out into Africa to do peace support operations are being armed with capacity, not only to deal with the raging conflict but to be able, beyond the resolution, to assist the communities in which they operate.

They are redirecting their energies into those activities that begin to lay the foundation for the development of those countries. The strengthening of the African Union, the SADC, the creation of the Africa Standby Force and the SADC Brigade, are all parts of a battery or strategies that both our countries and neighbours use to resolve conflicts in order to encourage development and to create a better life for all on the continent.

I said in December last year, and I know that this raised some questions in certain quarters, that South Africa will be the last to leave the DRC. There is no possibility that we can leave such a huge country that has both the potential, if properly guided and protected and supported, to advance development not only inside that country but impact on the nine other countries that surround it.

That is a situation that is in the lap of Africans. Europeans will probably withdraw from the DRC when it suits them, because they are far located from where we are and from where the problem is. Africans have no choice. Mr President, again, we must not hesitate in insisting that our nation should, without sacrificing domestic programmes, continue to support the efforts of the people of the DRC by way of sustaining our presence there in order to keep stability in place. Threats to our very existence on this planet are prevalent and must be confronted, they are more than just a question of conflict on the continent. The threat, for instance, of nuclear weapons is real and continues to be a serious cause for concern. South Africa is one of the countries leading the drive for the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons and we are doing that in our cares for peace and a safe world. The destruction of the ozone layer and the threat of environmental degradation must be tackled in our global as well as our local and regional forums.

One of the biggest problems facing our world today is the emergence of superpower unilateralism and the aggressive reactions which unleash tensions pregnant with the capacity to thrust whole regions into limited war and indeed even conflagrations. It is therefore important to appreciate that we did not lead in containment of conflict on the continent, others without our sensitivity will find space to drive the continent deep into the morass of a disaster. [Time expired.]

       FOODSTUFFS, COSMETICS AND DISINFECTANTS AMENDMENT BILL

                       (Consideration of Bill)

There was no debate.

The Deputy Chief Whip of the Majority Party moved:

That the House refuses to pass the Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Amendment Bill as amended by the National Council of Provinces. Agreed to.

Foodstuffs, Cosmetics and Disinfectants Amendment Bill accordingly not passed.

The House adjourned at 18:19. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS



                      FRIDAY, 17 NOVEMBER 2006

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

The Speaker

1. Submission of Private Members’ Legislative Proposals

 (1)    The following private member’s legislative proposal was
     submitted to the Speaker in accordance with Rule 234:

     (a)     Public Finance Management Amendment Bill (Mr E W Trent)
     In accordance with Rule 235 the legislative proposal has been
     referred to the Standing Committee on Private Members’ Legislative
     Proposals and Special Petitions.

COMMITTEE REPORTS National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert T061117E-insert – PAGES 2815-2916

                      MONDAY, 20 NOVEMBER 2006

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert T061120E-insert1 – PAGES 2918-2935

National Assembly

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert T061120E-insert2 – PAGES 2936-2976

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert T061120E-insert3 – PAGES 2977-2979

                      MONDAY, 27 NOVEMBER 2006

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

The Speaker

1. Membership of the Assembly

   (1) The following member will vacate his seat in the National Assembly with effect from 2 December 2006:

    Jankielsohn, R.
   

   (2) The following member vacated his seat in the National Assembly with effect from 1 October 2006:

    Ramphele, T D H.
   

2. Referral to Committees of papers tabled

   1. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on Defence and the Joint Standing Committee on Defence:

    (a)   The President of the Republic submitted a letter dated 18
          October 2006 to the Speaker of the National Assembly
          informing Members of the Assembly of the employment of the
          South African National Defence Force in the Democratic
          Republic of Congo. 2.    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
    Public Accounts for consideration and the Portfolio Committee on
    Arts and Culture:
    (a)   Letter from the Minister of Arts and Culture to the
          Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section
          65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No
          1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the
          Annual Reports of the Robben Island Museum and the
          Playhouse Company for 2005-2006.
   

   1. The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and the Portfolio Committee on Transport:

    (a)   Letter from the Minister of Transport, dated 31 October
          2006, to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of
          section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
          (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of
          the Annual Reports of the Road Traffic Management
          Corporation and the Urban Transport Fund for 2005-2006.
   

   1. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on Science and Technology for consideration and report. The Report of the Independent Auditors is referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:

    (a)   Report and Financial Statements of Academy of Science of
          South Africa for 2005-2006, including the Report of the
          Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-
          2006. 5.    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
    Public Accounts for consideration and the Portfolio Committee on
    Communications:
   
    (a)   Letter from the Minister of Communications, dated 3
          November 2006, to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in
          terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management
          Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the
          tabling of the Annual Report of the National Electronic
          Media Institute of South Africa for 2005-2006.
   

 6.     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
       Arts and Culture for consideration and report. The Reports of
       the Auditor-General are referred to the Standing Committee on
       Public Accounts for consideration:

       (a)   Report and Financial Statements of the Nelson Mandela
             National Museum for 2005-2006, including the Report of the
             Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006
             [RP 192-2006].

       (b)   Report and Financial Statements of the Robben Island
             Museum for 2005-2006, including the Report of the Auditor-
             General on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006 [RP 217-
             2006].

 7.     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
       Public Accounts for consideration and the Portfolio Committee on
       Correctional Services:

       (a)   Report of the Auditor-General on the findings identified
             during a performance audit of official departmental
             accommodation at the Department of Correctional Services –
             September 2006 [RP 254-2006].

 8.     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
      Finance for consideration and report:

      (a)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran
             regarding Mutual Assistance between their Customs
             Administrations, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
             Constitution, 1996.

      (b)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding Mutual
             Assistance between their Customs Administrations.

      (c)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Democratic Republic of
             Congo regarding Mutual Assistance between their Customs
             Administrations, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
             Constitution, 1996.

      (d)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo regarding
             Mutual Assistance between their Customs Administrations.

 9.     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
       Trade and Industry for consideration and report. The Report of
       the Auditor-General is referred to the Standing Committee on
       Public Accounts for consideration:

      (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the Technology and
             Human Resources for Industry Programme (THRIP) for 2005-
             2006, including the Report of the Auditor-General for 2005-
             2006.

          b) Report of the National Industrial Participation Programme
             for 2005-2006.


 10.    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
       Trade and Industry:

       (a)   Government Notice No R.873 published in Government Gazette
             No 29186 dated 1 September 2006: International Trade
             Administration Commission of South Africa: Import
             restrictions on textiles and clothing originating from the
             People’s Republic of China, in terms of the International
             Trade Administration Act, 2002 (Act No 71 of 2002)

       (b)   Government Notice No R.949 published in Government Gazette
             No 29245 dated 21 September 2006: Prescribed Time Frame for
             Free Credit Records, and Determination of Application and
             Registration Fees, in terms of the national Credit Act,
             2005 (Act No 34 of 2005).

       (c)   Government Notice No 928 published in Government Gazette
             No 29233 dated 22 September 2006: Incorporation of an
             external company as a company in the Republic of South
             Africa: Star Gaze Limited, in terms of the Companies Act,
             1973 (Act No 61 of 1973).

       (d)   Government Notice No 960 published in Government Gazette
             No 29256 dated 29 September 2006: Incorporation of an
             external company as a company in the Republic of South
             Africa: Portfolio Deal Services Limited, in terms of the
             Companies Act, 1973 (Act No 61 of 1973).

       (e)   Government Notice No 995 published in Government Gazette
             No 29277 dated 13 October 2006: Standards Matters, in terms
             of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).

 11.    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
       Labour and the Portfolio Committee on Transport for
       consideration and report. The Report of the Auditor-General is
       referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
       consideration:

       (a)   Report and Financial Statements of the Transport Education
             and Training Authority (Teta) for 2005-2006, including the
             Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
             for 2005-2006.

 12.    The following paper is referred to the Joint Monitoring
       Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women
       and the Ad Hoc Committee on Review of State Institutions
       Supporting Constitutional Democracy and Public Service
       Commission for consideration and report. The Report of the
       Auditor-General is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
       Accounts for consideration:

       (a)   Report and Financial Statements of the Commission on
             Gender Equality (CGE) for 2005-2006, including the Report
             of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2005-
             2006.

 13.    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
       Water Affairs and Forestry for consideration and report. The
       Reports of the Independent Auditors are referred to the Standing
       Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:

       (a)   Report and Financial Statements of Umgeni Water for the
             year ended 30 June 2006, including the Report of the
             Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for the
             year ended 30 June 2006.

       (b)   Report and Financial Statements of Albany Coast Water for
             the year ended 30 June 2006, including the Report of the
             Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for the
             year ended 30 June 2006.

 14.    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
       Defence and the Joint Standing Committee on Defence:

       (a)   Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the African Union on
             Contributing Resources to the African Union Mission in
             Burundi (AMIB), tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
             Constitution, 1996.

       (b)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the African Union on Contributing Resources to the African
             Union Mission in Burundi (AMIB).

       (c)   Protocol between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Republic of Angola on
             Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
             the Constitution, 1996.

       (d)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Protocol between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Republic of Angola on Defence
             Cooperation.

       (e)   Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Republic of Belarus on
             Military-Technical Cooperation, tabled in terms of section
             231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (f)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Republic of Belarus on Military-Technical
             Cooperation.

       (g)   Agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the
             Kingdom of Belgium on a Military Partnership, tabled in
             terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (h)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Republic of South Africa and the Kingdom of Belgium on a
             Military Partnership.

       (i)   Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic
             of Chile on Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms of section
             231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (j)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
            between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
            the Government of the Republic of Chile on Defence
            Cooperation.

       (k)   Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
            Africa and the Government of the Czech Republic concerning
            the Protection of Classified Defence Information, tabled in
            terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (l)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
            Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
            Government of the Czech Republic concerning the Protection
            of Classified Defence Information.

       (m)   Supplementary Arrangement between the Government of the
            Republic of South Africa, through its Department of Defence,
            and the Federal Ministry of Defence of the Federal Republic
            of Germany concerning the Provision of Support during
            Exercise Good Hope from 6 February 2006 to 20 March 2006,
            tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (n)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Supplementary Arrangement
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa,
             through its Department of Defence, and the Federal Ministry
             of Defence of the Federal Republic of Germany concerning
             the Provision of Support during Exercise Good Hope from 6
             February 2006 to 20 March 2006.

       (o)   Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic
             of India concerning the Training of South African Navy
             Personnel by the Indian Navy, tabled in terms of section
             231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (p)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the Government of the Republic of India concerning the
             Training of South African Navy Personnel by the Indian
             Navy.

       (q)   Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Republic of India on
             Supplies of Defence Equipment, tabled in terms of section
             231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (r)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Republic of India on Supplies of Defence
             Equipment.

       (s)   Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa, as represented by the South African Department of
             Defence, and the Government of the Republic of Mali, as
             represented by the Malian Ministry of Defence and War
             Veterans, on Defence and Technical Cooperation, tabled in
             terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

       (t)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa, as represented
             by the South African Department of Defence, and the
             Government of the Republic of Mali, as represented by the
             Malian Ministry of Defence and War Veterans, on Defence and
             Technical Cooperation.

      (u)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Russian Federation on
             Reciprocal Protection of Intellectual Property Rights used
             and established in the course of Bilateral Defence-
             Industrial Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3)
             of the Constitution, 1996.

      (v)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Russian Federation on Reciprocal
             Protection of Intellectual Property Rights used and
             established in the course of Bilateral Defence-Industrial
             Cooperation.

      (w)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
             Africa and the Government of the Russian Federation
             concerning Protection of Classified Defence and Defence-
             Industrial Related Information, tabled in terms of section
             231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

      (x)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the
             Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
             Government of the Russian Federation concerning Protection
             of Classified Defence and Defence-Industrial Related
             Information.

      (y)    Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa, through its Department of
             Defence, and the Ministry of National Defence of the
             Republic of Tunisia concerning Military Cooperation, tabled
             in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

      (z)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa,
             through its Department of Defence, and the Ministry of
             National Defence of the Republic of Tunisia concerning
             Military Cooperation.

      (aa)   Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic
             of Uganda concerning Defence Cooperation, tabled in terms
             of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

      (bb)   Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the Government of the Republic of Uganda concerning Defence
             Cooperation.

     (cc)    Supplementary Arrangement between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United
             Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning
             the Provision of Support during Exercises, Training and
             Operations, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
             Constitution, 1996.

     (dd)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Supplementary Arrangement
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
             Northern Ireland concerning the Provision of Support during
             Exercises, Training and Operations.

     (ee)    Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United
             Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning
             the provision of personnel of the United Kingdom Armed
             Forces and the United Kingdom Ministry of Defence to advise
             the Department of Defence of the Republic of South Africa
             on aspects of Democratic Defence Management and Peace
             Support Operations, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
             the Constitution, 1996.

     (ff)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
             Northern Ireland concerning the Provision of Personnel of
             the United Kingdom Armed Forces and the United Kingdom
             Ministry of Defence to advise the Department of Defence of
             the Republic of South Africa on Aspects of Democratic
             Defence Management and Peace Support Operations.
     (gg)    Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United
             Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning
             the Provision of Personnel of the United Kingdom Armed
             Forces and the United Kingdom Ministry of Defence to advise
             the Department of Defence of the Republic of South Africa
             on Aspects of Democratic Defence Management and Peace
             Support Operations, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
             the Constitution, 1996.

     (hh)    Memorandum of Understanding between the United Nations and
             the Government of the Republic of South Africa on
             Contributing Resources to United Nations Operation in
             Burundi (ONUB), tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
             Constitution, 1996.

     (ii)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the United Nations and the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa on Contributing Resources to
             United Nations Operation in Burundi (ONUB).

     (jj)    Declaration of Understanding between the Government of the
             Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United
             States of America concerning the Provision of Equipment and
             Training from the Department of State of the United States
             of America under the African Contingency Operations
             Training and Assistance Programme to the South African
             Department of Defence, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
             the Constitution, 1996.

     (kk)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Declaration of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the Government of the United States of America concerning
             the Provision of Equipment and Training from the Department
             of State of the United States of America under the African
             Contingency Operations Training and Assistance Programme to
             the South African Department of Defence.

     (ll)    Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
            Republic of South Africa, as represented by its Department
            of Defence, and the Ministry of Defence of the Socialist
            Republic of Vietnam concerning Defence Cooperation, tabled
            in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

     (mm)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
            between the Government of the Republic of South Africa, as
            represented by its Department of Defence, and the Ministry
            of Defence of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam concerning
            Defence Cooperation.

        an) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
            Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic
            of Zimbabwe concerning the Secondment of Air Force of
            Zimbabwe Personnel to the South African Department of
            Defence, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
            Constitution, 1996.


     (oo)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Memorandum of Understanding
             between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and
             the Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe concerning the
             Secondment of the Air Force of Zimbabwe Personnel to the
             South African Department of Defence.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson

   (a) Quarterly Report of the Auditor-General on the submission of financial statements by municipalities and the status of audit reports as at 30 September 2006 [RP 258-2006].

                   TUESDAY, 28 NOVEMBER 2006
   

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

The Speaker and the Chairperson

1. Bills passed by Houses – to be submitted to President for assent

(1)     Bill passed by National Council of Provinces on 28 November
    2006:
      a) Civil Union Bill [B 26B – 2006] (National Assembly – sec 75).


                     THURSDAY, 30 NOVEMBER 2006

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

The Speaker and the Chairperson

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

   (1) Civil Union Bill [B 26B – 2006] – Act No 17 of 2006 (assented to and signed by Acting President on 29 November 2006).

National Assembly

The Speaker

1. Membership of the Assembly

   (1) The following member will vacate his seat in the National Assembly with effect from 1 December 2006:

    Jankielsohn, R.
    Please note: The above announcement replaces item 1 under
    “Membership of the Assembly” on page 2981 of the Announcements,
    Tablings and Committee Reports of 27 November 2006.
   

   (2) The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr R Jankielsohn vacating his seat in the National Assembly with effect from 1 December 2006, will be filled with effect from 2 December 2006 by the nomination of Mr A J Botha.

2. Panel for National Council for Library and Information Services

   The Portfolio Committee on Arts and Culture, having considered the list of names submitted to it in terms of section 7(2)(a) of the National Council for Library and Information Services Act, No 6 of 2001, approved the composition of the panel to shortlist candidates for appointment to the National Council for Library and Information Services on 14 December 2006.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry

   (1) Report and Financial Statements of Amatola Water for 2005-2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.

   (2) Report and Financial Statements of Mhlathuze Water for 2005- 2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.

   (3) Report and Financial Statements of Namakwa Water Board for 2005- 2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.

   (4) Report and Financial Statements of Pelladrift Water Board for 2005-2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.

   (5) Report and Financial Statements of Rand Water for 2005-2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.

   (6) Increase in water tariffs for 2006-07 by the Bushbuckridge Water, tabled in terms of section 42 of the Local Government: Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

   (7) Increase in water tariffs for 2006-07 by the Mhlathuze Water, tabled in terms of section 42 of the Local Government: Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

National Assembly

The Speaker

1. The President of the Republic submitted the following letter dated 27 November 2006 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing Members of the Assembly of the employment of the South African National Defence Force in the Republic of Madagascar:

   EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF MADAGASCAR, FOR SERVICE IN FULFILLMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE REPUBLIC OF MADACASCAR IN SUPPORT OF ELECTORAL PROCESS

   This serves to inform the National Assembly that I have authorised the employment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) personnel to the Republic of Madagascar, in fulfillment of the international obligations of the Republic of South Africa towards the Republic of Madagascar in support of the electoral process. The elections in the Republic of Madagascar are scheduled to take place on 03 December 2006.

   This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions of section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, read with section 93 of the Defence Act, 2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).

   A total of 31 members will be employed as from 16 December 2006. The total estimated cost to be borne by the Department of Foreign Affairs from the African Renaissance Fund for the deployment of the personnel is R 6, 847, 224. 01

   I will communicate this report to members of the National Council of Provinces and the Chairperson of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, and wish to request that you bring the contents hereof to the attention of the National Assembly.

   Regards,

   signed THABO MBEKI

2. Request from the Minister of Arts and Culture, dated 9 November 2006, for the Portfolio Committee on Arts and Culture, in terms of section 7(2)(a) of the National Council for Library and Information Services Act, No 6 of 2001, to approve the composition of a panel to shortlist candidates for appointment to the National Council for Library and Information Services.

   Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Arts and Culture for consideration.

3. Report by the Public Protector on An Investigation in Connection with Compliance by Ministers and Deputy Ministers with the Provisions of the Executive Ethics Code relating to the Disclosure of Financial Interests, submitted by the President of the Republic, together with his comments, in terms of section 3(5) of the Executive Members’ Ethics Act, 1998.

   Referred to the Joint Committee on Ethics and Members’ Interests for consideration.

                  WEDNESDAY, 31 JANUARY 2007
   

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

The Speaker and the Chairperson

1. Draft Bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159

 (1)    South African Judicial Education Institute Bill, 2007, submitted
      by the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development.
      Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
      Development and the Select Committee on Security and
      Constitutional Affairs.

National Assembly

The Speaker

1. Membership of Assembly

   1) The vacancy which occurred owing to Ms H Zille vacating her seat in the National Assembly with effect from 9 March 2006, has been filled with effect from 4 December 2006 by the nomination of Mr S J F Marais.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson

   Report of the Auditor-General on the Findings identified during an Investigation into Alleged Misappropriation of Funds at the National Development Agency [RP 262-2006].

2. The Minister of Education

   (a) Government Notice No 1491 published in the Government Gazette No 29317 dated 23 October 2006: Call for comment on the Draft National Policy Framework for Teacher Education and Development in South Africa, made in terms of section 3(4)(f) of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).

   (b) Government Notice No R 1052 published in the Government Gazette No 29311 dated 18 October 2006: Regulations relating to the exemption of parents from payment of school fees in Public Schools, made in terms of section 39(4) and 61 of the South African Schools Act, 1996 (Act No 84 of 1996).

   (c) Government Notice No 1205 published in the Government Gazette No 29438 dated 1 December 2006: Publication of List of No Fees Schools per province – Declaring No Fee Schools in 2007 for all nine provinces, made in terms of section 39(10) of the South African Schools Act, 1996 (Act No 84 of 1996).

3. The Minister of Transport (a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Argentine Republic for the Co-ordination of heir Maritime and Aeronautical Search and Rescue Services, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

   (b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Argentine Republic for the Co-ordination of heir Maritime and Aeronautical Search and Rescue Services.

4. The Minister of Minerals and Energy

   (a) Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.

   (b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material.

5. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry

   (a) Government Notice No 1197 published in the Government Gazette No 29426 dated 28 November 2006: Prohibition in the making of fires in the open air in the districts of Clanwilliam, Piketberg, Ceres, Tulbagh, Worcester, Caledon, Paarl, Stellenbosch, Strand and Somerset West, made in terms of section 25(1) of the Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).

   (b) Government Notice No 1198 published in the Government Gazette No 29426 dated 28 November 2006: Prohibition in the making of fires in the open air in the districts of Caledon, Worcester, Robertson and Swellendam. (The Riviersonderend Mountain Range), made in terms of section 25(1) of the Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).

   (c) Government Notice No 1199 published in the Government Gazette No 29426 dated 28 November 2006: Prohibition in the making of fires in the Western Cape, made in terms of section 25(1) of the Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).

   (d) Government Notice No 1200 published in the Government Gazette No 29426 dated 28 November 2006: Prohibition in the making of fires in the open air in the districts of Swellendam, Montagu, Worcester and Robertson (The Western Langeberg Mountain range), made in terms of section 25(1) of the Forest Act, 1984 (Act No 122 of 1984).

   (e) Government Notice No 991 published in the Government Gazette No 29277 dated 13 October 2006: Establishment of the eDikeni Water User Association in the Magisterial District of Victoria East, Province of the Eastern Cape, Water Management Number 12, made in terms of section 92(1) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

   (f) Government Notice No 998 published in the Government Gazette No 29277 dated 13 October 2006: Withdrawal of restrictions on the use of water for agricultural purposes from the Bronkhorstspruit River and its tributaries (Tertiary Catchments 820A, 820B, 820C, and 820D and the withdrawal of restrictions on the use of water for urban and industrial purpose from Bronkhorstspruit Dam and Village Dam[Premier Mine Dam]), made in terms of section 63 read with section 72 of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

   (g) Government Notice No 999 published in the Government Gazette No 29277 dated 13 October 2006: Withdrawal of restrictions on the use of water for agricultural purposes in the Inkomati Water Management Area, made in terms of section 63 read with section 72 of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

   (h) Government Notice No 857 published in the Government Gazette No 29154 dated 1 September 2006: Transformation of the Keurbos River Irrigation Board in the Magisterial District of George, Western Cape Province into Maalgate Water User Association, Water Management Area Number 16, Western Cape Province, made in terms of section 98(6) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

   (i) Government Notice No 897 published in the Government Gazette No 29062 dated 8 September 2006: Notice of List of Protected Tree Species, made in terms of 12(1)(d) of the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).

   (j) Government Notice No 900 published in the Government Gazette No 29205 dated 15 September 2006: Establishment of the Thukela Catchment Management Agency (Water Management Area Number 7) in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal, made in terms of section 78(1) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

   (a) The Acting President of the Republic submitted the following letter dated 20 December 2006 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing Members of the Assembly of the employment of the South African National Defence Force in Burundi:

    EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN BURUNDI
    FOR SERVICE IN THE FULFILMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF
    THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE AFRICAN UNION
   
   
    This serves to inform the National Assembly that I have authorised
    the employment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF)
    personnel to Burundi, in fulfilment of the international obligations
    of the Republic of South Africa towards the African Union as part of
    the African Union Special Task Force in Burundi. The South African
    National Defence personnel will assist in providing security to
    leaders and combatants of the Palipehutu-FNL.
   
   
    This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions of
    section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South
    Africa, 1996, read with section 93 of the Defence Act, 2002 (Act No
    42 of 2002).
    A total of 11000 members are employed in Burundi as from 20 December
    2006 to 31 July 2007 to provide security to leaders and combatants
    of the Palipehutu-FNL.
   
   
    The total estimated cost to be borne by the government of the
    Republic of South Africa for the deployment will be R 86, 523, 167
    for the financial year 2006 / 2007 and R 101, 446, 938 for the
    financial year 2007 / 2008. The Department of Defence will be
    responsible for the cost of the deployment.
    I will communicate this report to the members of the National
    Council of Provinces and the Chairperson of the Joint Standing
    Committee on Defence, and wish to request that you bring the
    contents hereof to the attention of the National Assembly.
   
   
    Regards
   
   
    P MLAMBO-NGCUKA
    ACTING PRESIDENT
   

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert T070131E-insert1 – PAGES 5-53

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert T070131E-insert2 – PAGES 54-78

                       MONDAY, 5 FEBRUARY 2007

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

The Speaker and the Chairperson

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

(1)    Carriage By Air Amendment Bill [B 18 – 2006] – Act No 15 of 2006
     (assented to and signed by President on 14 December 2006) TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

   (a) Protocol on Finance and Investment of the Southern African Development Community, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.

   (b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Protocol on Finance and Investment of the Southern African Development Community.

   (c) Report and Financial Statements of the Financial Services Board on the Registrar of Collective Investment Schemes for the year ended 31 December 2005 [RP 94-2006].

   (d) Annual Financial Statements of the Corporation for Public Deposits for 2005-2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.

   (e) Draft Regulations issued under Section 91A of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962), prescribing the circumstances under which the Commissioner may write off or comprise any amount of Tax, Duty, Levy, Charge, Interest, Penalty or other amount.

2. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

   (a) Report and Financial Statements of the Criminal Assets Recovery Account for 1999-2005, including the Report of the Auditor- General on the Financial Statements for 1999-2005 [RP 249-2006].

   (b) Report and Financial Statements of the Criminal Assets Recovery Account for 2005-2006, including the Report of the Auditor- General on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006 [RP 248-2006].

   (c) Report of the Master of the High Court of South Africa on Moneys in Trust kept in the Guardian’s Fund for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Summary of Statements of Moneys in Trust kept in the Guardian’s Fund for 2002-2003.

   (d) Report of Monies in Trust for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General issued in the absence of Financial Statements for the Monies in Trust for 2003-2004.

   (e) Report on Monies in Trust kept in the Guardian’s Fund for 2003- 2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Summary of Statements of Monies in Trust kept in the Guardian’s Fund for 2003-2004.

   (f) Report and Financial Statements of Monies in Trust for 2002- 2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General issued in the absence of Financial Statements for the Monies in Trust for 2002- 2003.

   (g) Report and Financial Statements of the Guardian’s Fund for 2005- 2006 including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006 [RP 263-2006].

   (h) Proclamation No R46 published in Government Gazette No 29343 dated 31 October 2006: Commencement of certain sections of the Maintenance Act, 1998 (Act No 99 of 1998).

   i) Government Notice No R1099 published in Government Gazette No 29347 dated 3 November 2006: Amendment of Regulations relating to Maintenance, made in terms of section 44 of the Maintenance Act, 1998 (Act No 99 of 1998).

3. The Minister of Arts and Culture

   (a) Report and Financial Statements of the Pan South African Language Board (PANSALB) 2005-2006, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006 [RP 264- 2006].

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

   (a) Reply from the Independent Electoral Commission to recommendations in the Eighty-First Report of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, as adopted by the House on 7 November 2006. (b) Reply from the South African Weather Service to recommendations in the Seventy-Seventh Report of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, as adopted by the House on 7 November 2006.

    Referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
   

   (c) Reply from Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry to recommendations in the report of Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry on Oversight of 2004/2005 Annual Reports and Oral Presentations of Water Boards, as adopted by the House on 7 September 2006.

    Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry
   
   
                      THURSDAY, 8 FEBRUARY 2007
   

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

The Speaker and the Chairperson

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Revenue Laws Amendment Bill [B 33 – 2006] – Act No 20 of 2006
     (assented to and signed by President on 3 February 2007)
 (2)    Revenue Laws Second Amendment Bill [B 34 – 2006] – Act No 21 of
     2006 (assented to and signed by President on 5 February 2007)

1. Draft Bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159

(1)    Housing Consumers Protection Measures Amendment Bill, 2007,
     submitted by the Minister of Housing. Referred to the Portfolio
     Committee on Housing and the Select Committee on Public Services.

1. Message from President

The Speaker and the Chairperson received the following message, dated 5
February 2007, from the President, calling a Joint Sitting of the
National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces: [pic] 4.    Membership of Committees

(1)    The following changes have been made to the membership of Joint
     Committees:

     Budget

     Appointed: Dambuza, Ms N; Fubbs, Ms J L; Mkongi, Mr B M (Alt);
     Mnguni, Mr B A (Alt); Schippers, Mr J (Alt); Schneemann, Mr G D

     Discharged: Gumede, Mr D M; Mahomed, Ms F

     Constitutional Review

     Appointed: Chohan-Khota, Ms F I (Alt)
     Defence


     Appointed: Daniels, Ms P; Fihla, Mr N B (Alt); Johnson, Ms C B
     (Alt); Koornhof, Dr G W (Alt); Monareng, Mr O E (Alt); Ngcobo, Mr
     N W; Ntuli, Mr S B (Alt); Phungula, Mr J P (Alt); Schippers, Mr J
     (Alt); Seadimo, Ms D M; Tolo, Bishop L J (Alt); Van Wyk, Ms A
     (Alt)

     Discharged: Cele, Mr M A; Sotyu, Ms M M

     Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Children, Youth &
     Disabled Persons
     Appointed: Gcwabaza, Mr N E (Alt); Madella, Mr A F; Mohlaloga, Mr M
    R; Molefe, Mr C T (Alt); Reid, Mr L R R (Alt)

     Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women

     Appointed: Direko, Ms I W; Mabena, Mr D C (Alt); Meruti, Ms M V
     (Alt); Morobi, Ms D M; Ntuli, Ms B M (Alt); Nxumalo, Ms M

     Discharged: Tshwete, Ms P

National Assembly

The Speaker

1. Membership of the Assembly

(1)     The following member vacated his seat in the National Assembly
    with effect from 1 February 2007:

    Nkem-Abonta, E


 (2)    The following member will vacate his seat in the National
    Assembly with effect from 1 March 2007.

    Manie, S

1. Membership of Committees

 (1)    The following changes have been made to the membership of
       Portfolio
       Committees:


       Agriculture and Land Affairs

       Appointed: Dlali, Mr D M; Ngcobo, Mr N W (Alt); Ntuli, Ms B M
       (Alt)


       Arts and Culture


       Appointed: Maluleka, Mr H P; Tshwete, Ms P; Zulu, Mr B Z (Alt)


       Communications


       Appointment: Mohlaloga, Mr M R


       Correctional Services


       Appointed: Burgess, Mr C V (Alt); Gerber, Mr P A (Alt);
       Chikunga, Mrs    L S; Nawa, Ms Z N (Alt); Nyambi, Mr A J; Phala,
       Mr M J      (Alt); Vadi, Mr I


       Discharged: Cele, Mr M A; Makgate, Ms M W; Mahote, Mr S


       Defence
       Appointed: Botha, Mr A J; Diale, Mr L N (Alt); Daniels, Ms P;
       Phungula,
       Mr J P (Alt)


       Discharged: Fihla, Mr N B; Johnson, Ms C B


       Education
       Appointed: Mentor, Ms M P (Alt)


       Environmental Affairs and Tourism


       Appointed: Gabanakgosi, Mr P S; Kalako, Mr M U (Alt); Khoarai,
       Mr L  P; Ntuli, Ms M M (Alt); Sekgobela, Ms P S(Alt)


       Finance


       Appointed: Ainslie, Mr A R (Alt); Fubbs, Ms J L (Alt); Mbili, Mr
       M E;  Mokoto, Ms N R


       Health


       Appointed: Madumise, Ms M M; Mashile, Mr B L (Alt); Tlake, Ms M
       F;    Tshwete, Ms P (Alt)


       Discharged: Luthuli, Dr A N


       Housing


       Appointed: Chikunga, Mrs L S (Alt)


       Discharged: Mosala, Mr B G


       Foreign Affairs: Sub-committee on International Affairs


       Appointed: Maluleke, Mr D K (Alt)


       Justice and Constitutional Development


       Appointed: Burgess, Mr C (Alt); Chohan-Khota, Ms F I; Jeffery,
       Mr J H      (Alt); Landers, Mr L T (Alt)


       Discharged: Maloyi, Mr P D N


       Labour


       Appointed: Nene, Mr M J; Lishiivha, Ms T E (Alt)


       Minerals and Energy


       Appointed: Seadimo, Ms D M (Alt)


      Provincial and Local Government


      Appointed: Bhengu, Ms P (Alt); Mashiane, Ms L M (Alt)


      Public Enterprises


      Appointed: Kholwane, Mr S E; Louw, Mr T J (Alt); Ngcengwane, Ms N
      D (Alt); Nogumla, Mr R Z
      Discharged: Mokoena, Mr A D; Mokoto, Ms N R; Pieterse, Mr R D;
      Yengeni, Mrs L E


      Public Service and Administration
      Appointed: Mentor, Ms M P (Alt); Mthembu, Mr B; Nyambi, Mr A J;
      Tlake, Ms M F (Alt)


      Discharged: Greyling, Mr C H F; Mathebe, Mr P M; Mgabadeli, Ms H
      C;     Mlangeni, Mr A; Mzondeki, Mr M J G


      Public Works


      Appointed: Maluleka, Mr H P (Alt)


      Safety and Security


      Appointed: Khumalo, Mr K M (Alt)
      Science and Technology


      Appointed: Nyambi, Mr A J (Alt)


      Social Development


      Appointed: Sibanyoni, Mr J B (Alt)


      Sport and Recreation
      Appointed: Solo, Mr B M (Alt)


      Trade and Industry


      Appointed: Njikelana, Mr S J; Nonkonyana, Chief M (Alt); Ntuli,
     Mrs M   B (Alt)


      Water Affairs and Forestry


      Appointed: Bhengu, Ms P; Combrinck, Mr J J (Alt); Moonsamy, Mr K


      Discharged: Kati, Mr Z J


(2)     The following changes have been made to the membership of
      Standing
      Committees:


      Auditor-General
      Appointed: Gabanakgosi, Mr P S; Mahlaba, Mr T L; Nene, Mr M J;
      Ngcobo, Mr N W; Zulu, Mr B Z; Smith, Mr V G (Alt)


      Discharged: Asiya, Mr S E; Fubbs, Ms J L; Zita, Mr L

     Private Members’ Legislative Proposals and Special Petitions


     Discharged: Kondlo, Ms N C; Tshwete, Ms P (Alt)


     Public Accounts


     Appointed: Hogan, Ms B A (Alt)

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

   (a) Report and Financial Statements of the Public Accountants’ and Auditors’ Board for the 15-month period ending 31 March 2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for the 15-month period ending 31 March 2006.

   (b) Report and Financial Statements of the Executive Officer of the Financial Services Board on the Road Accident Fund for 2004-2005.

   (c) General Notice No 59 published in Government Gazette No 29556 dated 24 January 2007: Draft Regulations issued under section 13, tabled in terms of section 13(3) of the Small Business Tax Amnesty and Amendment of Taxation Laws Act, 2006 (Act No 6 of 2006).

2. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

(a)     Proclamation No R49 published in Government Gazette No 29456
     dated 7 December 2007: Amendment of Proclamation, in terms of the
     Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1996 (Act
     No 74 of 1996).

(b)     Proclamation No R50 published in Government Gazette No 29456
     dated 7 December 2007: Referral of matter to existing Special
     Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of the Special
     Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1996 (Act No 74 of
     1996).

(c)     Government Notice No R990 published in Government Gazette No
    29278 dated 13 October 2007: Regulations regarding the Promotion of
    Access to Information, made in terms of the Promotion of Access to
    Information Act, 1996 (Act No 2 of 2000).

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of Bloem Water for the year
    ended 2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
    Financial Statements for the year ended June 2006.

(b)     Report and Financial Statements of Botshelo Water for the year
    ended 2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
    Financial Statements for the year ended June 2006.

(c)     Report and Financial Statements of Lepelle Northern Water for
    the year ended 2006, including the Report of the Independent
    Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year ended June 2006.

(d)     Report and Financial Statements of Overberg Water for the year
    ended 2006, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
    Financial Statements for the year ended June 2006.


                      MONDAY, 12 FEBRUARY 2007

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

   (a) Report and Financial Statements of Monies in Trust for 2004- 2005, including the Report of the Auditor-General issued in the absence of Financial Statements for the Monies in Trust for 2004- 2005 [RP 255-2006].

2. The Minister of Trade and Industry (a) Report and Financial Statements of the Support Programme for Industrial Innovation (SPII) for 2005-2006, including the Reports of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006. (b) Annual Report of The Office of the Consumer Protection for 2005- 2006.

COMMITTEE REPORTS

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

CREDA INSERT REPORT - Insert T070212E-insert – PAGES 109-120