Mr. Speaker, when this debate was adjourned last night, I was indicating what the difference would be between a pension awarded under the present dispensation, i.e. in terms of the War Pensions Act, and a pension awarded under the new dispensation, i.e. in terms of the proposed Military Pensions Act. Under the present dispensation a White serviceman who has no dependants and who is 100% disabled, will receive a minimum of R91,80 per month. Under the new dispensation such a serviceman will receive a minimum of R300 per month. You will agree, Sir, that this is a considerable improvement. Under the same circumstances, a Coloured or Asian will receive an amount of R45,90 in terms of the old dispensation, whereas he will receive an amount of R200 per month in terms of the proposed Military Pensions Act. Here again this is a considerable improvement. Under the same circumstances a Bantu, who received R22,95 per month under the old dispensation, will receive an amount of R150 per month in terms of the new dispensation. A White person who is 70% disabled, and this is a person who lost his left arm, for example, will receive R64,26 per month under the old dispensation. Under the new dispensation such a person will receive R210 per month. Under the old dispensation a Coloured in the same circumstances will receive R32,13 per month, whereas he will receive R140 per month in terms of the proposed Act. A Bantu in the same circumstances will receive R16,06 per month under the old dispensation, as against a proposed R105 per month under the new dispensation. You will agree, Mr. Speaker, that this, too, is considerable improvement. I shall mention only one further example. A White serviceman who is married and who is 100% disabled as a result of an injury he suffered while he was on military service, will receive R114,22 per month under the present dispensation. It is now being proposed that he receive R350 per month under the new dispensation. A Coloured or an Asian in the same circumstances will receive R57,12 per month under the old dispensation, whereas he will receive R233 per month under the new dispensation. A Bantu in the same circumstances will receive R28 per month under the old dispensation. It is now being proposed that he receive R175 per month under the new dispensation. So substantial improvements are being effected in respect of persons in all categories. We can really welcome these improvements with great enthusiasm. It will give many young men who are called to defend South Africa, and on whom our defence is largely dependent, peace of mind.

As far as the question of the narrowing of the gap between White and non-White is concerned, I just want to make a single remark. You will remember, Sir, that the hon. the Deputy Minister indicated that this legislation would be applicable only to members of the Citizen Force, of the Commandos and of the Reserves. At present no Black or Brown people are members of the Citizen Force, of the Commandos or of the Reserves, since Black and Brown people in South Africa are not liable to do national service. Therefore Black and Brown people who act for South Africa and who fight for South Africa are always contributors to the Government Service Pension Fund as they are members of the Permanent Force, and in that capacity they receive precisely the same benefits as those which their White comrades receive. However, if Black and Brown people fought for South Africa in future, it would be possible to compensate them according to the very realistic scales to which I have already referred.

As far as the remaining provisions of the Bill are concerned, I also want to make a few remarks. Clause 2 puts it beyond any doubt that a military pension may now be paid to all persons who have to do military service, inside or outside South Africa. This is in contrast to the present War Pensions Act, in terms of which it was payable to “volunteers”. This is right and fair and protects our servicemen also in this very important respect.

A further provision which is also welcomed is that in respect of certain cases this legislation may be deemed to have come into operation as from 1 July 1975. The proposed benefits as from that date will be extremely welcome to our people who fought in Angola and are still active in South West Africa at the present time. One is also pleased to see that the provision relating to a temporary pension in respect of missing members is being retained. I want to ask that the payment of amounts awarded in respect of the fallen or the injured, be effected with the utmost dispatch to those they leave behind or to themselves, as the case may be. One knows that this is not always possible, but in those cases where it is at all possible, I ask that it be regarded as a matter of extreme urgency.

I should like to make a single remark in conclusion. Although one is very pleased about the improvements which are now being effected, it is time, and everyone will agree that this is so, that the amounts which have been mentioned and which are to be paid out to the injured and to dependants, will never be completely sufficient to provide for all needs. Nor can one expect the State to make completely sufficient provision under all circumstances. After all, the State cannot take care of everything. We ourselves must also do our share. Therefore I believe that in this regard every citizen in South Africa who has not had the opportunity to defend his country physically by taking up arms has a very serious duty, and this is to render assistance, by means of extra contributions, to people who did see action there and who were injured and to contribute towards assistance for their dependants. The opportunity is there for all of us to take. The whole of South Africa owes these people this debt, and one can only ask that we give our wholehearted support to the various funds and organizations who collect money to assist the injured and their dependants. This is a sound investment. These men on the borders are fighting for our security and for our future, and I think it is our duty to look after their dependants and after these men themselves when they have been injured. With these few ideas I want to give my very strong support to the Second Reading of this Bill.

Mr. Speaker, I endorse wholeheartedly the words of the hon. member who has just resumed his seat, particularly his appeal to our people to give their full support to those organizations which collect funds and to contribute something additional to what the State is able to pay out to those people who suffered injuries in the service of our country. Sentimentally one tends to say that we want to give these people as much as possible from the State coffers, but one also has to be practical and one has to realize that there are financial implications which have to be taken into account as well. In this regard I have in mind particularly the fund which is now collecting money for the rehabilitation of national servicemen, a fund which held a carnival here at Goodwood a few weeks ago for the purpose of collecting R100 000 for a rehabilitation centre, not for rendering medical services, but for providing an additional service, more in the psychological line. The work that was done in this regard, and also by the women of all the parties in this House, assisted in collecting a large part of that amount of R100 000.

†So, Sir, I can with complete conviction say that I believe that the people of South Africa will contribute to funds of that sort and to efforts of that sort. I think the evidence was shown at Goodwood, where people—and this was particularly significant—of all race groups gathered to make their contributions towards that fund. In the same way as this Bill will provide for all race groups, so will those funds do the same. This is a matter to which I will return in a moment.

Sir, we welcome the improvements that are made in the benefits which will now be paid in respect of persons who are injured, wounded, disabled or killed in the service of their country. May I at the outset welcome these improvements in benefits for those who have been wounded or to the beneficiaries of those killed after July last year. However, I also think we must consider those wounded or killed in previous wars in the service of their country. I have in mind World War I, World War II and Korea. Today there are still people who lost their health, who lost limbs or who are the widows of men who died in those wars.

I think it is common cause in this House that we have pleaded over the years for an increase of benefits to those people. They have, it is true, been increased from time to time, but I do not think they have been increased to a level commensurate with what a grateful country could or should have done. Here we are now establishing new standards of compensation, and I consequently believe that those who have suffered for their country in the past should enjoy the same level of benefits.

I realize there are financial issues involved, but I do want to make an appeal to the Government. My plea is not to the hon. the Deputy Minister, because I know he is sympathetic, and it is not to the department, because I know the department is also sympathetic. My appeal is to the Government as a whole. Let us think of those few people who have, for 20 or 30 years or more, been struggling on inadequate pensions. My appeal is that the Government should consider increasing those pensions, at some early date, to the level we are now establishing in terms of this measure before us.

There is another group I think we have overlooked in this Bill. We have catered for national servicemen, commandos and reservists. The hon. member who has just spoken, pointed out that this does not cover non-Whites at this stage, but I do believe that when they come in on a citizen force basis they will be covered. There is, however, another group that serves South Africa in the same field. I am referring to those who fall, not under defence legislation, but under civil defence legislation. They are people who are called upon to serve in exactly the same way as servicemen. Their duties are performed, however, in ambulances or fire-stations. In cases of emergency they are called up to serve in the same way as soldiers are called up to serve. When troops are called up in an emergency they are covered by this Bill but the civil defence worker who is called up in the same emergency, to deal with exactly the same circumstances, is not covered if he should be killed by the very same guns or the same hostile actions that kill our servicemen. I believe we should extend the cover of this Bill to include civil defence workers who are on duty, having been called up in the same circumstances and injured under the same conditions that apply to servicemen in terms of this legislation.

I now want to support the hon. member for Umbilo in his plea that the regulations giving body to the formula should not differentiate on the basis of race, but rather on the basis of earning potential. At the moment Whites are divided into those with an earning potential of R6 000 or more and those with an earning potential of under R6 000. For Coloureds the figure is R4 000 and for Bantu, R3 000. This is a tremendous improvement on the old set-up. We welcome the halving of the gap between, for instance, Black and White. Where the previous ratio was 1 to 4, it is now 1 to 2. This is a tremendous improvement and something everyone will welcome. Being practical, one must realize that there are certain additional State expenditures, such as housing subsidies and transport subsidies, which could be taken into account to justify some sort of difference. However, in all cases those differences are based on earning capacity and we should like to see that the scale be one of earning potential. We could still have six categories, starting, say, with R6 000. The second category could be R5 000; the third, R4 000; the fourth, R3 000; the fifth, R2 000 and the sixth, R1 000. It will then be a person’s potential to earn which will determine the compensation which he will enjoy. We will then be in line with the Government’s proclaimed policy, which we support, of moving away from discrimination based on race or colour. The effect would be the same to a large extent, but it would then be putting into practice the official policy of the Government.

I now turn to the question of gratuities. I think it is a pity that the hon. the Minister has put a fixed amount into this Bill limiting gratuities which may be paid for 10% or 20% disability. One should look at it this way: A person who has a 20% disability will get no pension, but will get a gratuity not exceeding R600. However, a person who has a 25% disability—say he is a White person in the lower category, the R300 category—will get R75 per month. This means that if he lives for a further 20 years, which is a normal expectation for a young man in the Army, he will over that period receive R15 000 in benefits. However, the person who has only one degree less injury, a person with a 20% disability instead of a 25% disability, will be limited to a maximum of R600. In the first instance I do not think this is a realistic maximum. A person who suffers a 20% disability goes right through life with that disability. I do not believe that R600—in other words, only two months of the monthly income of a person who has a 100% disability—is fair compensation for that loss. A 20% disability can be quite a serious disability. I do not want to go into the details but, for instance, the loss of two fingers is equivalent to a 20% disability, as is the loss of the phalanges of two fingers or the loss of all toes on one foot. These disabilities go right through life. Total deafness in one ear is also equivalent to a 20% disability. Deafness in one ear still leaves you one ear to hear with, but if you lose the hearing in that second ear, you then do not get compensated for the loss of hearing in the one that was damaged. You go through life with half your hearing, but your total compensation will be limited to R600. I ask the hon. the Minister to have another look at this aspect.

There is also the question of loss of speech. A person who loses his speech is classified as only 80% disabled, but a person who loses the sight of one eye or one ear plus the loss of the toes, a foot or a hand and could go through life reasonably normally, will have a 100% disability. A man who loses his power of speech—just imagine what it would mean to a Cabinet Minister if he loses his speech—will only be regarded as 80% disabled. [Interjections.] I am not talking about the basic disablement which exists in any case in a Cabinet Minister under this Government, but I am talking of an induced disablement over and above the natural disablement. I think that generally some of these scales could be looked at again.

The last point I wish to raise is simply one of logic. I am not a medical man and I was told by doctors not to raise this matter, but I want to say that I do not see why, when we metricate, we have to measure the stump of a man’s arm to 20,32 cm. I do not think that a mm or two is really going to make a difference to the disability. I would suggest that if the schedule were to stipulate 20 cm instead of 20,32 cm or, again, 12 cm instead of 11,43 cm, this would achieve the same objective without making it look a little silly when one comes to measuring such partly amputated limbs. Most rulers are not so accurate that one could measure a stump to the last millimetre.

With those remarks I repeat our support for the principle of the Bill. The question of widows will be raised by another member on this side and other matters will be discussed in the Committee Stage, but generally speaking we welcome the improvements this Bill introduces and we shall support the Second Reading of it.

Mr. Speaker, we have often heard that the experience which we gained in Angola taught us a whole lot of lessons. I think that the legislation which is now before the House flows from the lessons which we learned there. The hon. member for Durban Point quite rightly said that the Government would like to do more than it is doing in this legislation, but that it is simply impossible for the Government to do everything it would like to do in this connection. However, we believe that this is a very great improvement upon the present situation. Especially with respect to our experience in Angola, we noticed a great deal of concern in parents of the men concerned as well as in the men themselves. They were concerned about their dependents and also about their own position should they be disabled or even killed in battle.

One of the matters which gave rise to very great concern was the fact that the basic insurance policies of insurance companies excluded coverage under certain circumstances. As far as we have been able to determine, insurance companies draw no distinction between persons who are maimed or killed in war or in a terrorist attack, whether they are members of the Permanent Force, members of the Citizen Force, commandos or reservists. Everyone is treated in the same way. Should such a person be killed in battle, according to the information which we have obtained, his insurance would be considered valid and the full amount for which he is insured would be paid out. This is naturally very comforting news.

The problem lies in the category of soldiers who are under discussion in this legislation, namely the members of the Citizen Force, the commandos and the reservists, should they be wounded or disabled or even killed in battle. The insurance companies determine the degree of disability. At the moment they are still paying in terms of the insurance which has been taken out. However, it is normal procedure for most insurance companies that no disability benefits are paid out in the case of injuries incurred during military operations. All insurance contracts contain a clause to this effect. As a result, the indications are that if claims in respect of such injuries should rise sharply, the companies would no longer be prepared to pay out. This would naturally have a very adverse effect. No coverage in the case of wounds incurred during battles would naturally have a very adverse effect on any national war effort. Any responsible man wants to be sure that his dependents will be cared for should he be seriously wounded. Our insurance companies should perhaps pay more attention to this matter and take a greater initiative in accommodating these specific people.

As I said, there was concern about this situation. It caused uncertainty in all who were involved in that effort. It was bad for the morale of our men there. This matter had to be rectified in order to bring about greater certainty and peace of mind and also to relieve the anxiety. This Government has never run away from its duties and responsibilities. This is why this legislation is before us today. By means of this Bill the Government wants to bring about greater certainty and greater peace of mind. For this reason the parents and the dependents of the people concerned, as well as they themselves, welcome this legislation and the improvements which are being brought about in this way. This legislation is going to cost the country a great deal in terms of money, but nevertheless it is a good investment, of which the country will reap the fruits.

Another important aspect is the existing difference in privileges payable to members of the commandos or of the Citizen Force or of the reserves, i.e. to people who are not employed in the Public Service and therefore do not contribute towards the Government Service Pension Fund. These privileges compare very unfavourably with those payable to people who are in the Public Service or permanently attached to the Defence Force. In terms of the present pension provision, there are immense differences between the advantages payable to the two separate groups in cases of disability and death. The privileges of the group who are not members of the Public Service are at present determined by the War Pensions Act of 1967, as amended. The pension which is provided for in the present legislation is extremely scanty. Somebody who is 100% disabled, is married and has one child may receive a total maximum pension of R313 per month according to the present system. All possible fringe benefits are included in that amount. It even includes allowances for clothes, for attendants, and for the care of children. In addition, a bonus of 70% is added. When all these things are added up, a pension of only R313 per month is paid out. In practice, however, experience has proved that the amount which is ultimately paid out is much less than the maximum amount of R313. It is therefore a completely insufficient sum of money.

Taking the example of a married man with one child again, if that man should be killed in action, his widow would receive a sum of R150 per month in terms of the existing provision, together with a small gratuity of R264. This, too, is quite insufficient of course. From the few figures which the hon. the Deputy Minister quoted here yesterday during his Second Reading speech, we already received the assurance that this Bill contains much better privileges, and therefore is a great improvement upon the existing legislation.

It is also gratifying to see that the emphasis has not only been placed upon better monetary advantages, but that care is also being taken of the rehabilitation of disability pensioners. For example, provision is being made in clause 3 of the Bill for defraying the cost of training for the maimed. Somebody who has lost his sight in battle, for example, should derive great benefit from training in braille writing. The same applies to military paraplegics who have to receive professional training in order to facilitate their adaptation to life. It is clear that this Bill was drawn up with great consideration for these unfortunate victims.

Another similar example is found in clause 7 of the Bill. In terms of clause 7 the degree of disability will be determined without regard to his earning capacity in a particular occupation. Therefore, if someone who makes his living from talking—just to go back to what the hon. member for Durban Point referred to—should lose even both hands, it would not be maintained that he does not need his hands to practise his profession effectively. In evaluating his loss, a factor of that nature is not taken into consideration at all. This example was not suggested to me by the hon. member for Edenvale. I do not think we are quite sure whether he talks with his hands or with his mouth.

A last thought, which is also a gratifying one, is the fact that voluntary organizations, for example the Southern Cross Fund, collect money—something which they do in an organized way and for which they go to a great deal of trouble and sacrifice—in order to make it possible to see to the welfare of people who serve South Africa physically in the military world, as well as to the interests of their dependents. It is particularly commendable that the public contributes so lavishly towards the existing aid funds. However, this does not relieve the State of its duty and responsibility towards those men and their dependents, especially not of its duty and responsibility towards those who are disabled by injuries, or those who are killed in battle.

By means of this legislation, the Government is endeavouring to take the positive action that is expected of it with respect to this matter. Therefore I take pleasure in supporting to this Bill.

Mr. Speaker, the hon. the Deputy Minister, in introducing the Second Reading of this Bill, made his first major contribution as a Deputy Minister under the portfolio of Social Welfare and Pensions. We would therefore like to take this opportunity of wishing him well in this work which, we believe, he is well qualified to do. I want to refer especially to the way in which he approached this legislation and to say how much we appreciate the consultation which took place between him and ourselves as well as others before this Bill came to this House. If his approach continues along these lines then I am quite confident that we will work very well together. It seems to me so much easier when consultation does take place, if possible, before a Bill is introduced.

This Bill also gives one the opportunity to pay a warm tribute to the young men who are and have been serving the country so well over the last years, especially over the last year. No one can ever estimate what a man gives when he gives his life for his country, whether it be in Angola or whether it be in the First World War or the Second World War or Korea. The hon. the Deputy Minister made the point that any compensation which is now provided for is not adequate in any way to repay a man who gives his life or who is injured, and particularly those who are seriously injured or totally disabled. Nevertheless, provision must be made and has been made, and the main principle of this Bill is to make this provision for the compensation and medical treatment of those who are involved in war or in the service of their country. The two main pillars, as has been demonstrated, are on the one hand, the consolidation, which is welcomed by members on these benches and, secondly, the making of provision particularly for those who are doing their national service. We on these benches approve and support that as well, and as this represents a considerable improvement and is the very least a country can do for those who are injured, or for the dependants of those who are killed, we will support the Second Reading of this Bill.

I notice that the benefits will be retrospective to July of last year. I believe this is right and will adequately compensate those who were involved in the Angolan war. On going through the Bill, especially when one is confronted by the various formulae, I, with others, must confess that I find it somewhat complicated. We have been well served by the examples which have been given by the hon. the Deputy Minister, and these have served, in part at least, to help me to understand these formulae a little better. I did show the Bill to my son, who at the moment is just finishing his mock matric, and he seemed to understand the formulae even better than the hon. the Deputy Minister does, and certainly better than I did. With his assistance and that of the hon. the Deputy Minister I think I have a rough appreciation of what the formula is all about. Incidentally, my son indicated that his interest was a very real one, seeing that he will be doing his national service next year. He suggests that the benefits should be doubled or even trebled, but of course he is slightly biased.

This morning I had a phone call from a man who was totally disabled during a previous war in the service of his country. He totally lost his eyesight. He had been told about this new Bill and the provisions had been explained to him, and he mentioned to me the amount of compensation or pension that he was receiving and had been receiving for some time. Whilst he was extremely grateful for that, he made the point, which has been made in this debate as well; that the amount of R91,80 plus the 10% which the hon. the Minister of Finance referred to in the budget debate, and which was again referred to by the hon. the Deputy Minister during his Second Reading speech, would be increased to just over R100 plus some other compensations which might be offered. Nevertheless, the basic figure under a consolidation would be in the region of just over R100. Whilst we are deeply appreciative of the new provisions that are made for total disability, which amount to some R300, it seems to us that the soldiers of previous wars certainly do merit greater attention than has perhaps been given up till now.

I should like to support the points made by the hon. member for Durban Point when he referred to this question of the old soldier. Whilst we pay a warm tribute to the young men who have served and who are serving the country right now at this very moment, we believe that further attention, concern and care should be given to those who have served in the past as well. We appreciate what has been done, and we realize that there are financial implications and that it is very difficult to do everything one would like to do. However, I still believe that further care and consideration should be given to those who have served us so well in the past, like this particular man—and so many others like him—who will be living in total darkness for the rest of his days, as a result of his service to his country.

Last night tribute was paid to several ex-service organizations. I should like to add the organization of St. Dunstan’s, which is doing a great deal to assist ex-soldiers and those who have either lost partial eyesight or lost total eyesight. They are doing tremendous work, and after speaking to some of their officials recently I realized that one sometimes forgets what they are doing. The point is well made that we cannot always depend on the State for total provision, but that we also ought to commend and encourage those organizations which supplement the necessary and right work of the State in this regard.

In supporting the principle of this Bill, we have one major reservation. I am quite sure the hon. the Deputy Minister will appreciate that whilst we welcome consultation and discussion, it does not necessarily mean that one can agree with every aspect of any legislation which comes before the House. I refer to a matter which was raised by the hon. member for Umbilo last night. We welcome, without any reservation, the narrowing of the gap. It is a very considerable narrowing, and the figures that were given to us by the hon. the Deputy Minister bear out that the Government itself is mindful that this gap must be narrowed until it no longer exists. However, this is a new piece of legislation which makes fresh and new provisions, and in our opinion it is a great pity that the principle of race has been retained. Whilst one appreciates the improved benefits and the significant narrowing of the gap between the several race groups, we believe another way must be found in which to give equitable benefits and compensation to those involved in defending their country without maintaining and retaining the principle of race. We realize that there are difficulties in this regard. Even when one tries to look at the potential earnings of a particular person it is very difficult to have an absolute scientific yardstick. We are not unaware of the problems, but we also believe that it would be good for the country, good for our armed services and good for the people of South Africa if some way were found to overcome this, particularly as there are very few Blacks, Coloureds or Indians in our armed services at this moment. There have been debates on this matter before in the House. I am quite convinced that one will find that as the months and the years go by, with the situation as it exists on our borders and with the situation as we know it within South Africa, the need for a representative army, i.e. representative of the total population in South Africa, will become increasingly urgent. This, of course, means that one is going to get more and more Coloured, Black and Indian people coming into our armed services and that, inevitably and tragically, more and more, together with White South Africans, will be injured and killed in battle. No compensation is ever sufficient, but how does one measure the value of a life? Can one really persist and go on with a situation where one life is given a greater value than another? How does one evaluate the loss of a limb? I know the hon. the Deputy Minister himself is concerned about the situation, without wanting to read into his mind I believe that if it were possible, he himself would not want this principle to be retained.

In supporting the principle of the Bill, we on these benches would ask for these two things, that is firstly, that further consideration be given to the old soldiers so that further increased compensation and benefits can come their way, and secondly, that consideration be given to the devising of a formula by which compensation is made without any reference whatsoever to race. With that we have pleasure in supporting the Second Reading of the Bill.

Mr. Speaker, if I may, I should like to put a few thoughts to the hon. the Deputy Minister in connection with the measure before us. I do not want to reiterate what has been said by other speakers, but there are one or two points I should like to draw to the attention of the hon. the Deputy Minister for his consideration. From the mere presentation of this Bill to the House, it is abundantly clear that it is evidence of the Government’s acceptance of the inadequacy of war pensions as presently provided for by the laws of the country. For upwards of 60 years the S. A. Legion, the Moths, and more recently the Coloured ex-Servicemen’s Legion, have made representations to various Governments in the intervening years between the previous wars and the present time. This Bill introduces a new deal for what I might call the new vintage of war casualties, i.e. the 1975 and future war casualties, and we welcome this new deal, which was outlined by the hon. member for Verwoerdburg.

These new provisions embody many of the representations made as far back as 1974 to the hon. the Minister’s predecessor in regard to what was thought by the ex-servicemen’s organizations would be adequate pensions at the present time. There is a slight variation. A figure of R300 has been accepted for Whites. The recommendation of the ex-service organizations for Coloureds and Indians is that it should be R250, but the Minister has indicated that the figure will be R200. In so far as Bantu are concerned, the ex-service organizations have suggested R200 and the Minister has indicated that the amount will be fixed at R150. This Bill will give a measure of security to the new war casualties, if I might refer to them in that way. We are pleased that they have achieved this new dispensation for the future, but there is a great deal of regret that it has not been seen possible to adjust, as has been mentioned before, the existing pensions of war pensioners who were disabled in previous wars.

There is no retrospective provision in this Bill before us. Sir, I believe that in our enthusiasm to make adequate provision for the present and future casualties—and by “present” I mean from the middle of last year—I think we will have to remember those who have rendered service to the Government of the day in the past on a purely volunteer basis and who are being ignored so far as provisions of this Bill are concerned. Sir, there are at the present moment, as the hon. the Deputy Minister will know, some 10 000 White, Coloured and Indian war disability pensioners—I am not talking about war veteran pensioners, but about war disability pensions—and there are some 4 500 war widows. These figures were mentioned by the hon. member for Umbilo, and amongst Coloureds, Indians and Bantu there are some 4 600 war disability pensioners who are suffering from the discriminatory basis of pensions applied over a long period of time. It is true that the Bill provides that there will now be a consolidation of the existing pensions and bonuses, and it is also true that the hon. the Minister is empowered to increase these consolidated pensions to existing disabled and to war widows, but I want to appeal to the hon. the Minister to act in this regard without delay. The very measure of the pensions which he has introduced indicates that the pensions being paid to the present war disabled are totally inadequate in the opinion of the Government. What is more, there are various supplementary grants which are now to be removed by the legislation before us. For instance, the attendant’s allowance, an allowance to provide for the attendance upon a person who needs continuous nursing because of his disabilities, is no longer to be paid. There are to be no more education grants and there is no more to be the 100% pension assessment when a war disabled man has to attend a hospital for a period of treatment. It is true that the Minister has suggested in his speech that the amount of R3 a day is easier to administer, instead of the delays which take place in the adjustment to a 100% pension for existing cases. But why I mention this is because it makes it even more imperative that attention must be given to raising the pensions to the present war disabled in order to be more in line with the pensions which are to be granted in terms of this Bill.

Sir, there is one other matter which I would like to mention and that is the widow’s gratuity, a gratuity which will no longer apply. In terms of the law at present, on the death of a war disabled pensioner there is a gratuity paid to the widow at the time of the death of the war disabled and then she carries on at a lower rate of pension. Let me give an example as to what will happen, as I have worked it out according to the Bill. A disabled married ex-serviceman with four children will receive a pension of R500 per month. On the death of the man, the pension which the widow will receive drops to R350 per month. There is an immediate adjustment of R150 per month, a lowering of the income in that household. Admittedly, one person has left and is no longer there to be fed and cared for, but one only has to think of the adjustments, the rearrangements and the resettling into accommodation of a cheaper nature and further matters of that sort which will arise. It was that gratuity which tided the widow over during that period of readjustment of herself and her children to a very much lower rate of pension. I do think that the hon. the Deputy Minister should give thought to that matter again, although I know it is abolished in terms of this Bill. It can be an alleviation of the changed circumstances which may arise and which need some period of adjustment and, of course, also involve economic problems.

I want to suggest that I welcome the hon. the Deputy Minister’s firm and unequivocal acceptance of the responsibility of the State—of us in Parliament—to see to the compensation of the war disabled. This has been an accepted attitude in this House over many, many years, and if you will permit me to refer to the Brinton Commission which originally sat in 1944 to deal with the question of war pensions, I should like to quote a short extract from that report, from paragraph 356, which reads as follows—

These words are the words which the hon. the Deputy Minister also used. I should just like to add a personal recollection in this regard. When there was a change of government in 1948, there was concern as to what attitude would be adopted by the new Government with regard to the undertakings and promises made with regard to war pensions. I had occasion, and that was long before I became actively involved in politics although I was then involved in the S.A. Legion, to have an interview with the then Prime Minister, Dr. Malan. We asked him what the attitude of the Government would be. He then gave the assurance which I should like to repeat here, because it was followed and observed. He said the new Government would carry out every obligation undertaken by the previous Government towards the war disabled. I mention this because this goes beyond party politics. It is the responsibility of the State towards persons who have been disabled in serving their country. That is why I ask the hon. the Deputy Minister to give serious consideration to the present disabled war pensioners. A man who is 60% to 70% disabled at the present time and who is getting on in years—if he was involved in the last 1939–’45 war he is probably getting well on in years—cannot because of advanced age and because of his disability supplement his income by employment. They simply cannot get employment. I believe that they are entitled to have consideration on the basis which is provided for by this Bill as far as new pensions are concerned.

I want to come to another matter of which I have experience in connection with these organizations, namely that the effectiveness of this pension legislation will depend on the expeditious determination of claims for war pensions. It is no good having legislation which states that a widow shall be entitled to a pension unless she gets that pension awarded to her and paid out in the minimum period of time. One has found in the past—and one says it because there were a large number of cases—that there were delays in the finalization for various reasons, not only administrative delays, but delays due to medical examinations and examinations to determine the degree of disablement. These delays caused a hiatus in the family life, because there was no income whatsoever. I believe it was one of the most useful functions of the National War Fund of the past in connection with both world wars to have been able through some agency to say that a person was probably entitled to a 70% pension and then advance an amount to the family, to the pensioner, to keep them going until the pension had been determined. The pension was then paid from the date of application and refund made to the fund—the National War Fund, as it then was—but in the meantime the family could be kept going. In view of present escalating costs, and the possible escalation of war involvement that cannot be avoided, we in South Africa must think deeply about the establishment of a fund as a standby fund to deal with such cases. Sometimes there could be difficulties. For example, a man with a 60% disability may be assessed by say the S.A. Legion as having a 70% disability. This would entail a small 10% loss to the fund, but the family would be looked after by the payment of an amount in the interim period, before the determination of the final pension. I must accept the fact that this falls outside the scope of Government responsibility. I do, however, hope there will be some move in South Africa, in view of the vast goodwill directed at supporting various war funds, to see to it that there is a fund to deal with these practical financial problems that arise in the homes of persons who are injured in times of war. If we were to ask the man on the border what he would rather have, a gift parcel arriving for him on the border or a fund at home to tide his family over in case something happens to him, he would say the money should be kept at home to see that his family is secure. I hope the hon. the Minister and his department, in conjunction with welfare organizations, will take the lead in establishing a fund for this particular purpose.

I now want to say something in regard to the disparity in the pensions payable to the various races. I want to add my weight to what has been said by the hon. member for Durban Point. Surely the time has come for a person’s earning potential and not the colour of his skin to serve as the basis for the determination of the pension he is to receive.

Clause 8 of the Bill now before us empowers the hon. the Minister to close the gap that exists in respect of war pensioners. I believe he should direct his mind towards doing that. He can make different increased allowances available to the different groups who are now pensioned. I hope the first thing he will do is to apply to present non-White pensioners the ratio which is applied in this Bill. In other words, I hope he sees to it that a 4:3:2 ratio applies instead of the existing 4:2:1 ratio. I trust the hon. the Minister will respond to the ideas I have mentioned and bring some 4 000-odd non-White disabled and war widows onto a 4:3:2 ratio, which is the approximate ratio in this Bill, instead of the existing 4:2:1 ratio.

I also want to take this opportunity of paying a tribute to Major Kramer of the Department of Social Welfare and Pensions. Over a number of years he was directly involved with the handling of war pension matters. He was a man of great patience and understanding. He was always accessible and available at conferences of ex-servicemen’s organizations to deal with pension matters. I want to say how much his work was valued and appreciated by ex-servicemen and those concerned with matters involving ex-servicemen. This brings me to a request to the hon. Minister. In this Bill he has the power to delegate certain responsibilities, in terms of the War Pensions Act, to officials in his department. Rather than to load the Secretary or one of the senior officials with the constant task of liaison that is necessary in matters involving ex-servicemen, I would suggest that he rather delegates to a specific officer in his department the responsibility of liaison with organizations such as the Moths, the S.A. Legion, St. Dunstan’s, etc. In terms of clause 22 of this Bill, the hon. the Minister can appoint a specific officer with certain prescribed duties in this regard. I am sure that if this is done, it will ensure that the intent of Parliament to give rapid and adequate compensation for war disabled and the widows of war casualties, is translated into prompt action in bringing the alleviation and the compensation which has been approved.

If I am allowed to do it, Sir, I should like to make in one word a recruiting call this afternoon. I need not elaborate upon the organizations and the work which they do in collaboration with the Department of Social Welfare and Pensions, but I believe there is a place to be filled by the younger man involved in our Defence Force. The younger man should participate in the civilian side of the organizations which are looking after the welfare of those who have not been so fortunate as others to come back from operations whole in body. They are also looking after the dependants of those who have not come back at all. I believe there is an opening for young men to join such organizations as the MOTHS, the S.A. Legion and regimental organizations. In joining such organizations, the young men will be able to contribute themselves to alleviating the problems which arise as a result of war injuries.

We welcome this Bill and we support its Second Reading. There will be administrative problems, but I am sure that as time goes on, we will be able to iron them out with the assistance of the hon. the Deputy Minister. I know where his heart is in these matters. With the assistance of the hon. the Deputy Minister we will be able to adjust the matters which we believe are unfortunate in this Bill. We know that those matters can be eliminated administratively by him and his department.

Mr. Speaker, before I reply to a few aspects raised by the hon. member for Green Point, I want to tell the hon. member for Pinelands that the difficulty he has in understanding the formula, etc., gives me the impression that he qualifies for at least 20% disability. [Interjections.]

There are approximately three aspects which the hon. member for Green Point raised to which one has to reply. The first is the request that the advantages, as they are now being consolidated, should also have retrospective effect so that they may be applied to ex-servicemen of previous wars. I think hon. members may be assured that one sympathizes with those people who may have insufficient means available to them and whose pension may also be too meagre to provide for their needs. Having said this, however, one must add that the broad principle which is under discussion here also applies to those other thousands of pensioners in our country. I am thinking in particular of civil pensioners who have not always been able to share in the advantage of adjustments from time to time. However, a line must be drawn somewhere. I am thinking, for example, of teachers who retired in the early fifties and received a very meagre gratuity as well as a very meagre pension in comparison with those who retire today. It is simply a basic principle which must be accepted in spite of the fact that one has a great deal of sympathy for such people.

The second aspect is that I think that history has proved that the State and the community accept collective responsibility for the soldier who lays down his life or is disabled in some way. This is proved by the creation of the National War Fund and the S.A. Legion. These bodies have the ways and means for supplying what the State cannot provide according to the old formulas. This is in fact done. In connection with what the hon. the Deputy Minister said, I also believe that when we look at these amounts, we must not accept that this is the final concept as regards compensation for the dependants of someone who has been killed in battle or of a wounded soldier himself. I want to suggest that the community is collectively responsible and that the community has accepted that responsibility, as has been indicated by the creation of various bodies, of which the S.A. Legion and the Southern Cross are at present very active. In any event, I shall return to this.

As regards the arguments of the hon. member for Green Point in connection with the pension due to dependants, I cannot support him more strongly than by saying that if a member is killed on the second day of the months, for example, it appears that under the most favourable circumstances, the pension benefits will only be received by the dependants on the first day of the following month. What happens in the meantime? For this reason we want to emphasize the fact that we are all agreed that when a need like this arises, matters should be dealt with as expeditiously as possible. This serves to underline again the role of utility organizations like the Southern Cross and the S.A. Legion. But our people have personal pride and therefore they will not ask for help from these organizations straight away. Therefore ways and means must be found of determining, a follow-up basis, where a need like this exists, and of providing assistance in time. In this way one can be sure that there will be sufficient motivation amongst our people.

Furthermore I want to make a few brief remarks concerning certain clauses. In this way I want to point out important aspects which are highlighted by this Bill, aspects which used to be a grey area or for which sufficient provision was not made in the past. For instance, there used to be serious doubt about the position of the serviceman injured on his way home upon authorized leave. Clause 2(l)(a)(iii) makes it quite clear that if he is on authorized leave and is taking the shortest route home, he will indeed receive sufficient compensation. While I am talking about servicemen, I want to refer to another clause as well, clause 4(f), which makes it very clear that each parent of a deceased member who is not survived by dependants shall be entitled to certain benefits, although naturally subject to the condition that they have no other means of providing for their requirements. This provision is therefore an immense improvement upon the present position. I have calculated that each parent of such a member may obtain between R60 and R70 per month in this way. This ought to be a great comfort, especially to the parents of servicemen.

Then I want to refer to clause 7, which removes all doubt as to the fact that compensation may be paid from other sources as well and that this will not affect the payment of a pension in terms of this legislation. This means that the matter which the hon. member for False Bay touched upon may be used to provide for the need. This is also where the collective responsibility of the community, of every employer, comes into the picture. The hon. member for False Bay referred to insurance companies. One of them—I do not want to advertise the company by mentioning its name—has come up with a special policy. This policy is now also available to employers and can be taken out on a group basis. I believe it can be taken out at a very reasonable premium of less than 1%. Insurance of this type can be obtained by employers to supplement these pensions. As the hon. the Deputy Minister said, the pension for which provision is made in this Bill is not an all-embracing compensation. Therefore the community also has to contribute. If employers take out a group insurance policy like this, they can ensure that the additional requirements will be provided for.

I should also like to refer to clause 10, which concerns, amongst other things, the question of widows. The utility companies to which I have already referred, whether the S.A. Legion or the Southern Cross Fund, can make a contribution in a situation like this in meeting the need which may arise, when the State itself cannot meet the need sufficiently with its formula. I think that we may go out of our way to support these utility companies and to remove any problems which they may experience.

In conclusion there is the very positive aspect of the Bill, as contained in clause 11 inter alia, to the effect that if there is a substantial change in the degree of the pensionable disability of a member, the Secretary will be able to review the matter. Naturally, the Secretary may also reduce the amount which is paid. However, the fact remains that, where so many problems exist in practice with respect to the stabilization of disability—when disability has not achieved a stable condition over a long period of time and when there is uncertainty as far as the degree of disability is concerned—the Secretary is now authorized to make a higher assessment of the degree of disability. This in itself is a very great reassurance for those who are affected by this.

For these reasons I think that this Bill is a welcome measure. It is a small token of appreciation for the services rendered during the recent operations in Angola. It is also a source of security for the future.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to follow up some of the points raised by the hon. member for Bloemfontein West. However, I firstly want to deal with the issue of insurance. A short while ago I tried to raise this issue by way of a question in this House in order to draw attention to the fact that the Insurance Act today still discriminates unfairly against servicemen in a number of respects. With some degree of feeling, I want to point out that anybody who served in the Air Force, anybody who flies, actually suffers discrimination. One of the things I regret, bearing in mind that we have just dealt with amendments to the Insurance Act, is that it has not been seen proper to amend that Act in order to remove the existing discrimination against a particular section of our forces. I believe that this is unjust. It is wrong, and it is something which needs to be looked into. I agree with what some other hon. members have said, namely that insurance is an important aspect, but I believe that it is for this department to take the initiative to see to it that there are forms of insurance available for serving soldiers. The United States Army has such a scheme. The United States Army, in conjunction with their Department of Pensions, has an insurance scheme available for servicemen. Yet we do not have that available as part of a scheme offered to our servicemen.

Another matter which was touched upon by the hon. members for Green Point and Durban Point—and I would like to associate myself with what they have said—is the issue of the soldier from past wars. If we look at the budget, we see that the total amount provided for Second World War pensioners is less than R9 million. It is interesting to note that for First World War pensioners the amount is less than R600 000. For Korean War pensioners it is R8 000 in toto. The amounts are relatively small indeed, compared with the budget as a whole. The hon. member for Bloemfontein West said it was not only these people who had something to complain about. He also raised the question of a teacher who only obtained a small pension when he retired some considerable time ago. One of the difficulties that exists in respect of the teaching profession, for example, is that people today judge according to what has been done to people who have served the profession before. With great respect, one cannot ignore the attitude of serving soldiers today, when they look upon what has happened to people who have served in the past. I would like to suggest that the test of those presently in service, who are concerned about how they will be treated in future, in years to come, will be how they see the soldiers of past wars being treated. It is as important as the way in which soldiers are being treated today. Today a Bill is being introduced—a Bill which we support—in respect of people who have now gone into military service. It is being made retrospective for a short period of time. However, those same soldiers say to themselves: “What are we going to be like in 20 years’ time? Will we then be said to be soldiers of a past war?” I believe that the whole test—not only the test of servicemen, but the test of civilization and of the degree of civilization—is how the people of bygone ages, those who have rendered service in the past, are being treated. That is why I want to add my voice to the voices of those who have spoken before me in respect not of the forgotten men, but of the men of forgotten wars, men who, perhaps forgotten by others, have also rendered their services. I believe they should be treated in no different a way to anybody who is disabled today. I do not accept for one moment that this is a financial issue, because I believe that that money can be found. If the money can be found it will be an encouragement to the people who are asked to serve today.

I would like to add my tribute to those who have paid tribute to the ex-service organizations, and the one that I would like to single out is the S.A. Legion. When it comes to the issue of pensions the service that that organization has rendered over many decades, not only to ex-servicemen but also to the department as a result of the degree of co-operation that has always existed, is something that we should certainly pay tribute to. Much has been said about organizations and funds which are now being formed and I would like to draw attention to the fact that a multiplicity of organizations serving the same object is not in the national interest. I believe the hon. the Deputy Minister should take the initiative to see to it that there is a consolidation of some of the funds and some of the organizations so that we do not spend undue money on advertising, organization and administration. There should be an efficient organization so that the minimum amount of money is spent on organization, and the maximum amount of money made available for servicemen and their dependants. I do not believe, however sentimental one may be about a particular matter, that a multiplicity of organizations, all raising money, is in the national interest. I think that we need to look at this matter and do something about it.

I would like to turn to another matter, and that is again to draw a comparison between social pensions, which we believe have not progressed enough, and the pensions of those who have served in past wars. It is interesting to note the amount which was paid to a disabled serviceman in 1945. Such a person was paid an amount of R33,33. When one compares that figure with the amount these people get today, and what they will get in terms of this Bill, and that percentage increase is compared with the percentage with which social pensions have been increased, I am afraid that the ex-serviceman come off very badly.

Half way.

Half way, as the hon. member for Green Point says. That does not mean that the social pensioner has been that well off, but it means that these people have not been treated fairly over the years. It is not just this hon. Minister’s fault; it is a fault which has extended from 1945 right to the present day and which is being perpetuated at this very moment in time.

There is another matter which I should like to deal with in more detail, as I would like to indicate to the hon. the Deputy Minister what I have in mind so that this matter can be dealt with in greater detail in the Committee Stage. When it comes to the question of children I would like to make a plea that the age limit of 18 years should be done away with. We should accept that the child who is not attending a university and is not attending an educational institution, but still has to be supported for some other reason such as, for example, apprenticeship or articles or not being able to earn enough for other reasons, should also be taken into account. I would like to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister to explain what the difference really is between a child who is attending a university and a child who is still trying to learn a trade but who is not attending an educational institution. I think the less privileged child should also be taken into account in the same manner as the child who is attending university is being taken into account as far as the definition of “child” is concerned and the benefits which flow therefrom.

The other plea I would like to make as far as the definitions are concerned is, if I may use the term, on behalf of the mother-in-law. I would like to make an appeal for the parents-in-law. There is provision in this legislation for the man who has to support his own parents, but in our community I believe the obligation is not only to support your own parents, but also your wife’s parents. In many cases that obligation is just as strong and just as important as it is towards your own parents. I wonder whether the hon. the Deputy Minister will not look at this situation. I wish today to plead that the mother-in-law, if I may use that term in its broader sense, should also be taken into account when it comes to dependants. When it becomes to dependants there is also the situation of the grandchild where the parents may be dead. The father has the obligation, and I believe that any descendant should be put into the category of a dependant and I would like to appeal accordingly.

The next matter I should like to raise relates to the question of disability and the distinction between the disability, which to a large extent is historical, in respect of military service outside the Republic and military service inside the Republic. If the hon. the Deputy Minister will look at page 9 of the Bill he will find the following in clause 2(1)(a)—

I believe that with the type of military activity that is going to take place in South Africa, this distinction between service inside and outside the Republic is archaic and should be scrapped. I do not believe it is logical and I think that any army man today will confirm that with the kind of activity which we are going to be involved in, there seems to be no logic for this at all. The amount of military activity that is going to take place outside the Republic is, in any case, going to be tremendously limited, and the majority of these cases will arise inside what we term the Republic. I should like to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister to reconsider this particular matter.

I should like to draw attention to the Schedule, which appears on page 31 of the Bill. I agree with the hon. member for Durban Point that this decimal point issue is quite uncalled for in the present circumstances. I should like to go one further, and ask the hon. the Deputy Minister to tell me whether it is correct to say that there is an 80% disability, in the sense of being able to earn your living, where you have suffered the “amputation of arm with stump less than 20,32 centimetres from tip of acromion”, while the percentage is different in the case of the next category, where there is a slight difference in so far as the distance from the “tip of acromion” is concerned. With great respect, these things are artificial, and I think in regard to this kind of matter, the whole Schedule should be looked at again by the hon. the Deputy Minister as well as his experts. I can give the hon. the Deputy Minister a series of examples where the actual ability to earn does not appear to be accurately related to the percentage of disability. This should be related to actual ability to earn or, in fact, to the incapacity to earn. I can mention further examples, like the amputations referred to in items 10 and 11. In terms of item 27 the loss of a kidney is regarded as being a 30% disability. Anybody who knows anything about the loss of kidneys will know that when one has lost one kidney, the possibility of one’s going altogether is, in fact, very high. To suggest that it is only a 30% disability is, I think, unrelated to the realities of what life is all about.

The last matter to which I wish to refer, is that in this Bill we do not have any provision to cover such things as attendants. As a disabled person becomes older, this becomes more and more of a problem. I wonder if the hon. the Deputy Minister will not look at this again and return to some of the old provisions in regard to matters of this kind. With the passage of time people who have become disabled require attendants, and I wonder whether provision for this type of thing cannot be made in the Bill. I should like to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister to apply his mind to these matters.

Mr. Speaker, a great deal has been said by the hon. member who has just sat down and by other hon. members about the forgotten men and about forgotten wars. I endorse and support everything that has been said so far in the debate. However, I should like to draw attention to a group who I believe has been and is being forgotten in the legislation before us, i.e. the wives and the widows for ex-servicemen and servicemen. It is said that there is no greater love than to lay down one’s life for one’s country. However, I feel that in every society the saddest result of war is that dependants, particularly wives of disabled and fallen men, are the ones who suffer most. Money cannot compensate for the loss of a husband or a father through disablement or death. Therefore, although I am aware that the loss of companionship, comfort, guidance and assistance in raising a young family cannot be compensated for by money, I feel that we should nevertheless try to compensate to a certain extent for such a loss.

In the legislation a wife is classed as a dependant, but I cannot agree with this. I am sure the hon. the Deputy Minister will agree that a wife is worth more to an ex-serviceman than a child. Their needs must therefore naturally be greater, far greater than that of the child. If the allowance for a child is, for example, R50 a month, then surely the allowance for a wife must be at least twice that amount.

If not more.

If not more. The underlying thought is perhaps that a wife could go out and earn a living once here husband has been disabled or has died. But what happens if a serviceman is permanently disabled and cannot do anything for himself, as often happens? A man could, for example, be completely paralysed, in which case his wife cannot go out to work as she will have to stay home and nurse her husband. Can she exist on only R50, and is it fair to allow her only R50 a month? If a serviceman’s wife is left behind with two or three children to raise, she cannot leave them in the care of a servant and go out to work. Once again, I feel that R50 a month is not fair compensation to the wife. I should like the hon. the Deputy Minister to reconsider the worth of a mother. I know he has the right to determine what a dependant is worth, as this is stated in the Bill. I wonder whether the hon. the Deputy Minister could tell us whether he thinks a wife is worth no more than a dependant or whether she should not be considered to be worth more. I want to appeal to the hon. the Deputy Minister to make up to these young wives what they loose through the death or permanent disablement of their husbands, compensation for the loss of their young married lives. Should we not compensate these people and prepare them for the long uphill struggle ahead of them in raising a young family?

With these few words I should like to sum up the feeling of this side of the House and say how much we support the Bill. I should like the hon. the Deputy Minister to consider those points we have raised and to regard the amendment which we will move during the Committee Stage, with sympathy.

Mr. Speaker, I a want to express my gratitude to everyone who participated in the debate for the way in which the discussion was conducted. I also want to express my gratitude for the general support of the Bill. I believe that everyone will agree with me that the Bill should be piloted through Parliament as a matter of urgency. A short time ago I spoke to somebody outside who had recently returned from the border, and he told me of one of his friends who had been injured at the border and who was being supported by friends at the present time as the Bill had not yet been passed. Therefore I am hardly able to emphasize the urgency of this legislation more strongly.

I intend replying to several of the points which have been raised and to which I shall not reply now, during the Committee Stage. I ask that we have the measure placed on the Statute Book with the necessary attention, but with all despatch. I apologize for the fact that I shall not reply to all the points now. However, during the Committee Stage, I shall reply to the points raised by hon. members who referred to specific clauses.

I think one can divide the objections of the Opposition into two main categories. In the first place, I think the objection was concerned—and amendments will be moved by them in this regard during the Committee Stage—with the fact that the question of colour still played a role in this legislation. They said it should not play any role. Let me say the endeavour of the department is what has been stated by the hon. the Prime Minister and the Government time after time, and that is to move away from discrimination based on colour alone as quickly and as effectively as possible. I think in this legislation this is not only recognized but also implemented to a large extent. Whether we should do away at once with the borders which exist, the discrimination which exists, may perhaps be a debatable point, especially if we take note of what was said by the hon. member for Verwoerdburg, viz. that there were no Blacks at the present time who would be affected by this legislation. But one must also be practical about these things, and if we say we must move away from discrimination based on colour alone, then we must have regard to the fact that in all the years of people of different colours co-existing in South Africa, a pattern of life has developed which cannot be done away with overnight, unless one wants chaos, financial chaos as well as chaos in other spheres. Something of this nature, if adopted in legislation such as this, cannot but have repercussions on other departments, too, and even within this department itself. If the principle is accepted here, it may rightly be asked why this is not also done with regard to social pensions and various matters of that nature. Therefore I want to say in good time that as far as our department is concerned, this objection is being removed from legislation of this nature as quickly as is practicable; I repeat as quickly as is practicable.

I think the second objection chiefly concerned the treatment of veterans of the previous wars. Sir, I do not make any secret of this. I say here in this House that I think that we are under a major obligation also as far as these people are concerned and that this is becoming all the more clear to us. This is not something which I am simply saying here this afternoon in reply to criticism. Those who listened to my Second Reading speech, will know that I said that this matter would be reconsidered in April. I cannot possibly commit the Government, but I can at least say that we have the sympathetic ear of the keeper of the purse and of others who are concerned with this, to see that the gap which exists between veterans of previous wars and those who have been wounded since 1975, is narrowed. Indeed, I think that since this legislation embodies certain principles concerning the elimination of the gap between the colour groups, these will definitely have to be considered when the time arrives for narrowing or removing the gap existing between veterans of the various wars.

I believe that these are the two main objections of the Opposition. I am just going to reply to a few of the points which were raised. In the first place, as regards the brochure to which the hon. member for Umbilo referred, I want to say that his was a practical suggestion. He will probably be content if I say that the department has been giving consideration to the matter. I have always believed that the people to bring things of this nature to the attention of the public, to the attention of their voters, are members of Parliament. Hon. members will remember that last year, and indeed a short time ago too, a summarized version of the benefits due to the aged and handicapped people was made available to all members of the House of Assembly. We made it available to all members of all parties for the purpose of their making copies thereof for distribution to service organizations in their areas. This brochure, which will also be made available to the S.A. Legion, St. Dunstan’s and others, will be given the necessary attention during the recess.

Comments were made from various sides about the collections which had been made, and appreciation was expressed about this. I should like to endorse this wholeheartedly and also express my gratitude for what has been done. But I also want to associate myself with what was said by the hon. member for Yeoville, and that is that we should not duplicate or multiply these things in the way in which this is being done. On the other hand, I should also like to say that where people are rendering this type of service, they ought to be encouraged in all respects. One can do no more than attempt to bring about improved co-ordination between these various organizations. It may interest hon. members to know that recently discussions were held under the direction of the Secretary with several of these collecting organizations in order to find a formula which would enable one to effect improved co-ordination between the activities of the various charitable institutions. These discussions will be continued, and we hope to effect greatly improved co-ordination not only in respect of the pensions of war veterans, but also in respect of other aspects concerning pensions.

The hon. member for Durban Point asked that attention be given to the matter of people who are injured in civil services, such as firefighting services and that type of thing. I may inform the hon. member that not only as far as this is concerned, but also as far as civil defence services are concerned, discussions are continuing with the Department of Defence to consider whether we should introduce separate legislation early next year for this purpose or whether we should effect amendments to the present Act in order to make provision for these people as well. Unfortunately this covers a wide field, and hon. members will understand that the inclusion of civil defence as well, which sometimes takes place on an ad hoc basis—I am not referring specifically to the firemen of whom the hon. member spoke; we want to make it broader so as to include civil defence services—requires thorough research and consideration and for that reason we have been unable to finalize it. But I can assure the hon. member that during the recess this will be followed up to the best of our ability and as expeditiously as possible.

May I ask the hon. the Deputy Minister whether he is referring to those people who fall under the Civil Defence Act, not to those people who are in the service of municipalities, but to volunteers who fall under the Civil Defence Act?

They are the people I am referring to. In any event, all categories of people who may be affected will have to be considered at some stage. I said yesterday, and I want to repeat it, that I trusted that disturbances of the kind which would make it necessary to ask for these moneys often, would not break out here. But we must also bear in mind that what has happened in other countries in Africa, may also happen in South Africa. Disturbances, which may perhaps be of a sporadic nature, may also break out and I hope that it will be possible to combat any such disturbances effectively. We shall have to have regard to this type of contingency in considering this type of compensation.

Hon. members dealt with—and I hope it will not be necessary to deal with this matter any further during the Committee Stage— metric measures mentioned in the Bill. I agree with the hon. member 200%. I myself cannot work out what the 0,346 means. We shall definitely look into the matter with a view to simplifying it. However, these measures were taken as is from the Schedule to the existing Act. There were hon. members who quite correctly pointed out that certain types of injuries sustained could have more of an effect on one man than on another. For instance, the hon. member for Yeoville spoke about the loss of a kidney, which, in his opinion, was more than a disability of only 30%. I am afraid I must say that I cannot argue with the medical men about this. The hon. member for Green Point will be able to testify that in the years that he and others rendered excellent services in the S.A. Legion and elsewhere, the determination of the percentage of disablement was undertaken by specialists of the highest calibre. This was done in consultation with representatives of war veterans who agreed that this was approximately how the percentage of disablement was to be calculated. If any changes whatsoever have to be effected in this regard, it would definitely have to be done in consultation with doctors. I do not think that members of Parliament are best able to say what degree of disability is the most serious. I do not want to be frivolous, but I once had a toothache which made me experience the most serious degree of discomfort I have ever experienced in my life.

I think I have now replied in broad outline to everything that was said by hon. members.

†I still want, however, to reply to what the hon. member for Yeoville said. Many of the points raised by him, and by others, were dealt with by hon. members on this side of the House, but one thing he said I do think I must comment on. In arguing that people of different colours should receive the same amount in pensions, he said that death was the same for all men, so why should we differentiate on the grounds of colour. I think that was the gist of what he said.

I think you are talking about the hon. member for Pinelands.

Oh yes, I am sorry. I think there is a good deal of merit in what he says, because every man loves his life.

That is the point I was trying to make.

However, his assumption would lead one to argue about the morality of differentiating between the earning capacities of various people. On the basis of his argument, one should not differentiate as far as people’s earnings are concerned. This means we should pay all people the same amounts at all times. There are certain things, however, that one cannot get away from. At times one has to differentiate—or, if the hon. member prefers, discriminate—between people.

The hon. member for Yeoville spoke about the Insurance Act, and I agree with what he says. I think the matter should be taken up, but with all due respect I think that is a matter that should be taken up by the Department of Defence and not by my department. We on this side, however, will do our utmost to right existing wrongs. I also agree with the hon. member’s statement that a nation’s value can be measured in terms of what that nation is doing for its aged and needy. I think South Africa has a good name in that regard. I think that what welfare organizations have done throughout the years—and not only for ex-servicemen—and are doing today can make every South African proud of belonging to this country. It was good to see how people, who at other times are so antagonistic towards one another on political grounds, could work together when it came to a question of goodwill. It is at all times good to know that when South Africa calls, all our people are prepared to respond to that call.

I want to conclude with the topic with which I started off. I think that those of other colours who will be serving this country deserve to be looked after. They should be looked after as well as anybody else who, out of love, gives his life to our country. In respect of the second group of arguments advanced against this legislation, I want to say that those who served in the 1914–’ 18 War, as well as those who served in the war in Korea, deserve to be treated by the present generation as people who have given of their best and who should receive the best we can give them. I hope that this legislation will enable us to do something towards achieving that goal.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a Second Time.

Mr. Speaker, I move—

Hon. members know from experience that when one has to deal with a variety of pension matters, a Bill such as this is necessary from time to time to keep up with developments in this field.

This is a measure which can best be discussed in the Committee Stage, of course, but nevertheless I should like, for the information of hon. members, to give a brief explanation of a few of the more important aspects of the Bill.

When the administration of the naval base at Simonstown was taken over from Britain by this Government, a number of employees who used to be in the service of the United Kingdom became employees of the S.A. Government. However, they did not become members of the Public Service Pension Fund existing at that time, and their pension affairs have hitherto been regulated in terms of the Simonstown Naval Base Employees’ Transfer Act, 1956. In consequence of this, the benefits received by them today are inferior to those received by public servants. It has now been decided, in consultation with the Department of Defence, the Treasury and the employees concerned, to incorporate them into the Government Service Pension Fund. Their membership of the said fund and matters relating to their pensionable age are regulated by clause 1, while provision is made in clause 5 for the consolidation of the pensions, allowances and bonuses of those who have already retired.

The compensation of State officials who are killed or injured in the performance of their duties is regulated in terms of Act No. 15 of 1974, but those arrangements are not applicable when such an official is killed or wounded in the performance of military service. For all practical purposes, however, such an official is still in the service of the State when he is doing military service. In fact, he is granted special leave for this purpose. Therefore it is logical that the provisions concerned should also be applicable to him when he is doing military service. The relevant provisions are now being amended in clause 3 so as to make this possible.

Because of the further development of the homelands, the pension rights of certain officials employed by local authorities must be protected. The provisions of section 16 of the Second Pension Laws Amendment Act, 1974, are suitable for this purpose and can easily be extended to the persons concerned. This is now being done in clause 4, and the opportunity is also being taken to make further amendments to certain provisions of the section concerned to bring them into line with factual circumstances.

Hon. members will also understand that the independence of homelands such as the Transkei necessitates the transfer of the pension rights of citizens of the Transkei to pension funds in the Transkei. This is made possible by clause 6, in order to prevent prejudice to officials who become officials of the Government of the Transkei in consequence of the constitutional change.

The then council of the University College of Fort Hare established a pension scheme for some of its non-White employees. There are still 17 employees who are members of this fund. The benefits offered by the scheme concerned are greatly inferior to those offered by the Government non-White Employees Pension Fund, and there is actually no reason why the persons concerned should not become members of the latter fund. In addition, the rate of contribution to the said fund is lower than that applicable to the Fort Hare scheme. For this reason it has been decided, in consultation with the parties concerned, to incorporate the 17 members into the Government non-White Employees Pension Fund, so that they too will be able to claim better benefits.

Mr. Speaker, I believe that hon. members will agree with me that we have a responsibility to ensure that social pensioners remaining in the Transkei after independence will continue to receive their pensions and that we can hardly expect the Government of the Transkei to accept the responsibility for this. The same applies, of course, to South African citizens who would have qualified for social pensions in the normal course of events, if the constitutional change had not taken place. Consequently we are now providing for these eventualities in clause 8.

Mr. Speaker, I believe that this is all I need say about this Bill.

Mr. Speaker, we on this side of the House have no hesitation in supporting the Second Reading of this Bill which brings about certain amendments and which one has become accustomed to expect on a yearly basis to introduce amendments to various pension laws. We believe that the provisions of this Bill bring about certain improvements. We should like to comment on some of these matters and perhaps in so doing elicit some further information from the hon. the Deputy Minister.

He indicated that, as far as clause 3 is concerned, provision is being made whereby persons who are employees of the State, i.e. the central Government or provincial authorities, can have their military service dealt with on a similar basis as that which applies to those in the Defence Force, and mentioned that such persons would, in terms of this clause, receive compensation in terms of the Workmen’s Compensation Act. I was wondering whether it would be possible for the hon. the Deputy Minister, when he replies to this debate, to indicate what aspects will be to the advantage of the people concerned. Obviously, these people must have requested to be dealt with on this basis. We know that the Bill we have just dealt with in the House specifically omitted this group of persons from benefits in terms of that legislation. It would be interesting to hear from the hon. the Deputy Minister what greater benefits will be derived by the people who will be affected by this amendment.

The forthcoming independence of the Transkei has necessitated certain amendments, one of which is incorporated in clause 6 of the Bill. In terms of that clause certain members will no longer be members of the Government Service Pension Fund, evidently by virtue of the fact that they will become dormant members of that fund. In this regard we want to ascertain whether the pension rights of such members, as dormant members, will be transferred and will be acceptable to the Transkeian Government so as to ensure that the benefits that they have protected by becoming dormant members will continue to be protected on that basis. The matter concerning the forthcoming independence of the Transkei is dealt with in clause 8. Thereby the hon. the Deputy Minister seeks to bring about an amendment whereby social pensions will continue to be paid to White and to Coloured persons after October 26, 1976. We on this side of the House welcome this provision. We believe it is necessary to ensure that those people—White and Coloured—should continue enjoying those benefits that are derived from the Social Pensions Act, 1973, whereby specific provision was made that, where a particular person was no longer resident in the Republic or in the Territory of South West Africa, the paying of a pension to such a person ceased after his absence of six months from the Republic or from South West Africa. It would appear, in terms of the definition contained in this clause, that the residential qualification whereby social pensions will continue to be paid, will fall away.

As far as clause 7 is concerned—the clause dealing with the disestablishment of the University of Fort Hare Employees’ Pension Fund—it brings about a situation in which, as the hon. the Deputy Minister has indicated, some 17 members will be transferred to the Government’s non-White Employees’ Pension Fund. This will obviously be to the benefit of those persons, in spite of the fact that they will have to pay increased contributions. However, they will receive vastly improved benefits.

I would like to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister whether any account is to be taken of the fact that there are evidently certain present members of the Fort Hare Employees’ Pension Fund who are receiving pensions from that particular fund. If one refers to clause 7(3) one sees that “any annuity which, immediately prior to 1st April 1976, was payable out of the fund in terms of the rules governing the fund, shall, with effect from that date, be paid as annuity out of the Government non-White Employees’ Pension Fund”. I therefore want to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister whether those persons who are receiving annuities from the fund which is now proposed to be disestablished, will benefit by the announcement made by the hon. the Minister of Finance during the course of his Budget speech, when he indicated that there would be a 10% increase to certain civil pensioners and to certain other pensioners with effect from October 1, 1976. I therefore want to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister whether those persons who are now receiving benefits, and who will now be paid by the Government non-White Employees’ Pension Fund, will benefit by the extra 10% which is to be granted from October 1, 1976 to other civil pensioners.

With these few words, we support the principle of this Bill.

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member for Umbilo supported this Bill on behalf of the Official Opposition. I must confess that this comes to be as a little surprise, because I would have thought that if they were going to be consistent—bearing in mind the action they took during the Committee Stage of the Second Unemployment Insurance Amendment Bill and also bearing in mind clause 6 of the present Bill before us—they would ask for this to stand over on the grounds that the Transkei Bill ought to be discussed first. However, perhaps they will make up their minds before the Third Reading of the Second Unemployment Insurance Amendment Bill.

We will support the Second Reading of this Bill. The provisions made are basic. There is only one further point we wish to make. That is that when one looks at clause 8 where reference is made to race classification and to the Population Registration Act, we have consistently opposed that. Therefore our support at this time of the Second Reading is not to be interpreted as any support of race classification, as is evidenced in clause 8.

Mr. Speaker, I just want to express my thanks to hon. members for their support of the Second Reading of this Bill. If it will satisfy the hon. member for Umbilo, I shall gladly reply to the questions he asked during the Committee Stage.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a Second Time.

Committee Stage

Clause 2:

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Umbilo has asked what benefits a person to whom reference is made in this clause, will receive. It is quite correct that the clause relates to other legislation before the House at the moment. I have discussed the matter with the Secretary and I was informed that the officials received better benefits under their own scheme. Injuries sustained during military service are deemed to have been sustained during the course of normal activities. This is also the reason why officials were excluded from the other legislation.

Clause agreed to.

Clause 6:

Mr. Chairman, I raised the subject—matter of this clause during the Second Reading debate and the hon. the Deputy Minister said that he would reply to the point concerning the rights and the position of certain members who will cease to be members of the Government Service Pension Fund. I hope the hon. the Deputy Minister has had an opportunity to go into the matter and that he is now in a position to reply to the query that was raised.

Mr. Chairman, the regulations will provide for these persons to transfer their rights to the other fund.

Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask the hon. the Deputy Minister a question with regard to this clause. As we are anticipating the independence of the Transkei, may I ask what will happen if the Transkei does not become independent on 26 October 1976?

Mr. Chairman, I can merely reply that the Transkei already has, in this stage of self-government, such a pension fund. So nothing will happen if they do not become independent. But being a minister of religion and speaking to an ex-minister of religion, I think it is a fairly safe bet that they will become independent.

Clause agreed to.

Clause 7:

Mr. Chairman, I rise to give the hon. the Deputy Minister an opportunity to answer the query concerning the position of those persons who are presently receiving pensions from the Fort Hare Employees Pension Fund and who will, in terms of this legislation, receive their pensions from the Government non-White Employees’ Pension Fund. I raised the point in order to ascertain whether they will receive an increase in terms of the statement that was made at the time of the budget by the hon. the Minister of Finance.

Mr. Chairman, I wish to reply in the affirmative. They will receive not only that, but they will also receive the temporary allowance. Furthermore, I wish to point out that the member appears to be under the impression that they will pay more once they belong to the Government fund. The contrary is true, because they will be paying 1% less than they were paying into the fund at Fort Hare.

Mr. Chairman, may I ask the hon. the Deputy Minister whether he is able to give a comparison at this stage of the amount of the pension to be received by people who are presently receiving a pension from the funds that are to be disestablished, with the pension persons will receive subsequently.

Mr. Chairman, the amount will depend on the years of service and other factors. I regret to say that the amount they are receiving from the fund at present amounts to only R5. Therefore, this is an immense improvement for all of them. I am sorry, but I cannot give the exact figures for each individual case.

Clause agreed to.

House Resumed:

Bill reported without amendment.

Third Reading

Mr. Speaker, I move, subject to Standing Order No. 56—

Mr. Speaker, we do not intend to oppose the Third Reading of this Bill. Perhaps that will put at rest the worry and concern that was expressed by the hon. member for Pinelands. Evidently the hon. member considered that because there were two clauses in the Bill dealing with the independence of the Transkei on 26 October 1976, we were going to oppose it. However, I can assure the hon. member for Pinelands that as far as this Bill is concerned, we consider the steps that are being taken here to be in the interests of the people who are vitally concerned with it The objection that was made during the Committee Stage of the Second Unemployment Insurance Amendment Bill, was to indicate our objection to the fact that legislation affecting the forthcoming independence of the Transkei, should be held back until the independence legislation has been dealt with in this House. Our objection was discussed and was defeated by a vote in the House. We of the Official Opposition consider that it would have been frivolous at this stage to object to a Bill such as the Pension Laws Amendment Bill, merely for the sake of trying to score a political advantage. As far as this legislation is concerned, we believe it is in the interests of Parliament to see that it is proceeded with as soon as possible. If one looks at the various dates of commencement as set out in clause 11, one sees that some of the provisions are retrospective to 1 July 1973. In the circumstances, there seems to be no reason why we should object to the Third Reading of the Bill.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a Third Time.

Mr. Speaker, I shall state the point of view of the Official Opposition on this amendment very briefly. The amendment to clause 8 seeks to change the title of the Bill from “Promotion of State Security Bill” to the “Internal Security Amendment Bill”. It will appear that the reason for this—and that also applies to the next amendment that will be put—is because an adverse connotation has been given to the title “State Security Bill” by organs in the country: the Press and, to a lesser extent, a party represented in this House. It is because of this adverse connotation, i.e. the connotation of something akin to the SS of the Nazi régime as I understand it, that this amendment has been made.

I think one should say at the outset that however objectionable this piece of legislation may be, it cannot validly be said to approximate to anything associated with the Nazi SS. That I immediately accept. However, one cannot improve a Bill of this nature—and the attitude of the Official Opposition has already been stated many times, i.e. that we are opposed to the Bill and the reasons therefor—by changing its title. That is the first reason why we are opposed to these amendments. As it has been put elsewhere: A rose by any other name would smell as sweet. Our first objection, therefore, is that this is an objectionable Bill, dealing as it does with inroads into the freedom of the individual and constitutes an accretion of power of an executive kind to the executive without adequate safeguards and matters of that kind. I do not intend going into the details, but merely want to summarize our objections.

My second objection to the proposed amendment is that the hon. the Minister does not have the courage of his convictions. If he believes in the first instance that a correct description of this Bill, which he believes is necessary, is the “Promotion of State Security Bill,” then he should, in my view, stick to that title and not be knocked about by adverse labels and connotations that are given with an ulterior motive from elsewhere. It does the hon. the Minister no credit to come up with a change in the title of a piece of legislation merely for that reason. On these two grounds we are opposed to the proposed amendment to clause 8.

Mr. Speaker, I just want to say that I agree with the words of the hon. member for Umhlatuzana. As far as we are concerned, it is indeed a healthy reaction on the part of the hon. the Minister in reacting the way he did to the manner in which the original title was interpreted. But I want to tell the hon. the Minister that it would have been of far more value to the democratic image of this country if the amendment introduced in the Other Place had changed the contents rather than the title of the Bill, or if the Other Place had amended and reduced the extraordinary powers, the authoritarian powers, the hon. the Minister had undoubtedly appropriated for himself by introducing the Security Bill. For these reasons we will oppose the amendment.

Senate amendment in clause 8 put,

Upon which the House divided:

Ayes—109: Albertyn, J. T.; Badenhorst, P. J.; Ballot, G. C.; Barnard, S. P.; Botha, G. F.; Botha, J. C. G.; Botha, L. J.; Botha, M. C.; Botha, P. W.; Botma, M. C.; Brandt, J. W.; Clase, P. J.; Coetsee, H. J.; Coetzee, S. F.; Cronje, P.; Cruywagen, W. A.; De Beer, S. J.; De Jager, A. M. van A.; De Klerk, F. W.; De Villiers, D. J.; De Villiers, J. D.; Du Plessis, B. J.; Du Plessis, G. F. C.; Du Plessis, G. C.; Du Plessis, P. T. C.; Du Toit, J. P.; Engelbrecht, J. J.; Greeff, J. W.; Greyling, J. C.; Grobler, W. S. J.; Hartzenberg, F.; Hayward, S. A. S.; Hefer, W. J.; Hoon, J. H.; Horn, J. W. L.; Janson, J.; Janson, T. N. H.; Koornhof, P. G. J.; Kotzé, G. J.; Kotzé, S. F.; Kotzé, W. D.; Krijnauw, P. H. J.; Kruger, J. T.; Langley, T.; Le Grange, L.; Le Roux, F. J. (Brakpan); Le Roux, F. J. (Hercules); Le Roux, J. P. C.; Le Roux, Z. P.; Ligthelm, C. J.; Ligthelm, N. W.; Lloyd, J. J.; Louw, E.; Malan, J. J.; Marais, P. S.; McLachlan, R.; Meyer, P. H.; Morrison, G. de V.; Mouton, C. J.; Mulder, C. P.; Muller, H.; Muller, S. L.; Nel, D. J. L; Niemann, J. J.; Nothnagel, A. E.; Potgieter, J. E.; Potgieter, S. P.; Raubenheimer, A. J.; Reyneke, J. P. A.; Rossouw, W. J. C.; Schlebusch, A. L.; Schoeman, H.; Schoeman, J. C. B.; Scott, D. B.; Simkin, C. H. W.; Smit, H. H.; Snyman, W. J.; Steyn, D. W.; Steyn, S. J. M.; Swanepoel, K. D.; Swiegers, J. G.; Terblanche, G. P. D.; Treurnicht, A. P.; Ungerer, J. H. B.; Uys, C.; Van den Berg, J. G; Van der Merwe, C. V.; Van der Merwe, H. D. K.; Van der Merwe, P. S.; Van der Merwe, S. W.; Van der Merwe, W. L.; Van der Spuy, S. J. H.; Van der Walt, A. T.; Van der Walt, H. J. D.; Van der Watt, L.; Van Heerden, R. F.; Van Rensburg, H. M. J.; Van Tonder, J. A.; Van Wyk, A. G; Van Zyl, J. J. B.; Venter, A. A.; Vilonel, J. J.; Vlok, A. J.; Volker, V. A.; Vorster, B. J.

Tellers: J. M. Henning, P. C. Roux, N. F. Treurnicht and A. van Breda.

Noes—43: Aronson, T.; Bartlett, G. S.; Basson J. D. du P.; Baxter, D. D.; Bell, H. G. H.; Boraine, A. L.; Cadman, R. M.; Dalling, D. J.; De Villiers, I. F. A.; De Villiers, J. I.; De Villiers, R. M.; Eglin, C. W.; Enthoven (’t Hooft), R. E.; Graaff, De V.; Hickman, T.; Hughes, T. G.; Jacobs, G. F.; Kingwill, W. G.; Lorimer, R. J.; McIntosh, G. B. D.; Miller, H.; Mills, G. W.; Murray, L. G.; Oldfield, G. N.; Olivier, N. J. J.; Page, B. W. B.; Pyper, P. A.; Raw, W. V.; Slabbert, F. van Z.; Streicher, D. M.; Suzman, H.; Van Coller, C. A.; Van den Heever, S. A.; Van Eck, H. J.; Van Hoogstraten, H. A.; Van Rensburg, H. E. J.; Von Keyserlingk, C. C.; Waddell, G. H.; Webber, W. T.; Wiley, J. W. E.; Wood, L. F.

Tellers: E. L. Fisher and W. M. Sutton.

Amendment agreed to.

Clause 16:

Mr. Speaker, the amendment proposed to clause 16 is identical in principle to that which we have already considered and precisely the same argument stands to be addressed to this amendment as I have already addressed to the amendment to clause 8. I shall therefore not detain the House any further other than to say that the same objections apply, and I have no doubt that any amplification which is required of what I have said, will come later on from the hon. member for Yeoville.

Senate amendment agreed to.

Mr. Speaker, I move, subject to Standing Order No. 56—

Mr. Speaker, unfortunately I was not present when the Second Reading Debate of this Bill took place. However, one of the other hon. members on this side indicated that this Bill met with the approval of the official Opposition.

I just want to add that the old control board had a very long history. Now its task has more or less been completed. The remaining assets will now be converted into a trust, and we believe that this is the beginning of a period of growth and prosperity for many people. I wish to express the hope that the funds of the trust—as is being indicated here—will be employed for charitable purposes, and particularly for rendering assistance, with their studies, to the children of the people still living on that settlement. I think that with those objects it will be possible for the trust to do very good work, and I hope that many of those young men and women will do very well. We know that many of the young men and women from that part of the world—for example Keimoes and Kakamas—went to university and did very well. Today those young men and women hold positions of importance throughout South Africa. I hope that the remaining money in this fund will be utilized for this good purpose so that more young men and women from that area will be able to take their rightful place in the national life of South Africa.

I think we also owe a word of thanks to the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church, which has over the years been primarily responsible for the control and expansion which has taken place there. We know that problems frequently occurred, but over the years those problems disappeared, and I think people appreciate the wonderful work which the Synod has done in that area. Consequently we support the Third Reading of this Bill.

Mr. Speaker, I want to express my thanks for the fine words which the hon. member for Newton Park addressed to the Dutch Reformed Church, and for the support for the Third Reading of the Bill by that side of the House. Here we have a very fine history which has evolved over the years, and the passing of this legislation is in fact the final chapter in the development and emancipation—as the hon. member correctly indicated—of people who, under difficult circumstances, were almost utterly devoted to the Dutch Reformed Church. Now an independent community is coming into being, a community which will be able to take its place in South Africa at any time. The history of that development is now achieving finality in this legislation, and I think it is only right that we should place on record our thanks here to the Dutch Reformed Church, and admit that the contribution of the Dutch Reformed Church was really an act of salvation which is being completed here today in a wonderful manner.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a Third Time.

Mr. Chairman, may I ask the privilege of the half hour? The background against which today’s debate takes place differs, I believe, in one respect greatly from that of a year ago. A year ago hon. members on this side of the House still had to battle in order to convince other hon. members that there is a crisis situation developing in education. Hon. members on this side had to come with facts and figures in order to prove that shortages existed in respect of certain subjects. However, things have changed since last year and at least the hon. the Minister himself is on record as having said that he concedes that there is such a situation developing. This, of course, makes things far easier for us in todays debate. I can therefore say to the hon. the Minister that if I have one hope for today’s debate, then I hope that it will be to strengthen the hands of the hon. the Minister in whatever efforts he may make to solve this urgent problem. However, the hon. the Minister will find out that whatever plans he has, he will have to get the whole Cabinet behind him, something which I am not so sure can be taken for granted. It is very easy to bluff oneself and to say that this or that should be done for education, but in the end it is the results which count. Earlier this year the hon. the Minister of Finance explained to us that the Government, in deciding on the various amounts to be appropriated, was very mindful of inflation and its undertaking in terms of the Collective Campaign against Inflation. The hon. the Minister of Finance said (Hansard, 1976, col. 4246)—

Because of these considerations we were then told that apart from the amounts appropriated for the Department of Defence, the amounts appropriated for four other departments were increased above the normal 10%, the percentage that one can expect under the prevailing inflationary conditions. It was also mentioned that the Department of National Education was one of the four departments. Although I very seldom get excited about anything that the hon. the Minister of Finance says, because he gives with the one hand and takes with the other, my initial reaction was that at last the Government had decided on its list of priorities and at last it had decided to award education one of the top positions on that list Alas, disillusionment soon came! Once I had the time and the opportunity to study the various estimates and especially to study more closely the increases under the various subheads, I discovered that this overall increase should rather be attributed to force of circumstances than to a genuine change of heart. To be more precise, but for the accident of the introduction of TV in 1976, National Education would never have qualified for special mention in the dispatches of the hon. the Minister of Finance. If one should leave out of consideration the increase of R13,382 million under Broadcasting Services—an increase of 130% over and above the allocation for the previous year—one would find that the net increase was a mere R21,879 million which represents an increase of 9,7% over and above the allocation for the previous year. This, indeed, is a far cry from what we were lead to believe in that it was said that the increase was more than 15%. In fact, the increase is smaller than what one could have expected normally. I must say immediately that I do not criticize the fact that we had to find extra millions of rand to spend on TV; I accept this state of affairs especially in view of the Government’s stubborn decision and stubborn policy not to allow advertising on SATV right from the beginning. As a result of this decision, the SABC has been deprived of a steady source of income and the consequence is that the taxpayer must provide the money in order to finance SATV.

I accept that this is what has to happen, but I must blame the Government for having made that mistake in the first place. The reason why I have mentioned this is simply to put matters in their true perspective. The hon. the Minister of Finance should rather have said to us that, apart from the substantial increase brought about by the introduction of TV, national education could not receive the due attention implied in the Government’s undertaking. That is the hard reality that faces us today in considering this particular Vote. Even after making full allowance for the fact that, ultimately, television will be used for educational purposes as well, we must come to the conclusion that there is very little concrete evidence to substantiate the claim that the Cabinet has in fact finally and irrevocably decided to award top priority to education. I mentioned the Cabinet in particular because in my own mind and judging by what the hon. the Minister has been saying, I am satisfied that he has made up his mind that education should be awarded top priority. However, it is important that he should take the Cabinet with him and for that reason it is important that the Committee should know that, as far as 1976 is concerned, we did not give education preferential or special treatment. It is important for us because we must think of the future; we must have educational planning for the future. We have already entered the last quarter of the 20th century and educational planning for the future can only be meaningful if the planners have a better idea than they have at present of whether and when the plans are to be implemented. Failing that, educational planning becomes an exercise in futility. Once finality has been reached by the Government as to the importance to be awarded to education—that is what the Government must decide about—then planning for the future of education and training will become meaningful. Anyone who has been watching the South African educational scene, must have been struck by the tremendous delay in implementing policy and approving plans. Sometimes it is indeed a traumatic experience. Part of the problem is that the implementation has to take place within the scope of an extremely complex statutory framework. I should like to see a far greater sense of urgency on behalf of some of these bodies.

The hon. the Minister announced recently that finality had been reached between the various authorities concerning teachers’ training. When I heard that announcement, I did not know whether I should laugh or cry. I was naturally very pleased that finality had been reached, but considering the length of time this particular problem spent in the melting pot and considering the many lost opportunities, one can readily see why I say that I did not know whether to laugh or to cry. [Interjections.] Sir, if the hon. members would speak up, I can at least hear them. Since the hon. the Minister assumed responsibility he has in fact made a number of important announcements concerning education. The most important ones have been about salary increases, administrative assistance to teachers, the drafting of a new post structure and the establishment of a teachers’ council. The latter has already materialized and we are grateful for it. However, let us have a closer look at the others. Apart from the announcement that teachers, together with civil servants, are to get an increase in salaries this year, and the further announcement that there may be an additional increase of 5% on 1 January next year, very few other details have been released. Actually, that is not quite right—the hon. the Minister has revealed that a rider is attached even to the additional increase of 5% proposed for January next year. That rider is that the implementation of that increase depends on the country’s economic and financial situation. That is to say, when the economy can afford it, you will have your wonderful post structure.

That goes for all civil servants.

Mr. Chairman, I believe that a country can only afford what is economically and financially possible. However, I must warn the hon. the Minister that the practice of dangling a carrot in front of people’s noses can only be effective for a little while. [Interjections.] People get tired of that. I am prepared to give the hon. the Minister a wonderful opportunity. I hope the expectations regarding the 5% increase and the post structure will be fulfilled by 1 January 1977. We all hope for that I assume, however, that the hon. the Minister is conscious of the fact that, as a member of the Cabinet, he shares collective responsibility towards finding a solution, not only to this problem, but also as regards the question of the rider which he is attaching to it, in other words, the economic and financial improvement in this country.

*Mr. Chairman, if we examine closely the various statements made by the hon. the Minister, we find that one central line of thought is running through all these statements, i.e. that education should be improved for it to be afforded its proper place in the national economy.

That is correct.

Apart from the fact that this is an indication that the hon. the Minister also appreciates that education is not yet being afforded its proper position at this stage, I should like to know whether the hon. the Minister and I have the same views regarding the method according to which education may be improved. As we view the matter, a prerequisite for this is that education should be divorced from the jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission. This matter has often been discussed in the past particularly under the Vote of the Department of the Interior. Up till now the reaction has always been a negative one. The excuse has always been that if something of this nature were to be done in the case of teachers, it would also have to be done in other departments.

I believe it is essential for the establishment of a satisfactory post structure that this step should be taken first. This is a prerequisite. Therefore, I should like to hear whether the hon. the Minister is able to furnish us with a more positive reply on this issue.

†Mr. Chairman, I now wish to leave the educational scene for a moment in order to confine myself to SATV and the SABC. During the recess several members of our education group had the privilege to visit the television complex and the broadcasting studios. There we were entertained by the Director-General and his staff. We enjoyed it. We were treated well, and we would like to thank them for it. I, like virtually every other person I know, am of the opinion that technically our television service is excellent. I extend my congratulations to those responsible. Informed sources even maintain that our television service is the best in the world.

From a policy and programme point of view, however, we want to express criticism. Other hon. members will elaborate further on these aspects. All I wish to say is that a reappraisal of the rather favoured and soft-gloved treatment of Nationalist Ministers is already overdue. If we are doomed to see Nationalist politicians and Nationalist Ministers so frequently on television, I believe we should also be allowed the privilege of seeing, for instance, the true M. C. Botha or the true P. W. Botha, or whoever it may be. Let us see how they react under stress. Let us have spontaneous and unrehearsed confrontations, instead of the sort of approach which begins more or less as follows: “And now, Mr. Minister, we are going to ask you a most embarrassing question, but many people want to know the answer. What are your plans for the next session?” [Interjections.] Let us see how these people react under stress. If there is specific criticism, I believe there will really be an improvement.

A matter of urgency is the R102 million which is required for the second phase of the television service, which is to be utilized for the introduction of a Bantu television service. Is the hon. the Minister satisfied that if it was purely a matter of providing a second channel on the television service without any racial designation attached to it, it still would have cost the country R102 million? I do not think so. What we do not know is to what extent duplication is taking place which has nothing whatsoever to do with the technical and administrative requirements for running a second channel. The corporation is a statutory body, but although it is such a body, it is forced to function within the framework, the whole framework of the Government’s racial policy, is what is causing this extra expense.

I do not wish to deprive Africans of a service which is entirely devoted to themselves. In fact, I was thoroughly shocked over the weekend to read a statement by Mr. Arno Kotzé, a public relations officer of the SABC, concerning the refusal to broadcast or to cover a Black international boxing bout. Mr. Kotzé then said that SATV only covered events which might appeal to Whites. I do not know whether this report is true or not, but he was reported as having said this in the Sunday Times of 30 May. I realize that there is a problem to a certain extent, but could the present five-hour viewing period not be extended in order to accommodate Black viewers? Informed sources maintain that, provided proper planning is done, and emphasis is placed on the maximum utilization of available facilities and economy of space, not only will SATV be able to cope with far longer viewing hours, but it will also be able to produce programmes of a far greater local content. That being the case, and also bearing in mind that for various reasons we will always rely to a great extent on imported programmes, it should be possible for ways and means to be found of solving the problem without going to the great expense of building a new complex at a cost of R102 million.

I would like to say a word or two about SATV’s first and only real public confrontation. I refer to the “Genocide” controversy. In retrospect I think those responsible for the original decision are today far wiser men. I hope this incident has brought about a new realization that South African television will increasingly become the face of South Africa and that great care must be taken with decisions. I must, however, express my disappointment that this occurred.

*I also have to lodge the strongest objection to the presentation of the Republic Day programme. [Interjections.] Just listen to what hon. members are saying now! We will never have unity in South Africa. We will always have members of the House of Assembly who refer to renegades … [Interjections.] … like the hon. member for Boksburg, unless somebody is able to take the lead and show that something like unity can exist. The SABC is in a wonderful position to do this. I think the hon. the Minister must apologize on their behalf this afternoon.

Mr. Chairman

No, sit down. I heard the hon. member had been a renegade.

Order! The hon. member must withdraw the word “renegade”.

I withdraw it, Sir. However, the hon. member said the same thing about me.

I did not hear it.

I now want to discuss a few educational aspects. As far as universities are concerned, the financial situation is still creating alarming problems. However, the expansion of universities should receive urgent attention in two respects. I think we have had adequate time up till now to study the implications and recommendations of the Van Wyk de Vries Report. Finality has to be reached in respect of the establishment of an English medium campus or university in Pretoria as well as in respect of the plea for an Afrikaans-speaking campus or university in Natal. I am sympathetic to both these pleas, because I think both these cases have merit. The expansion should take place according to the recipe of multi-campuses.

I think it would be obvious for the University of the Orange Free State to establish an Afrikaans-speaking campus in Natal and for the University of the Witwatersrand to establish an English-speaking campus in Pretoria. I believe the stage has been reached where the hon. the Minister of National Education will have to become involved far more intensely when decisions are made in respect of the expansion of the non-White universities. I say this on account of the Cabinet decision to the effect that the medical school in Durban is going to be replaced by a medical university at Ga-Rankuwa and also on account of the announcement of the establishment of a medical faculty in the Western Cape and an Indian faculty in Durban. This affects White universities in that the manpower for such universities will have to come from the White sector. Because this source of manpower is limited, the maximum utilization of such manpower will have to be ensured at all times. I cannot understand why the hon. the Minister of National Education, conscious of the recommendations in the Van Wyk de Vries report in respect of university expansion, remained silent when the Cabinet took these decisions. A need for a medical faculty exists in Natal at present. It is not only needed for Coloureds, Indians, Bantu or Whites, but for all four groups. It makes no difference to me whether it is part of the University of Natal or of the University of Westville; all that is important is that provision should be made for it.

†I wish to raise a specific problem concerning colleges for advanced technical education. Like other branches of education they also experience a shortage of staff and they are also dissatisfied with their salaries. In addition, great dissatisfaction exists concerning the evaluation of qualifications and the recognition of relevant outside experience for salary purposes. The subject nature of courses offered by these colleges is such that the staff has to be drawn from commerce and industry. Mind-boggling decisions are made concerning the evaluation of these qualifications. For example, lecturer A with a B.Com. degree is evaluated M + 3, while lecturer B with a B. Com., C.T.A., C.A., is also evaluated as M + 3. A lecturer in marketing is appointed after having served four years as a market manager in industry. He now has to lecture grown-ups following courses in marketing, but he is told that his outside experience is regarded as irrelevant. It is no wonder that it has become so difficult to attract suitable staff. I do not have time to give further examples, but I hope the hon. the Minister will give his urgent attention to this source of dissatisfaction.

*As far as cultural matters are concerned, I just want to say that the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Co-ordination of Museums on a National Level should receive attention. Important recommendations have been made in this report and it is quite clear to us that there is a long list of deficiencies. We should like to hear from the hon. the Minister what his attitude is as far as this report is concerned.

Mr. Chairman, this is the first time the hon. the Minister is handling this Vote, and I should therefore like to congratulate him on this occasion and thank him for his enthusiasm for education. I want to wish him and his officials all of the best in their running of the affairs of a very important portfolio, in fact one of the most important portfolios in the Cabinet. We are looking forward to the further activities of the hon. the Minister in this important Vote with great interest and expectations.

Today is the first opportunity we have had to discuss television since television programmes started being broadcast on a full-time basis. I should like to avail myself of the opportunity to convey my sincere appreciation and congratulations to the SABC and its able officials for the outstanding quality of our TV programmes. In the nature of the matter one may expect there still to be growing pains and problems, but the fact that the hon. member for Durban Central battled and stumbled over his words to find a single point of criticism, and failed, bears adequate testimony to the fact that the TV programmes are of an outstanding quality.

In the course of my speech I shall come back to some of the arguments raised by the hon. member for Durban Central. I do just want to say to him, however, that there is no crisis in education and that the Bantu universities and the University of the Western Cape fall under a different Vote and therefore are not at issue here.

I want to devote my time to stressing the very important place which education ought to occupy in our national set-up. It is the general practice today to measure the greatness and the importance of a country in the community of nations by its military and economic strength. This ought not to be so. However important a country’s military strength may be, and however essential a favourable balance of trade may be, the yardstick by which to measure the greatness and importance of any people in the world remains the quality of its education. The true wealth of any country is its good human material and this can only be the product of a sound system of education. Aristotle, the philosopher, said—

The late Dr. D. F. Malan said in 1948—

The rector of the University of California said—

Probably it ought not to be necessary, in the final quarter of the 20th century, to stress these old troths. However, it is a fact that there is concern everywhere in the Western World today with regard to this specific issue of the quality of education. Thinking people ask themselves whether the so-called decadence and deterioration in the world, in the Western World in particular, cannot be ascribed specifically to the neglect of certain basic principles in the education systems of the countries in question. Thanks to an NP Government now, and under which education has always enjoyed a high priority, we in South Africa can really boast one of the finest and soundest education systems in the world. But today South Africa is also on the threshold of an era which will undoubtedly set the people of our country the greatest challenges in our history. The test to which the people of South Africa are going to be subjected over the next few years will not only impose heavy demands on our physical fitness and endurance, but also, and particularly, on our mental toughness and preparedness. Unconditional and unqualified loyalty to our fatherland, sustained zeal for work and dedication to the task of the day, calmness and strong nerves in the hour of crisis, self-control and a disciplined way of life, balanced and controlled conduct under all circumstances, an unshakeable faith in our calling in Africa and an indestructible will to survive are some of the characteristics our people will have to display if we are not to be weighed in the balance and found wanting. These characteristics are the products of a sound system of education and a sound system of education does not mean, in the first instance, merely efficient buildings, and the right subject matter. To me this means, pre-eminently, the right teacher, the right man and woman, the person who is able to convey not only knowledge, but wisdom as well, the person who can inspire, the man and woman who, like the Great Teacher at the Sea of Galilee, could hold out His hand to a dead child, dead in spirit as so many of our children are today, who can take the child by the hand and say: “Damsel, arise!” Such teachers are more precious than fine gold; such teachers are more precious than all the jewels in our country. It is them that the poet Watermeyer addresses when he says—

Sir, if South Africa can succeed in attracting such people to education, people who can be the cream of our nation, then we need not fear the future. Then our future is assured, because then the products of our system of education will be people of character and spirit.

It is because I regard the teacher as the central point in education that I am so grateful that under this Minister and by way of this Nationalist Cabinet, three vital decisions relating to education have been taken in this year, 1976. The first is the Bill we have just passed here which improves the professional status of the teacher. The other is the decision which the hon. the Minister will probably announce here today concerning placing the training of teachers on a sound basis, and the third decision, which has also been announced by the hon. the Minister, is that consideration is being given to a new salary structure for the teaching profession. I believe that these three measures represent the dawning of an entirely new era for the teaching profession. Of course it will cost money, but that money is like the money we spend on our Defence Force, viz. it is only the premium for the insurance policy of our continued existence here in South Africa. For those who have misgivings about our expenditure on education I want to point out that over the past few years, White education has in fact lost ground percentage-wise. The gross amount spent on White education expressed as a percentage of our total budget was 15% in 1971–’72. In 1974–’75, however, it dropped to 13%. Of course we can understand that larger amounts have been allocated to non-White education and that the expenditure on White education must therefore drop. However, White education has not even maintained its position. For that reason we cannot be too concerned about high expenditure. If we take our expenditure on White education as a percentage of our gross national product, and compare it with countries like Canada 8,5%, Denmark 7,6% and the USA 6,5%, then it is clear that the 2,6% of our gross national product which we spend on White education is not quite enough and ought to be increased. [Time expired.]

May I ask that the hon. member be given an opportunity to complete his speech.

Mr. Chairman, I am convinced that the people of South Africa who see education, together with the defence of the country, as priority No. 1 and that they will be prepared at all times to put their hands deep in their pockets to make an investment for the future, an investment in our most precious possession, our young boys and girls.

As far as university education is concerned, there are two aspects in particular which continue to cause concern and to bother people. The first aspect is the steadily increasing unit cost per student. I think the hon. member mentioned here that it costs the State about R1 400 per annum to keep a student at university. In addition to that the parents or bodies providing bursaries have to contribute approximately another R1 600. Therefore about R3 000 per annum is necessary to keep one student at university. The other matter for concern which is linked to this is the high failure rate, particularly among first-year students. In some cases the figure is as high as 46%. This can cause a national loss of about R24 million. It is therefore encouraging that our young universities in particular have tackled this problem with great earnest. RAU has set a fine example to other universities by extending their academic year by a number of weeks. We paid a very fruitful visit there recently and we saw that they developed a system there of opportunities for discussion around a round table where small groups of students could discuss their problems and where they could discuss their courses with or in the absence of lecturers. In this way the young student acquires an opportunity to talk about his problems, to come out of his shell and find direction. In this way many of the problems of the first-year students are overcome.

The other young university, the University of Port Elizabeth, has also given serious attention to the failure rate. They found that in spite of dramatic developments relating to universities in recent years, there has in fact been virtually no change in the method of tuition over the past few hundred years. The tuition method of today is still the same as it was during the Middle Ages, namely a professor who gives a lecture to a group of students. Every year the university has a large variety of students, from the exceptionally gifted to the less gifted. They are all lumped together and have to try and absorb their study material at the same tempo and at the same speed. The need to individualize the learning process so that each student may progress according to his own ability has been very fully realized. With regard to the unique opportunity afforded by the universette system at the University of Port Elizabeth, it was decided to individualize the tuition system of the first and second students of that university. The worldwide search among all the universities of the world was undertaken, and after a thorough sifting process and after due consideration it was decided to introduce the method known as the Audio Tutorial Approach to Learning as introduced by Prof. Postlethwait at the Purdue University in the USA. Prof. Postlethwait visited the University of Port Elizabeth earlier this year and stayed there for a number of weeks. He gave lectures there and informed and motivated the lecturers with regard to his method. The essence of the method is that the year’s course in any field is divided into a number of mini-courses, for example eight or ten mini-courses throughout the year. Each mini-course is now taken up on an audio tape and is accompanied by clear instructions to the student which he has to carry out. As soon as the student receives his tape, he goes to his partitioned off tape recorder cubicle, inserts his tape, puts on his earphones and listens to the professor’s first lecture. What he does not understand he can repeat, until he understands the whole lecture. I saw this process in operation in America and there the students had the video tape, too, so that they could also see the professor. He also has with him his educational equipment, his slides, his projector, his microscope—if he needs it—and other things. The student is given clear instructions on his tape. He knows exactly what to do and is guided from one instruction to the next. At the end of each mini-course there are also test questions, and the student does not proceed from one mini-course to the next if he has not gained at least 90%. When one sees these students in action, one feels like studying again oneself. Each student progresses in accordance with his own abilities and has nothing to do with the other students. He sets his own pace. Nor is the student merely a passive listener; he is always active. With this system the failure rate can be reduced in a spectacular fashion. At the University of Purdue, Prof. S. N. Postlethwait brought the first-year failure rate down from about 40% to less than 8%. Quite apart from the drop in the failure rate, this can also involve a substantial saving for the University, particularly with regard to capital facilities, because 400 students can study simultaneously in one large hall. When one enters the hall, one sees no one and hears nothing, but when one looks into the cubicles one sees that everyone is working actively and with interest. When a mini-course has been duly compiled and categorized, one lecturer can deal with and control far more students than is possible in accordance with the conventional methods. Of course, this method has great possibilities at the secondary school level, too, particularly in view of the shortage of teachers.

There is another matter which also causes a degree of concern in education. I refer to the position of the married woman, particularly here in the Cape. I know that in recent years the position of the married woman in education has improved dramatically, and one is grateful for this. However, basically it is still impossible for a married woman in the Cape to obtain a permanent appointment.

Shame!

Due to our economic system, the woman has to be a joint breadwinner today, whether we like it or not.

I agree with you.

In fact, the present system only offers the woman five teaching years in the Cape. In my opinion this is uneconomic and unproductive. The lack of security causes frustration, and as a result some outstanding married women teachers accept other appointments outside education. This is not good for education. I therefore hope that the hon. the Minister, in cooperation with the provinces, will find a formula for the better utilization of these people. In one respect—and one only—I must agree with the hon. member for Houghton. I too am unable to defend salary discrimination against the women.

There is a second matter which I just want to mention briefly at this point. I refer here to the older pensioners in education. The position of some of these old pensioners—those who retired in the late ’fifties—is really desperate. They were leaders in the community and performed work which involved sacrifice. Many of them were true educators. When they retired, they received a reasonable pension— reasonable for those years, at any rate. In today’s conditions, however, this is totally inadequate. The State has, of course, done a great deal already. The State added 10% two years ago and has now added another 10%. We are very grateful for this, but an investigation has indicated that the pensions of assistant teachers who retired before 1957 vary between R620 and R724, and this investigation was carried out a mere two years ago. This means between R40 and R50 per month. For women the pensions vary between R436 and R509 per annum. I believe we should really do something to investigate the position of these people more thoroughly. They have their pride and a certain standard of living to maintain. However, some of them eke out a very difficult existence, particularly in view of the fact that they did not enjoy the privilege of medical aid fund at that time. In my opinion this is a debt to be paid to these people by the community. The money to be found for this is, in fact, a diminishing asset because these people are all older than 70 years. I hope the hon. the Minister will be able to do something in this regard as well.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member who has just sat down has made a good contribution this afternoon—a very high-minded and altruistic speech. He has emphasized the need to establish early in our youth sound and healthy values in a fluid and decadent world. I hope that he will apply his values to and analyse objectively what I have to say later.

The hon. the Minister has, in his new portfolio, very quickly caught the imagination of the teachers in South Africa. They see him as a Minister who is sympathetically disposed towards their profession and towards their problems. I am sure that his actions will prove that their faith in him will be borne out. I hope that he will take the opportunity at the forthcoming teachers’ conference in Pietermaritzburg to enlarge upon his plans. He has made a lot of promises and I hope that he will leave the teachers there with some hope for the future and that he will map out the course which he intends sailing in education in South Africa in the future.

Why do you think I have accepted an invitation to go there? [Interjections.]

We should like to recommend to the hon. the Minister that one of his first goals should be to strive to build national unity in South Africa. We feel that he and his department are ideally situated to forge at the very start amongst our youth a feeling of South Africanism and to achieve this, the hon. the Minister must remove factors which are counter-productive to national unity. I should like to draw to the attention of the hon. the Minister one example of what I consider to be a counter-productive element. I raise this because I query the wisdom of allowing such an element to continue to exert an influence on the young minds of our children.

I refer to certain exhibits on display in the War Museum at the Vroue-monument in Bloemfontein. I find these exhibits distasteful because they are partisan and their effect is to drive a wedge between the Afrikaans-speaking and English-speaking South Africans.

Whatever you do, do not try and fight the Boer War all over again.

The first exhibit I should like to mention is one of hooks which were allegedly found in a ration of bully-beef. The ghastly impression is conveyed that all meat was deliberately booby-trapped. The second exhibit is of sugar issued in the camps and the label reads—

Yes, it was vitriol.

“Vitrioel” is another Afrikaans word for “bluestone” or “sulphate of copper” which is a harmless antiseptic. [Interjections.] “Vitriol” is the English word for “sulphuric acid”. To use this word on that exhibit is a hideous and unforgivable mistranslation.

What caused the death of all the women and children in the camps?

The third exhibit which I should like to draw to the attention of the hon. the Minister is a bottle of water sent for analysis to a medical officer of health from one of the camps where there was a typhoid epidemic. After analysis the water was given to a young Boer to drink. The unstated inference is despicable. I was there on a Sunday and while I was there a bus-load of young school children arrived. They were having these exhibits explained to them by a rather bored teacher, I thought. Outside there was an imposing monument and on this monument are attached these tragic words—

The words are therefore: “We shall not forgive, we shall not forget.” I want to ask what wisdom there is in perpetuating a bittnerness out of the past. The mind and the imagination boggles at such one-sided, callous exploitation of emotion. In fact, as far as I know, only in the Irish National Museum and in the Cypriot Heroes Museum does one find anything comparable in the world.

Go and have a look at the museum in Hiroshima.

Not even in Hiroshima does one find something comparable. The display of alleged evidence designed to exonerate a partisan attitude cannot be tolerated if a Government is sincere in its efforts to forge Afrikaner and English détente in South Africa. If the emotions of indignation, bitterness and distrust have been deliberately cultivated to create the myth of Afrikaner nationalism, the presence of such exhibits is the more to be deplored. We must recommend to the hon. the Minister that he replaces these exhibits which are counter-productive to national unity.

Mr. Chairman, may I ask the hon. member a question?

I shall answer the hon. member’s question when I have finished. This museum receives R91 000 per year, R82 500 of which comes through the Department of National Education. With this money there should be no difficulty in finding exhibits that do not generate bitterness and disunity between Afrikaans- and English-speaking South Africans. I suggest that a committee be appointed to investigate all our national monuments and museums to assess the objectivity of exhibits with a view to their harmful effect on race relations.

Another thing which the teachers at the teachers’ conference in Pietermaritzburg will want to know is what progress has been made in the revision of post structures and the provision of new salary scales. This is a very urgent matter. The hon. the Minister himself knows how critical the position of male staff is. I have here just one letter I should like to read to the House, a letter which I think gets to the very nub of the whole problem. It is dated 24 May 1976. I quote from it—

I think that that really puts in a nutshell what the hon. the Minister has to handle.

In conclusion we should like to ask of the hon. the Minister whether the Cabinet knows the extent of the problem. How can they continue to vote money for plans that have not the slightest hope of being realized? I refer, for instance, to the amount of R1 million that has been voted for cadets expansion. It just cannot be done because there is not the male staff to do it. Secondly, we should like to ask whether the country realizes the magnitude of the crisis. We would recommend that the hon. the Minister draw up plans for a national campaign, that he get together with the provinces to thrash out details and get their cooperation, that he appoint a dynamic public relations officer to sell teaching as a career to matriculants, that students be encouraged to take up teaching loans, that such loans become transferable between provinces, that incentive bonuses be available in terms of extramural involvement, that promotion primarily take cognizance of merit and effectiveness of teachers, that in-service courses be available for training teachers for promotion and as refresher courses to revitalize teachers. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, I should just like to say to the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North that a people that conceals the facts of its history has no right to exist. I also want to tell him that the history of the Afrikaner has been written, that it is there and that no-one can change any part of it I shall confine myself to saying that the introduction of the six colleges for advanced technical education represents a milestone for South Africa. The colleges came into being in terms of Act No. 40 of 1967.

We are already seeing the fine results achieved by those colleges. The uncompromising directive to all tertiary educational institutions in their endeavour to guide the pupil to full maturity, also requires a healthy community life. There must be a healthy campus life in order to develop human material fully and in a balanced way, and to the maximum of its potential. I am therefore extremely grateful, too, for the planned college in Pretoria. The college will be built on 75 ha of land, about 5 km outside the centre city. The colleges in Johannesburg, Durban, Port Elizabeth and in the Vaal Triangle do not cause difficulties either. At those colleges, too, adequate provision has been made for campus life. Everything is at hand on the campuses. Furthermore there are outstanding possibilities for expansion. Just as campus life is an indivisible, integral and essential part of the function of the university as a tertiary preparatory institution, it ought also to be a requirement for the tertiary training institutions such as the colleges mentioned. If this is not the case such a college never fully comes into its own.

Therefore I have every reason to be concerned about the Cape college, particularly as far as its planning is concerned. I therefore want to issue a very serious warning that the Cape college will not be able to come into its own due to its present planning. This envisaged modern tertiary institution, whose aim it ought to be to provide trained people to commerce and industry, has apparently been entrusted with the function of acting as curator for all kinds of antiquities distributed throughout the city. The hostels, sports fields, classrooms, laboratories, libraries, computers, cafeteria and so on, are scattered abroad instead of being centrally situated as should be the case with a higher educational institution of this nature. What is the case in Cape Town? Old buildings far distant from each other, buildings which are not suitable and which cannot be made suitable either, are offered to the college. Among others, there are the following: The old Hairdressing Supplies building—on which R500 000 was spent, and which, in my humble opinion, remains a mere warehouse—the mayor’s garden and the old city hall, and the old PWD-building. The latter building has already been declared a national monument and is still to be obtained. There is even talk of the magistrate’s office being utilized for this purpose. The women’s hostel is situated at Leeuwenhof. The sports grounds are at Vineyard. At present a polemic is being waged as to the possible expropriation of the Hotel Vineyard. Advanced apprentices, viz. those who study further after matric, are accommodated in prefabricated buildings in Lansdowne Road, Claremont. The Department of Printing is accommodated at the comer of Roeland Street and Buitenkant Street. The fourth storey of Parliament Towers has been rented for the building division. The Bob Cox sports grounds are being laid at Sunrise Circle. The Drill Hall premises next to the Castle and the Parade, where building restrictions apply, is going to be taken over and developed at a cost of millions of rand. I am told that two or three underground storeys will be available for parking. However, such a measure is impractical in view of the modern tendency to limit traffic in the centre city. Women students live three kilometres away from the library, and men students seven kilometres away. Sports grounds for women are 10 kilometres away and those for men are two kilometres away. The library facilities are not utilized and the sports clubs are not supported by full-time students. I could continue in this vein to illustrate this impractical, unscientific and stagnating approach. This state of affairs must not be allowed to continue; it requires detailed investigation and intelligent consideration. I should like to see students at the Cape Technical College enjoying the privileges of a peri-urban campus as is being envisaged for other colleges. I believe that land is in fact available for this purpose, otherwise one could believe that one was on Kanoneiland. It will not be possible to break down prejudices against these colleges if we do not see them as full-fledged tertiary educational institutions, as universities, with great possibilities for the future. We shall have to adopt a far-sighted vision of the future and a far more scientific approach with regard to the establishment of modern buildings and grounds for all colleges, as is the case with universities, if we want to increase the prestige and status of colleges, canalize the students correctly, counteract the large number of first-year failures at university, combat the wastage of manpower at high level, and if we want to allow the Colleges for Advanced Technical Education to succeed as tertiary institutions. We shall have to look much further than courses and content and the construction of buildings, and we shall have to guard against injudicious expenditure which, after all, will later result in unnecessary re-expenditure, if we are to achieve our aim. Serious thought will have to be given to the situation in the Cape, or else I fear this college will not be able to deliver the quality product it ought to deliver. The question to be asked is why the College for Advanced Technical Education in Cape Town should be different to those in the rest of the country.

I ask that very serious consideration be given to this matter and that a thorough investigation of the future of the College for Advanced Technical Education in Cape Town be carried out.

Mr. Chairman, I find myself in the somewhat strange position that I agree with most of what the previous speakers who spoke from the Government benches have said, but unfortunately, I cannot say the same for quite a lot of what the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North has said. I want to make it quite clear, so that there can be no misunderstanding, that I believe that people cannot run away from their history. I do not believe that one can pretend that things that have happened in the history of your country have not happened. One has to accept the reality of it, and one can only get a reconciliation on the basis of an acceptance of the facts of the past. If you do not do that, you will never have a true reconciliation. What is required is that one must learn lessons from history, but we cannot pretend that it has not happened. I believe that the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North has rendered a disservice to the relations between English and Afrikaans-speaking sections of the population. If he really sincerely wanted a translation corrected, he could have spoken to the hon. the Minister in the Lobby, could have pointed out the error to the hon. the Minister and could have asked him to do something about it. To raise this kind of issue at this stage in our history, is a disservice to the relations between English and Afrikaans-speaking people in South Africa. I want to know whether one is entitled to say that genocide must be shown on television so that we can become reconciled to the facts of that particular history and not have the rest of the history also shown as part of South Africa. There can be only one set of values. There cannot be two sets of values, depending on how one looks at things. I want to make it quite clear that the object which the hon. member sought to achieve this afternoon, is perhaps his own object, but I do not believe it is the object of the majority of the people sitting in this House, irrespective of their party affiliations.

I want to return to educational matters and I specifically want to refer the plight of the universities. I want to draw attention to the fact that in our respectful view, the present subsidy formula is unsatisfactory. The hon. the Minister nods his head. I only hope that he agrees with me and that he will review it. The present staff/student ratio is not satisfactory. I believe it is a retrogressive step in South African university life and I believe that it hampers one of the basic concepts of our universities, namely that universities do not only teach, but that they must also do research work. With great respect, I want to say to the hon. the Minister that there are universities which find themselves in financial difficulties, they need assistance and they look upon the hon. the Minister as the new broom to sweep clean in this regard. I think it is important that he gives his urgent attention to this. If I had more time, I could have gone into more detail about this. Unfortunately, however, my time is limited.

The second matter to which I should like to draw the hon. the Minister’s attention is the issue of the recruitment of graduate teachers from overseas. It is no use pretending that there is not a teacher shortage in South Africa. It is no use pretending that there is not a crisis in South Africa. If we look elsewhere in the world, we find a most remarkable thing. There we find a surplus of graduates, of people who are trained in the sciences and in mathematics, but who cannot get jobs. This is particularly the case in the United States. If we want to solve this problem, in the first place in the short-term and in the second place in the long-term, then for the long-term we shall have to give incentives to people to make sure that they take up these subjects that are essential for our progress in education. In the short-term the hon. the Minister should seek to recruit those graduates overseas who are suitable and to bring them to South Africa in order to deal with the short-term situation. I want to read from a document which purports to be a copy of a letter written by the private secretary of the hon. the Minister’s predecessor. It says the following—

The hon. the Minister has a crisis in respect of certain subjects in South Africa at the moment and he is obliged, if he wants to do his job, to send recruiting teams overseas to get these surplus graduates that are available and to use them on a contract basis to deal with a short-term situation, a situation which must be solved urgently in South Africa. The hon. the Minister has a duty in this regard, to see that this is achieved quickly and not refer it to a committee for discussion so that we shall deal with it only in a couple of years’ time. The graduates are now available overseas, and they must be got now on a contract basis overseas.

I want the hon. the Minister to react to another matter, namely the question of multinational sport on an intervarsity level. We can of course also deal with it under the next Vote, but the issue has been raised specifically in regard to whether there should be multinational sport between the universities. The matter has been referred to the Committee of the Heads of Universities, and I should like to hear from the hon. the Minister what his attitude is in this regard. There can be no reason why universities of so-called different nationalities should not be allowed to play against each other.

I should like to come back to the issue of the ordinary student at university, not the brilliant fellow who can get scholarships, but the man who is the backbone of what is the whole substance of South Africa, the ordinary and average student. I believe that with the present subsidy system and with the present non-availability of adequate financial assistance— there is a mere 7% increase for financial assistance to universities and for bursaries— one is excluding the average person from that kind of training.

What kind of training?

You cannot have only brilliant students at university. One also cannot have only poor students at university who can get bursaries because their people cannot afford it. The middle-class fellow is the one who is really needed. That is the student who is finding it difficult today to attend a university. These students’ families have to struggle in order to give them a higher education. I think we are being unfair in South Africa to the middle-class chap, the man who pays his way in South Africa, the family man who battles to try to get his child, who is, perhaps not the most brilliant child, through university. That is something the hon. the Minister needs to pay attention to at the earliest possible opportunity as far as universities in South Africa are concerned.

Lastly, the hon. the Minister must face the realities of life in South Africa. If one wishes to have understanding between the people of different races in South Africa, one is going to have to allow universities to open their doors and to decide for themselves whether they are open to everybody or not I want to finish off by pleading with the hon. the Minister as a new Minister to recognize the concept of university autonomy and to recognize the concept that universities should be allowed to open their doors to whomsoever they like. If the hon. the Minister should wish to read again the report of the University of the North, he will see that one of the problems in South Africa is that there is too little communication on the highest level possible as far as the student community is concerned. I believe that if one were to allow universities to go back to the basic concept of deciding for themselves whom to admit, one will be assisting race relations in South Africa. One will have the future leaders of South Africa meeting and understanding each other instead of being kept apart in a way where there is no communication. I believe the hon. the Minister has a great opportunity in this regard. This does not mean that he has to scrap his policy of separate development. It merely means that one should allow people to choose whom they would like to have at their universities. I plead for this not merely because the Black universities cannot provide certain services, but because it is important that the leaders of the community meet with each other at an early age and that they should be allowed to understand each other. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Yeoville touched upon quite a number of matters, and referred them to the hon. the Minister. There are certain aspects which he raised to which hon. members on this side of the House will react. With that I want to leave the hon. member’s contribution at that.

There is one point, however, on which I want to agree with the hon. member. It was a bad and extremely unfortunate day for the Republic of South Africa when we had to listen in this House to a speech such as the one made by the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North. I want to endorse what the hon. member for Yeoville said about that speech. I should like to put this question to the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North: Does he associate himself with the English-speaking South African of today, or does he want to associate himself with the Englishman of those years about which he was so concerned. In my opinion it is a retrogressive step, for I think it is a bad day on which such a speech is made at a time when relations are improving daily and when everyone is going out of their way to improve relations between English and Afrikaans-speaking South Africans. I am confident that other hon. members of that hon. member’s party will rise at a later stage and have the courage of their convictions to dissociate themselves from what the hon. member said this evening as a member of the United Party.

I want to confine myself to another serious problem which, in my opinion, we are faced with in education today. There are some ignorant persons who allege that education is static and reluctant to try out new views and methods. But I think that the exactly the opposite is true and that we are today dealing with spectacular changes in education. I could mention, inter alia, the extensive school curriculum, educational technology, the various methods which are being applied in respect of various subjects, and the methodology in this regard. But perhaps the greatest change today lies in the sphere of the subject content of the various subjects, i.e. the syllabus. It is in fact this drastic change in respect of the subject content of the syllabi which gives me cause for great concern. Consequently I want to request this evening that the educational authorities give serious thought to the extent of the knowledge content of all these various subjects.

Of course I do not want to discuss or question the merits of the knowledge, but I suggest that we have lost our equilibrium in respect of the amount of factual content which the pupil has to master; and it is not only in this country in which this problem is emerging. It is also happening at the present moment in Germany, where there are teachers who are expressing grave concern about this very same problem in Germany. What is at issue in that country is, inter alia, the Numeru Clausu, the system which is being applied there at present and which determines the academic qualifications for admission to university. In this regard I want to quote the words of Prof. Wilhelm Dreier. He says—

I believe that with the success achieved by Russia, particularly in respect of journeys into space, panic broke out in the West, and we in the Republic of South Africa did not escape it. Quite suddenly the schools had to make up the so-called back-log, and now it is not only in respect of the natural science subjects that this tremendous increase in the subject content is emerging. It affects all the subjects in the school, because the other subjects do not want to take second place to the natural science subjects; they do not want to be branded and labelled as the so-called easy subjects. The growth in subject content during the past few decades—I can assure you of this—is absolutely shocking. I want to furnish only a few examples on the basis of text books which are in general use in the Free State, and I believe, to a great extent in other provinces as well. I am mentioning an example. The Std. 5 science book, in 1967, consisted of 106 pages. In 1975 the prescribed book consisted of 193 pages. The Std. 6 geography book: In 1955 it consisted of only 56 pages, and in 1975 of 220 pages. Let us take the Afrikaans text-books: In Std. 5, 118 pages, in 1965 and 234 pages in 1975. Stds. 7 and 8: 306 pages in 1965; 594 pages last year. Std. 9: 355 pages in 1965; and 591 last year. Geography for matriculation: 405 pages in 1965 and 631 pages last year.

What is at issue is not only the increased subject content; there is also the matter of the degree of difficulty of the various subjects. Now I understand very well that the object is that there should be a closer relationship between secondary and tertiary education. This is understandable, and I want to endorse it. However, I am afraid that the syllabi, instead of being a preparation for university, has in many cases become instead an imitation of the university syllabus. In one specific subject the content which occurs in the Std. 8 syllabus is identical to the first-year course of the relevant discipline required at university. In fact, the standard 8 text-book is prescribed by the university in question as the best textbook for first-year students for self-study purposes. This is a fact In another specific school subject a portion of the work is only dealt with in the third year university course. On the basis of various subjects I can point out to hon. members the tremendous subject content explosion that has taken place, as well as the degree of difficulty of a specific subject in matriculation.

What are the consequences of this? This is in my opinion the most pressing problem at the present moment. I ask myself this question: Why is it so that in practice we are dealing with scholars who turn away from these specific subjects, particularly the scientific subjects. I want to reply to this question in the following way: Is it not perhaps as a result of the fact that the syllabi have as their point of departure that all pupils are and should become scientists? I think we are forgetting that we also have pupils at school who have to qualify in other directions, that we have scholars who, for example must become teachers. It is in fact these people who have to introduce the budding Einsteins to the secrets of the sciences. Subject content and the degree of difficulty of subjects should in my opinion therefore provide the basis from which more specialized knowledge may be acquired at university.

The tremendous standard and requirements which are set give rise to various unpedagogic practices being followed, for example the practice matriculants have of spotting, i.e. the habit of studying only certain questions for the examination. In conjunction with this we find that the teacher works out the questions for the pupils. The child himself therefore does not have the opportunity of working out the questions for himself, for the teacher is dependent for his promotion on the results of his matriculants. Therefore the child learns facts like a parrot, without having any real understanding of them. However there is a third result, which is that character formation is lacking, for there is no time for anything else but to inculcate this knowledge to the pupil. In these times it is an essential requirement that the teacher should stabilize the anchors from which children occasionally drift away as a result of foreign influences on them. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, it is a pity that a debate such as this, which lends itself admirably to the conducting of a positive discussion with the hon. the Minister, had to be sullied by the contribution of the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North. Although it is not my intention to spend much time on him, I think it is fitting that it be said here that if one had to write an epitaph for this hon. member, one would be able to say “Here lies Gray Mills, the last jingo”. I think I should leave the hon. member at that, and return to the actual purpose of this discussion.

The hon. the Minister will allow me to bring two matters in particular to his attention this afternoon. In the first place, pursuant to what was said by the hon. member for Algoa, I want to break a lance for the older pensioners among our teachers. It is a fact that prior to 1968 teachers retired on a relatively small pension. There was also a very good reason for that. Prior to April 1969 the four provinces and the Administration of South West Africa each had its own pension fund in respect of their officers and teachers. In addition teachers were admitted, with effect from 1961, to membership of the then Government Service Widows’ Pension Fund. With effect from 1 April 1969 the pension funds of the four provinces and of the Administration of South West Africa were consolidated into one fund, and this fund was known as the Provincial and the Territory Service Pension Fund. The administration of that fund was taken over by the Department of Social Welfare and Pensions. On 1 July 1973 the Provincial and the Territory Service Pension Fund was subsequently consolidated into one fund together with the Public Service Pension Fund, the Permanent Force Pension Fund, the S.A. Police and Prisons Service Pension Fund and the Government Service Pension Fund, and became known as the Government Service Pension Fund. However, members who retired prior to 1968 find themselves in a position of imparity. In this respect I now want to mention the example of a Mr. A who was employed from 1 January 1930 to 1 January 1968. Mr. B., on the other hand, was employed from 1936 to the end of 1973. Both had the same qualifications, and received corresponding promotions, but Mr. A. served for 38 years under the provincial pension ordinance, while Mr. B. served for 37½ years. Mr. B., therefore was a member of the Government Service Pension Fund for only six months. The cash amount received by Mr. A., however was only 38% of that received by Mr. B., while Mr. A.’s pension, after the consolidation of bonuses and other allowances, and including the 10% increase in October 1974, was still only 55% of that of Mr. B.

It is this kind of inconsistency which the old pensioners feel unhappy about. I am thoroughly aware that, strictly speaking, this is not something which falls under the hon. the Minister of National Education, but I nevertheless want to make a very strong appeal to the hon. the Minister here this afternoon to approach the department concerned on behalf of the former teachers to see whether parity cannot be effected so that all the former teachers who are pensioners at present may all be treated alike and receive the same benefits. I think we owe it to those people who, for many years and under difficult circumstances, made their contribution.

There is a second matter which I want to bring to the attention of the hon. the Minister. Ten years ago, in my maiden speech, I made an appeal here for assistance of some kind to our creative artists, but in particular to our writers who at present are perhaps of all people finding it the most difficult to make a proper livelihood. I know that this is a very delicate matter. If one merely advocates assistance for these people, it may be alleged that direct State aid would be conducive to socialism, and that writers would also be made subservient to the will of the Government of the day. This is also how one of the writers recently expressed it when he said—

It is therefore not very easy to find a solution to this problem. For that reason I want to try to find an answer to this problem today, together with the hon. the Minister. In the process I want to associate myself with the idea which was expressed at a recent meeting of the S.A. Skrywerskring in this regard. They proposed the establishment of a council for professional writers, a council similar to the Arts Council. Nor did it remain at a resolution only. They also agreed to ask the HSRC to institute a thorough investigation into the feasibility of such a system, viewed in the light of our particular circumstances in South Africa.

Although this matter is still in a very early stage, I want to ask the hon. the Minister to tell this Committee this afternoon whether he agrees in principle with the idea of such a council for writers. Dr. P. G. du Plessis, this year’s Hertzog prize winner, indicated the advantages of such a council. In the first place it would eliminate the problem which is at present being experienced by South African writers in that they are not able to subsist properly on the money which they receive from the sale of their books. I think that is the main problem. Such a council would also be free from any possible political pressure because that assistance need not be made available directly by the State to the writers. It will become available to the writers through a council which would function in another way. Such a council would also be co-ordinating and the State would therefore know to a certain extent in what way the money was being spent on that art. The State will decide how much money has to be given to the council, but the council will decide on how and where that money is to be spent. A very long debate can be conducted on this matter, but I am convinced that if we as a nation in South Africa are prepared to ensure our writers in particular of a proper livelihood by contributing financially to their maintenance, it would be an investment which would pay only good dividends for us in the intellectual field. I think it is true that our writers are having a very hard time of it at the moment, and that for that reason they have to resort to products which do not do them credit in order to keep body and soul together. However, if the financial means are made available, enabling them to produce their best, I maintain that we would be making an investment which could only pay good dividends for us. I therefore want to advocate that the hon. the Minister should accept the principle of the establishment of such a council.

Mr. Chairman, I fully support the hon. member for Springs in his plea for assistance to our creative artists, whether they are sculptors are writers. I feel that they should be helped by the State.

Do you agree with your friend Mills?

As far as the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North is concerned, I feel that as a young man he looked at the monument and he has expressed himself in a wrong way. However, I think his motives were not those ascribed to him by the hon. members.

What were his motives?

His motives were to ask for objectivity in regard to monuments. [Interjections.]

But I am not going to be diverted from my plea to the hon. the Minister. The assumption of this very important portfolio by the hon. the Minister has been like a breath of fresh air to South Africa. He is a man with new ideas, he is amenable to reason and furthermore he is sincere in his aim to improve the standard of education in this country. He has certainly shown more flexibility than many of his colleagues. I am sure that I speak for all those who are sincere in their desire to improve education for the young people of the Republic when I wish him a happy, fruitful and beneficial term of office which will bring credit not only to South Africa, but also to himself. [Interjections.]

It is in this spirit that I wish to raise the question of the discrimination against nonprofit private schools and their relationship with the State. Most private schools are constituted either under notarial deeds of trust or by registration as a non-profit institution or company under section 21 of the old Companies Act. In both these instances these private schools are exempt from payment of income tax on any profit they might earn. Under the Income Tax Act, which incidentally embraces the provisions of the law relating to donations and donations tax, donations made to educational institutions of a public nature are exempt from donations tax and similarly such donations are exempt from estate duty in terms of the Estate Duties Act As is generally known, donations made to any university established in terms of an Act of Parliament, any college for advanced technical education established or deemed to be established in terms of the Advanced Technical Education Act, 1967, or any fund established in terms of National Study Loans and Bursaries Act, 1964, are deductable from taxable income within certain limits.

Surely, it must be clear to hon. members that the State, through the provinces, has been and is being relieved of a tremendous responsibility—not the least being financial—by the private schools quite apart from the high educational standards they maintain. One can for example think of the buildings, the sports fields, the teaching and the administrative staff which these private schools provide, but which would otherwise have had to be provided by the provinces. These schools have served and continue to serve South Africa well. They have produced men and women in all walks of life whose calibre of service to this country is without peer. It is significant that of the four provinces, it is the two smallest and poorest that assist private schools. I refer to the Orange Free State and Natal. What the two giants do is their business and I am not detracting from the provinces who are exercising their local option. After all, we are a democratic country.

Surely this is an opportunity for the central Government and the hon. the Minister to give a lead. I therefore make my sincere plea to the hon. the Minister to act with magnanimity by bringing about income tax relief to persons who make donations to private schools.

Business suspended at 18h30 and resumed at 20h00.

Evening Sitting

Mr. Chairman, I want to quote from the Daily Mail of 29 April 1976. I do not always believe everything I read in it, but I nevertheless want to quote from it The report deals with what was written by a Professor Hulstock in America. I quote—

This makes terrible reading, particularly when it comes from a so-called civilized country such as America. In South Africa we are grateful for the good and disciplined lives which most of our inhabitants lead. We have much to be grateful for in all the facets of education, but it is also essential for us to indicate certain problems which exist and to try to eliminate those problems. What I and many other people find to be the most disturbing problem is the excessively high failure rate at universities. I have here a quotation from the speech made by Prof. Eddie Hamman, the rector of the University of Pretoria. This is from a speech which he made at the welcoming of first-year students and their parents on 9 February 1976. He said, inter alia, the following—

That is what Prof. Hamman had to say. We can subsequently make the following analysis. If we assume that on an average 58,5% of the first-year students pass—I think that that is almost correct—and we accept in addition that in 1975 there were 18 000 students at the residential universities for Whites in South Africa, we see that, since the State contribution for 1975 was R1 400 per student and the total cost per student amounts to approximately R3 000 if we add the parents’ costs, then the national loss from 41,5% of the students, i.e. the 7 470 students who did not pass, amounts to an aggregate of R22,4 million. One asks oneself whether we can afford such expenses in our country.

The Van Wyk de Vries Commission was also asked to investigate the failure rate at our universities. On page 232 of the main report of the commission we read the following under the heading “High Rate of Failure among Undergraduates’ ’—

For that reason I should very much like to know from the hon. the Minister of National Education in what way he is going to deal with this information, as well as the recommendations of the Van Wyk de Vries Commission, and what he is actually going to do to try to deal with this very real problem which exists at the universities in South Africa today. I should very much like to have a reply from the hon. the Minister in that regard. The problem of the excessively high failure rate at our universities is not a problem which affects only a single facet of our society. It is indeed a problem with which the universities are struggling. When I speak of a problem, I mean to the lecturer as well as the student. It is, however, also the problem of the community in which that specific university is situated, and which has to be served by that university. In addition it is also the problem of the State. In the last place it is also the problem of the parent.

Tonight I should like to express a few thoughts concerning the parent and his position in regard to handling this problem. Parents of university students are very often extremely satisfied when their children have passed matriculation, and they are very satisfied and very proud when they have dropped their children off at the university to enroll. They are satisfied when they have paid their children’s board and lodging, or when they have given their children their pocket money and paid for their clothes. In many respects, particularly in recent years, parents are also very satisfied when they have bought their child a motor car.

For many it is merely a status symbol.

Mr. Chairman, I should like to agree with the hon. member for Green Point. In many respects it has merely become a status symbol. Therefore, I want to make a serious appeal to all parents who have children at our universities, as well as to parents who intend sending their children to university, to become far more involved in the university and its activities. The parent of today should be far more involved with his child when that child is studying at a university. A parent will to an increasing extent have to hold himself responsible for what his child is doing at university and how matters stand with him there, how he is spending his time, during the term as well as the vacation. I accept that there are many students—in fact we need them in our society today—who spend a large part of their vacations working to earn money. Personally I believe—and I am saying this to the students in all fondness—that far more vacation time should in fact be used, not only to catch up with work that has fallen behind or to read prescribed books, but also to undertake research projects for themselves, or to devote themselves to their studies. In my opinion there are far too many students and parents of students who simply regard vacation time as being vacation time.

In my opinion it is also essential that, when parents have done their duty, and they nevertheless notice that their child is not making the progress he should be making during the first or the second term of the academic year, they should be allowed access to the tests written by their children. For that purpose it is necessary for them to contact the university authorities concerned.

In conclusion I want to mention that I also believe in more discipline and in more self-discipline at our universities. Discipline and self-discipline are attributes which will never leave their possessors in the lurch, but will contribute to the person who exercises such discipline and self-discipline becoming a far more useful citizen in the society in which he will subsequently find himself.

Mr. Chairman, I endorse wholeheartedly what the hon. member for Rissik has had to say about parents and their attitude towards their children. I agree that he is quite correct in his appeal to parents to take an interest and to involve themselves with their children and their activities at university. This must, however, start during their years at school. Discipline, I agree, is terribly important.

However, I want to get onto my pet subject and that is television. A year ago, shortly after the introduction of test programmes on the television service in the Reef complex, I addressed this House during this Vote and stressed the need for fairness and objectivity in all things and at all times in the content of South African television programmes. I said inter alia, that it was the hon. the Minister’s responsibility and his alone to ensure that all South Africans could boast of a technically sound, unbiased, fair, objective, and informative television service. I am sad to say tonight that that vision went by the board in a half-hour programme on Monday night. Apparently this view is shared by the Press, including the Afrikaans Press, in the form of Die Burger, as well as members on this side of the House. I want to make this point clear; I can fully understand that the issue of becoming a Republic is one of immense emotional importance and significance to the Afrikaner. [Interjections.] Just wait a moment, my friend … As a first-generation English-speaking South African, I can only say that I have the deepest appreciation and understanding of the tremendous feeling of achievement the Afrikaners felt when South Africa became a Republic.

All of us, regardless of how we may have voted in the Republican referendum, should share a common loyalty and dedication to this Republic of ours, this Republic that was born out of the efforts and, let me say this, out of the errors of all of our people, South Africans who are of all languages, colours and creeds. There is much to do and television can do much towards helping us do it. Television is a medium that can be used both constructively and destructively with far-reaching effects. It is a medium which can cause consensus and confrontation. As regards opinions it can both inform and deform. We must by now surely all appreciate that television is a powerful medium, one of the most powerful media in modern days. I believe that it is our duty to ensure that it is used and not abused. To this end we must further ensure that it is used in a responsible way so as to promote healthy attitudes amongst all our peoples. It must be used in order to promote a better understanding and co-operation. It must be used to motivate all sectors into working towards the achievement of what I believe to be the ultimate goal, and that ultimate goal is true South Africanism, South Africanism for all races, colours and creeds that live in our land, South Africanism that is all-embracing and will show the world that our peoples share a common loyalty. If we are able to show this face to the world then we can with justification say: “Woe betide any who dare to question us.” All this and much more can be achieved, but I must warn this House that the opposite can also be achieved through the injudicious screening of programmes and material that leaves much to be desired when it comes to the promotion of the improvement of attitudes and relationships between the various segments of our complex society. Permit me to draw a simple analogy. One careless bump against a table on which a complicated jigsaw puzzle is being put together will cause the whole jigsaw puzzle to lie on the floor in a thousand pieces. It is as simple as that.

I should now like to deal with a few other issues that disturb me in respect of our radio and TV services. Much has been said about the introduction of the next stage of development, viz. the Bantu service which will cost in excess of R100 million. Why is this necessary? Surely, with a little imagination, foresight and careful planning we should be able to extend the existing service in order to avoid much of this vast expenditure. I am sure that the hon. the Minister can put any savings which are effected in this manner to very good use within the framework of his portfolio. I venture to suggest that he would do well to consider this. Perhaps the hon. the Minister would consider channelling some of these savings towards making up the comparatively small amount that would be needed to either subsidize or grant free licences in respect of television sets in hospitals or other institutions. [Interjections.] The hon. the Minister is correct if he feels that I am back on my favourite “hobby-horse”. I shall continue to ride it in this House in the ever constant hope that it will have the effect of the old Chinese torture and that eventually the water will wear away the stone. I have screeds of figures and statistics that I have gathered in support of my argument, but on reflection I feel that I should just make my appeal once again to the hon. the Minister, viz. that he should reconsider what I still feel is his hard-line attitude in this regard. While I feel strongly that a Bantu TV service should be incorporated into the existing service, I also feel that another aspect which deserves the consideration of the hon. the Minister is the price of television sets. The present prices of television sets put them beyond the financial reach of 95% of our Black people. TV can play a tremendous educational role in their lives. Even more important is the entertainment value, particularly in view of the fact that recreation facilities for the Black population in our urban areas are severely limited. It would be possible for many Black householders to afford a television set if prices were to be drastically reduced, even at the cost of reducing the screen sizes. This could make a major contribution to the creation of more contented communities and it could prevent adolescents and other children from leaving their often overcrowded homes in order to spend their time on the streets where they fall an easy prey to the threats and overtures of criminal elements.

I want to move on to television’s effect on the school-going youngster. I am not doing this with a view to criticizing television, because I firmly believe that the control over the time that children spend watching the “goggle-box” is in the hands of the parents. The parents’ discipline and the switch on the set should control the time spent watching TV. I am citing these figures for the interest of members of the House, because I believe that these figures are representative of the situation that pertains to a fair cross-section of our community, particularly our urban community. I am indebted to Northlands Boys’ High School, which is situated in my constituency, for the information. Northlands is one of the largest high schools for boys in Natal. It has approximately 900 pupils. Recently one of the Std. 9 classes conducted a survey, under guidance of one of the masters, with the following results. 70% of the pupils have television in their homes. The majority of pupils watch television for anything from between 10 to 15 hours per week. 32% of the television viewers admitted to spending less time on their homework, the greater offenders being the younger children in the lower forms. The only classes which gave sport programmes reasonably high ratings, were the matriculation classes. Although pupils view travel and wild life films selectively, they are definitely not favourites. I think these facts and figures are a fair assessment of what is happening and a fair indication of trends in viewing amongst young people. Obviously, control must be exercised to ensure that school work does not suffer, and programme content must be carefully analysed with a view to its educative value being of some meaning to the children. There is a job for each, for the parent as well as for SABC-TV. In this connection I should like to say that it is a miracle that South Africa is not drowned 20 times over in its constant viewing of things that take place in the nether regions of our oceans. The only things that gets more exposure than our Cabinet Ministers on SATV is the marine life that abounds around us. I think it is from this that has come the expression “the poor fish”. I cannot leave the subject without making reference to the constant parade of Cabinet Ministers on our news casts. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, what we have had tonight again, was a typical attitude of hon. members on the Opposition side. [Interjections.] The wolves over there may howl as much as they please; I shall proceed with my speech. The previous speaker once again displayed the characteristic attitude of the Opposition in respect of any programme which appears on the television screen or is broadcast over the radio and which in any way reflects the portrayal of national pride, loyalty and patriotism towards South Africa. [Interjections.] I can understand this, because as hon. members of the Opposition are sitting over there—perhaps with the exception of the hon. member for Edenvale—all of them fought tooth and nail, under the leadership of the hon. the Leader of the Opposition, against South Africa becoming a Republic. They have never been weaned from their old mother on whom they have been sucking for so long. The hon. member for Umhlanga referred to a common loyalty. I am asking him now: Is he proud of the Republic of South Africa?

Of course.

Then he should not be ashamed of saying afterwards that he has listened to or watched a fine programme depicting the establishment of the Republic of South Africa.

An anthology of the Nationalist Party!

Probably the hon. member, who gives himself out as a civilized person, could go and learn his lesson from the Transkei, which will become independent shortly in the near future. Perhaps he could go and watch the celebrations they are going to have there, not only this year, but also in future years, to coincide with their becoming independent.

Are you also going to celebrate?

I want to tell the hon. member for Durban Central that I believe that a member of the Transkei community will have a greater loyalty towards his country than the hon. member has towards South Africa. [Interjections.]

Mr. Chairman, I want to be more positive. Now that a full television programme has been presented for five months, I should like to congratulate the SABC tonight on the quality of its programmes we have watched up till now. It is a fact that one will never be able to satisfy everyone. One will never be able to satisfy all the television viewers with the various programmes. [Interjections.] Criticism will always be levelled at programmes and part of it may well be justified. What I want to do tonight is not to level criticism, but to make suggestions.

In the first place, I think 11 o’clock is too late for television programmes to be broadcast To my mind the programmes could end earlier, particularly during the week. In this regard I have in mind our working people in particular who want to watch a full programme and who have to get up early in the morning to go to work. By this I do not mean that the broadcast time should be curtailed. Consideration may possibly be given to broadcasts being started half an hour or an hour earlier in the afternoon. This will benefit particularly the young children, and possibly the programmes would then fit in better with the home life of families. The second suggestion I want to make, is that consideration should be given for the news to be broadcast at 20h10 rather than at 19h00, as is the case with the broadcasting of news over the radio. To my mind this will fit in better with the routine of many of our viewers. They might have other obligations later in the evening and they would like to watch the news, because it has great appeal. To my mind the epilogue, the programme with which the television broadcast ends, is presented too late. To my mind 11 o’clock is too late. In the first place, it does not do justice to the programme, and in this regard I have in mind our elderly people in particular …

If you are too old, leave it to us young ones.

Yes, never mind; I know that hon. member never listens to anything. In this regard I have in mind particularly our elderly people, for whom 11 o’clock is too late. This programme could make for intimate family unity if broadcast earlier in the evening, particularly when children are able to watch the programme together with their parents. For that reason I wonder whether it could not, as in the case of the radio, be presented immediately after the news. As far as the variety of programmes is concerned, I think all of us can be satisfied. I think the taste of every viewer is being catered for. Even for the hon. member for Pinetown “Haas Das” is presented in the evening, and know he likes watching this programme. I also wonder whether provision could not be made for our young people in the programmes for the week, and here I mean our teenagers. I think there is a need for this in view of the subtitle onslaughts, physically as well as spiritually, which are being made on our modern youth. In these times of increasing world unrest and the need to defend our country’s borders, our young people have a difficult struggle to wage, more difficult than the struggle our older generation was ever called upon to wage, because never before in the history of South Africa had the youth to face death to such an extent as our young people have to do today for the sake of the preservation of the White man in South Africa. For that reason I think it is essential that there should be a greater understanding of the problems of our young people and that we should take them by the hand and guide them in a positive way. I think that television, as a mighty medium, a medium with an enormous impact, can play a major role in this respect. Has the time not arrived for the dangers threatening our young people to be pointed out to them in a fine and positive manner and for us to try to equip them for the onslaughts of the world in which we are living? If I may quote a few examples of what may be presented to them, I would say that their attention should be drawn to the dangers of communism, of drug-addiction, alcoholism, our security and the preservation of our White identity.

Now I know the PRP will not agree with this, because they are the people who said that they would allow the Communist Party in South Africa when they come into power. [Interjections.] I am repeating now what was said by the hon. member for Houghton. What is more, they are the people who said they would make dagga freely available when they come into power and they are also the party who is in favour of integration. But I do not think we should take any notice of them, because we have a duty towards our youth and the youth needs understanding, inspiration and the guidance of our older generation.

Another aspect is sports broadcasts. As is the case with other programmes, there is also a difference in taste when it comes to sports broadcasts, but I think we can congratulate the SABC on their programmes on Saturday afternoons. For example, I have in mind the match between the Western Province and the Free State, but unfortunately this was interrupted by softball and ice hockey, although the people of the Free State are probably grateful that they did not see the whole match. I believe the SABC is experiencing problems with certain sports promoters when it comes to the broadcasting of certain sports and tournaments which are presented, and it is regrettable that some of our sports promoters should adopt this attitude, because I think it is the SABC which does most of the advertising for those sports promoters and their particular sports. We do not want the tournaments presented by those promoters to be presented at a loss as a result of television broadcasts, but I nevertheless think that in exchange they owe something to the SABC and the viewing public which cannot always afford to attend such tournaments. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, I should like to return briefly to an unfortunate speech made in this House this afternoon. I very quickly dotted down a few quotations, the correctness of which I cannot vouch because I wrote them down very quickly. Nevertheless, I should like to read out a few quotations to hon. members. The hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North said, inter alia—

Mr. Chairman, I think this hon. member owes an apology to a certain section of the population of this country. I think he should also get up in this House on the first occasion he has and apologize for this humiliating speech towards a certain section of the population. In any case, I think he committed political suicide this afternoon. His party would be well advised to reprimand him on the first occasion because of the irresponsibility he displayed.

I should like to bring to the attention of the hon. the Minister a major need, the need for mechanical training among aspirant young farmers. An analysis of production costs in agriculture will show that the maintenance of tractors and vehicles constitutes a very important component. The cost of this kind of repairs has increased tremendously particularly during the past few years. To my mind it is of the utmost importance that aspirant young farmers should have a sound basic knowledge of mechanics in order to be able to do most of the repairs and maintenance themselves. This will not only bring about a saving in cost and time, but it will also make for greater progress in agriculture. Training is being offered at our agricultural schools and agricultural colleges to a certain degree, but to my mind this training is not sufficiently advanced. The Department of National Education has a branch at the Free State Technical College in Bloemfontein which offers a six-months’ course in mechanical engineering. I have the privilege of having a son there at the moment and I can give the assurance that it exceeds my wildest expectations both as far as the content and the standard of that training are concerned. I should like to pay tribute to the head of that institution as well as to the three instructors. I do not think they realize what enormous contribution they are making to improve the qualifications of our young farmers, and also, indirectly, to produce food more cheaply in this country. One can make inquiries about this course throughout the Republic and I assure hon. members that one will receive nothing but glowing testimonials on this score. However, to my mind it is imperative for the department, together with all the bodies concerned, to investigate the extension of this cause with a view to bringing about a larger intake. I want to suggest that the S.A. Agricultural Union, as well as the Provincial Agricultural Unions, be called upon to assist with the conducting of such a survey and that future planning will take place on the basis of the results of such a survey. The present staff and workshop are totally inadequate and outmoded. This is definitely a bottle-neck and one is surprised that the instructors are still able to make a success of this course. I am of the opinion that the Bloemfontein Municipality will not be unwilling to provide more staff. As far as the equipment is concerned which is required in a workshop of this nature, I am convinced that firms such as General Motors, the Ford Motor Company, Massey-Ferguson, Vetsak, Boeresake and others, will be only too keen to be of assistance. I therefore recommend that the matter be considered and planned along these lines. The Department of National Education are doing numerous fine things, but it could make a very fine addition in this connection and render a major service towards efficient production of food in this country.

There is a second matter which is causing great concern particularly in recent times, and this is the little interest English-speaking people seemingly show in education, particularly the teaching of English as a subject in our high schools. To eliminate any misunderstanding, I want to a make it quite clear that it is not my intention at all to play off Afrikaans-speaking people against English-speaking people. In my humble opinion the English-speaking section of our population should certainly show greater interest in the teaching of their own language. The National Party is irrevocably committed to the principle of equal treatment of the two official languages, and the Government is scrupulousl? implementing this policy. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance for the successful and efficient implementation of this policy as well as the promotion of sound relations that tuition in our schools—particularly in respect of the two official languages,—should be of an impeccable standard. I want to emphasize that I do not in any way question the standard of the teaching of English by thousands of Afrikaans-speaking teachers. I think it is appropriate that we should pay tribute on this occasion to all the Afrikaans-speaking teachers who teach English as a subject in schools, sometimes under very difficult circumstances. However, I ask our English-speaking citizens whether they are satisfied with this state of affairs, and whether they think that they render a meaningful contribution to the full development of our youth. Name me one school in this country where Afrikaans is taught by any person other than an Afrikaans-speaking teacher. I do not think the Afrikaans-speaking people can be accused of indifference in this respect. In order to be able to teach a language in a meaningful way one has to have the background and one had to grow up in the language milieu concerned. I can assure this House that conditions in the country districts—particularly the Karoo with which I am quite familiar—leave much to be desired. The Afrikaans-speaking child is falling behind his English-speaking fellow-pupils, and in this regard I refer in particular to his proficiency in both languages. In the interests of sound relations and the development of this country it will be a good thing if we appeal to our English-speaking citizens to tackle this matter with great earnest by way of their cultural and other organizations. It might also be a good thing for the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North rather to turn to his English fellow-citizens and to try and activate them into joining the teaching profession and to teach English as a language.

In the short time I still have at my disposal, I should like to refer briefly to the television programme called Kamera I. I want to suggest to the hon. the Minister that this programme be utilized—as has been done on a number of occasions—to bring the farmer of South Africa and the city dweller closer together. I also want to suggest that the 22 control boards, which control 80% of our agricultural production in this country, be approached. I can give the assurance that they will only be too glad to co-operate. I am convinced that, through this medium, we could do a great deal to promote relations between the consumer and the producer.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Graaff-Reinet has touched upon a point which I should also like to discuss tonight, but I shall deal more particularly with technical training. He referred to the speech made by the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North. All I can say is that personally I have no reason to be ashamed of my past. However, what bothers me is that a member should find it necessary, under the present circumstances and in view of the problems we are confronted with, to drag Boer War stories into a parliamentary debate. I do not want to discuss this, but I want to come to the problem of the shortage of teachers and I want to view this problem in a wider perspective. Up to now hon. members have concentrated on the internal structure of education in South Africa, on the question of the status of teachers, the shortage of teachers, the dilemma of instruction in certain subjects, and so forth. Exhortations, requests and even threats have been addressed to the hon. the Minister in this connection to get him to do certain things. He is to do this and he is to do that. However, I think that the hon. the Minister finds himself in a dilemma in which he cannot do very much because of the present situation in which he finds himself and in which we all find ourselves. I am referring to the fact that he has a relatively constant budget in an industrializing society. So there is not much he can do other than to use the money which is made available to him and which he then has to divide between all the branches for which he is responsible.

If we look at the relation between education and industrialization all over the world, but especially in societies which are in the process of industrialization—societies, therefore, which have not yet reached maturity as far as industrialization is concerned—one thing is as plain as a pikestaff: In all cases, education has had to adapt itself to the needs of society rather than the other way round. Therefore it seems futile to me to argue that society must adapt itself to the structure of education, for viewed from this perspective, it is an undeniable fact that during a process of industrialization, education is also a distribution mechanism for employment opportunities. In this respect, in so far as education succeeds in creating employment opportunities, it cannot compete with the other sectors of public life— commerce and industry. Education cannot compete with these sectors in the labour market, and that is why education is having difficulties. It seems obvious to me that we are caught up in this situation in South Africa as well at the moment. However, this need not be a bad sign, because it can also be a sign of economic growth and of economic development. What it does imply, however, is that the structure of education as it exists in society will have to adapt itself. If education does not adapt itself, it will stagger along from one crisis to another, because these adjustments are being forced upon it, not by its own internal organization, but by the needs of the community in which it operates. We are living in a community which is growing and which is caught up in the process of industrialization.

When one thinks of other communities which have had this experience, one sees quite clearly that radical adjustments have been made in the field of education, so radical that virtually the whole structure of education has had to change in those communities. I am thinking, for example, of China and Russia, countries which embarked on the process of industrialization and in which the educational structure that had existed before a new régime came into power had to be changed completely. It had to be changed so completely that there can be no comparison between the educational structure existing in those countries today and the one they had before. In the case of China, for example, I think of just one sphere of education and training, that of medical practitioners. There they started a bush doctor system. Mao Tse-tung started it What did it mean? It meant that it did not take six years to train a doctor, but ordinary people were taken and taught how to use a hypodermic needle. Ordinary people were sent to communities to teach the members of the communities how to apply birth control and how to get rid of venereal disease. These attempts were successful, but completely in conflict with the fixed structure of education in that community. I think of an African State such as Nigeria, which inherited a colonial educational structure which was completely inadequate for the problems that had to be faced in the community concerned. Even today they have to contend with the problem in Nigeria of how to get rid of an educational system which is not orientated towards the needs and especially the labour needs of the society concerned. They are trying to change the system there. I personally believe that we do not need such radical adjustments in South Africa as were made in the cases to which I referred, but I think that there are two levels in particular in education concerning which we may ask ourselves certain questions. The one is concerned with the internal organization of our education system in South Africa and the other is concerned with the orientation and objective of education as it exists in South Africa at the moment.

As far as the internal organization is concerned, I must refer to many problems that have already been mentioned. In this connection I just want to ask three questions. The first one is to what extent an artificial shortage of staff is being created in South Africa. Let me give a few examples. The one example is concerned with the duplication of training facilities. Is it necessary to have the same department or faculty in various training centres? This is one question which occurs to one. It is not really necessary. Why must everyone have a medical school, an engineering faculty or even a department of Afrikaans? This is a duplication of training facilities which is creating an artificial shortage of staff in our community. Another example is the selective or discriminatory employment of educational staff. This, too, is creating an artificial shortage. I do not specifically want to come back now to the old story of race discrimination in the case of selective employment, because there is selective employment in respect of women as well. In the field of race discrimination I want to ask, for example, who is more competent to teach Xhosa at schools. Surely it is the man who has been trained in Xhosa and who is Black. Why would one not appoint such a man? The fact that there is a policy which presents this is creating an artificial shortage of teachers who can perform this task.

The next question one may ask in respect of the internal organization of education is whether enough is being done to bring about bureaucratic rationalization in South Africa. After all, one does not create two organizations which perform the same function, causing a large measure of duplication and creating unnecessary labour problems. One could go on in this way.

When we have answered all the questions concerning the internal level, the question remains of what the orientation and the impact of education in South Africa is. I just want to make a brief plea on a subject which was also raised by the hon. member for Hercules. He said that more attention should be given in South Africa to technical training. We have 84 institutions in South Africa which provide technical training. There are approximately 63 400 pupils or students at these institutions. As against this, we have 11 universities with a total of 114 704 students or pupils. In other words, we have seven times more centres for technical training than universities, but only about half the number of pupils in these centres. My request is that more attention should be given to technical training because it is occupation orientated and therefore immediately more productive, and also because it emphasizes the importance of labour, of work. There is a tendency, especially on colonial and post-colonial societies, to regard a university education as the ideal. I think that to some extent we too display that tendency. Is it not perhaps too much emphasized in our schools, with the result that people feel that if they do not go to university, they will not be educated people and will not be of any real use to society? Precisely the opposite should be emphasized, namely that when a person has acquired a skill, when he has learned how to be productively absorbed into society, he can make a bigger contribution. For that reason I believe that we could make a better contribution by devoting more attention to technical training. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Rondebosch has made a plea for the evaluation of certain aspects of the educational situation. I basically agree with what he said. It is true that there must be a continual process of evaluation in education. For this reason, I too want to make a plea this evening with regard to a certain aspect of the evaluation of education, and more specifically with regard to the salary structure in education.

It may be strongly doubted whether, in the long history of education in this country, there has ever been a period of approximately a decade of such hectic activity directed towards a reassessment and a rearrangement of education as during the past nine years, since the National Education Policy Act was placed on the Statute Book. Not only did new syllabuses have to be drawn up and put into operation in order to strengthen the content of education and to adjust it to the exacting requirements of differentiated education, but it was also necessary to plan and to provide for sufficient numbers of teachers of the right quality and with the right training to give effect to the new concepts and to the higher requirements. If this had been lacking, the purest and most deserving plan for education would have been doomed to failure. In addition, plans had to be made to draw recruits of the right quality to the teaching profession and to keep them there. This had to be done in a period of the fiercest competition in the private sector.

Furthermore, means had to be found for ensuring that the new plans, the new viewpoints and heavier burdens which had been caused by them, would be handled by teachers who were happy and satisfied in their profession, in spite of a struggle over a period of many years for the recognition of their claim to a rightful place for education in the national economy, as reflected, amongst other things, by a greater share in the national product All these things had to be done against the background of increasing inflation and the resulting decline in the purchasing power of a teacher’s income, and also in the face of an increasing shortage, especially of teachers in certain subjects and of men in the teaching profession. The previous Minister of National Education was charged with the implementation of an Act of which he had not been the architect, and it does him credit that he was able to make so much headway in such a short period of time in carrying out such an enormous task under such difficult circumstances. We who have the interests of education at heart, together with the teachers of South Africa, would like to thank the hon. the Minister of National Education for his dedication and zeal in the interests of education in South Africa.

However, to suppose that the teaching profession is a happy one, would be wishful thinking. There is a strong undercurrent of dissatisfaction in the teaching profession, something which has been building up over a period of years and which is manifesting itself, inter alia, in the fact which is generally recognized in educational circles, i.e. that the teaching profession is becoming an occupation for women. This is because too many men are avoiding the teaching profession. The salaries of teachers have been increased twice since 31 March 1973. As from 1 April 1973, the salaries of teachers were increased by a pensionable allowance of 15%. That was consolidated with the basic salary with effect from 1 July 1974. Simultaneously with the consolidation, further increases were put into effect, increases which varied from 9% to 16% in the case of male assistants, and even 30% in the case of some more senior positions. The teachers accepted this differentiation as an inevitable measure by means of which the salary structure could be improved in such a way that it would be able in future to serve as a basis for automatic increases from time to time.

In spite of the salary increases, the number of teachers, especially in certain subjects, has not shown the desired increase, the number of resignations from the teaching profession has not decreased, and the shortage of teachers has not been wiped out; it has not even been substantially reduced, and the fact is, unfortunately, that there is dissatisfaction in the teaching profession, dissatisfaction which is meeting with more and more understanding on the part of informed people. The whole situation must be seen and interpreted against the background of the constantly increasing rate of inflation and the fact that over the past ten years, the national economy has not allowed the salary structure to be placed on a level which would be acceptable to the teachers. Also, every salary increase was regarded as an interim measure which would lead to something better as soon as the national economy permitted this. In addition, the salary increases of 1973 and 1974 did not compensate the vast majority of teachers for the increasing cost of living. Consequently there can be no question of an improvement in the salary structure or of a higher salary level. The cost of living increased by 42% between 1 April 1973 and December 1975. As against this, the salaries of male assistants went up by 15% in 1973 and by 9% to 16% in 1974. So there was a total increase of between 24% and 31%. The inevitable conclusion is that if the increase in the cost of living is considered, assistant teachers, who constitute 70% of the teaching force, are between 10% and 18% worse off than they were in 1973.

Furthermore, I want to point out that research conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council in connection with the wage structure as on 1 March 1975 of highly qualified Whites, i.e. all male persons who have a degree or equivalent qualification, revealed the following facts. It appeared that 25% of male teachers in the age group of 25 to 29 years received an annual gross salary of less than R4 670, that the salaries of 50% amounted to less than R5 850 and that the salaries of 75% were under R5 970. If one looks at these figures, I honestly do not think that these salaries are large enough, firstly, to attract enough young men of the best quality to the teaching profession. Secondly, they are not large enough to retain those who meet the requirements and who have entered the teaching profession. Thirdly, the salaries are not large enough to convince the very best the country can produce that the best the teaching profession can offer is good enough for them. Fourthly, these salaries are not large enough either to produce the composure and satisfaction which is so essential for success in the teaching profession and in education.

However, one is pleased that the salaries of teachers have been increased and one realizes that under the present economic circumstances, it is not possible to improve the salary structure to such an extent that it will be acceptable to everyone in the teaching profession. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, I am afraid that in the few minutes available to me, I cannot react to the hon. member who spoke before me, because I want to bring the discussion back to the subject of television. First, I just want to refer briefly to the way in which many hon. members took offence tonight at two speeches that were made here. The hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North pleaded that the hon. the Minister should give attention to the development of national unity, and said that matters which caused unnecessary division between the population groups did not promote the development of national unity. I think that perhaps he chose emotional and unfortunate examples. It is true that they are examples which give offence and inflame emotions on both sides. [Interjections.] They give offence to those who do not believe that vitriol was in fact given to people in camps.

The hon. member wanted the truth to be shown. I do not think there is any Afrikaner who does not want the truth in his history. Similarly, there is no English-speaking person who does not honour and respect the truth in the history of the Afrikaans-speaking person. In history, truth is what matters. [Interjections.] I think there are hon. members who perhaps did not quite understand the hon. member. [Interjections.] No matter what hon. members say, it was a plea for unity and for the elimination of divisive factors. Some hon. members took offence at this. When another hon. member complained that the representation of how we became a Republic was objectionably one-sided, there was a small group of members who took offence. It is a sad thing for South Africa if our people are not yet mature enough not to act like children by taking offence at everything which hurts or angers them.

†Mr. Chairman, I hope that South Africa will outgrow the childishness which makes it impossible for people to hear things they do not like or with which they do not agree, listen to them calmly as adults and then disagree, like grown-ups, on a responsible and serious basis. I do not agree with the use of emotional issues and I myself would not have used those comparisons, but what hurts me is that my fellow-South Africans in this House behave as though they have not yet passed the year 1900, and react like children instead of like grownup South Africans looking for a better and greater South Africa.

I now want to come back to the question of TV. I want to refer to the responsibility which rests on this hon. Minister and on the Government in regard to the television service. It is a responsibility which is far greater than it is in other countries, because in South Africa we have two languages and two cultures. We have White and non-white, Bantu, Asian and Coloured. Therefore, already we have built-in South African problems in serving all these people with one television programme. A further point is that we do not have an independent Press in South Africa. We have a tied Press. We have a free Press, but we do not have an independent Press. The Afrikaans Press belongs to or is controlled by and presents the point of view of the Government. There are one or two newspapers which try to present a balanced picture, but on the whole …

Like the Rand Daily Mail?

Yes, the Rand Daily Mail, The Sunday Times, The Cape Times and The Daily News—you name them and I shall agree with you—are the sycophants and the camp-followers, if not the masters, of the PRP. Therefore, as the Government controls a mass medium which reaches the public, it has a greater responsibility than merely to present entertainment. It should use that medium to present a balanced picture of politics and of events in South Africa. I regret to say it, but when television started, a balanced political picture of South Africa was given, but within two months that policy was abandoned and television became an organ of State propaganda. Beautiful as hon. Ministers may be, it now presents a parade of Cabinet Ministers, official statements, official functions and official speeches. I believe that the cheap political benefit of winning a few votes is not worth what the hon. the Minister and television will do to South Africa if it abrogates its responsibility to balance the biased Press, Nationalist and Progressive, with a fair presentation of the reality of South African politics. The ultimate responsibility for conflict and confrontation will then rest on the hon. the Minister. He has the responsibility in his hands and it is for him to counter the tendency to build up confrontation and conflict in South Africa by using the media at his disposal, radio and television, to present to the people of South Africa a balanced picture of politics and happenings in the political life of our country.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Durban Point, for whom we here in the back benches have great respect and appreciation, as a senior member of the UP made an exceptionally poor effort this evening, a feeble effort, to strengthen a weak case. In fact, to the hon. member it is a heartsore case because his heart was not in it—he was not motivated. The hon. member’s criticism of television, specifically because our Cabinet Ministers supposedly appear before the television cameras so much, is unfounded. The hon. member himself has already had opportunities on a number of occasions to appear before the television cameras. However, the principle of the matter is that television belongs to this country and this people.

Yes, but not to the NP.

It is only right that the youth of all language groups in the country be shown who the leaders of the people are. What must be promoted is the feeling of unity and loyalty of our people towards their fatherland. Surely this is only fair. We really cannot depict a group of United Party supporters as the leaders of the people. After all, they cannot even lead their own party.

I want to deal with another matter. In the Education Act of 1967, section 2(1)(g), provision is made, inter alia, for one aspect relating to examination standards, viz. the maintaining of diversity as the circumstances may require. This is a guiding principle contained in a section of the Act. The second aspect thereof is the delegation of authority. An important characteristic of democratic government is specifically the delegation of authority. It has been one of the wisest decisions of the Joint Matriculation Board to delegate the authority for examinations to the various provinces over the years. In 1923, the power to compile, print and conduct their own matriculation examinations, was delegated to the Cape and the Transvaal. The process of delegation was completed in 1953, when Natal, too, began to compile and conduct its own matriculation examination.

As far as the matriculation examination is concerned I want to tell the Minister here this evening that we must do away with the public, the external, matriculation examination, that we must replace it with an internal examination as the task for the specific head of a school with his staff; that we should also retain a board of moderators with the review committees of each education department as is the practice at present, for the external moderation of the question papers and scripts. In other words, we are advocating an internal examination with external moderation of the question papers and scripts. I want to motivate this plea. In the first instance, our education is now mature. Transvaal has just celebrated a centenary of organized education in the Transvaal. Education in the Cape is far more than 100 years old. In our educational system, sober, dedicated and knowledgeable people are at the helm. The second point of my motivation is that the pupils’ interest must be put first Sir, examinations are an educational matter and must be regarded as such at all times. The school as an educational institution must be orientated to life and the child. The examination is a yardstick with which to evaluate the progress of a pupil as far as his instruction is concerned. The further the pupil is removed from the body examining him, the more this causes impersonality and alienation. An examination external to the child, the teacher and the school must necessarily also lead to alienation. The evaluation must not merely comply with certain requirements relating to level and standard but must also comply with certain educational, psychological, scientific and other environmental requirements. The controlling body responsible for this instruction is also in closer contact with, and is fully aware of the demands made by, these considerations, but does not, in the first place, disregard the basic requirement relating to the level and standard. The third point of my motivation is that we recently discussed the status of the teacher at great length in this House. The fact that the matriculation examination is at present still the only external or public examination at all levels of education, appears to me too much like a denial of the ability of the secondary teacher to evaluate his own work with his children and apply his own criteria. It is my opinion that as long as this still applies, there will be a deficiency as regards the professional status of the teacher.

The fourth point of motivation is this. We advocate the retention of a central policy but decentralized control. We decentralize the examination to the school. After all, we in this country with its rich diversity cannot allow a drab uniformity in our education. Here I want to quote Prof. Flitner, professor in general pedagogics at the University of Tubingen in the Bundes republic of Germany. He writes, inter alia, that he supports this matter. I quote—

Particularly in our country, with its diversity of circumstances, we must make education more meaningful, broader and richer instead of poorer and narrower by way of a central examination.

Another factor I want to advance as motivation is that it may be argued that this may bring about a change in the administration set-up, but administrative problems are secondary. Of primary importance is the education, development and success of the child. Apart from this, the compiling, printing, distribution and checking of the matriculation question papers for about 21 000 candidates cost the education department of the Transvaal about R1 million at the end of last year. When one adds to this the expenditure incurred by all the other departments, this amounts to a substantial sum. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, I have listened with great interest to what the hon. member who has just resumed his seat has had to say, I, too, would like to deal with a specific matter which I hope will receive the sympathetic interest and ear of the hon. the Minister. I would like to deal with the minimal brain dysfunction child. The child with minimal brain dysfunction is described as a child of average and above average intellectual ability, but who manifests specific learning disabilities. I hope the hon. the Minister will know that a committee of inquiry was appointed in this connection and submitted a most comprehensive report in 1969. It found, categorically, that the facilities the Government provided for the education of children with minimal brain disfunction were totally inadequate. Furthermore, it found that remedial education, particularly of Afrikaans-speaking children, was urgently needed and further that most of the teachers already trained for remedial education and in the service of the provincial education departments were not capable of helping children with minimal brain disfunction. It found further that the stereotype reaction of teachers, school principals and inspectors of education, who were giving mere assurances to parents, for example “The child will be all right, don’t worry”, was proving to be totally wrong and in fact harmful. It recommended inter alia that the recommendations of the report should be regarded with the utmost importance and that high priority be given to the implementation of the measures recommended. These included recommendations—I hope the hon. the Minister will pay attention, because this is a very vital matter as it concerns 100 000 children in this country—that private schools for remedial education be registered and that financial aid be considered by way of subsidies. It also recommended that revised teacher training courses and specialist courses in remedial tuition should be introduced. Having read this report thoroughly and having extracted these conclusions, I asked the then Minister of National Education some questions in June 1971. The then Minister of National Education informed me that the report had been accepted, but that the recommendations had not yet been implemented. He added, however, that recommendations that had been approved by him, and those requiring further investigation, had been referred to the relative bodies for attention. The problem that worries me and the parents of 100 000 children in this country is what has happened since this report was dealt with, as suggested by the answers by the hon. the Minister of National Education in June 1971. I am most reliably informed—and I shall give the hon. the Minister details later—that in the Transvaal, for instance, 36 educational clinics have been established to test children and then to suggest a programme to be carried out in the schools. What, however, has happened in the schools? In terms of the report the age group four to eight years is the most critical period in the life of a child, and yet there are only 30 aid classes for minimal brain disfunction children, each class with an optimal number of eight children only. Therefore, in the entire school-going population in the Transvaal, a population numbering many thousands, there are facilities for only 240 such children at this stage—in the year 1976! I am here referring only to the young children. There is no place yet for older children.

Private remedial schools, which were so strongly encouraged and recommended, at present number only four. All of these are in the Transvaal and, strangely enough, all are in Johannesburg. These are for children who cannot, as yet, be handled by Government schools. These children, of course, can only be taught in private schools at the behest of parents who can afford fees for private education. Let me emphasize further that there are no private schools at all for children with Afrikaans as their home language, despite the urgent attention that was drawn to such fact by the inquiry report. I should like to give the hon. the Minister some concrete examples of what takes place.

There is a case where the husband and wife are both teachers. The husband teaches in a high school and the wife in a primary school. They have three children. One child was diagnosed as being mongolian and severely retarded, the diagnosis being done when the child was four years old. This child was brought to one of the private schools and the Government school diagnosis found to be an erroneous one. The teacher concerned gave both mother and child programmes in education, speech and movement. The child has now been at a Government school for some four years, being at present in Std. 2. The child has passed each year with merit, never obtaining less than an average of 65%. However, an inspector decided that since the child’s arithmetic was weak, she must be removed from the Government school. In fact, the informant tells me, the inspector seemed far more concerned about the IQ of the child than about her school ability. Apart from schools for mentally retarded children, there is no school this child can attend. The parents are consequently desperate. The mother is therefore now undergoing a special course in remedial education so that she herself can train her child.

That cannot be right.

These are concrete facts. My informant, who is now running a school, also had a child suffering from minimal brain dysfunction. She could not obtain the cooperation of the school in the establishment of a special class to train this child with other similar children in the normal school environment, with special concentration during certain periods of the day, on this particular learning difficulty. This lady, who is a medical graduate, then went to the USA where she studied and became a qualified remedial therapeutist and teacher. Today she holds a BA(Hons.) in psychology from Unisa and at present she is studying to become a qualified clinical psychologist. This lady is running the school with great success and the school is providing some very fine examples of improvement in the life of these children. It would be interesting to know what the comment is of this particular person who has done this pioneer work in the country. Her work is well recognized and I can give the hon. the Minister a great deal of detail since everything I have said is borne out in the report. I can give him the relevant paragraphs and pages. The lady who runs the school says that the school has no fixed abode because they first conducted it in some private home and then in another one. First of all her home was the school and now the school has temporary premises. The school cannot receive help in order to obtain premises and the school may even have to close down at the end of this year. I now quote her comment.

This matter has been brought to the attention of the hon. the Minister’s department. She comments further—

According to the report 50 to 70 of every 1 000 children in the country suffer from minimal brain dysfunction. The report recommends proper teaching courses for teachers for these children. As I said in my earlier conclusions, the report goes further to say that school inspectors and even school principals are unaware of how to handle this problem.

One just makes them Ministers.

A further comment—

[Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, I regret to say that I find nothing worth reacting to in the speech by the hon. member for Jeppe. [Interjections.] I should therefore like to come back to the speech by the hon. member for Durban Point. The hon. member for Durban Point wasted his breath when he tried to intercede for the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North. Indeed, the hon. member only made a bad case worse.

It was with shock that we on this side of the House listened to the unfortunate speech by the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North. He launched an attack on the War Museum at the Vrouemonument in Bloemfontein by stating that certain exhibits there were “distasteful”. I want to tell the hon. member that he has defiled the shrine of the Afrikaner with soiled hands. He is still going to be very sorry he did that. It astonishes one that an English-speaking person of a new generation should still try to conceal the sins of his forefathers in such a clumsy way. That vitriol, and the barbs removed from the food given to the women and children, are hard facts of history. They are part of German and Jewish history. I myself have seen those exhibits in the museum. They have been exhibited in such a way that they cannot give offence; they merely tell the history. The Nasionale Vrouemonument in Bloemfontein is one of the most moving monuments in this country. It is visited annually by thousands of people from throughout the world. Among the visitors are many British people. One Briton who paid a visit there said: “I am afraid that in this building we have nothing to be proud of.” However, he did not propose that that museum be closed or that the monument be destroyed. He understood that it was history. The Vrouemonument does not stand as a symbol of bitterness. The Afrikaner long ago extended the hand of forgiveness to a new generation of English-speaking people as far as the graves of 26 000 women and children are concerned, a new generation which, together with the Afrikaans-speaking people, is building a new nation here. Relations between Afrikaans-speaking and English-speaking people have never been so good in this country. And now a young jingo from Natal comes along and tries to open up old wounds. I want to tell the hon. member that that sugar containing vitriol, the barbs and the blood spattered children’s clothes, too, will remain to remind the Afrikaner of his history.

Well, get the terms right.

The right-thinking English-speaking person will have appreciation for this, just as we have appreciation and respect for the illustrious history of the British settlers in this country.

I should now like to come to the speech I really wanted to make. When we look back over the 40 years of broadcasting in South Africa, we have every reason to be gratified. Over the years, the SABC has made it its task to reflect the totality of the society in this country in sound. The SABC has done so in such a way that its integrity as one of the most balanced broadcasting systems in the world is still unblemished today. But in the meantime it has reached another milestone, namely television. Our television in South Africa is still in its infancy but in spite of this television already has the South Africans in its grip. How has television achieved this? Now for the first time, the life, work and way of thought of a unique community of nations, of languages and cultures, is being depicted before us in colour and in sound in an incomparable way. Our spiritual and material riches, too, and the beauty of our fine country are depicted on television.

Our television finds such favour because it speaks with a patriotic voice, because its contents, its colour and its sound are of the highest quality, but it finds favour chiefly because it is so clean. In the permissive century we are living in, television here can become an important means with which to counteract what is dirty and vulgar by continuing to stress what is clean. Over the years the SABC has played no small role in bringing about better understanding between Afrikaans- and English-speaking people in this country. I say this now with reference to speeches we have heard here this evening. Now there is television, too, with which to further this great task of the SABC. In the six short months of its existence, television has already done a great deal to try to break down the barriers of prejudice in this country. We are constantly hearing people of both language groups saying how much they benefit from hearing the other language on television and learning the language in this way. What is even more encouraging is the spontaneous reaction that has occurred. SABC officials tell us that they have never had so many letters and telephone calls from English-speaking people inquiring about learning Afrikaans.

In view of this encouraging development, viz. the fact that both language groups want to learn more about each other’s language, I want to ask the hon. the Minister whether he would not consider putting a stop to the separation of the Afrikaans and English programmes and alternating the programmes in Afrikaans and English. That, too, is why I should like to support the decision that has just been taken by the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut, viz. that separate services for Afrikaans- and English-speaking people should not be introduced, but that the service should remain as it is now. This decision is a fine gesture by an Afrikaans body to the English-speaking people of the country. It says a great deal that at a congress of 760 congress-goers, there was not a single dissenting vote when the decision was taken.

There is another important aspect to which I want to refer. As a result of events on its borders, South Africa finds itself in a threatened and a dangerous situation. There is reason to believe that there are people in South Africa who are still indifferent as regards our preparedness. I want to make the statement that in the short time it has been in existence in South Africa, television has contributed more towards bringing home to our people the serious nature of this situation than any other medium. The popular series “The World at War” has stressed afresh the cruel reality of war and at the same time the necessity for preparedness. The same may be said of “Bridge 14”. After “Bridge 14” had been shown, the SABC received telephone calls from parents who expressed their pride at the fact that their sons could have died for South Africa. The SABC also received letters from boys who stated that they would like to join the Defence Force.

Television has become a mighty tool with which to develop a spirit of preparedness among the people of this country. Television can cause patriotism to flourish as no other medium can. It is now high time for our South Africans to be roused from their false security. Many of our people are still living in a fool’s paradise and do not realize that the picnic is over in this country and that serious times await us. Television can contribute towards rousing our people out of this slumber, and television will do this, too.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Bloemfontein North will excuse me if I do not follow up on what he said. We have every right to maintain that our education system makes adequate provision for very divergent requirements and for special circumstances. One only has to look at our pre-primary schools, our primary schools, our secondary schools, our commercial high schools and our technical high schools. All these schools meet the needs of our normal pupils. We also call to mind with deep gratitude and pride the great variety of special schools and institutions to meet special needs. We call to mind the centres for the mentally ill. We call to mind the special classes and special schools for mentally retarded pupils. We call to mind the special schools for the deaf and the blind, the special schools for epileptics, the special schools for the physically handicapped. There is hardly any form of abnormality—mental or physical—the needs of which are not met.

A differentiated system of education has just been introduced, a system enabling the greatest possible provision to be made for meeting the needs and the aptitudes of each individual pupil. Despite this large variety of institutions, centres and schools, which meets such a great diversity of needs, I want to maintain that there is an important group of pupils in our country whose needs are not satisfied in our existing system. I am referring to those pupils whose problems are not dramatic and sensational, those pupils whose unusualness does not excite public feeling as in the case of a pupil with a defect or an abnormality, those pupils who seldom if ever obtrude themselves, and in this way escape the attention. It is that pupil whose abilities enable him to adapt easily to the normal pattern, that pupil whose school career is a drab monotony of frustration and of boredom, that pupil who seldom, if ever, in his entire school career enjoys a single moment of pleasure at an achievement which puts his intellectual abilities to the severest test. I am referring to the highly gifted pupil, the pupil with an IQ of 130 and higher.

In our present set-up, justice cannot be done to that pupil. In our zeal to allow the poor and average pupil to progress, we forget to be continually on the look-out for talent and outstanding achievements. This cannot be otherwise. The teacher is so caught up in the pressure of examination that he devotes and concentrates all his energy to the very demanding task of seeing to it that the greater percentage of the poorer pupils, with whom the highly gifted pupil shares a class, achieve pass marks. The Science Teacher puts it as follows—

In other words, in our system with all its outstanding advantages, we are so busy polishing glass that we neglect the diamonds. By neglecting the diamonds, who must in fact be the leaders in many spheres—if not in all spheres—our people suffer an irreparable loss. By neglecting the highly gifted pupils we are breeding in that category people who will achieve adequately with the least possible effort They go to university with that attitude to life and enter life with the acquired attitude that one can succeed with the minimum effort.

It is interesting to note that in an investigation headed by Prof. A. B. van der Merwe of the University of Stellenbosch, it was found that in one year there were 597 students in this category, students with an IQ of more than 130. Nine percent of those students failed their first year. Only 4% of them achieved more than 80% in their university examination. For the present, a kind of solution has been found for the problem of those people, by adopting a method of speeding up the process. When a pupil is too intelligent for Sub A, he is put into Sub B. By doing so he goes through two school standards in one year. If a pupil is too intelligent to remain in Std. 3, he is put into Std. 4. As a result there is at least something more for him to do. This has not worked, because the detrimental effects of this have been that these people start life too young and go to university too young, and as a result are unable to draw any benefit from this. The new method for the treatment of these people is the system of enrichment, in other words, we give them more work than is expected of the normal pupil. It must be borne in mind that these people are only one in a class, or perhaps, very rarely, two in a class. The teacher is therefore unable to ensure that such a person reaps the full benefit of the enrichment process. What troubles me, however, is that so little research is done in the education system in our country in connection with these people and their problems. That is why I want to make a plea on behalf of these people, who must be a credit to us, and be our leaders, if they could but receive the correct training and education and attain achievements in accordance with their potential. In the first place I am asking for an intensive investigation into the problems of these people in our present school set-up. I also want to go further and ask that a school be established for these people, at which people of equal talents may compete with each other and, by so doing, cultivate an attitude to life among each other of giving of their best so as to be able to reach their maximum potential.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Kimberley North will pardon me for not following up his argument The subject I want to touch on is equally important. The hon. members for Graaff-Reinet and for Rondebosch have already touched on the subject.

†I want to speak about technical education. We have the greatest hopes for the hon. the Minister in his new portfolio. We know that he has great gifts as a speaker and we hope that he is going to show great gifts as a doer as well, because if he is going to get anywhere with technical education, he has to be a doer as well. As we are to an increasing extent becoming an industrial nation, it follows that if we are to go forward and prosper, we shall need more technicians, and this is something which we are not getting. The machinery exists in South Africa to get technicians and the results of the technical colleges and the advanced technical colleges are very good. But they fall far short of what is required and what can be achieved with the machinery we have.

We on this side of the House are often accused of being ungrateful, negative and unappreciative of what is being done in the field of education. This is, however, not so, and let me say straight away that there are many aspects in the report of the Department of National Education for 1975 which we find most encouraging. I wish to refer to the examination results of the technical colleges and the advanced technical colleges in particular as shown in this report There has been a vast improvement in the block release system. We have gained on candidates because more have entered for these examinations and more certificates have been gained. The block release system, as is known to all, is a system which provides for indentured apprentices to be released by their employers for three or four months at a time just to concentrate on their studies, as opposed to the old method where they had to study in their own time. Vast improvements have been effected by means of this method. During 1975 there has been an increase of 800 apprentices over the figure for the previous year, and there has also been an increase of 1 250 in the number of certificates gained, giving a total of 10 040 apprentices who have gained their certificates. This is a very encouraging figure and there has been a marked improvement even among the part-time apprentices, notwithstanding the decrease in the number of apprentices. There have been fewer apprentices during 1975, but a larger number have gained their certificates, namely 1 223 as against 578 during the previous year. This represents more than 100% gain.

This is all very encouraging, but there is the gloomy side as well. There has been a marked drop in the number of boys attending technical high schools, as the number of boys attending these schools has decreased by 5 820. Technical high schools are one of the most remarkable institutions for training boys in technical subjects. One would have expected completely different results as a result of the introduction of the differentiated educational system which was geared to induce more pupils to take technical subjects. It seemed to have the opposite effect, however, because fewer boys are taking technical subjects. Boys who are technically inclined and have technical abilities should be channelled into technical high schools, but this is not happening. They are lost to the technical high schools. I would like to know why this is happening. Must we assume that South African boys have less technical aptitude than we expect them to have? Is that the reason why fewer of them are entering technical high schools? Whatever the reason, there has been a remarkable drop in the number of technical certificates last year. Only 2 269 certificates were gained, as against 6 500 during the previous year. This represents a loss of 4 257, and this in a country which cannot afford to lose one.

What is the hon. the Minister doing about it?

Perhaps the hon. the Minister can offer some explanation for this alarming state of affairs. Amongst the ranks of technicians, the outlook is also gloomy. There is no need to outline our need for technicians. Let us look at the civil engineering department first. In 1974 there were 596 candidates. In 1975 there were only 53 candidates, and of these only 16 obtained their diplomas, whereas during 1974 73 obtained their diplomas. Where are we going to get civil engineering technicians from?

In general engineering—that is mechanical, structural and other types of engineering—the problem is even worse. There were only 5 220 candidates as against 6 584 during the previous year. Only 154 diplomas were gained as against 723 during the previous year. This represents a loss of 569 diplomas. I may add that the only bright spot in this department concerns telecommunications, probably due to the impact of television, because in that respect there has been a small gain of 220 candidates and 169 earned their diplomas as against 26 in the previous year. Mr. Chairman, I would like to know where the fault lies. It does not appear to lie with the advanced technical colleges, nor the technical colleges, because given the pupils, they give us the results. They even give us better results with fewer pupils. Is the drop-off in the number of candidates due to the disenchantment and disillusionment amongst the boys today when they get their certificates? We must not forget that they gain their certificates and diplomas as a result of hard and dedicated work, because many of them work by day and go to technical college at night. When they get their certificates they find that they do not get the jobs for which they have studied, because the posts have been filled by graduates or by university dropouts. These persons are taking the jobs at a lower salary than he is earning as a tradesman. I think this is one of the first reasons why technicians today are becoming disillusioned. We have spoken about this before and therefore I do not wish to speak about it again. The hon. the Minister must find some way of limiting the intake into universities of the boys who should rather be going to technical high schools and to advanced technical colleges. They often go to university for two to three years, drop out and are lost to industry because they either go into some other job or may become technicians. In any case, such boys are keeping out talented boys. By limiting the intake of the universities and by being more selective we might be able to channel the boys who are not of university standard, to technical colleges. If we can accomplish this, South Africa will stand to gain. This situation exists in the United States as well as in West Germany. Today there are more graduates in those countries than jobs. The result of this is that the graduates now have to settle for less and have to do technicians’ jobs in industry. They are forcing out the tradesmen and tradesmen are no longer entering the trades. Today West Germany is finding herself short of tradesmen and with an overflow of university graduates, which is of no use to their economy.

I have one minute left and I would like to raise one matter with the hon. the Minister, a matter which I raised before by means of a question. It concerns the three-term school year as opposed to the four-term school year. I represent a constituency where this is a very important question. Notwithstanding all the arguments that have been advanced to revert to the old four-term system, we want to ask the hon. the Minister to give the three-term system another year or two before he changes it. I am not speaking on behalf of the hotels only although they would like to see a better spread. It is also to the advantage of the parents and the children themselves, because they can spend their holidays during a time when everything is cheaper, when accommodation is available, when the roads are quiet and the weather is more pleasant. Everybody stands to benefit by having their holidays out of the regular season. I want to plead with the hon. the Minister to give it another year before he changes it.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for South Coast touched on an important aspect of a certain section of teaching, particularly in the first part of his speech. However, he must pardon me for not reacting to it, but I believe that the hon. the Minister will reply to him fully.

I want to associate myself with previous speakers and also convey my own and my constituency’s sincere congratulations to the hon. the Minister on his appointment to the extremely important portfolio. We also want to express our gratitude and appreciation for the particularly dynamic way in which he is dealing with this portfolio. The teaching corps, the parents and the whole nation thank him for his active, vigorous action with respect to teaching matters. May he receive God’s blessing for this important task which now rests on his shoulders. It is indeed a very important task, and I should like briefly to touch upon two aspects to indicate that education in South Africa, may quite correctly be called the mother profession.

In the first place I want to dwell upon the role which teaching plays in the national economy. The economic growth and progress of a country is very closely connected with the available manpower. Should the available manpower not be sufficient or of a high standard, the economy is naturally going to suffer. Education plays a cardinal role in the provision of suitable and properly trained manpower and therefore also in the creation of a sound and flourishing economy. It is not the task of education to channel pupils into professions or to offer strictly specialized vocational guidance. It is indeed the task of education to prepare a child to associate himself easily and effectively with post-school training and/or professional practice, and in order to give effect to this, it is essential for provision to be made for directions of study within the framework of the country’s manpower requirements. For this reason specialized education, as it is implemented in the new differentiated education policy, is strongly emphasized in order to cope with the demands made by economic growth and development. In this way the interdependence of education and the economic development of the country are taken into proper consideration. The community also rightfully has a claim in this connection, namely that every pupil’s potential, which differs considerably from that of every other pupil, should develop fully. The system of differentiated education, with its eight different directions of study, is planned in such a way that attention is given to this difference between pupils and that each one may develop to his full potential. In this way it is endeavoured to offer education in terms of which the pupil’s individual differences as well as the needs and requirements of post-school professional possibilities, will link up with one another. Therefore education is not static, but dynamic in its renewal and planning and must keep pace with the changing demands and the rapid development in the scientific and technological sphere. For this reason the various directions of study and the content of their syllabuses are reviewed every five years in order to keep up with modern and expected requirements of the society. Education, especially as it is implemented at the moment, therefore forms the basis for a sound economy and makes it possible to obtain and utilize our maximal manpower.

In this process of vocational direction and orientation, there is another important factor which has to be borne in mind. As future professional people who have to take their place in a meaningful way, the youth must also be able to stand up for themselves both morally and spiritually. For this reason, various compulsory subjects are offered both in the junior and senior secondary school phases, inter alia physical education, religious instruction and youth preparedness.

In conclusion, I want to dwell upon the latter. The physical and spiritual preparation of the child is as important as religious instruction for the development of the child. The programme of youth preparedness is particularly suited to this. The youth of today are basically sound. I have an unshakeable confidence in our youth. However, our youth are unmotivated and unactivated to a large extent. This very programme of youth preparedness may contribute towards developing and activating our youth. Why is it necessary? There are two factors in particular which make it essential. In the first place there is the disappearance of the father as a figure of authority in the home. Our entire professional structure and the demands made upon the father by professional and cultural life, simply result in the father no longer being reasonably available when his family needs him. The traditional administrator of authority has disappeared and together with this the administration and application of discipline. Furthermore, the education of the child also suffers as a result of this, the family ties begin to disintegrate and the traditional family worship at home which kept the family together is dying out.

A second factor is the fact that the substitute figure of authority, especially for the teenager at high school, is also disappearing. The disappearance of the man from the teaching profession does not only create an academic vacuum; it also influences the spiritual development of the youth. The male teacher has always been able to act successfully as an alternative figure of authority not only in the life of the young boy in particular, but also in that of the teenage girl, and he was accepted as such by the teenager. His guidance and positive administration of authority have always had a positive, healthy effect upon the life of practically every child. The male teacher, however, began to disappear and the woman had to take over this role in the school. With all the grateful recognition for what women have done and will do for secondary education in future, we must bear in mind one fact. The female teacher of a Std. VII, IX or X class containing a large group of unruly louts, is unable to control a group like this by exercising the necessary discipline and authority which is possible when a male teacher faces the class. Often a younger female teacher is faced with a class like this as a result of circumstances. I have had boys like this in my office and had to punish them because they were impudent and opposed the authority of a young female teacher. In a case like this I do not punish a boy because he was impudent, but he is actually being punished because his whole being revolted against the fact that the figure of authority was not acceptable to him.

This brings me to the need for the programme for youth preparedness as it is presented in secondary schools. The programme consists of two components, namely the physical section and spiritual preparedness. The basic subdivisions of the former, namely first-aid, home nursing, drill practices, vehicle maintenance, etc., are essential in the time in which we are living. I should like to appeal to school principals to do justice to this programme. [Time expired.]

Mr. Chairman, I want to speak mainly about museums and the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Coordination of Museums on a National Level and I therefore do not want to follow the previous speaker. One of the most important and critical problems facing museums in South Africa today is the proliferation of small museums that are springing up everywhere. There are private collectors in almost every town and over the whole country who collect stones, archaeological implements, birds’ eggs, documents, books, paintings, Cape furniture, Africana or whatever it may be for pleasure, or because they are interested, or as a study or even as an investment. They compete with the national museums at auctions, very often pushing up the prices of valuable items. Ultimately they look around for a place where they can house their collection and for someone to take over the responsibility of maintaining what they have collected during their lives. Often local municipalities are persuaded to do this for these collectors. Sometimes it starts with an old building that should be preserved and which then becomes the repository of such collections.

Very interesting and often very valuable collections are built up in this way. The small museums then approach the province concerned for recognition so that they can also receive the 50% subsidy paid by the province. If they have accommodation and a proper theme is available, these small museums are normally accepted and recognized as museums by the provinces. I know of several of these museums, for example the Mary Moffatt Museum in Griquatown, the one at Mossel Bay and the one at Fort Beaufort, some of which have very excellent collections. However, by agreeing to take the collections or material, the small private or municipal museums are also accepting the responsibility of preserving, maintaining and restoring these collections as well as accepting the responsibility of displaying them and making the material available for research.

My experience is that quite often inadequate records are kept as to the donor and the date the material was received as well as to the history of the object. The important responsibility of conserving the collection as a national heritage is often sadly neglected because of ignorance or because of the lack of money or because there is no curator or no experience as to how to do this properly. I have seen very find old lace, old dresses and army uniforms which, after having been stored away for years in dark drawers where they have been properly preserved, have been donated to museums. They are then put on display by these small museums in the sunlight, only to find that the materials start disintegrating as a result of damage by ultra-violet light Badly protected displays are sometimes stolen and the risk of destruction by fire is also an enormous hazard. It is a highly technical skill to preserve these collections, and it is also a great responsibility. Small museums can consequently sometimes do more damage than good in this preservation work. They do not live up to their great responsibility of being a repository where our heritage should be preserved for future generations.

The Niemand Report did not make any really positive recommendation as to how to deal with these small museums and this important problem. I believe that the proliferation of small museums should be limited. There should be legislation to deal with the establishment of museums, the setting up of minimum standards, and there should also be proper applications submitted to an accreditation committee. I believe standards should be set requiring proper conservation of collections against deterioration. There should be protection against theft and fire, and it should be ensured that these museums are viable. Such a museum should have its own board of curators as well as qualified personnel. My experience is that quite often this qualified personnel is lacking. These are priorities for the establishment of any museum. I believe that the display of material and research can always be pursued later once a museum has been established and the collections are properly protected.

Looking at the report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Co-ordination of Museums on a National Level, I noticed that there were very few members of the commission actively involved in the service of museums, except for Dr. A. H. Smith who is, I believe, a librarian by training and the Director of the Africana Museum, as well as Brig. L. S. Kruger, Director of the Military Museum. The rest are cultural historians, but there were no representatives of any art museums on this commission there was no person representing conservation or display.

I was also surprised at the biased animosity displayed towards the South African National Museum of Military History in Johannesburg in this report. There certainly appeared to be a blatant conflict of interests between this museum and the War Museum, which is under the jurisdiction of the Department of Defence. In the report the commission objects to the name of the institution and finds its declared aim most confusing, if not presumptious to a degree. They recommend that the museum be subjected to close scrutiny in order to curb as soon as possible any future encroachment by that museum. This really appears to be a petty and negative attitude to adopt towards the War Museum in Johannesburg. The Advisory Council for Declared Institutions, under the chairmanship of Judge D. H. Botha, had only one meeting during the five years of its existence, on the admission of the chairman himself. This is the body which was supposed to represent the museums and to advise the department and the Minister of National Education on the co-ordination and requirements of all declared institutions such as museums, zoological gardens, botanical gardens, etc. The advisory council did not have the experience or knowledge of involvement in the declared institutions to make proper recommendations, nor were they sufficiently interested to call meetings to discuss the real problems that museums have today. A new advisory council is apparently accepted by the new report on museums and it recommends various tasks for it, but surely it will suffer from the same inbuilt problems it had before unless drastic changes are made. It will most likely have representatives from municipal executives, provincial administrations and the museums’ association, with people nominated who do not understand the problems of the museum service and the running and operating of the museums. I believe that the three different sections of museums should be properly represented there. I refer to the natural historical museums, the cultural history museums as well as the art museums. I believe that these various institutions should have direct representation there.

I know that these bodies are inclined to have academic discussions and propose academic solutions, quite often far removed from the practical problems experienced by museums. It will become a talking shop and not really a workshop for museums. The hon. the Minister of National Education will be insulating himself from the real problems that the museums are experiencing. I believe that the Minister and his Department of National Education will do better if they rationalize the proceedings of these bodies and if he is directly advised by a museum committee or advisory council on which the heads of the various declared institutions are directly represented. They will talk for themselves and from personal experience. They are the best equipped to decide how to co-ordinate their own activities and what their priorities should be. I should like to request the hon. the Minister to consider these recommendations.

Mr. Chairman, the hon. member for Benoni will understand that time does not permit me to refer to his speech. As the Vrouemonument and the War Museum are in my constituency, however, it would be a gross dereliction of duty on my part if I, too, did not deal with the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North. I want to warn him to keep his hands and feet away from the shrine of a nation. That Vrouemonument and that War Museum with all it contains are a shrine of the Afrikaner. Woe betide the man who sullies the shrine of any nation. Woe betide the man who injures the honour of a nation. I put it clearly to the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North that he made a bitter, irresponsible, reprehensible and despicable attack on the shrine of the Afrikaner. [Interjections.] With this attack he tolled the death knell …

Order! The hon. member must withdraw the word “dispicable”.

I withdraw it, Mr. Chairman. With this attack he tolled the death knell of his political life. His party, too, is in the dock unless they withdraw his remarks unconditionally. The excuses of the hon. member for Durban Point do not hold water. We tar and feather the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg North in our minds. For the record; all those museum pieces have been collected with the greatest care and with historical correctness. History cannot be distorted; history cannot be denied.

In his first appearance as Minister of National Education in this House on 20 February this year, during the discussion of a private member’s motion on education, the hon. the Minister clearly stated the importance and guide-lines of education, guide-lines which may serve as a beacon far into the future. He said, inter alia (Hansard, col. 1652)—

I endorse every word of this. No right-minded person can find any fault with this. This, in fact, is as it should be, because national education affects the whole of our continued existence.

The education of our children holds the key to our nation’s safe continued existence. Please note, our greatest asset is not our gold, our mineral riches, our agriculture or our weapons. Our greatest asset is our children, our youth, who are indeed our nation in the making. If our nation, of which our children and our youth form part, is not correctly educated, not basically sound, not motivated and does not have courage as a characteristic, the best weapons in the world are useless. Without the correct national education everything is worthless and in vain.

For this reason it is of cardinal importance for our youth to be prepared, and the process of preparing them takes place, inter alia, through the Department of National Education as well as through its diversion for the promotion of culture. I cannot praise the division for the promotion of culture sufficiently and I cannot pay sufficient tribute to them for the great task which is being performed in this regard. The National Cultural Council and its eight commissions deal with the preservation, promotion and development of the culture of the Whites in South Africa. I am particularly grateful for the financial contributions made to voluntary organizations for the promotion of the informal education of the youth, for example, to Oranje-jeug, Boy Scouts and other organizations. I mention with appreciation the specialized cultural services which also promote culture amongst White youths and adults.

I want to make special mention of youth affairs, especially the courses and camps which are regularly held. A large variety of themes are covered, for example, cultural awareness, leadership development, good citizenship, positive utilization of leisure time, self-confidence, current affairs and sound human relations. Testimony is received from all quarters, and it shows that the Whites in South Africa, in the times in which we are living, are motivated and inspired. This holds good particularly for our young people who went to the border and who had to face death. I wish one could know what influence these courses and themes have on our young people. In my own mind there is not the least doubt that their influence must be extremely positive. Hon. members who have knowledge of these courses know of the good influence which they have. They know of the good guidance which is given and they know that our youth is receptive to this and wants guidance. However, it is a pity that there is not enough well-equipped camping sites. I trust that if the general financial world climate improves, immediate attention will be given to this matter.

I also want to praise the youth viability programmes. They are indispensable to our youth. If anyone has any doubt whatsoever about the desirability of such programmes, they should read through the manual which is available. Then all doubt will disappear.

There is also the promotion of the performing arts on a professional basis. The value of the performing arts for the spiritual strength of our nation cannot be calculated in terms of money. According to the annual report, the quality of the presentations is improving and the general interest of the public growing.

This brings me to Pacofs, the Performing Arts Council of the Orange Free State. Due to financial pressure there was a decrease in the number of presentations, but there was nevertheless an increase in the attendance figure. This fact speaks volumes. It is general knowledge that it is very expensive to present performances of the arts, operas, ballet, plays, musical recitals and orchestral performances. A great deal of money is spent on decor, costumes, technical apparatus, workshops as well as wages and salaries, not only those of the ordinary administrative staff, but also those of the performing artists. If costs had to be covered by admission charges, very few people, if any, would be able to afford to attend a performance. Therefore such performances can be presented to the public only by means of subsidization by the authorities. In ordinary language the subsidies constitute the losses.

It is interesting to know that in 1974 and 1975, as far as Pacofs is concerned, drama and opera were subsidized to an extent which was more than twice that of ballet. In other words the subsidy for ballet—or losses— was far less than those of drama and opera.

In order to promote culture, the fine arts, to be specific, we may not allow any reluctance in this regard because of lack of funds. Culture is so important to the enrichment of the national life, that this has always been the standpoint of the authorities. Cape Town has its Nico Malan, while the opera houses of the O.F.S. and Transvaal are under construction. This is made possible by the authorities, and costs millions of rand. It would be shortsighted of the provinces if they were not to make attempts even at this stage to promote and encourage the interest of our people in the fine arts, so as to cultivate in them good taste concerning the arts. Therefore it is so necessary to bring our people into contact with, inter alia, good ballet, ballet of a high standard. One of the best ways is to import ballet of this kind from abroad, as Pacofs did, because it cannot afford to establish and maintain its own ballet company successfully. In 1965 Pacofs established its own company, but because of a lack of funds as well as limited halls in which to perform, it was disbanded in 1971. Imported ballet can only help to develop and further local talents.

If we are not prepared to do this, if we are put off by the costs, the fine expensive opera houses may remain unused to a large extent.

In conclusion I want to refer to the department’s new publication Education and Culture. The first volume appeared in January 1976. Through this publication one gains knowledge of the comprehensive task and diverse activities of the department announced. There were interesting articles in the first edition of this publication, which were enlightening, comprehensive and promising. We look forward to the next edition.

Business interrupted in accordance with Standing Order No. 22.

House Resumed:

Progress reported and leave granted to sit again.