TUESDAY, 8 FEBRUARY 2000 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 14:01.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                             NEW MEMBERS

                           (Announcement)

The Speaker announced that Mr A Blaas had been nominated as a member with effect from 1 February 2000 to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Adv D P A Schutte, and that Mr S Naidoo had been nominated as a member with effect from 1 February 2000 to fill the vacancy in the National Assembly caused by the resignation of Mr R P Meyer. The members had made and subscribed the oath in the Speaker’s office.

                      HOURS OF SITTING OF HOUSE

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the draft resolution printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the House -

(1) notwithstanding Rule 23, condones the fact that the hours of sitting for today, 8 February 2000, are 14:00 to adjournment; and

(2) amends Rule 23(2) to read as follows:

   23.  (2)   The business of this House may be considered by it on
   these days, and the hours of sitting on these days shall be as
   follows:

   Mondays to Thursdays:
     14:00, or such later time as the Speaker determines, to
     adjournment


   Fridays:


     09:00, or such later time as the Speaker determines, to
     adjournment.

Agreed to.

                         PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

                      (Subject for Discussion)

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Deputy President, hon members of the National Assembly, it is a great privilege for me to be able to open the batting in this debate on the President’s address, and I am quite sure we will do better than we did last Sunday.

The President made a strong statement in his state of the nation address. He stated that we have never been better positioned than we are today to achieve high and sustained rates of growth in our economy. This is an exciting prospect that we need to examine. This confidence is the result of a difficult but essential set of policy choices that the Government has made over the past six years.

One of the most important choices was to define policy and then to stick to those policies in order to achieve results. This consistency has been important. With time and analysis, we have adjusted where necessary, but what we have not done is to respond to every short-term crisis. But we have to concede this was not an easy choice. There has been very extensive structural change in the economy and this has meant that jobs have been lost in less efficient enterprises. Job creation and new, more efficient enterprises have not yet outweighed this job loss. In addition, job creation in new growth sectors has been positive but not enough.

This was not an easy path. Most of our experts in job creation did not have the actual responsibility for making these hard choices. Every time the President addressed the realities of the economy, there was a flurry of comment as to how this would lead to the end of the alliance and how we were getting tough on the unions.

We understand the naiveté of some of these comments and accept that in most cases this was wishful thinking. The alliance consists of three organisations that have stood against and defeated the apartheid system. They will stand together to build a better life for our people. The members of each organisation stand to gain from the achievement of this objective and each organisation makes a fundamental contribution to this objective.

Given our history and the reality of the present, a government, any government, and the business community alone would be incapable of achieving the necessary transformation of our economy and society, but this Government knows that the business community is central to our economic growth. We know that the community organisations are crucial. To deal with this, we have established the National Economic, Development and Labour Council, or Nedlac. As the President indicated, we have gone even further and set up working groups with business and labour.

It is only the ANC that can span all these constituencies and get them to work together, but in working together we do not ask them to lose their identities. We know that a good union movement must represent its members and must speak out if it feels that the interests of its members are threatened. We expect the same from the business community.

At all times, there will be differences between the components of the alliance, and between the constituencies in Nedlac. But we all know that the challenges are so great that we have to work together for a larger goal. All leaders are capable of mistakes, and when this happens, we should say so in a spirit of debate and self-criticism. This does not break the alliance. It is what keeps it together in a time of immense change.

Why do we now say that we are in a better position than ever before? It is because, unlike in the past, we do not have to hide behind high protective barriers or rely on racial privilege and exploitation to generate growth. We are poised to develop in a full democracy and with the world economy as our benchmark. We seek no favours or aid. We seek partnerships and strategic alliances for development. We can say, without fear, that this is testimony to what we have achieved. However, the challenges are still great and our success is not guaranteed by the work so far. We have to work in a close working partnership without that meaning that the rights of any social constituency are ignored or trodden upon. What we are emphasising is our collective obligation to our people and their future.

An illustration of the complexity of the structural change that we are going through is what has happened in the clothing and textile industries. The South African textile industry has recapitalised to the extent of reducing the average age of machinery from 18 years in 1994 to the current 11 years. The expected loss in employment did occur, but output, productivity and exports have increased considerably. We now have a textile industry that can withstand global competition and growth in its strength and base.

In the clothing industry the expected increase in employment that was anticipated in 1994 has actually taken place. However, the employment increase has taken place via the growth of subcontracted production and the growth of informal and unrecorded clothing production largely carried out in households and peri-urban areas. Correspondingly, there has been a decline in employment and large and medium clothing factories. Total employment in 1994 was about 125 000 and it was still 125 000 in 1999, but this does not fully record the informal production sector that I have just mentioned.

We have achieved a great deal in terms of structural change in the economy and we now have to focus on the net increase in employment and the redistributive dimensions of growth. To increase employment we still have to focus on growth and a higher level of employment-creating investment. In the redistributive dimension, we will address the promotion of SMMEs, empowerment, focus on poverty and paying attention to the geographic distribution of resources.

Since 1994, the Government has done a great deal to ensure that there is a more favourable environment for investment, both domestic and foreign. A very wide and comprehensive set of investment support measures have been put in place. Currently, we are examining these programmes after their operation for two or three years, and we will make further announcements after we have completed consultations with the Ministry of Finance. These announcements will be made after the Budget Speech.

There is, of course, a limit to what the Government can do. At the end of the day, we will need the private sector to be bold and confident about investment in this country. All the signs are that this is what is happening. Recent investment performances mentioned by the President are positive. Major corporations such as Swissair, Daimler-Chrysler, Corning, Ford, British Air and Dow are just some examples of companies that have come into South Africa recently.

According to Business Map, taking a wider definition of foreign investment over the last five years, some R80 billion worth of investment has come into South Africa. It is true that the bulk of this is in the form of mergers and acquisitions, but there is a very significant margin of new investments - some R8 billion or more over the last five years.

To assist in the generation of confidence and the marketing of the various capacities of South Africa, we will embark on a re-imaging campaign, stressing our capacities. The formation of the International Investment Council will undoubtedly play an important role here, and its first meeting will be in June.

With regard to small, medium and micro enterprises, we carried out three major reviews last year on financing, on the regulatory environment and on our own strategy. This has highlighted a number of shortcomings and weaknesses, including in my own Department of Trade and Industry. We will be taking steps to announce adjustments to this programme in the coming year. In regard to empowerment, the Government will interact with the commission on empowerment in the private sector and will announce more widespread and comprehensive measures to address this matter in the coming months.

I think it would be inappropriate for me not to say something about the European Union agreement, in conclusion. What we are being asked at present is, in effect, to allow for the protection of languages. The European Union is not the only place in the world that has names for its foods, spirits and other types of product. We cannot allow the world trade system to try and protect everything. The complexity that would emerge from this would be far too problematic and to the disadvantage of the developing world.

South Africa entered the negotiations with two fundamental objectives: to forge a lasting economic alliance with the EU, and to enter a new era where developed and developing countries could work as equal partners in the world economy. The current position is an affront to these objectives. South Africa is not a country that can be bullied into accepting the irrational. We call upon the EU to come to their senses and regain our respect. [Applause.]

The road to freedom has been hard, and the path of economic restructuring painful and difficult, but we will now start to see, over the next few years, the rewards for the courage, patience, hard work and determination of our people. The horns of the oxen become clearer as the dawn strengthens. [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, colleagues, President Mbeki was in a very upbeat mood on Friday. He said that South Africa has never been better placed or its people potentially better off. Where I have walked in the past few months across the streets of South Africa, into the Toboga Home for the Disabled in Orange Farm, across the wasteland of Buffalo Flats in the Eastern Cape, with the rural poor in Msinga in KwaZulu-Natal, and right into the heartland of white poverty in Danville, Pretoria, I have too often seen a sign that reads: No food, no work. Please help. God bless.'' [Interjections.] But the sign that millions are waiting to see, will read:Employees wanted. Apply within.’’

Now, Friday’s speech contains some fine and worthwhile sentiments in getting to that sign. But I must ask the hon the President: Please, where is the plan of action to sustain it? T S Eliot reminds us that ``between the idea and the reality falls the shadow’’, and South Africa has been living for too long in the shadowland of dashed promise, failed expectation and false prospects. The point which the President should bear in mind, is this: He will be judged by the promises he keeps, not the promises he makes.

The President is quite right, of course, to highlight the promising signs for the economy. We look forward to an announcement on inflation targets and further relaxation of exchange controls. We also await the personal tax relief promised by Gear and by the President last year.

The President said on Friday that at no other time have we been so well placed as we are today to take decisive steps forward. It is true that in the boardrooms of our richest corporations, there has been very good cheer recently over the performance of the stock market. But sometimes this mood is not reflected in other places we have been to. In the fields of poverty, in the squatter camps and in the hearts of millions of unemployed, there is a growing despair.

A recent study of changing income distribution in South Africa bears this out, namely that the lowest income groups of all races and colours are getting poorer. Restructuring which has been done so far, and which we have supported, has merely pruned the leaves of our economy. To get real growth, with more jobs more rapidly, is going to require root-and-branch change. Whole policies might have to be rooted out and started over.

The President blew hot on Friday and again in the Sunday Times about redoing or undoing the inflexible labour laws, but this morning, apparently, the Minister of Labour blew cold and poured cold water over these proposals. So I think it is time for plain speaking on this matter. I think the Government is quite correct to stare down the illegal strikers at Volkswagen in Uitenhage, but those really are the soft targets, necessary as they are.

What about the big guns? We have, for example, been in Keat’s Drift in KwaZulu-Natal recently and seen the tragic results of militant but lawful strikes under our current regime, where an entire shoe factory stands locked and abandoned, with an entire community out of work because of militant unionism. Cosatu’s demands have helped destroy jobs in this country. Yet each of those demands has been enacted by this Parliament despite our opposition. Now the same Cosatu marches today against unemployment, the very unemployment caused, in part, by the enactment of their demands by this Parliament. This is a bit like a butcher’s federation leading mass action against the slaughter of animals. It is the theatre of the absurd.

The President is quite right to indicate that deep change will be painful, particularly for thousands of redundant public servants, because it is untenable that in the Eastern Cape, for example, one fifth of all people with jobs work for the government. No wonder there is so little money left over for social security!

We believe that many things can still be done to increase the lot of the poorest of the poor. Firstly, the missing link in the President’s speech on Friday, with respect, was the complete failure to announce anything specific, or at all, about privatisation. Concrete measures in that regard will bring the investors to this country as never before. The next significant stage should be announced. Significant income tax relief should be granted to encourage the very saving and investment that the President, in his own speech, pointed out was so sorely lacking in this country. Something should be done to reduce fundamentally the size of the Public Service. We should budget for bold poverty relief and skills-training programmes. Radical steps have to be taken. We suggested an opportunity voucher which would empower people to compete equally on merit, not because of favours, not because of soft contracts, but because of merit and skills. The immigration policies of this Government should also fundamentally be reviewed in order to attract top qualified people and reverse the skills drain. All those things, I think, could, should and must be done.

The President must be clear about one thing. He is the President of all South Africa. This includes the five million who do not vote for his party. He must know that he does not have to watch his back. He does not have to look over his shoulder at the opposition when it comes to certain crucial and current matters. [Interjections.] The President’s colleagues do not agree with that proposition, but some of us do.

When the President represents South Africa in the world of global competition, when he demands a fair trade deal from the European Union, when his Foreign Minister plays the necessary role of honest broker in the Democratic Republic of Congo, when we are united as one nation to bring World Cup 2006 to our shores, and when we can help design the architecture for the African century, the President should know that we all stand by his side, and we will walk those roads together. [Applause.]

There are some issues on which there has to be profound disagreement and a dispute about future direction. We have, for example, a serious argument about the ANC’s approach to dealing with racism and its obsession with racial bean-counting. Let me be perfectly clear: The DP believes that racism is an evil that needs to be eradicated from this society. [Interjections.] There is a dispute as to how one eradicates that evil. I believe the President did great damage to our future by dragging off the Internet some white supremacist lunatic who is a true holdover from our past. For every cyber-racist of his, I can give the President countless examples of cross-racial co-operation, increasing normalisation and South Africans who wish to be regarded only as human beings, not as members of this group, that race or the other tribe. Indeed, the racist engineer Odendaal is as unrepresentative of white people in general as the deranged Lt Madubela’s actions at Tempe last year were unrepresentative of black actions in South Africa.

Kom ons beskou eerder groot Suid-Afrikaners as voorbeelde wat almal kan nadoen, mense soos mnr Jan Adriaan Venter, ‘n merkwaardige Afrikaanssprekende skoolhoof wat verseker het dat die Hoërskool Dinwiddie in Germiston, waar die groot meerderheid leerders swart is, ‘n matriekslaagsyfer van 85% behaal het, met ewe veel onderwysers as toe die skool maar die helfte so groot as tans was.

Die MINISTER VAN VEILIGHEID EN SEKURITEIT: Jou Afrikaans is goed! (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)   [Let us rather consider great South Africans as examples which everyone can follow, people like Mr Jan Adriaan Venter, a remarkable Afrikaans-speaking school principal who ensured that Dinwiddie High School in Germiston, where the overwhelming majority of pupils are black, achieved a matric pass rate of 85%, with the same number of teachers as when the school was only half its current size.

The MINISTER FOR SAFETY AND SECURITY: Your Afrikaans is good!]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Much better than yours will ever be!

When Breyten Paulse scores a try, white Newlands erupts. When Gogga Adams takes a wicket, whites at the Wanderers again stand and cheer. When Bafana Bafana win the Africa Cup again, all South Africans will celebrate. What was the President trying to do on Friday? Was he playing to the cheap seats in the race gallery? Is that where he wants to situate the Presidency? Or was the ANC’s commitment to a colour-blind nonracialism and racial co- operation simply a flag of convenience to be waved around in exile while seeking support for the struggle - an emblem which today has been folded away now that the ANC is safely in power? South Africans, both black and white, want to work together to build our country. Our efforts should be aimed at encouraging them and giving them the space for it. But, we can also on the other hand pump the air thick with steroids. Instead of seeing it as a means to an end, race-based affirmative action can become a fetish. It can impair judgment and fuel emigration. But, most important of all, whatever it does or does not do, it will not of itself deliver the better life to the many of our poorest and most rural communities who are showing signs of being least well off.

The approach of the DP is the reverse. We are obsessed with transforming, for example, our education system, which, after six years of ANC rule, has managed to provide matric passes with exemption in maths and science for only 3 000 Africans this year. One cannot build an African renaissance or an African century on such a slender base.

Now in all this and the desire for change and the desire to transform, there is a tendency to say: Let us also take some short cuts. Dr Van Zyl Slabbert, for example, was quoted on Sunday in Rapport as suggesting that the President will become more politically authoritarian as he tries to become more economically liberal. I would suggest that this is the worst direction in which South Africa can move and, contrary to what Dr Van Zyl Slabbert said, it is actually profoundly unnecessary to follow that route.

Nobel prize winning Indian economist Amartya Sen has published a ground- breaking work which completely vindicates the position of our party of liberal democracies and thriving enterprise economies. He said in Development as Freedom that there is little support for the view that there is a conflict between political freedom and economic performance; in fact, they are complementary. On the contrary, it is a lack of democracy and democratic daily practices which holds countries back.

We need to walk away from the concept therefore of a Greta Garbo Presidency which ``wants to be alone’’. We do not need a government run by control freaks which wants to hand-pick mayors, choose premiers for the people, run the civics and ring-fence the opposition. By contrast, we need to debate alternatives, hear all sides and help where we can.

And of all the great issues that the President touched on on Friday, perhaps the greatest and the most vexing of these is the issue of crime. The President says that change will be made to the criminal justice system. Forgive me for being cynical about this particular promise. For six years in this Parliament we have listened to such proclamations in every state of the nation address since 1994.

Government will not spare any effort to ensure our security forces enjoy the standing they deserve'' - May 1994. In February 1995 we were told: We must take the war to the criminals.'' In February 1996 we were told: Strong action will be taken. Law-abiding citizens can rest assured that we will punish any rapacious invasion of their lives.'' At the opening of this Parliament last June we were told: `Government will deal mercilessly with all crimes involving guns.’’ As they say in the classics: Been there. Done that. Got the T-shirt.

The truth is that time has run out for 14-year-old Valencia Farmer of Kleinvlei in the Cape Flats who was gang-raped and murdered seven months ago. Her killers, despite all promises to the contrary, have yet to come to trial. The truth is that 15-year-old Felicia Leromu died because of multiple injuries sustained from rape and joined around 18 000 people murdered and 38 000 women raped because of violent crime last year alone. The truth is that Mrs Charlotte Wögerbauer from Durban came to see me in desperation the other day because her husband’s killers walked out of the Verulam Magistrates’ Court, not because they were innocent, but because the prosecution was so incompetent.

The sign that all South African victims and their families are waiting to see is one which reads: Criminals to be nailed and jailed - citizens to be set free. [Applause.] And the first stage in erecting this sign is for the President to get serious about some of the appointments he makes. The criminal justice system is headed by a man who behaves too often like a clown, a crude and sexist jester given to idle boasts such as: ``The Cape Town bombers will be in jail by December.’’

The Minister of Safety and Security behaves like a cowboy, riding roughshod over our Constitution while breaching his own undertakings, such as promising the imminent arrest of the Pretoria bus killers, who are, regrettably, still at large. Fundamental reform should be the order of the day. However, let me say this: When his obsession with redeployment is so great that his first desire is to have ANC trustees in charge of the police by turning skilled diplomats into very undiplomatic police commissioners, ANC politicos into attorneys-general and school teachers into prison commissioners, then the people who suffer are the victims of a criminal justice system that fails them. [Interjections.]

The solutions which really will deliver relief to our crime-ravaged people do not - and I accept this point - rely on a single silver bullet. They are a series of interrelated steps. But, contrary to the current Government’s practice of dither, drift and public relations hype, we need each of them to be vigorously implemented, rigorously prioritised and executed without fear and favour. For example, they should recruit highly qualified managers into the SAPS and ignore the protestations of Popcru - just do it! They should improve, as they promised to do in 1994, the lot and life of ordinary policemen and policewomen; introduce performance-related conditions of service; get police officers as they promised to do, from behind their desks and away from guarding Government buildings, including this Parliament, and onto the streets where they belong by outsourcing all non-core police functions to the private sector; fire any public servant, from the Minister and the police commissioner downwards, who fails to perform.

They should realise that enforcing the rule of law is actually far more important than any new law Parliament or the executive could pass. For this reason the DP is not going to automatically support or simply oppose the recapitalisation of the taxi industry, because whether a taxi carries 18 passengers or 45, if it disobeys the speed limit, passenger load maximums and traffic laws, accidents will happen. The real fault does not lie with the axle design of the Toyota minibus, it lies in the failure to uphold and enforce the law. [Applause.]

Too often Government fixes things which are not broken. But something does require urgent repair, and here it is amazing that the Government has taken us from bad to disastrous and that so little was said about it on Friday. I refer to education. It is absolutely central. If hon members want to see a snapshot of everything that is both truly great and awfully tragic about South Africa, they should look no further than education.

On school-opening day this year, DP MPs and MPLs visited 350 schools in all communities. We saw heart-rending efforts to hold the line in the face of daunting odds. We watched truly committed teachers, very involved parents and some extraordinary young South Africans defying great disadvantage to progress through the school system. We saw remarkable teamwork across racial barriers and against the odds of South African reality. But we also found schools in an advanced state of decay, neglect and decline. We saw schools where Sadtu has placed a so-called moratorium on unannounced visits to classrooms by principals and even by inspectors. This is no legal moratorium: it is sheer intimidation and that Minister should take immediate action to stop it. [Interjections.]

And yet when the DP offers to help Adopt-a-School we are told by Mr Asmal, the hypocrite-on-stilts, that this is political interference. This from a man whose party delivered liberation before education'', a political campaign rivalled only by apartheid in the terrible damage it has done to a generation of learners. I also want to say that according to our information, only the top 20% of schools can benefit from outcomes-based education. It is incomprehensible to many teachers in the system. If the NP had introduced Curriculum 2005, we would have thought it a plot to destroy African education. Why persist with it? However, I believe the President can put up a sign which reads:I am the education President’’.

But if race, jobs, crime and education are the four big issues, then the spectre of Aids looms over our future like the Fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse. This scourge has been dealt with by Government in a manner which almost defies belief; its response has ranged from the bizarre to the Byzantine. It started with theatrics, went through snake-oil remedies and has now landed up with a big committee. All the while, approximately 2 000 South Africans receive a potential death sentence every single day. We need to deal with that. We need a debate about these issues.

We believe that a government which respects the rights of and serves the majority and the minority justly and well can rely on the support of all South Africans, whatever their political home. A government which knows its place is a government which will deliver more and promise less. But a government which promises all power to the people, while in reality giving all power to the party, a government which collapses the boundary between the party and the state and a government which does not recognise the God- given rights of every law-abiding South African - that government we will certainly oppose with all our might, our weight and our conviction. [Applause.]

These are the great issues we should discuss. These are the essential debates we need to have. I hope that some of these big questions will not receive small answers or petty responses, because the DP looks forward to a vital and vigorous involvement.

There are, of course, some in the ANC and elsewhere who would try to paint us and pigeonhole us variously as probusiness and antitransformation, in favour of privilege and against empowerment. [Interjections.] Those labels mislead. Indeed, it is the aim of the ANC label-stickers to mislead. But the label we do wear and the sign we strive for with a sense of pride and responsibility is the sign South Africans have been waiting for: ``South Africa - ree, safe and prosperous’’. [Applause.]   Mr C NQAKULA: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President and hon members of the House, there is tremendous support internationally for our programme of democratic transformation. There are millions who are able and willing to make our young democracy work. We regularly receive encouraging feedback from tourists and overseas investors. They speak highly of the value of South Africa as a destination of choice for tourism and economic investment. The mood of goodwill towards South Africa will continue to grow.

The fundamentals for the speedy democratisation of our country are in place. Government is forging ahead, with a deep sense of commitment, with its programme for the reconstruction and development of our nation. We have also discharged the political tasks we have been given internationally with skill and purpose. We have been invited on a number of occasions to participate in international attempts, especially on the African continent, to help find answers and solutions to some of the vexed political questions that confront some of our nations. That is why the pre-eminent business leaders mentioned by the President agreed to serve on the International Investment Council. That is why leading South African businesspeople like Ogilvie Thompson campaign for more investments in South Africa. This has to do with two things, in my view. The first is what the hon the President defined when he addressed us on Friday in the following terms:

… the nations of our common universe are confident that out of South Africa will emerge a thing of value that will contribute to the building of a more humane world.

What has given birth to that sort of confidence - and this is my second point - is the political maturity and willingness of all our people, black and white, to contribute as a nation bound together in united action to the positive completion of our democratic project. We know that there are others who have different agendas. They are those of the opposition who interact only with those abroad who are negative about South Africa, never defending or promoting our country. We have learned about this, at least, through statements they have made after they have been on such trips.

Of course it is in character for people who oppose our transformation laws, like the constitutional Bills we passed last week, to send and receive, with a measure of satisfaction, negative messages about South Africa. The campaign to vilify South Africa has been taken up vigorously by some of our erstwhile compatriots who have taken up residence in other countries as emigrants and by others who are on our soil. Their main preoccupation has been to send out negative images about South Africa, and this is impacting negatively on our effort to build a strong economy that will create jobs and defeat poverty.

But why are these people taking this stance? The answer must be that they benefited handsomely from apartheid. They hate our democratic transformation programme. They hate our deracialisation process. The Leader of the Opposition would, of course, be happier seeing us chasing shadows and not dealing with some of these programmes.

It would be naive to believe that the 1994 elections swept all racism off the face of our country. We must learn from the European experience, where the right wing is on the rise, otherwise the racial flare-ups that we see in some of our schools and on some factory floors will continue unabated. Our country will degenerate into racial polarisation. We cannot afford that.

Ngethamsanqa, ezi zaphuselane ziligcuntswana nje. Isininzi, ngakumbi abo babezinikele ngokugqibeleleyo kwidabi lenkululeko, basithembile, yaye basixhasa ngeentliziyo ezingathandabuziyo. Ewe, abanye abakabi nayo imisebenzi, abakabi nazo nezindlu kodwa kuba bewuthembile umbutho wabo wesizwe iANC, banethemba lokuba ezi zinto ziza kulunga. Xa bebona abanye befumana imisebenzi, izindlu, umbane njalo njalo bathi: Nakuthi le mini iyeza. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[Fortunately, these quibblers are just a handful. The majority, especially those who were completely dedicated to the struggle for freedom, have faith in us, and they support us with clear consciences. Yes, others have no work as yet, they also have no houses as yet, but, because of the fact that they have faith in their national organisation, the ANC, they hope that these things will come right. When they see others finding jobs, acquiring houses, getting electricity etc they say: Our turn will come. [Applause.]]

The great challenge to defeat poverty and hunger does not belong to the Government alone. It is our challenge, all of us, and all patriotic South Africans must rise to it. It is not a matter for political point-scoring. The President informed us that our economy is going to enjoy a welcome upturn and South Africa has become a strong investment destination. This gives us an opportunity to tackle, with determination, the persisting social problems we inherited, that is, deep-seated poverty, stubborn inequality and structural unemployment. We know that economic growth on its own does not guarantee an alleviation of poverty or reduced inequality and unemployment. Growth is an opportunity that has to be consciously seized by all of us.

Statistical evidence from Government and public research institutes suggest that important, but incomplete, strides we have made in deracialising power, privilege and wealth have often not necessarily benefited the poorest of the poor. The huge inequality gap in our society remains a stubborn reality, despite our best efforts. The poor and unemployed remain overwhelmingly black, mainly female and largely rural. The economic upturn that we anticipate must impact directly on the lives of these citizens.

Ababhali bamaphepha nabantu abazibiza njengeengcali kwezopolitiko basayigoca-goca nanamhla oku intetho kaMongameli. Umba ababambelele kuwo ngulowo uthi uRhulumente wethu ufuna ukuwanyasha ngenyawo amalungelo abasebenzi. Bubuvuvu obo, nabo abo ababuthethayo bayayazi loo nto. Qha bacinga ukuba siziinkukhu abanokuzixabanisa. [Kwahlekwa.]

Abayazi indlela imbumba ye-ANC, amaKomanisi ne-Cosatu esebenza ngayo. Bacinga ukuba abasebenzi abayazi ukuba umbutho wesizwe awusokuze uwatshintshe amalungelo abo kwaye awusokuze uvumele abasebenzi basetyenziswe njengamakhoboka. Oongxowa abo abaneli themba baza kuwa phantsi babetheke ngenyheke elityeni. [Kwahlekwa.] [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Lo Rhulumente ngowabasebenzi nabo bonke abo bathanda uxolo nenkululeko. Yiyo le nto lo Rhulumente waseka imithetho engqamene neemfuno zabasebenzi emveni kokuba isizwe silwele inkqubo yedemokhrasi. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Newspaper writers and people who call themselves political experts are, even on this day, probing the President’s speech. The aspect they are clinging to is that part which alleges that our Government wants to trample upon the rights of the workers. That is rubbish, and those who say so also know that. The only thing is that they think that we are fowls that they can incite to fight. [Laughter.]

They do not know the way the ANC-SACP-Cosatu alliance works. They think that the workers do not know that the nation’s organisation will never change their rights, and it will never allow the workers to be exploited as slaves. The capitalists who have such a hope will drop down and crash with their lips against the rock. [Laughter.][Applause.]

This Government belongs to the workers and all those who love peace and freedom. That is why, after the nation had fought for a democratic system, this Government laid down laws that relate to the needs of the workers. [Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, His Excellency the President, His Excellency the Deputy President and hon members, in his address to this House, President Mbeki has once again given us the benefit of the inspiration underpinning his dream. We share his dream and strive to receive strength from its inspiration.

During my long political career, I have always acted on the basis of a long- term vision. I have always supported my vision with the strength of a dream. I have learned through experience and maturity that the value of dreams is in the fact that they can shape and inspire our calls of action. When transformed into actions, dreams may move the mountains of history; when not, then they are just poetry sung while cities burn.

Flaubert said that God is in the details. It is also true that the devil is equally in the details. Failure and success depend on the details. Having received the President’s speech, and having shared his pathos and ethos, it is now incumbent upon us to confront the details. We need to look not only at the details of our immediate course of action, but also, and more importantly, at the details of our long-term plan. We must focus our political telescopes, as it were, on our country’s long-term future to gain a clear picture of what we are trying to achieve so that we can trace back our steps to forge a concrete plan of action.

In a rapidly globalising world, an increasing number of countries are becoming more competitive, and they are ready to make their contribution to world markets, culture and social exchanges. We must decide now what the South African brand is going to be in the future and what our country is going to produce or manufacture or be known for in this rapidly globalising world.

Tourism will undoubtedly be an important component of the South African brand. We must continue to pledge all our efforts to promoting the tourism industry. However, tourism alone will not enable us to rise up to fulfil our country’s great potential.

In a globalising environment, the long-term prospects of commodity markets are not such as to encourage our excessive reliance on our natural resources. We need to plan something more and something better and make the required investments to bring it about.

This long-term perspective benchmarks our reaction to some of the aspects raised by the President’s speech. As hon members must look to the future to shape our present, they must also avoid misreading our past. Our present is not the product of a fundamental transformation brought about exclusively through the unbanning of political organisations and the release of political prisoners some 10 years ago. It is the product of the combined goodwill of many components which gave enormous contributions and endured great suffering to bring about democracy and freedom in South Africa. They began a revolution of goodwill within the country, which made the release of prisoners and the unbanning of political organisations possible and compelling, at which time the torch of goodwill was passed on to a new leadership which was selected through the universal suffrage. However we must not isolate anyone who is willing and capable of bringing forward the initial revolution of goodwill which must now defeat the enemies of poverty, underdevelopment, ignorance and unemployment.

The problems of racism in South Africa are grave and deep. Their solution will be one of the priority agenda items of this term of our Parliament. We have set in place some of the required legislation to bring about racial equity and black empowerment. However, we must focus on the details to ensure that we solve the problems of racism without raising the spectre of racism and fuelling its rage. We must all be part of the solution. To this end, we must free our discussions and political actions in respect of the issue of ethnicity.

We must place firmly on our agenda the issue of multiculturalism to ensure that we promote all the various languages of our nation, and to ensure that each of our communities can evolve and prosper in accordance with their own features and chosen way of life. This is to apply from traditional communities in rural areas to religious communities in urban areas. We have discussed this issue for several years, but we have still done little about it.

Our failure to act will bedevil our efforts to create a society free of racism, in which ethnicity can equally be free. We must also overcome the barriers that apartheid built in the minds of people. This must be a two- way process and none of us should feel immune from the need to endure the pain of drawing out the poison that apartheid injected into our souls and minds.

For the next few years, our debates are going to carry both connotations and denotations relating to this issue of race. We cannot escape this issue or make it a rallying point to mobilise people and shift emphasis away from the issues of delivery, economic stability and prosperity.

There is a lot that people of other ethnicities have to learn and accept about the ways and culture of black Africans. There is also a lot that we need to learn about the different ways and cultures of the different ethnicities which make up our black population in this country. Indeed, there is a lot, too, that we need to learn about one another’s cultures, even as the black population of this country. For instance, the amaXhosa and amaZulu belong to the same Nguni group and speak, more or less, the same language. Yet, just look at how our cultural differences can be heightened even by simple connotations. I wish to illustrate this. In Zulu amadlozi'' means ancestral spirits, but in Xhosaamadlozi’’ means sperms. [Laughter.] There we have it. Can we see how we can unwittingly offend one another, with all the innocence in the world?

There is a lot, too, that black people must learn about the ways and means of the Western world, from which apartheid unfairly severed us, so that we too can receive the benefit of the great spirit which, ensuing from the French and American revolutions, has shaped the world we live in. This process of learning and symbiosis requires humility, and we, in this House, must be exemplary and prove that if we, in this House, can learn from one another, our people can do the same in workplaces and they can do the same in communities across the country. Let us learn to treat one another with humility. I can guarantee that no one loses a thing in being humble when dealing with one’s fellow man or woman. Let us avoid raising the spirit of intolerance in any shape it may assume. We have problems at home and we have the responsibility to give our contribution to solving world problems.

I am not willing to label any one in this House an extreme right-winger incapable of making a contribution towards our welfare, as I am equally not willing to label anyone in this House a rabid communist bent on our destruction. We need one another for as long as our contributions are rendered in a spirit of goodwill, and the practice of tolerance commands anything we say and how we react to anything we hear.

Domestically and internationally, the issue of justice hinges on development and requires economic growth. It is only through economic growth that domestic and worldwide inequalities and imbalances can, in fact, be addressed. The President has pointed out that we are enjoying the benefits of a cyclical economic upturn in line with the growth of the world economy. This is the time when we need to plan investments towards a better future.

When I spoke during the millennium debate, at this podium, I indicated that only long-term investments and technology can enable us to leapfrog forward towards a better future. We need to learn to leapfrog. We need to take the majority of our people from the bonds of ancient underdevelopment into the freedom of a technological future. Yet, not enough teachers and trainers exist, or will exist, to achieve this goal within my own lifetime, taking into account that I only have a few years to be around. [Laughter.] Enough technology exists which, if correctly employed, can achieve this goal.

This year we will begin raising the levy for training and adult education. This levy will constitute an enormous amount of available funding. Rarely has any government had the opportunity of having at its disposal such great funding which is not already committed. We have the freedom to decide, of course, how this money should be spent, and we should ensure that we spend it in such a way that both the methods through which the training is brought about and the contents of such training reflect our long-term plan and match the brand we wish to give to the future South Africa. In fact, instead of training illiterate people with books at equal cost, we could train them through computers, teaching them how to read and write while, at the same time, becoming computer-literate. Instead of imparting lifeskills to enable people to cope in an industrial society, we could give them the life-skills necessary for them to become full, bright citizens of the cyber world, that is our President’s world.

These are fundamental decisions which we will need to make at a political level. The greatest transformation before us will be the transformation of our people, and the way we transform our people will be the underlying engine transforming our country to enable it to take its position within this global village.

Over the next five years we will need to implement our often-voiced commitment to bringing about black empowerment. There is still little clarity, of course, on how this should be done and on the long-term perspective of the difficult process of transformation which should be tied to our long-term vision. This should not be reduced to a mere black-and- white issue, but should also offer the opportunity of transforming our sluggish economy, bringing about fundamental restructuring.

When we transferred power from the old regime into the hands of the first democratic government, I advocated strongly that we should have caught that opportunity to radically transform the machinery through which power is administered and to reform the state to make it more efficient and more accountable. I advocated that we establish a genuinely federal system to drive the process of democratic transformation and that we structure our civil service accordingly, to build capacity, expertise and a sense of responsibility from the bottom up. My pleas and warnings were not heeded, of course, and we are now struggling with a new system of government which suffers under the inefficiencies of the old one and is affected by the same disease of centralisation, excessive bureaucracy and cumbersome procedures.

As we look at the even greater challenge of transforming the economy, we must take the opportunity to bring about the process of economic liberalisation which my party and I have always advocated. We are pleased that many of our contributions have, indeed, been taken on board during the past five years. The purpose of my being in this Government, together with my party colleagues, is that of making a contribution to the governance of the country from the standpoint of different policies and perspectives. We are not in this Government merely to ride on someone else’s bus for the sake of the ride, but we intend to continue to make a contribution, to drive the bus jointly and even steer it in a different and better direction if necessary.

However, suggestions of dual membership in the IFP and the ANC do not take these fundamental differences in roles and perspectives into account and are made to confuse the electorate. Therefore, while acknowledging that many of our policy contributions have, indeed, been taken on board, we must, nevertheless, reiterate that we have not gone far enough. We need to do more and do it better.

The issue of black economic empowerment is one of those matters in which attention must be paid to our proposals in respect of privatisation and the liberalisation of our economy. In the end, if our sugar is twice the world market price, for instance, it is our people who suffer.

Our economy has hidden potentials which have not yet been fulfilled, because our declarations about economic liberalisation have not been matched with the required courageous and drastic actions. We must privatise at a fast rate, and the process of privatisation must be completed in a matter of months or a few years, if possible. As we do so, we must break down monopolies and cartels and re-examine the need for any Government involvement in public utilities and most of our parastatals. Privatisation cannot merely be about acquiring strategic partners while maintaining market positions and unaltered structural arrangements.

I am now about to drop a bombshell, therefore everyone must brace themselves. [Laughter.] The majority party owes me, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, an apology now that it has had its Damascus experience on this issue of the free-enterprise system. [Laughter.] Although I say this tongue-in-cheek, I have not forgotten that at the height of the conflict between the ANC and the IFP, some of the spokespersons of the ANC nastily referred to me as Margaret Thatcher’s dog … [Laughter] … because of my belief in the free market which the party did not share with me then.

These pejoratives did not offend me even then, for I could not help but admire that lady for the way she slapped down Scargill, the leader of the trade union movement in the United Kingdom, for doing exactly what some of our trade union barons are trying to do here, which will ruin our country. [Interjections.] Therefore the President’s reference to the need to amend our labour legislation was like music to my ears. We must tackle the issue of our labour legislation beyond declarations of intention. I accept the merit of our having raised conditions of employment and providing far- reaching social benefits for our people. However, we cannot continue to delay introducing maximum flexibility in our labour market. Better conditions of employment have increased productivity, which proves that if people are better treated they produce more.

However, if we want to maintain levels of productivity growth, we must ensure that the right people are kept in the right jobs. For as long as our affirmative action programmes are in place and our equality legislation is properly applied, the introduction of maximum flexibility in our labour market will have no negative impact on employment levels or, on the attainment of our social goals. It will, however, foster economic growth which is the only solution for unemployment. We cannot continue to pamper those employed with privileges rather than rights while the army of unemployed grows in our country. It is all well and good to moan about the tremendous loss of jobs by those of our people who are already in employment and to indulge in all sorts of theatrics to which we will be treated in the next few days. But the thing that has the potential of burning down our country is increasing unemployment, particularly for the tens of thousands of those who are catapulted on the labour market each year.

We must pay whatever price is necessary to enhance our rate of economic growth and utilise whatever social, financial and fiscal benefits we can collect from greater economic growth to direct it towards rural areas. The rural development programme must become one our country’s priorities, and we thank His Excellency the President for focusing so much on integrated and sustained rural development. We need to begin building centres of advanced development throughout rural areas in order to drive autonomous forms of development from within.

Once again, technological emphasis, tied to technologically based forms of training and life skills education, offers an opportunity to make this approach viable. At the same time, we need to have all-pervasive progress of sustainable rural development. In this fashion we can create a positive synergism between sustainable lower-level development and engines of advanced development within rural areas. This vision could lead to the transformation of our rural areas into a profoundly transformed social context within the lifespan of one generation.

We must operate our rural development approach with the people and for the people. Development must be tailored to the existing blocs of our society and must be aimed at making them evolve in accordance with their characterising features. The features of traditional communities must be respected rather than transformed out of existence because of an ill- conceived notion of progress and modernity. We can achieve progress and modernity in rural areas through the evolution of existing structures and within the parameters of how traditional communities are structured and operate. These include traditional leadership and the communal features of our communities.

I cannot agree with the present legislative and policy trends which are undermining the features of traditional communities and disempowering the role of traditional leaders. Unfortunately, contrary to what the President told us, the role of traditional leadership is not constitutionally guaranteed, and their role, powers and functions will be undermined through legislation which our Government will be forced to implement in the next five years. Therefore if we wish to implement the sentiments expressed by the President in this House, we will need to reconsider much of this legislation and operate on the basis of a new vision.

We need the goodwill of all our people in order to make our country succeed. I am pleased that the President stressed the need for discipline in our schools. We need to extend the call for social discipline in other segments of our society, including workplaces and communities. In the final analysis, the fight against crime and our struggle against the HIV/Aids epidemic can only meet with success through social discipline and the will of the people who can make a difference. Similarly, our struggle against corruption and moral decay can only be won by the people. They carry the responsibility of giving the country a government which the people can look up to for leadership examples and moral inspiration. I believe that we must transform our people by transforming ourselves.

As far as the migration policies are concerned, we have had a White Paper - and this is in response to the hon the Leader of the Opposition’s remarks - for comment from anyone in South Africa and abroad. We are now in the process of preparing our migration Bill for comment again, so that we can create a new migration system. I think that the issue which the President put at the forefront must not be trivialised.

If we look at America, for instance, and see how legislation outlawed racism there, and how long it took to translate what was in their constitution into practice, then if we say we can do better, we do not belong to the species Homo sapiens like the Americans. Even at this time Americans cannot say, in spite of a good constitution such as theirs, that racism has been eliminated from the face of the United States. [Applause.] So, I believe that the time has come to enhance the level of discussions in this House, and to move towards the details in our policy of the formulation of a long-term plan.

I think it is a responsibility which all my fellow South Africans carry and to which we must all contribute, whether from the front benches or from the back benches, from the opposition side or the Government side of the aisle. We owe this responsibility to our people. For me the real poetry of our country rests with the goodwill of our people. The poetry which we must pursue is that which we also express through the harmony of our work in this House to get our country to work.

If the vision which our President spelled out so articulately last Friday is translated into action, then we would be freed from fear for the future of our children and that of our children’s children. [Applause.]

Mr T S YENGENI: Chairperson, the hon the President and Deputy President, in his speech the President emphasised both the distance we have travelled and the path that lies ahead. When we look at how far we have travelled since 1994, we realise that this Parliament too has progressed to a deeper understanding of the complexities of the parliamentary system. But all too often we accept our inherited way of working without questioning its relevance and its effectiveness. If Parliament is going to be central to the transformation of our country, to play a role as one of the architects of the African century and to serve as the voice of the people, then we must sometimes be ruthless and abolish what does not work and rebuild from scratch.

Our Government has committed itself to accelerating delivery. How do we, as MPs, contribute to this? We emerge from a century that has seen the most dramatic changes, but as our hon President has pointed out in the 8 January statement of the ANC:

The challenge of the 21st century is the solution of the problem of the colour line.

The divides between the rich and the poor, between the black and white citizens still remain, and we, in this Parliament, have a special role to play as leaders and architects of the solution to remedy this divide.

Our recent history, our historic accord which led to the peaceful end of a tyrannical and repressive regime, an end which was brought about by the initiatives of the ANC after 82 years of struggle, has given us an international reputation as a country able to find solutions through negotiation and identifying positive outcomes. We must bring these skills to the fore in this Parliament.

This Parliament must become the forum for us as political leaders to debate and discuss issues of major national importance, so that we can reach a common understanding of the solutions to the challenges that face us. We need to clarify what it is that we want Parliament and MPs to achieve. We all know that we are not simply here to scrutinise legislation, but now we must come to grips with the role that we have to play in the oversight of the Government departments.

We as Parliament will have to ensure not only that departments are managed effectively in terms of their management and spending of their budget, but also that they are delivering in terms of the priorities and policies of the current Government. The people must know that we add value to our democracy through our contribution to legislation and our carrying the voice of the people to the ears of Government and to Parliament.

This demands from us, as MPs, to be in the community, in the towns, and in the rural areas - talking to the people, listening to their problems, engaging with Government officials and bringing to the attention of Government the shortfalls in delivery. Parliament must therefore manage its programme to allow for concentrated constituency periods and extensive hearings and briefings. Committees will have to report to Parliament regularly and debate these reports in the House.

We need to ensure that our legislative programme takes into account both rural and urban areas. Engaging with the national Budget is another major challenge. We are looking at how committees can participate in contributing to the formulation of a people’s budget. And we need not only to listen to the needs of the people, but also to promote a clearer understanding of what service we provide and what the public can expect from MPs.

There has been talk in the media about our reform of parliamentary questions. Our proposal is that we should lengthen question time, increase supplementary questions from members and do away with artificial minidebates like interpellations. We have circulated the ANC proposals to other parties.

Our intention was to give parties a chance to discuss the proposals and for all of us to come to a common solution to the problems that we face. But some parties have chosen to share our proposals with the media before discussing them with us. We want to deepen debate rather than using Parliament for party-bashing. And, of course, we cannot always disadvantage larger parties so that those who represent marginal constituencies get the majority of the attention in the House.

When Mr Mandela was the President, the DP never demanded that he come to Parliament to answer questions, but with President Mbeki they say that he is stifling democracy because he does not come to Parliament on a weekly basis. There is no legal or constitutional obligation on him to be in the House regularly. [Applause.]

The fact is that the first 100 days of this Government were a resounding success. The President brought a positive mood and a strong work ethic into the country. Our economy started forging ahead, our progress in fighting crime and corruption added to our international stature, while the DP was widely seen to have failed to capitalise on their election gains. Therefore they have launched an attack on the Presidency in order to create the impression that the President does not take Parliament seriously and to hide the dissension within their ranks and their inability to manage the structures in their small caucus effectively. This behaviour does nothing to strengthen Parliament, democracy or transformation. [Interjections.]

An MP cannot work without proper tools. We have made a sacred cow out of frugality, disempowering our members in our quest for fiscal prudence. How much more effective would we be if we had proper information technology in order to access information from our desks and produce our own documents! [Applause] Therefore we must ensure that each of our members has a computer on his or her desk, and the skills to use it … [Applause.] … by the time we come back here next session. If we are to be effective facilitators of public participation in the democratic process, this is a prerequisite.

If we are to make our commitment to the integration of those in our society with special needs, the disabled, then this Parliament must become truly hospitable to those who have the added burden of physical impairment. [Applause.] As proponents of the African century, we must move rapidly in converting the symbols and style of these buildings and proceedings to those more appropriate to an African parliament. We must strive to make this Parliament an example of government by the people, where even the quietest voice of the frailest citizen resonates and is heeded.

We are blessed with a government of great talent and with a visionary and decisive President. Now we as members of Parliament must rise to the challenge of leading South Africa, our region and our world into a glorious African century. [Applause.]

Mr M C J VAN SCHALKWYK: Mr Chairman, the first five years of our full democracy, from 1994 until 1999, were in many ways an extension of the old divides that we had in our country. The first five years of our full democracy were simply an extension of struggle politics. Instead of military or guerrilla action, it was now emotional argument against emotional argument. Emotions and old hatreds too often replaced constructive debate. Much of the bitterness, the anger and the fear had to be expressed first in order to be dealt with.

Since the June 1999 elections, a vague ground pattern is becoming clearer. It is a pattern which characterises all successful democracies. It is a pattern of a stronger middle ground, where the emphasis is on strong economic growth and stability. Those who understand the importance of building our country took the advice of Aleksandr Herzen, namely that the point is to open men’s eyes, not to tear them out. Some, however, seem to rely only on their ability to tear the other one’s eyes out.

From 1994 to 1999 this Chamber was also the arena where philosophies and approaches from very different origins met. We had to debate issues that were no longer issues in other modern democracies, because we never had the opportunity to debate these issues with one another during the preceding decades. Over the past few months my impression has been that we have completed that very necessary process. There is a sense that we must now move on. Young children who were eight years old at the time of the unbanning of the ANC and other organisations are now eligible voters.

All of this points to a political landscape that is changing. In the early 1990s the clarion call was reconciliation and laying the constitutional foundation for postapartheid South Africa. In the year 2000 the clarion call is economic growth and delivery. This challenge requires us to look anew at what should be done.

The President rightly addressed this on Friday with his emphasis on economic growth, the creation of conditions conducive to sustainable economic growth and foreign direct investment. That was the kind of statement of intent expected of the President of our country. However, our nation also wanted the President, as President, to provide leadership on issues such as crime and education. When the country has a matric pass rate of under 50%, and only the Western Cape achieved a 78% pass rate, the country would like to hear what the President says should be done.

What is important is that President Mbeki has taken the first step in a long process with regard to his shift in economic policy. Initially that kind of shift in policy might seem small, but it develops a momentum that cannot be stopped or turned around. A key question is how the governing coalition consisting of the ANC-SACP-Cosatu alliance will deliver on the direction that the President has spelt out.

Just five days before the President’s speech, the SACP secretary-general, Mr Blade Nzimande, attacked those who support privatisation, alleging that they have vested interests in their schemes, and referring to them as, and I quote, ``comrades who think with their stomachs rather than their heads’’. Just ahead of the opening speech on Friday, Cosatu warned that it would find it difficult to campaign for the ANC in this year’s local government elections in Johannesburg if the Egoli 2002 plan, which entails, inter alia, privatisation and commercialisation, went ahead.

One of the reasons why Gear did not succeed as it should have was that there was not a unanimous commitment to it in the governing alliance. To President Mbeki’s credit, he drew a line in the sand on Friday. The message to the SACP and Cosatu was abundantly clear: ``Get on board or you will miss the train.’’ [Interjections.]

The key question that every South African should ask himself or herself, is: How do I contribute to building my country?

Hierdie kernvraag het implikasies vir hoe ons op elke lewensterrein, en ook in die politiek, optree. Het ons die vermoë om daardie verbintenis tot ons land te maak, wetende dat daar goed en sleg is? [Tussenwerpsels.]

Die maklikste vorm van leierskap in die politieke arena is om op die onderliggende bitterheid en vervreemding in die minderheidsgemeenskappe te konsentreer, maar ‘n voortdurende gekibbel oor kleinlikhede neem ons geen tree vorentoe nie.

‘n AGB LID: Hoor! Hoor!

Mnr M C J VAN SCHALKWYK: Dit sal ‘n ontkenning van die werklikheid wees om nie te erken dat daar ‘n mate van vervreemding van die stelsel in die blanke, bruin en Indiër-gemeenskappe bestaan nie.

Die kundigheid en die wil om ‘n bydrae te maak om die land te maak werk, bestaan egter ook. Die uitdaging is om daardie positiewe sentiment te ontgin en dit tot die voordeel van almal aan te wend. Dit word nie ontgin deur voortdurend net die bitterheid te voed nie. Dit word ontgin deur ruimte te skep vir die erkenning van taal-, kultuur- en godsdiensregte, en dit word geskep deur mede-eienaarskap van bestaande uitdagings te kweek. In hul diepste wese wil wit, bruin en Indiër deel van die land se hoofstroom wees. Dit is nie in die aard of belang van enigeen van hierdie gemeenskappe om in bitterheid al verder geïsoleer te raak nie. Die sleutel om hierdie deur oop te sluit, is nie net in die hande van die politieke leiers van die wit, bruin en Indiër-gemeenskappe nie, maar ook in die hande van agb president Mbeki. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[This key question has implications for the way we act in every sphere of life, including politics. Do we have the ability to make that commitment to our country, knowing that there is good as well as bad? [Interjections.]

The easiest form of leadership in the political arena is to concentrate on the underlying bitterness and alienation in the minority communities, but continual bickering about trivialities does not take us one step forward.

An HON MEMBER: Hear, hear!

Mr M C J VAN SCHALKWYK: It would be a denial of reality not to acknowledge that there is a degree of alienation from the system in the white, coloured and Indian communities. However, there is also the expertise and the will to make a contribution to enable the country to work. The challenge is to develop that positive sentiment and to apply it to the benefit of all. It is not being developed by constantly feeding only the bitterness. It is developed by creating space for the recognition of linguistic, cultural and religious rights, and it is created by cultivating co-ownership of existing challenges.

The innermost desire of whites, coloureds and Indians is to be part of the mainstream of the country. It is not in the nature or interest of any of these communities to become more and more isolated by bitterness. The key to opening this door is not only in the hands of the political leaders of the white, coloured and Indian communities, but also in the hands of hon President Mbeki.]

One of the issues which we need to address soberly and without heightened emotions is the issue of affirmative action. [Interjections.] Our history of racial prejudice has called for a policy of affirmative action at the start of our full democracy. Millions of South Africans have historically been excluded from certain professions, training facilities and other institutions based on the colour of their skin.

An important factor for the success of our new democracy is a policy of balanced affirmative action in order to rectify imbalances while simultaneously ensuring the pursuit of high standards. It is a great challenge to apply affirmative action in the correct way. This matter is often accompanied by intense emotion. In every case the test should be whether it is real affirmative action or whether it rather degenerates into a new type of racial discrimination.

The way in which affirmative action is practically applied in a number of cases leaves minority communities with the impression that a justified policy is often abused. Affirmative action is not a blank cheque for reverse discrimination. The New NP’s point of view on this matter is that affirmative action should take place within a framework of special training programmes, merit and ability on the part of those who benefit and timeframes, including a continuous revision of progress.

Mamphele Ramphele says in her report on affirmative action, and I quote: It is crucial to acknowledge that affirmative action cannot be a panacea for all past wrongs.

This is a huge challenge. The temptation to promote affirmative action as a quick-fix remedy for all the wrongs of the past is certainly there. We need a proper national debate of the duration and scope of affirmative action.

Some disadvantages of the past are much easier to address and rectify than others. In those spheres affirmative action may require shorter timeframes than in others. In this regard, Mamphele Ramphele has set a guideline which requires our consideration, and I would like to quote:

Affirmative action has to have clear goals and a time horizon. There has to be an understanding that affirmative-action programmes can only run five, 10 or 15 years. No society can sustain indefinite affirmative- action programmes without creating permanent cleavages between citizens. Time scales are important for both the beneficiaries of affirmative action and those who have to support them. Some disadvantages will be easier to overcome than others, therefore a staggered schedule to phase out affirmative action would be necessary. The President has a very special responsibility to protect and uphold our Constitution. Section 83(b) states very specifically that -

… the President must uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic …

We have given credit to Minister Tshwete for most of the intentions he expressed in order to turn the crime situation around. His remarks on the changing of the Constitution did not receive our support, because our Constitution should not be changed on the run whenever there is a problem which is difficult to solve.

During that whole public debate the President was silent. The nation looked for leadership and wanted to know what the views of the protector of the Constitution were. The country is entitled to hearing the President’s views in this regard. Of course, the Constitution must be open to improvement, but amending the Constitution is a serious matter and cannot be dealt with in a haphazard way.

I would like to contrast the statements by Minister Tshwete with those which Mr Manuel made with regard to freeing the economy, the need to revise certain labour legislation and his criticism of some Cosatu actions and policies. Instead of immediate support from Government quarters for Minister Manuel’s bold stance, his statements were met with stone cold silence from his other Government colleagues. I would have thought that when the Minister of Finance makes statements which are regarded as the repositioning of the Government in terms of economic policy, it would be part of a plan, he would receive warm support and there would be an immediate back-up plan.

The issue of accountability is vital in a democracy, especially in a young democracy which must still give content to all its democratic practices. I can raise concerns about the centralisation of the appointment of premiers and executive mayors, and of reports of performance contracts between directors-general and the President’s offices, instead of between directors- general and Ministers.

However, let me state the following about Parliament and accountability: Parliament is the highest decision-making body in the country. Any attempt to sideline Parliament, consciously or unconsciously, undermines the cornerstone of our democracy. The President himself should set the example and regard Parliament as of such importance that he considers it his constitutional duty to fulfil certain responsibilities in Parliament and account for executive actions. [Interjections.] The President is not a member of Parliament and therefore those of us who understand the Constitution do not make a noise and complain that he is not present at each and every debate. [Interjections.] [Applause.] No, we did not. But what we would like to impress upon the President is that the executive’s actions are and should be scrutinised by Parliament, inter alia via a proper system of questions at which the President’s frequent presence is vital. [Interjections.]

In conclusion, we must appreciate how positively the debate in our country has shifted. Ten years ago, during the first press conference after his release, Mr Mandela said:

The question of the nationalisation of the mines and similar sectors of the community is a fundamental policy of the ANC.

In 1996, the present premier of Gauteng, Mr Sam Shilowa, who now sometimes allows words such as fiscal discipline'' andeconomic growth’’ to pass his lips, said:

You know, if this country were a socialist republic or a communist republic, I would be very happy.

Two years later, Mr Peter Mokaba, in his controversial discussion paper, said:

The question is what type of market or capitalist economy we should build and not whether we should choose capitalism or socialism.

Five days ago the President opened Parliament with a speech that illustrated how things have changed in our country. We are now within hearing distance of one other. Our democracy has now matured to the point where we can debate issues on merit and not simply on emotions. We can now move on. [Applause.]

Mr P A GERBER: Mr Chairman, Mr President, Deputy President and hon members, it is an honour for me to address this House in the debate on the President’s speech. A wise man once said: ``It is easier to talk yourself out of Parliament than into Parliament.’’ I will count my words.

Daar is verskillende maniere om die debat oor die rol van die Afrikaners in die nuwe Suid-Afrika te benader. Een manier is om dié Afrikaners wat nie by die ANC is nie óf af te kraak óf in die verleentheid te probeer stel. Hierdie benadering is prehistories en hoort in die vorige bedeling. Die ander manier is om ‘n uitnodiging aan alle Afrikaners te rig om op grond van ons trotse tradisie en die positiewe rol wat gespeel is met betrekking tot opheffingswerk ‘n aandeel te hê aan en die leiding te neem in ons nuwe bedeling.

Die konsep ``Afrikaner’’ is baie verwarrend. Sekere definisies van die Afrikaner gee aan baie Afrikaners koue rillings of engtevrees, juis omdat Afrikaanse mense hulle lankal gedistansieer het van dié versamelaarsitems en karakters wat voorgee om namens hulle te praat. Hierdie selfaangestelde spreekbuise van die Afrikaners het nie eens ‘n forum in hul eie familie nie. Hulle laat my dink aan die honderde finansiële adviseurs wat nie een ‘n miljoenêr is nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[There are different ways of approaching the debate concerning the role of the Afrikaners in the new South Africa. One way is to put down or try to humiliate those Afrikaners who are not in the ANC. This approach is prehistoric and belongs in the previous dispensation. The other way is to invite all Afrikaners, on the basis of our proud tradition and the positive role that was played in respect of upliftment, to have a part and take the lead in our new dispensation.

The concept ``Afrikaner’’ is very confusing. Certain definitions of the Afrikaner send cold shivers down the spine of many Afrikaners or make them feel claustrophobic, precisely because Afrikaans-speaking people have distanced themselves long ago from these collector’s items and characters pretending to speak on their behalf. These self-appointed mouthpieces of Afrikaners do not even have a forum in their own families. They remind me of the hundreds of financial advisers there are, not one of whom is a millionaire.]

It has never been necessary to inform the Afrikaner as to what role he should play in any dispensation. The Afrikaner does what comes naturally in order to survive. Liberty is a frightening concept, because it demands a response, but the Afrikaner has taken up that challenge. At no point in time have Afrikaners ever been as well placed as they are today to take decisive forward steps towards the creation of a humane and people-centred South African society. [Applause.]

Dit was Anton Rupert wat gesê het: ``Ek kan nie slaap as my buurman honger ly nie.’’ Die Afrikaner het bomenslike prestasies behaal om sy mense op te hef en hul menswaardigheid te herstel. Daar is baie instrumente wat hy geskep het om dit te bereik. ‘n Mens dink aan die Reddingsdaadbond, pennieleggings, die helpmekaarfondse, spaarbonde en ander finansiële instrumente. Selfs die rol wat die Broederbond in die beginjare gespeel het, was prysenswaardig.

My vraag is, wat het van al hierdie kennis geword? Het ons die resepte langs die pad verloor? Nog nooit was die tyd so ryp vir die saai van elke Afrikaner se ideale soos nou nie. ‘n Mens is óf verbind tot Suid-Afrika óf nie. Dit is soos swanger raak - ‘n mens kan dit nie halfpad doen nie. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Die tafel is gedek vir die Afrikaner om ‘n konstruktiewe bydrae in Suid- Afrika te lewer. Die Afrikaner in die ANC hoef nie ‘n deelsaaier te wees nie. Van nature is die Afrikaner nie ‘n deelsaaier nie. Hy wou nog altyd sy eie stukkie Afrika hê. Hoe meer hy van Afrika besit, hoe meer besit Afrika hom. Hy het nog nooit die mentaliteit van opposisie gehad nie. Hy was nog nooit in opposisie met Afrika nie. Hy kon nog nooit sy ma skop of oor haar skinder nie. Sy kontrak met Afrika sluit dit uit. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[It was Anton Rupert who said: ``I cannot sleep if my neighbour is starving.’’ The Afrikaner has achieved superhuman successes in uplifting his people and restoring their dignity. There are many instruments that he created to achieve this. Here one is thinking of the Reddingsdaadbond, pennieleggings helpmekaarfondse, spaarbonde and other financial instruments. Even the role played by the Broederbond in the early years was commendable.

My question is, what has become of all this knowledge? Have we lost the recipes along the way? Never before has the time been as ripe for sowing the ideals of every Afrikaner as now. One is either committed to South Africa or one is not. It is like falling pregnant - one cannot do it halfway. [Interjections.]

The table has been laid for the Afrikaner to make a constructive contribution in South Africa. The Afrikaner in the ANC need not be a share- cropper. The Afrikaner is not a share-cropper by nature. He has always wanted his own piece of Africa. The more he owns of Africa, the more Africa owns him. He has never had the opposition mentality. He has never been in opposition to Africa. He could never kick his mother or gossip about her. His contract with Africa excludes these things.]

They have been raised to act, not to blame and complain. [Interjections.]

In die ANC is daar baie ruimte vir Afrikanerdenke, -vrese, en -ideale. In die ANC kan ‘n mens op jou eie lappie grond tuinmaak. Ons is hier om te bly. Ons het nie ‘n oom in Engeland, ‘n niggie in Nieu-Seeland of ‘n tannie in Australië nie. [Applous.] Ons soek ook nie ‘n Britse paspoort nie. Ons hoef nie te streef na selfbeskikking nie, want ons het dit. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Daar is duisende Pik Bothas en Kallie Knoetzes wat al klaar op 2 Junie verlede jaar vir ons gestem het en daar kom duisende by met die volgende verkiesing. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek sien ons het die politieke ``poison dwarf’’ hier langs my! Juis omdat ons as Afrikaners onder die juk van kolonialisme geleef het, behoort ons groter deernis vir die uitwerking van rassisme te hê. Ek is in die geskiedenisklas op skool vertel van die armblankevraagstuk. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[In the ANC there is lots of room for Afrikaner ideas, fears and ideals. In the ANC one can garden on one’s own little patch of land. We are here to stay. We do not have an uncle in England, a cousin in New Zealand or an aunt in Australia. [Applause.] Nor do we want a British passport. We need not pursue self-determination, because we have it. [Interjections.]

There are thousands of Pik Bothas and Kallie Knoetzes who have already voted for us on 2 June last year and there will be thousands more at the next election. [Interjections.] I see that we have the political poison dwarf here next to me! Precisely because we as Afrikaners have lived under the yoke of colonialism we should have greater empathy with the consequences of racism. In history class at school I was told of the poor white question. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: What are you looking for next?

Mr P A GERBER: Weet jy, jy’s die arm man se Charlie Chaplin! [You know, you are the poor man’s Charlie Chaplin!]

Please, Mr Chairman, protect me. [Laughter.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon members, order! [Interjections.] Order!

Mnr P A GERBER: Ek is vertel van ‘n skaap wat by die Jood se smouskar vir ‘n blik stroop verruil is. [Tussenwerpsels.] Armoede het ‘n groot rol gespeel in die groei van die Afrikaner se godsgebondenheid. Dit is bekend dat nood leer bid. Ek kon as pastoriekind nooit verstaan hoekom Tokkels, die bediende wat my grootgemaak het, al die jare na ‘n ander kerk toe moes gaan nie, en vandag, 30 jaar later, is dit nog steeds ‘n godskreiende skande dat daar apart kerk gehou word, en dit in die jaar 2000. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ons moet oppas dat God nie eendag ``fed-up’’ raak en Sy geduld verloor nie.

Die Afrikaner met ‘n paar rand in sy sak se geheue word natuurlik ook baie korter. Die Afrikaner was baie jare lank ‘n bywoner. Hy het hom daaruit losgebreek, maar dit gee ons nie die reg om te vergeet dat twee derdes van Suid-Afrikaners nog steeds bywoners is nie. Ons vergeet maklik hoe ons ouers en van ons wat hier sit kaalvoet skool toe moes stap. Ons vergeet maklik hoe van ons ouers hulle tande met as moes borsel. Ons vergeet maklik hoe ons oupas ook by die agterdeur hulle lone moes gaan afhaal.

Ek onthou hoe my ma al om die ander week sopbene by ‘n ander slaghuis gaan koop het sodat die gemeente nie moes weet daar word sopbene in die pastorie geëet nie. In die Ceres-Karoo lê baie verlate grafte van Afrikaners wat die woestyn mak gemaak het. Ons vergeet te maklik waar ons vandaan kom. Ons vergeet dat ons voorouers baie aande ook maar net ‘n bosduif of twee in die pot gehad het. Ons vergeet te maklik dat ons blikbekers gebruik het; dit terwyl ons weet dat 25% van Suid-Afrika se mense op minder as R7 ‘n dag lewe. Dit is die prys van ‘n brandewyn en Coke. Dit is die omvang van armoede in Suid-Afrika. Geen ander groepering in Suid-Afrika het kollektief al soveel bereik om armoede in hulle geledere uit te wis as die Afrikaners nie.

Waarteen wil die Afrikaner terugslaan? Vir die Afrikaner om by opposisiepolitiek betrokke te raak, is soos om ‘n Avbob-begrafnispolis uit te neem - dit betaal definitief uit, maar ‘n mens moet eers ‘n bietjie doodgaan! [Gelag.] [Applous.] Dit was sommer nou die dag nog dat Afrikanerseuns verplig was om op die grens te gaan baklei. Die meeste het nog nooit eens vir ‘n politieke party gestem toe hulle moes gaan veg nie. Hoeveel jong Afrikaners is ‘n rat voor die oë gedraai? [Tussenwerpsels.] Hoeveel Afrikaner-ouers moes langs die oop graf van ‘n geliefde seun staan? Bring my een LP of Minister uit die vorige bedeling wat gestaan het langs die graf van sy eie seun wat op die grens geskiet is. Of het hulle dalk hul diensplig met ‘n korrespondensiekursus gedoen?

Agb lede moet gaan kyk by Huis Robertson in Milnerton hoe sit oud- dienspligtiges in rolstoele of vasgekluister aan beddens. Ek is trots om te kan sê dat president Mbeki die eerste en enigste president van Suid-Afrika is wat al daar besoek afgelê het. [Applous.] Afrikaners kan nie langer bekostig om deur kamikaze-politici op sleeptou geneem en uitgerangeer te word nie.

Is ons Suid-Afrikaners kwaad omdat ons oral met ‘n Suid-Afrikaanse paspoort kan reis? Is ons kwaad omdat ons nou 14% rente betaal in stede van 25%? Is ons kwaad omdat inflasie 5,2% is in stede van 12,5%? Is ons kwaad omdat ons die Beurs beheer? Is ons kwaad omdat ``affirmative action’’ baie van ons in suksesvolle entrepreneurs verander het?

Ja, natuurlik is daar korrupsie, maar as ‘n mens dit sewe jaar gelede gesê het, het hulle ‘n mens toegesluit! [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.] Wat is die probleem wat sommige Afrikaners het met Suid-Afrika? Kom ons raak betrokke by die oplossing eerder as die probleem. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr P A GERBER: I was told of a sheep that was exchanged for a tin of syrup at the Jewish hawker’s waggon. [Interjections.] Poverty played a huge role in the growth of the Afrikaner’s ties with God. It is well known that necessity leads man to prayer. As a child growing up in a parsonage I could never understand why Tokkels, the domestic servant who raised me, always had to attend another church, and today, 30 years later, it is still a crying shame that people attend different churches, and this in the year

1. [Interjections.] We should take care that God does not become fed-up one day and lose His patience.

The Afrikaner with a few rands in his pocket naturally also develops a much shorter memory span. The Afrikaner was a share-cropper for many years. He broke away from that, but that does not give us the right to forget that two thirds of South Africans are still share-croppers. We easily forget how our parents and some of us sitting here had to walk to school barefoot. We easily forget how some of our parents had to brush their teeth with ash. We easily forget how our grandfathers also had to collect their wages at the back door.

I remember how my mother bought soup bones from a different butcher every other week so that the congregation would not find out that soup bones were being eaten in the parsonage. In the Ceres-Karoo there are many deserted graves of Afrikaners who tamed the desert. We forget too easily where we come from. We forget that many evenings our forebears only had a rock- pigeon or two in the pot. We forget too easily that we used tin mugs; and that while we know that 25% of the people in South Africa live on less than R7 a day. This is the price of a brandy and Coke. This is the extent of the poverty in South Africa. No other group in South Africa has collectively achieved so much in eradicating poverty among their number as the Afrikaners.

Against what does the Afrikaner want to hit back? For the Afrikaner to become involved in opposition politics is like taking out an Avbob funeral policy - it definitely pays out, but one first has to die a bit! [Laughter.] [Applause.] It was just the other day that Afrikaner boys were compelled to go and fight on the border. Most of them had never even voted for a political party before they had to go and fight. How many young Afrikaners were deceived? [Interjections.] How many Afrikaner parents had to stand at the open grave of a beloved son? Bring me one MP or Minister of the previous dispensation who stood at the grave of his own son who had been shot on the border. Or did they perhaps completed their national service by means of a correspondence course?

Hon members should go to Robertson House in Milnerton and take a look at the ex-national servicemen who are in wheelchairs or confined to their beds. I am proud to be able to say that President Mbeki is the first and only president of South Africa who has paid them a visit. [Applause.] Afrikaners can no longer afford to be taken in tow and shunted round by kamikaze politicians.

Are we South Africans angry because we can travel everywhere with a South African passport? Are we angry because we now pay 14% interest instead of 25%? Are we angry because inflation is 5,2% instead of 12,5%? Are we angry because we control the Stock Exchange? Are we angry because affirmative action has transformed many of us into successful entrepreneurs?

Yes, of course there is corruption, but if one had said this seven years ago one would have been locked up! [Interjections.] [Applause.] What is the problem that some Afrikaners have with South Africa? Come, let us become involved in the solution rather than the problem. [Interjections.]]

I thank God that the opposition in this country once again has a white English face.

Kom ons raak betrokke by die oplossing eerder as die probleem. [Let us become involved in the solution rather than the problem.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: You’re still a racist!

Mnr P A GERBER: As lede nie betrokke is nie, het hulle nie ‘n spreekbeurt nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek ken nie die Afrikaner as ‘n toeskouer nie. [Tyd verstreke.] [Applous.] [Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.]

Mnr P A GERBER: If members are not involved, they do not have a turn to speak. [Interjections.] I do not know the Afrikaner as a spectator. [Time expired.] [Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Mr Chairperson, Mr President, Deputy President and hon members, during the state of the nation address the President reaffirmed our common commitment to a caring and humane society. Such a society will not drop on us like the biblical manna from heaven, but will come about as a consequence of our own actions. Such actions in turn can only be inspired by an unequivocal acceptance of our common humanity.

Consistent with this approach the ANC-led Government has over the past five years invested significant resources in improving access to health care for historically disadvantaged and marginalised communities. This has involved the provision of physical infrastructure as manifested by the clinic- building programme; the redeployment of health personnel, including the commencement of a system of community service, and also the restructuring of government-to-government agreements with countries such as Cuba and some European countries; improving the reliable distribution of our pharmaceutical supplies through public-private partnerships; the removal of the financial barrier to access through our policy of free primary health care and free health care for pregnant mothers and children under six; and the reprioritisation of public health spending to advance equity and support interventions that contribute to the alleviation of poverty.

I can tell the President that we have reflected carefully on the impact of these interventions. We are convinced that they have advanced the best interests of those on whose behalf we are gathered here as public representatives. Equally, we are convinced that this has contributed to the hope that has replaced the despair of which the President has spoken.

These successes have also brought to our attention two interrelated factors. First, they have further strengthened our confidence in the ability of South Africans to rise to the challenges of our times. How else can we explain the positive sentiment that is expressed by hundreds of our young graduates, across the colour divide, who have embraced our call for community service? Yes, some of them were negative at the beginning, influenced in certain instances, regrettably so, by some present here. Yet once they expressed the positive feeling of making a contribution to the reconstruction of our nation, many have openly come to express their gratitude for the opportunity. As we speak, preparations are afoot to extend this initiative to dentists in July this year and pharmacists in January next year. I raise this issue on this occasion because this is a solid pointer to the preparedness of our youth to embrace the spirit of the new patriotism of which we have spoken.

Secondly, our successes have thrown up new challenges. We stand ready to tackle these. Central among them is the need to address the quality of care throughout our health care delivery system. This refers to all the dimensions of quality, but, more importantly, the restoration of a caring and compassionate ethos amongst our health workers. This constitutes the strategic focus of our work over the next four years. This is why in November last year we launched the patients’ rights charter as a specific intervention to highlight this challenge. Our commitment to a caring and humane society obliges us to confront this challenge with the same determination to succeed that has characterised our Government. We call on all South Africans to join in this offensive.

As a further challenge specifically addressed to our nursing profession, I am happy to announce that this year we shall launch the Cecilia Makhiwane Nursing Award in recognition of that outstanding pioneer. [Applause.] We hope this will challenge our nursing profession to emulate this exemplary daughter of our country.

A central theme of the presidency of our President is the need for the different arms of Government and society as a whole to confront our developmental challenges in an integrated manner. May I dare say that this is the essence of the primary health care approach which our Government espouses. Many of the determinants of good health lie outside the formal health sector. They are the availability of water, sanitation, adequate housing and a direct attack on poverty, to mention but a few.

Recently, my department released the first-ever demographic and health survey in the history of our country. This baseline survey shows the strong correlation that still exists between ruralness, poverty and disease. The integrated and sustainable rural development strategy would thus be an invaluable instrument to tackle some of our health problems; so, too, would the interventions aimed at the alleviation and eradication of poverty.

The poor of our country feel the full impact of the debilitating diseases that cause so much pain and suffering in our country and on our continent. Malaria, intestinal parasites, tuberculosis, sexually transmitted diseases and HIV-Aids have the worst impact in these communities. These diseases in turn exacerbate the problems of poverty and malnutrition and are in themselves exacerbated by poverty and malnutrition.

We are therefore at one with the President that, in addition to the initiatives currently under way, largely around the sexual behaviour of our people, the challenges of poverty, malnutrition and adequate treatment of these common diseases are critical to a successful, sustainable campaign against Aids. On 3 January this year, our Minmec accepted guidelines for the effective treatment of opportunistic infections throughout the public health system. We have taken this view driven by the need to send a clear unequivocal message, that is, adequate treatment of attendant diseases improve the quality of life of those with HIV infection and Aids. Once treated, they too can live fully productive lives.

The simple approach that HIV infection equals Aids or death needs to be removed from the South African psyche. Grave as the problems of Aids are, none of us should parade as prophets of doom. Consistent with this approach I have recently received a report of a WHO team that visited South Africa at the end of last year to review the progress in the management of tuberculosis. I have been encouraged by this report. It clearly shows significant improvement in the evolution of our strategies to deal with this disease, and clearly shows our commitment to the adequate treatment of tuberculosis, irrespective of the HIV status of the individual.

It is easy to get infected with HIV when one has a sexually transmitted disease. We are therefore intensifying the programme for treating and managing sexually transmitted diseases. In line with our commitment to work closely with our neighbours and the peoples of our continent, we have identified, within SADC, HIV-Aids as a major challenge confronting us collectively. We are also working together to ensure that the international partnership against Aids truly addresses the needs of Africa, rooted, as it should be in a perspective that puts Africans themselves at the centre of the elaboration of strategies relevant to their circumstances.

May I join the hon the President in congratulating the members of the SA National Aids Council. These eminent sons and daughters of our country have a daunting task ahead of them, but judging by their contributions during the first meeting of the council on 1 February this year, I am sure they will be equal to the challenge. May I reaffirm Government’s approach that, this being a new experience, there is a lot of learning to do. We stand ready to learn from each other, so that progressively, we can improve the work of this body. We are sure that by the end of the two years of the lifespan of this body, we shall be ready to make recommendations on the further improvement of its successor.

The hon the President highlighted the importance of human resource development. We fully share this view. As a major initiative, our department is currently working on a human resource plan for the health sector and this is due for completion by the end of June this year. [Applause.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, hon President and hon Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa, hon members, the President has made a clear statement of intent to inject new life into our economy in order to achieve the desired growth levels and create jobs. We are pleased to note that he has embraced our small enterprise development strategy to fight unemployment and facilitate delivery for the ordinary man in the street. Small enterprise development will make good the shortcomings of the empowerment we have experienced, which has been selective and benefited only a tiny elite of party loyalists.

We have heard these lofty intentions before. The time has now come to implement these strategic plans. The Ministries of Finance and Trade and Industry should take the initiative and spearhead the implementation of the national development plan on the basis of this enterprise development. The UDM sees the pillars of the enterprise development strategy as follows. Firstly, there must be access to capital. Secondly, there has to be basic education and skills training. Thirdly, there must be access to land. Fourthly, tourism as a specific industry must be highlighted. Fifthly, the respective roles of Government, business and labour must be respected, and lastly, the civil order must be maintained.

The development and imparting of skills in any significant way will be hampered by the low level of literacy of our labour force. With the technological advances of our time and the shift from the traditional industrial and agricultural economies to a finance service economy that is beginning to dominate in the world, this will call for a radical shift in the education curricula and a diversion of more investment to the learners in schools to enable them to sustain the economy in future.

This, of course, does not mean that agricultural and industrial activity are being phased out. Government has to intervene by way of incentives to stimulate the manufacturing and agricultural sectors to avert a dependence on foreign goods that will turn us into a dumping ground for cheap imitations from around the world.

In recognition of this country’s shortcomings in education, I have, in my personal capacity as a parent, taken the initiative, like other leaders in this country, to engage two nongovernmental organisations who are prepared to supply study guides for mathematics and physical science for grades 10, 11 and 12. These guides have been tested during the past three years in various schools, and were endorsed recently by the hon the Minister of Education, Prof Kader Asmal, and his advisers. The NGOs and I will enlist the assistance of the private sector to pay for these materials so that they can be freely available to our schools. This initiative will entail interaction between provincial educational departments, teachers and students. This will, no doubt, enhance the Ministry’s objectives contained in the national further education and training strategy plan for 1999-2001.

We have observed the jubilation by some commentators who perceived the President’s speech on Friday as the triumph of a school of thought over what they see as labour intransigence in accepting the President’s proposals in the need for labour reform. In our view, there are no victors and victims in this equation. Government, business and labour must put the interests of the country above sectoral considerations. Perhaps the time has come when business and labour should stick to their traditional roles of building the economy while protecting their respective legitimate interests without entangling themselves in a complex political web of alliances.

In reviewing the labour policy and its relevant legislation, we in the UDM, in our policy documents, have reasoned that Government and labour must consult and compromise to agree on acceptable entry levels into the job market to avert a situation which permanently excludes our unemployed workforce from jobs while admitting illegal immigrant workers at low wages without Government and labour taking action to stop this practice.

The establishment of small enterprise development will require us to develop better levels of environmental awareness, because our competitive edge, both locally and internationally, must meet environmental standards. This is in line with the stated objectives of the Government to improve the quality of life of our people.

Economic prosperity and investor confidence will thrive in an environment of domestic peace and stability. Peaceful co-existence with our neighbours is a sine qua non for that stability. Tensions and crises in SADC and the Great Lakes regions are causes for concern, and could inhibit outside investment in the region. When we attained our freedom, there were great hopes that the negotiation skills acquired from our transition and those of our relatively developed economy could be exported to help stabilise and develop the economies and domestic institutions of other countries in the region and Africa as a whole.

Alas, our involvement in Lesotho and recently in the Democratic Republic of Congo is perceived by some of our SADC partners as partisan, interventionist and reminiscent of the destabilisation adventures of the erstwhile apartheid regime. This perception is persistent rather than diminishing. Existing concerns of the government of Angola about our role in their internal conflict seem to have been validated by reports submitted to former President Nelson Mandela by Peter Hain recently.

It is for this reason that I enquired at the foreign affairs portfolio committee meeting last year about leaders of the Congo rebel movement living in South Africa and their easy access to state-controlled media, and South Africa’s involvement in the destabilisation of the Congo in contravention of all international conventions. [Interjections.] The Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Aziz Pahad, categorically denied that rebels live in South Africa and that they are part of the destabilisation programme.

As a sequel to that query and denial by the hon the Deputy Minister, I made follow-up investigations. Evidence thus far adduced by my investigation would appear to validate these allegations. They are as follows: The public will recall that it was the Government that recognised and embraced the government of the DRC under Kabila as the legitimate government. Ironically, this same government, according to my report, is flirting with rebels and Tshisekedi, a former premier in the Mobutu Sese Seko government. [Interjections.]

I now come to that point. For instance, from 29 October to 30 October 1999, a South African intelligence delegation led by a directorate of operations officer, whose name appears in the report, visited territories occupied by foreign troops namely, in Bukavu and the South Kivu areas. Secondly, they also spent 24 hours in Bujumbura. It is alleged that the meeting was set up, among other things, to discuss the training programme of the secret security officers of the RCD. Thirdly, in September and October 1999 SANDF officers are reported to have given training to technical staff involved in combat against DRC forces. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members let us give the member time to deliver his speech. [Interjections.] Order! Hon member, can you take your seat?

Mr N J GOGOTYA: Chairperson, is the hon member also going to tell us about the rumoured involvement of the UDM in …

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! That is not a point of order.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, the hon member has been ruled out of order. That is not a point of order. He should take his chances elsewhere. [Interjections.]

Since November 1999 artillery pieces allegedly originating from South Africa and manned by South Africans have been deployed in the Congo. Grid references on the map showing the positions of these guns are available in the report. According to our own research, Tshisekedi arrived in South Africa on 29 December 1999, ostensibly to receive medical treatment, having been permitted by a DRC cabinet to travel to South Africa for that purpose. Our own observations are that as from 2 January 2000 to date he and other Congo rebels like Wamba dia Wamba live in South Africa and are regular guests of our state-controlled television, campaigning against the government that is recognised by South Africa, and are honoured guests of our Government.

It is of national concern that the President tell the public what Mr Tshisekedi and other rebel leaders of the DRC are doing in South Africa when the Minister of Foreign Affairs is deeply involved in Congo peace process. By harbouring these rebels here is the Government not undermining the internal security of our country, by exposing it to punitive reprisals comparable to those seen in Namibia and Uganda today? [Interjections.] He will say yes tomorrow when we are bombed here. [Laughter.]

We raise these issues because we are concerned about the security of our own country, which will be imperilled by any covert destabilisation adventures across our borders. The pattern and gravity of these events warrant that the UDM does not depend only on Ministers’ briefings on these matters, but to interface directly with leaders of SADC member states in order to monitor developments. There is always the great danger … [Interjections.] I got the report from the Government’s own intelligence agents in Pretoria. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order!

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, there is always the great danger that we could be so sucked into a foreign conflict that it would be difficult to extricate ourselves from it. [Interjections.]

The involvement of our intelligence and other security agencies in the Congo conflict, as alleged, cannot be obscured by the argument that only mercenaries are involved. [Interjections.] After all, we have an Act of Parliament which prohibits mercenary activity.

An HON MEMBER: Udinga udokotela wenqondo! [He needs a psychiatrist!]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, the sight of a South African made gun manned by a South African leaves the Congolese people with a convincing impression of South African involvement in a conflict against their country. This is a prescription for retaliatory reprisals against our people inside South Africa.

I have listened to the noises of the hon the Minister of Foreign Affairs, but I am assisting her. She might think that she is involved, but other forces are destabilising her. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, you are making an extreme noise. We cannot hear what is being said in the House. Can members please behave! Ms H I BOGOPANE: Chairperson, President, Deputy President, Ministers and hon members, the nature and character of the African struggle for freedom was unique in terms of its international support. In its final years it became part of a world consciousness as the international community joined the liberation movement in calling for the release of our hon President Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.

News from South Africa was carried across the world by the networks, satellite, radio waves and the print media. But to this day one of the most terrible, moving images of the apartheid years was that of the body of 13 year old Hector Petersen, shot dead in Soweto on 16 June 1976. The history of South Africa began, of course, long before the Soweto uprisings, and even long before the legalised oppression of apartheid began. The hunter- gatherers known as the San, the Dutch colonists and the British struggled for the land in the Anglo-Boer War. This is the better known part of the South African history and was, indeed, the only history served up to many decades of school children. It was, unfortunately, told in one form.

Throughout those years another story unfolded, a story of slaves, many of them children; a story of generations of children born into slavery. It is a story of shame and one that has left its patterns and scars on many people who inherited the badge of servitude and discrimination. Through all of these the children were there, carrying the burden of oppression from generation to generation, learning from their parents, their schools and the world outside the penalties of being born into a world controlled by whites.

In 1948 apartheid became entrenched as a way of life, protected by laws and enforced by practices. As resistance grew, it was stamped into the lives of every South African. Throughout all of these years the children were there, caught up in the crossfire of laws that separated their families, terrorised their parents, tore apart communities and as time went on, turned their lives, streets and suburbs into battlefields. South Africa seemed to be embroiled in a civil war, a war in which children played a significant role. Through it all, the children continued to experience the disadvantage of growing up in a country in which authority took precedence over freedom. I am talking about the black child.

Inequality and deprivation is but one side of the story. Children were victims of the iniquitous pass laws which divided mother from father and parent from child. Children and youth were killed, abducted, raped, tortured, poisoned, imprisoned for long periods without trial and harassed for their actions and beliefs. I am talking about the black child, because no white child went through that. Allow me also to quote our hon President when he indicated that -

… at no other point in time have we ever been as well placed as we are today to take decisive forward steps towards the creation of the humane and people-centred society for which the organisations that were unbanned 10 years ago struggled for many decades.

The words echoed by our hon President are relevant to the children of this country and confirms the commitment of our Government to improving the lives of children and ensuring that they benefit from the democracy they fought for so hard. To ensure that we stick to our commitment as a Government, we have established and started entrenching the rights of the children in the Constitution of this country. We have also ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child, signed and ratified the African Charter on the Welfare and Rights of the Child and developed the National Plan of Action - which is the weapon to implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child for South Africa. Furthermore, we have established the Office on the Status of the Child within the Presidency. All that shows how important a child’s rights are in this country.

In addition, allow me to indicate the establishment of the Committee on the Improvement of the Quality of Life and Status of Children, Youth and Disabled People within Parliament, as the highest body that will ensure that the rights of children are entrenched in this country. We need to acknowledge the strides we have made to promote children’s rights and at the same time acknowledge the challenges before us. We also need to acknowledge the direct link between the development of children’s rights and poverty in this country, which our Government is trying so hard to deal with.

Let me paint a scenario and share some of the shocking activities our children are forced into on a day-to-day basis. The disturbing features contained in news items that are paraded on our televisions and in our newspapers give the impression that violence against children continues to enjoy first-page status in our newspapers. This news also makes the main bulletin on our televisions. Indeed, the statistics are horrific, and we appreciate the reminder that we get from our media from time to time. It assists us and reminds us to go back and evaluate our programmes and policies, which commit us to improving the quality of the rights of the child.

It would be appreciated if our media could, in the same breath and with the same energy, highlight the successes and the positive news that this country has. Our achievements, as was indicated in the Unicef report, show that our country is one of the countries in the world that is doing well in the entrenchment of children’s rights, despite the horrific statistics. This will benefit our children as it will restore their confidence, bring back their hope and pride in democracy and also assist them to benefit from the democracy they fought so hard for. Let us show them the true side of what South Africa is.

The new child and youth care system provides for the full participation of young people in the development of the plan of care and service delivery. This confirms our partnership with the children and commitment to them that we will do it with them and not for them. In conclusion … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Rev K R J MESHOE: Madam Speaker, hon President, may I say, at the outset, that the President’s address was a positive one, and that it further helped to boost business confidence both in this country and abroad.

The ACDP welcomes the announcement that the International Investment Council has been constituted in order to advise Government. We wish to see this council helping to define the challenges and obstructions to development and investments.

The President raised Government’s concern about our low savings ratio and the negative impact this has on our rate of investment. He also mentioned that an interministerial group that will work on this important issue has been constituted. The ACDP recommends that this group should consider drastically lowering taxes on savings. People are discouraged from saving by the fact that a large chunk of their hard-earned savings go to Government in the form of taxes. If the Government exempts savings from taxation, most people who are investing outside our borders will start investing locally because they want the best returns for their hard-earned cash.

We also welcome the President’s announcement that amendments to certain provisions of the Labour Relations Act and the Basic Conditions of Employment Act will be introduced this year. The so-called unintended consequences of these Acts would not have occurred had members of the majority party listened to their colleagues in the minority parties. [Interjections.] These amendments must be made to unshackle our economy from labour constraints, regulations and measures that have stunted our growth and sent employment creation into reverse gear, thereby costing the country more than 600 000 jobs since 1994.

The warning by the President that illegal and unjustified strikes cannot be tolerated was long overdue. Unions must be held accountable for the irresponsible behaviour of some of their members. The ACDP recommends that Government make unions pay the salaries of those members who lose their jobs as a result of illegal strikes. Otherwise, those who lose their jobs become a burden to the state, and we argue that it is the unions that must carry that burden and not the state.

The ACDP calls on Government and NGOs also to change their strategies in the fight against Aids. This change of strategy is necessitated by the fact that the battle against Aids is being lost in spite of millions and millions of rands that have been spent on programmes such as Sarafina 2 and the distribution of free condoms in schools and public places. Because the problem of Aids is largely a moral one, a moral solution is needed.

Parliamentarians and other members of society can sign every train in South Africa, sign every rock and stone in this country, blow every whistle they can lay their hands on until they have run out of breath, talk about Aids on every radio and television programme, wear red ribbons every day of their lives and hang enormous banners promoting condoms on every wall in all the cities of South Africa. All these extravagant efforts will not reduce the number of Aids infections occurring daily in this country until we acknowledge that Aids is mainly a moral problem, and therefore needs a moral solution. The sexual behaviour of our people must change. [Applause.]

To win the fight against Aids, South Africans, especially legislators, will have to embrace and promote the message of abstinence from premarital and extramarital sex. I guarantee that if this House adopts this message and Government agrees to spend as many millions of rands promoting this message as they spend on distributing condoms, then new infections will be drastically reduced, as has happened in Uganda. The message of abstinence is loud and clear in Uganda, and that is why the levels of infection have been drastically reduced. Let us learn from success stories, instead of trying to reinvent the wheel, if we are serious about saving lives.

One of the issues that we feel did not get the attention it deserves from the President is the issue of crime. It is one thing to hear statistics about crime levels that have stabilised, and quite another to listen to the experiences of the victims on the ground.

People are looking for answers: they are living in fear and want Government to smash all the gangs that are terrorising them in this country. They want to know what the Government is doing about the ruthless gangs that watch them at ATM machines with binoculars from a distance, waiting to attack them, grab their money and often hijack their cars too. ATM users need protection from these criminals. Many people might stop saving if they thought that by going to a bank or ATM machine to withdraw money, they are exposing themselves to brutal attacks by these gangs. A government that is concerned about our low savings must ensure that areas around ATMs and banks are save to enable transactions to take place in a positive atmosphere of safety and security.

The ACDP’s crime eradication strategy is still available for the Government. If the hon the Minister, Mr Tshwete, wants to use it, it is available. I am sure that it will help bring salaam [peace]. [Applause.]

Ms M C LOBE: Madam Speaker, Comrade President and colleagues, the rapid socioeconomic transformation that our country has undergone since the dawn of democracy has left the younger generation with a big challenge of defining the mission of its existence. Like Frantz Fanon once stated, and I quote:

Every generation must define its mission, which it must either fulfil or betray.

The youth of our country is faced with a challenge of transforming our country, creating and living in a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and united South Africa. It is they who have the obligation to defend, consolidate, advance and accomplish the course of our national democratic revolution. Accordingly, this is a mission that our young generation should either fulfil or betray.

A huge portion of our South African society constitutes of people between the ages of 14 and 35 years. During the apartheid era, a significant number from this age group was never given an opportunity to develop to its fullest potential. It has been exposed to poor housing conditions, limited employment opportunities, high levels of crime and violence, racially-based access to education and a disintegrated society. Youth development, therefore, arises in the South African society because apartheid colonialism had launched an offensive on black people in general, and Africans in particular.

It is a cornerstone of transformation and does not exist for its own sake, but to safeguard the strategic objective of creating a truly nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and united society. Youth development forms part of those things requisite to prepare the younger generation to fulfil its historic mission in the transformation of our society. Let me take this opportunity to congratulate the National Youth Commission, which serves as a co-ordinating and an advocacy body for youth development. The NYC has laid a foundation for the implementation of the national youth service programme and will soon pilot the first projects in literacy, Aids peer education and construction. Let us join hands with the NYC and advance the national youth service programme, built a vibrant youth culture of solidarity, service and patriotism.

We must ensure that all levels of society, including the provincial and local governments, pay serious attention to this question. Local government is the most direct level of government, providing essential services which have a direct bearing on youth development. This sphere of government should be seized with the responsibility of establishing local youth units. These units will assist in localising youth development and ensuring that it is youth-centred and youth-driven.

Ditho tse hlomphehang, re lokela ho hlokomela karolo e hlokolosi e tlamehileng ke ho bapalwa ke thuto tshibollong ya motjha wa Afrika, ya nang le tjhebelo-pele. Thuto le manane a mang a ntshetso-pele ya batjha di tlamehile ho ruta batjha ditokelo le ditshwanelo tsa bona.

Re amohela ka pelo tse tshweu maiteko le matsapa a tshwanang le a profensi ya Gauteng a ho etsa bonnete ba hore batjha ba dihlopheng tse tlase ba kena sekolo, mme ho se ba romele sekolong ke tlolo ya molao le tlatlapo ditokelong tsa bona. (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)

[Hon members, we must recognise the role played by education in the development of the African youth, who are conscious of the future. Education and other developmental programmes for the youth must teach them their rights and responsibilities.

We wholeheartedly support plans and attempts by the Gauteng province to ensure that the students in lower grades attend school, and that to refuse them a chance to go to school is a denial of their basic human right and a crime.]

A significant number of our younger generation continue to lose their lives as a result of preventable diseases like Aids. Let me take this opportunity to call on all young South Africans to abstain from sex, to be loyal to their partners and/or to condomise. We need to intensify the campaign against alcohol and substance abuse by initiating programmes aimed at removing the socioeconomic conditions which give rise to these, and establishing more counselling facilities to give support to younger addicts.

Ho tla nka naha ya rona nako e telele ho fedisa tsietsi e re tjametseng, e tlisitsweng ke leano la kgethollo ya mmala. Ho feta ditjhaba tse ngata lefatsheng, re tseba ka moo leano la kgethollo le ka senyang le ho ripitla botho ba rona. Ebile re a tseba hore kgethollo ya mmala e ntse e siile metso ka hare ho setjhaba sa rona. Sena se bontshwa ke dintwa tsa mmala tse atisang ho ba teng dikolong e ka sita le di-university tsa rona. Re le batjha ba naha ena, re shebane le phepetso e boima ya ho aha setjhaba se kopaneng seka kgokan’a phiri, se nahanang batsi e seng ho ya ka mmala.

Re amohela ka matsoho a mabedi tshisinyo ya Mopresidente ya ho tshwarwa ha seboka se kgahlanong le kgethollo ya mmala selemong sena. Re kgathetse ke ho phela ka tlasa kgethollo e entsweng ke baholo-holo ba neng ba nahanela haufinyana jwalo ka kgoho. [Mahofi.] (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)

[It will take our country a long time to solve the problem facing us, which was caused by racial discrimination. More than most countries in the world, we know how discrimination can destroy our humanity. We also know that racial discrimination has left some of its roots in our country. We can see this in the racial battles that usually occur in our schools and universities. As the youth in this country, we are faced with the difficult challenge of building a close-knit nation which thinks wisely, not racially.

We are grateful for the President’s suggestion that a conference on racism be held during this year. We are tired of living in an environment of racial discrimination created by previous leaders who had no regard for the consequences of their actions. [Applause.]]

Comrade President, we are saying this because, after our generation, an entirely new generation must emerge, growing up in free conditions, and should not be exposed to the trauma and pain of growing up and living in an undemocratic and oppressive society. We are also faced with the challenge of deracialising, democratising and transforming our economy so that it can serve our people, in particular the youth, women and rural poor. Serious attention should be given to how we strategically utilise the SMME sector in creating opportunities for the youth to participate in the entrepreneurship programme, with a view to deracialising the economy and expanding property ownership to black people in general, and Africans in particular.

In an address to the youth of our country, Comrade Moses Kotane once said:

At this hour of destiny, your country and your people need you. The future of South Africa is in your hands, and it will be what you make of it.

[Applause.]

Re tlameha ho nka mantswe ana a bohlale re a lebise ho batjha bohle kontinenteng ya Afrika hobane mongwaha-kgolo ona wa hlaboloho-botjha ya Afrika o tlameha ho ba mongwaha-kgolo wa batjha ba Afrika ho latela diphepetso tse tjametseng batjha ba Afrika. Phephetso e re tjametseng, re le Mmuso, ke ho etsa bonnete ba hore batjha ba ela hloko hore ntho e nngwe le e nngwe eo ba e etsang letsatsi le leng le le leng e na le kamano le kaho-botjha ya Afrika. Ho teha mohlala, moithuti sekolong o tlameha ho utlwisisa hore o ithutela ho tswellisa pele kaho-botjha ya Afrika. Motjha mosebetsing o tlameha ho utlwisisa hore tshebetsong ya hae o ntshetsa pele kaho-botjha ya Afrika.

Ka tsela ena re tla be re fana ka moelelo le mokotaba kaho-botjheng ya Afrika, ka letsohong le leng re tla be re aha motjha wa Afrika ya nang le tjhebelo-pele, ya ratang naha ya habo mme a sa tshabe diphepetso.

E re ke di behe mohatl’a kgwiti, etswe Mosotho o re kgomo ha e ke e nye bolokwe kaofela. [Mahofi.] (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)

[We must direct these wise words at all the youth of the African continent, because this century of the African renaissance must be dedicated to tackling the challenges facing them.

The challenge facing us, as Government, is to ensure that the youth are made aware that what they do on a daily basis is related to the African renaissance. For example, the youth at school must understand that they are learning in order to contribute to the reconstruction of Africa. The youth at work must understand that they are working in order to contribute to the reconstruction of Africa.

In this way, we will, on the one hand, be providing meaning and essence to the reconstruction of Africa, and, on the other hand, we will be building a progressive African youth, who love their country and are not afraid of challenges.

Let me end here, as the Basotho say ``one can never say it all’’. [Applause.]]

Mr S E OPPERMAN: Madam Speaker, Mr President, hon members, they say a real enemy is a friend who does not oppose you when you are wrong. If there is one wish that I have today it is that, in some way, members of the ruling party will become real friends.

The President was right about many things in his speech of Friday, but I must lodge my opposition to his statement that ``millions are now better able to carry their pain, because hope has taken the place of despair’’. A letter I have received from Fezekile High School in Oudtshoorn, dated 3 February 2000, does not reflect the hope that the President was trying to project. It speaks of poverty in the local community. It speaks of 66% unemployment, it speaks of one quarter of parents being able to afford school fees of R50 a year, it speaks of no prescribed text books for the new syllabus for Grades 8 to 11, it speaks of young people who only want a fair opportunity to equip themselves to become competitive and effective in the market place. What hope is there for the thousands of South Africans who depend only on welfare grants and handouts?

A senior analyst at the Centre for Policy Studies, Xolela Mangcu, writes that jobs are a source of identity, a source of dignity, and a source of self respect and social reputability. As the poor get poorer without jobs, they lose not only their dignity, integrity and social reputability, but also their hope in the new Government.

Watter hoop is daar vir Afrikaanssprekendes - en ons het ‘n passie vir ons taal - wat moet toesien hoe hulle taal gedegradeer en gedomineer word deur ‘n nuwe Engelssprekende elite wat slegs lippediens lewer aan veeltaligheid en die beskerming van minderhede. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die voormalige president, en hy is ‘n eerbare man, het ‘n belofte van ten minste een Afrikaanstalige universiteit gemaak. Ons wil weet of die agb President bereid sal wees om daardie belofte gestand te doen.

Watter hoop is daar as die Heath Spesiale Ondersoekeenheid sê dat daar op hierdie oomblik ‘n span van ouditeure, prokureurs en rekenaarkenners is wat sowat 220 000 gevalle van bedrog en korrupsie landwyd ondersoek? Ons sit met ‘n Regering wat, in plaas daarvan dat hulle die eenheid ondersteun, alles in hulle vermoë doen om die werk van die eenheid te dwarsboom. Beweeg die Heath-eenheid te gevaarlik naby? Korrupsie beroof ons land van biljoene wat bestem is vir die armstes onder die armes.

Watter hoop is daar vir ons gewone vissers van die Weskus en ander vissersgemeenskappe, vir wie visvang die enigste bron van inkomste is as hulle nie ingesluit word by die Regering se plan van ‘n beter lewe vir almal nie? Ek dink hulle sal verbaas wees as hulle moet weet wie wel ingesluit is terwyl hulle buitekant staan. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.) [What hope is there for Afrikaans-speaking people - and we have a passion for our language - who have to look on while their language is being degraded and dominated by a new English-speaking elite which only pays lip service to multilingualism and the protection of minorities. [Interjections.] The former President, and he is an honourable man, promised that there would be at least one Afrikaans language university. We want to know whether the hon the President would be prepared to keep that promise.

What hope is there when the Heath Special Investigation Unit says that at present there is a team of auditors, attorneys and computer experts investigating approximately 220 000 cases of fraud and corruption throughout the country? We have a Government which, instead of supporting that unit, does everything in its power to obstruct the work of the unit. Is the Heath Unit getting too close for comfort? Corruption robs our country of billions intended for the poorest of the poor.

What hope is there for our ordinary fishermen of the West Coast and other fishing communities, whose only source of income is fishing, if they are not included in the Government’s plan for a better life for all? I think they would be surprised to know who are in fact included, whilst they are standing on the outside.]

The ordinary people that I speak to in the schools, in small towns and in the religious communities, who feel that their value systems are being imposed upon by state legislation …

Ek weet nie hoe goed die agb President kan swem nie, maar ek moet vir hom sê dit is diep water hierdie! [I do not know how well the hon the President swims, but I must tell him that those are deep waters!]

The ordinary people do not share the optimism of President Mbeki’s high and mighty words. [Interjections.] People get hope or despair from their everyday experiences, not from economic indicators and statistics. The President must speak to the people about their daily lives and make them better if he wants to replace despair with hope. To keep in touch, he must listen to the voice of the people, not the voice of the powerful. If the hon the President wants to lead the band, he will have to face the music. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I call upon the Minister of Safety and Security to address the House. [Interjections.]

HON MEMBERS: Steve! Steve! [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, hon members, if, indeed, I am a cowboy … [Laughter] … then Anthony James Leon is a crook. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon member.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I am sure it is not necessary for me to appeal to you to instruct the hon the Minister that that word is unparliamentary and should be withdrawn. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister Tshwete, would you please withdraw the word.

The MINISTER: Madam Speaker, there are no cowboys without crooks. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Please withdraw the word, hon Minister. Please, hon Minister, withdraw the word referring to another hon member as a crook.

An HON MEMBER: Crooks and cowboys.

The MINISTER: Madam Speaker, I wonder why Tony Leon was not called upon to withdraw the remark when he called us cowboys and clowns here. [Interjections.]

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, on a point of order ….

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Wait, hon member. Hon Minister, I do not know when the hon member said that and where it happened, but here in the House ….

The MINISTER: Okay, I withdraw. Pasop! [Watch out!] [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Have you withdrawn the remark, hon Minister?

The MINISTER: The President made reference to ….

HON MEMBERS: Withdraw! Withdraw!

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I did not hear you withdraw the remark. Did you withdraw the remark?

The MINISTER: I withdraw it, but he should withdraw his too.

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Order! Please proceed.

The MINISTER: It is useless. I am coming back. [Applause.]

The President made reference to the relationship between poverty and crime, both in his state of the nation address in June 1999 and in his speech to the House last week. In particular, in June 1999 he identified nine areas characterised by high levels of poverty and crime. In a phased approach to dealing with these and other places, we are initiating projects in priority urban areas in four of the provinces. They are the following: Katlehong and Alexandra in Gauteng; Mitchells Plain and Khayelitsha in the Western Cape; Inanda and KwaMashu in KwaZulu-Natal; and Motherwell and Mdantsane in the Eastern Cape. I am reading fast because I want to come back to the DP and the UDM. [Laughter.]

Key to our approach is improving the ability of the poor to access the criminal justice system and be better supported by social and infrastructural developments. A range of initiatives is planned in these areas, including community-based public works programmes, poverty alleviation programmes, housing development, the upgrading of infrastructure, social services and economic development. These projects will be complemented by social crime prevention programmes aimed at addressing risk factors such as alcohol abuse, firearm violence, domestic violence and gang and youth violence. The programmes will mobilise partnerships between national, provincial and local governments, churches, business, youth and other civil society groups.

Apart from such initiatives, which aim to undercut the causes of crime, we have also been undertaking wide-ranging law-enforcement interventions. The planning of these operations is based on the fact that over half of all reported crime in South Africa takes place within a relatively limited number of police station precincts, the majority of these being in poor areas. By aiming to reduce crime at these stations, we can reduce crime overall.

Beginning in July 1999, we selected 124 crime stations across the Republic, accounting for 53% of the country’s reported crime, and have been targeting our resources at combating crimes in these specific areas. Our strategy has been to let the public see the police doing their work through highly visible deployments. Between July and December 1999, over 24 000 high- density police operations were conducted in these affected areas, with the running of 18 000 roadblocks. In the course of these and other operations, 57 000 vehicles were searched.

At the same time, the police targeted criminals where they lived and the premises from which they operated, and 5 700 cordon and search operations were conducted and 66 000 premises were searched. We recovered 6 800 cars and seized 8 000 illegal firearms, and 53 000 arrests were made for serious crime and 110 000 for less serious crime.

While it is too early to determine the overall impact of our interventions where we have been working, there have been some notable success stories. In a number of stations such as Kimberley, Kroonstad, Randburg and Jeppe, a decline in crime of between 12% and 20% was reported. We have now completed an analysis of why some stations were more successful than others in reducing levels of crime. The answer lies in the use of effective techniques of crime information analysis to focus policing resources more effectively on crime hotspots. We need brains as well as brawn in the fight against crime.

A review of operations since July 1999 has led us now to select 32 high- crime sectors across the country which cover just over 140 police station precincts and include the metropolitan areas of Gauteng, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town. In the months ahead, we will, again, be conducting operations to combat crime in these specific areas. Highly mobile area crime combating teams will be deployed on the basis of crime information and intelligence to assist station personnel in crime hotspots.

Nationally driven strategies targeting organised crime groups, firearm- related crimes and the pressing issue of crimes against women and children will supplement these initiatives. The task teams established in each of the 32 sectors will co-ordinate the actions of a range of government and civil society role-players to normalise the areas concerned by attacking the socioeconomic causes of crime to supplement law enforcement initiatives. We are also determined to improve levels of service delivery in the stations which have been identified. Here there is much work to be done. We recognise that without significantly improved levels of service delivery, we can never claim that citizens have proper access to the police and the justice system. A service delivery improvement programme is now under way at 400 stations across the country. Although its key focus will be on the 32 sectors identified, the programme aims to provide police managers with the tools to improve the operation of stations and the level of service they provide to the public.

It is my view that the key to improving performance in the Police Service is to hold managers accountable for their actions. Too often in the Police Service, given its size and its diversity, it is possible for managers to escape responsibility for poor performance. Thus, strengthening forms of management accountability will improve Police Service delivery and reduce crime. To ensure stronger accountability, however, the development of a system of performance contracts for senior managers tied to the establishment of a system of priorities for the department will be implemented in the new financial year.

It must again be emphasised that drunkenness and corruption will not be tolerated at any level in the SA Police Service. A strategy is now in place to prevent corruption through proper vetting procedures for new recruits - this is happening for the first time in the SA Police Service - the closing of opportunities for corruption by tightening up procedures and policies where such loopholes existed, and a code of conduct with incentives for those who comply with it and zero tolerance for those who do not. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Genl C L VILJOEN: Mevrou die Speaker, agb President, Adjunkpresident en lede, ek wil graag die vorige spreker, agb minister Tshwete, bedank. Sy planne en die statistiek klink indrukwekkend. Ons wens hom sterkte toe en hoop hy sal sukses hê met wat hy in gedagte het. Ons kort regtig sukses.

Dit is ‘n goeie-nuus-baie-beloftes-ANC-spogtoespraak wat ons vandag bespreek. Ek vind die President se optimisme oor die ekonomie effens ongeloofwaardig, maar ek aanvaar dit graag, want ons het dit bitter nodig. Ek wens hom alle sukses toe.

Laat ek in ‘n negatiewe inleiding verwys na ‘n groot gemis wat ek in sy toespraak ervaar het, naamlik versoening en ‘n nuwe patriotisme. Die agb President se inleiding weerspieël ‘n aggressiewe gees teenoor blankes.

Eerstens, blankes word voortdurend geblameer en gekasty oor die verderflike apartheidstelsel en blanke minderheidsregering. Iewers moet daar tog ‘n ommekeer kom. Iewers moet daar nou aan ‘n nuwe patriotisme en spangees begin werk word, en die President moet die rigting gee.

Tweedens, stellings word gemaak dat in die maatskaplike orde van die verlede belangebotsings net beredder is by wyse van onderdrukking, geweld en oorlog. Wat van die ingryping in Lesotho deur hierdie Regering? Het die geweld en die onregverdige oorlogsmetodes van die verlede net van een kant gekom?

Derdens is die eensydige voorval aangehaal van die e-pos van ‘n ingenieur, vol onsmaaklike rassistiese taal, sonder om te erken dat daar van die swartes se kant ook oortree word en dat ‘n nuwe soort rassisme besig is om in Suid-Afrika te ontstaan, naamlik meerderheidsoorheersing.

Die agb President hoef nie die blankes te pamperlang nie. Hy as President moet egter sy benadering tot die blankes aanpas. Voortdurende kru en beledigende verwysings na die blankes, wat hulle aftakel, en ‘n gelyktydige ophemeling van die swartes en hul vroeëre bevryding, is ‘n vorm van die voortsetting van rassisme. Dit is rassediskriminasie in trurat. Agb Minister Buthelezi het ons ‘n goeie les geleer. Hy het gesê ons moenie iemand isoleer wat kan help om die revolusie van goeie wil uit te dra nie.

Die uitwis van armoede, te oordeel aan die positiewe aanwysers genoem deur die agb President, is ‘n taak wat nou vierkant in die skoot van die Regering rus. Met groeikoerse van meer as 6% behoort dit nou moontlik te wees om iets reg te kry. Die Regering se realisme oor die uitwerking van oorregulering in arbeidswetgewing is ook bemoedigend. Die wysigings wat aangebring gaan word, moet meer as net kosmeties wees.

Soos die Regering sinvol insien dat die markkragte in die ekonomie gerespekteer moet word, sal die volgende oorwegings ook sakevertroue in ons ekonomie help skep. Eerstens, die spoedige aanduiding van ‘n sonsondergangperk vir die gemagtigde diskriminasie van regstellende aksie; tweedens, ‘n onmiddellike moratorium op die toepassing van regstellende aksie op jong mense wat nuwe toetreders tot die arbeidsmark is - pas hier van die begin af gelykheid toe; en derdens, die spoedige aanvaarding van die beginsel van meriete as dit by aanstellings en bevorderings kom.

En dan, daar moet minder inmenging van die Regering in die private sektor wees. ‘n Goeie voorbeeld hiervan is die huidige opgraderingsplanne vir taxi’s. Dit raak duisende relatief arm swart- en bruin mense wat tans met beperkte kapitaal as klein ondernemings ‘n redelike bestaan maak. Opgradering en oorregulering gaan nie armoede verminder nie. Dit gaan die gegoede deel van die swart bevolking bevoordeel en die armes nog armer maak. Die fout lê nie soseer by die swak voertuie nie, maar by die swak en min verkeersbeamptes wat padwaardigheid moet nagaan en paddissipline moet toepas. Dus, wetstoepassing. Die vakante poste moet so gou moontlik gevul word.

Al die positiewe aanwysers in die ekonomie sal nie voorspoed bring as misdaad bly soos dit is nie. Die Regering het nog nie enige verbeeldingryke of innoverende visie getoon om dit vir ons aan te dui nie. Ek is seker die Internasionale Beleggingsraad gaan hiermee afskop. Minderheidsregte is ook weggelaat uit die rede van die President. Hierdie President was van 1993 ten nouste betrokke by die belangrike saak van hoe ons die pluralisme in ons land gaan bestuur om konflik te voorkom. Hy weet die hoop op minderheidsregte het ‘n vreedsame oorgang gebring. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Gen C L VILJOEN: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and members, I would like to thank the previous speaker, the hon Minister Tshwete. His plans and the statistics sound impressive. We wish him everything of the best and hope that he will have success with what he has in mind. We truly need success.

Today we are discussing an ANC speech consisting of good news, many promises and boasting. I find the President’s optimism about the economy somewhat implausible, but I readily accept it, because it is sorely needed. I wish him every success.

Allow me, in a negative introduction, to refer to a great deficiency that I have found in his speech, namely reconciliation and a new patriotism. The hon the President’s introduction reflects an aggressiveness towards whites.

Firstly, whites are constantly being blamed and chastised about the pernicious apartheid system and white minority rule. Somewhere there must be a turn-about. Somewhere we must now start working towards a new patriotism and team spirit, and the President must lead the way.

Secondly, it is said that in the social order of the past conflicts of interests were only handled by means of oppression, violence and war. What about this Government’s intervention in Lesotho? Did the violence and unjust ways of waging war of the past come from one side only?

Thirdly, the biased incident was quoted of the e-mail of an engineer, which was full of distasteful, racist language, without acknowledging that there are also black offenders, and that a new type of racism is starting to develop in South Africa, namely domination by the majority.

It is not necessary for the hon the President to try to gain favour with whites. As the President, he must, however, adapt his approach towards whites. Continuous crude and offensive references to whites, that discredit them, and a simultaneous praising of blacks and their earlier liberation, is a type of continued racism. This is reverse discrimination. The hon Minister Buthelezi has taught us a good lesson. He said we must not isolate anyone who can help to disseminate the revolution of good will.

Judging by the positive indicators mentioned by the hon President, the elimination of poverty is a task which rests squarely on the shoulders of the Government. With growth rates of more than 6%, it ought now to be possible to get something right. The Government’s realism about the effect of overregulation in labour legislation is also encouraging. Amendments to be effected should be more than cosmetic.

As the Government recognises to a meaningful extent that the market forces in the economy must be respected, the following considerations will also help to create business confidence in our economy. Firstly, the speedy introduction of a sunset clause for the authorised discrimination of affirmative action; secondly, an immediate moratorium on the implementation of affirmative action on young people who are new entrants to the labour market - equality should be implemented from the start; and thirdly, the speedy acceptance of the principle of merit with regard to appointments and promotions.

And then, there must be less interference by the Government in the private sector. A good example of this is the present upgrading plans for taxis. This affects thousands of relatively poor blacks and coloureds, who, with limited capital, are making a reasonable living as small undertakings. Upgrading and overregulation will not reduce poverty. This will benefit the affluent sector of the black population and will make the poorer sector even poorer. The fault does not lie so much with poor vehicles as with poor and few traffic officers, who must check on roadworthiness and implement road discipline. Thus, law enforcement. Vacant posts must be filled as soon as possible.

All the positive indicators in the economy will not bring about prosperity if crime remains the way it is. The Government has not yet shown any imaginative or innovative vision to indicate this to us. I am sure the International Investment Council will kick off with this.

Minority rights were also omitted from the President’s speech. Since 1993 this President has been very closely involved in the important matter of how we are going to manage pluralism in our country to avoid conflict. He knows that the hope of minority rights brought about a peaceful transition.]

Pluralism is a reality in our country and in Africa. The many internal conflicts prove this statement. No social engineering can overcome diversity. In a recent opinion poll on the political trends among the Afrikaner people, one of the findings was that in South Africa the concept of political pluralism was very poorly developed.

This is quite understandable, as the political scene up to the 1993 period was dominated by the conflict on other issues such as racism and colonialism. With those gone there seemed to be a belief within the ANC that an instant nation with a new homogenous population was within reach, and that it would be possible even if it were required from members of ethnic minority groups to renounce their own identity in favour of the new homogenised South Africanism.

Across the world this has proved to be a fatal approach. This is even more true for Africa with its many tribes and traditional divisions. The problem of nation-states with diverse populations is a worldwide challenge. There are many case studies from which we can learn. Centralism in African government structures actually came from the period of colonialism in Africa.

This results in domination and no devolution of powers to communities. We in the FF have the political pivot of self determination. There is a call from traditional leaders to have a more meaningful role in government, and recently a group of 24 academics started a drive towards a charter for minority rights. The hon the President and Deputy President are well informed on these subjects, they have been actively negotiating them and have signed accords built on mutual trust, but now they pretend to be deaf when it comes to this.

The accommodation of the wishes of the communities to have a greater say in their own matters is a moral obligation on the top structures of the ANC. They must please act for the sake of stability, and from the position of strength that they have at the moment. The hon the President should start something in Africa as part of the renaissance idea to develop a truly African type of democracy. I urge the hon the President to take up this challenge. Mr M J MAHLANGU: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, I stand here to participate in the debate on the speech delivered by the hon the President on Friday. My focus will be the integrated rural development programme. Developing the rural areas is not a new undertaking for Government. The ANC’s RDP policy framework explicitly emphasised the need for rural development. Five years later we are forced to conclude that the divide between the rural and urban areas is only geographic as the urban areas are as poverty stricken as the rural areas.

The hon the President has made it clear that the areas of high population density will be the centre of our urban renewal programme, and that this is particularly important in the light of the fact that, in reality, the urban areas contain the largest concentration of poverty in our country. We should, however, not forget that the rural people, women and children in particular, bear the largest burden of poverty in South Africa. In a way the integrated and sustainable rural development programme would be beneficial in reducing urban sprawl. It will play a vital role in integrating the urban and rural communities into a united society. It will narrow the gap between urban and rural areas in terms of policies, in terms of our initiatives, in terms of our value systems and in terms of our culture.

As South Africans we have many reasons to welcome the initiative taken by the hon the President in introducing the integrated rural development programme. All that we need to do is to make sure that the programme becomes a sustainable one in the rural areas. Focusing on rural development has an advantage, not only in curbing urban sprawl, but in its potential to create more jobs and/or the necessary survival strategies. This in turn contributes to the socioeconomic development of the entire country.

As the hon the President rightly said; agriculture is not intended to be the only site for job creation in this initiative. There are other small- scale industries like fisheries, the skin business, shoemaking and mining. Rural people could even suggest more options in this regard.

In China, during the time of Mao Tse-tung, from 1948 to 1980, much investment happened in the rural areas, and this had an effect on the development of China as a country. Cuba serves as an example, where rural development resulted in improving people’s lives, eg the literacy rate and gender awareness.

In sub-Saharan Africa, agriculture and rural development provided the basis for national development. The rural agricultural sector contains vast, untapped natural and human resources, and is probably the only area in which these countries have a competitive advantage. This sector also contains the largest part of the population and its less advantageous elements.

In Malawi it was only by the intervention of the government that the rural agricultural sector could be improved to contribute to national economic progress. Sustainability is the most critical component of the development initiative, especially for the unskilled communities of the rural areas. The politicians need to commit themselves to the success of the programme through their constituency offices. Members of Parliament need to monitor the service delivery and implementation of this programme for it to be successful and sustainable.

It is hoped that the programme will be successful, as it comes timeously during the conceptualisation of the African renaissance programme. The implementation of this programme in the context of the African renaissance will assist in getting people to see the need to go back to their original and indigenous way of solving their economic problems. This is especially useful because the majority of people does not yet possess the skills required by the modern approaches to survival, but can go back to using these rural based ones.

Ngiyatjhuguluka-ke kwanjesi, khengikhulume ngesikhethu abantu bakwazi ukuzwa bona ngithini. Ngikhuluma nani ninoke, abangaphakathi kweNdlu le namhlanje. Nangikhuluma nani ngesikhethu ngiyathemba bona iinkunubhe zenu nizifakile, begodu niyangizwa bona ngithini.

Kunabantu abaneendlebe kodwana iindlebe zabo azizwa. Kunabanye abanamehlo, kodwana amehlo wabo awaboni. Thina lapho sihlala khona siberega nabantu abagade batlhaga iminyaka le yoke bangadli litho. Namhlanje ngokulwa koMbuso kaMongameli neANC abantu abanengi bayakgona ukufaka umratha emlonyeni. [Ihlombe.]

Umratha gade siwudla gamule isikhathi soke nje. Namhlanje siyakwazi kobana nasidla umratha sibe nesitjhebo, asisadli gamule. Namhlanje abantu abanengi, balala ngeengubo abasalali ngomkgadi njengakade. Nathi abanye nabangena eengutjeni ezifuthumeleko, umkgadi siwubeka ecadi singene ngeengutjeni ngoba uMongameli ukgonile kobana banoMbuso wakhe baberege, abantu bakwazi ukuzithola izinto ezifunakalako. Namhlanje thina bantu abanengi asisazithumi emangweni nanyana entabeni. Nathi sizithuma njengabantu siye lapho kusitheleka khona, sizithume sikhululekile. Ngoba uMongameli wenarha uwenzile umberego wakhe.

Namhlanje abantu abanengi bayabona bona uMbuso omutjha wenzani. Yeke abanengi abakuboni lokho. Namhlanje nathi siyakwazi ukufaka amanyathelo, asisafaki amapatlagwana njenga kade. Sikhamba sigadange nathi njengabantu kuzwakale kobana siyaphila. Nathi siyakwazi kobana sibonakale sibabantu abaphilako enarheni yekhethu yeSewula Afrika. Mina ngibuya ngeTlhagwini. Lapho ngibuya khona bathi sikuthokoze khulu, uyakwazi ukwelusa iinkomo zakho. Awuthi nawuzivalela ngesibayeni uvalele ezinonileko kwaphela utjhiye ezondileko. [Ihleko.] Awuthi nawuzipha ukudla uphe ezinonileko utjhiye ezondileko. Uzipha zoke ukudla kobana zinone zoke ngokufana. [Ihlombe.] Uzivalela zoke ngesibayeni kobana zikgone ukulala kamnandi zoke.

Thina sithi sikubonile okwenziwe Mbuso omutjha begodu sinethemba kuMongameli wenarha. Koke okungakaveli nokungakenzakali, ngethemba esinalo kuzokwenzakala ngoba uMongameli ukhona. Thina sithi uMongameli akabambe aqinise angathuswa litjhada alizwako ngeNdlinapha, lenzelwa bona avilaphe, angakgoni ukuberega. Thina-ke ngesiNdebele sithi nakuyi ngoma, uyigida kuhle siyambona, akagide atjhinge phambili nomkha aragele phambili. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Ndebele paragraphs follows.)

[I an now switching over to my home language, so that the people can understand what I am saying. I am speaking to all members inside the House today. As I am speaking to them in my language, I hope that interpretation devices are on and members can understand what I am saying.

There are people with ears, but they do not hear. There are also those with eyes, but they cannot see. Where we stay we work with people who have suffered over the years and have not had food to eat. Today, because of the endeavours of the Government of the ANC President, many people are able to put food on their table. [Applause.]

We have been eating porridge only up to now. Today we no longer only eat porridge. Today many people sleep under blankets and not under animal skins as in the past. If others get under warm blankets, we put aside our animal skins and get under our blankets too, because the President and his Government have been able to deliver, so that people are able to get the things they need. Today we, the majority of the people, do not have to relieve ourselves in the fields or mountains. We are able to relieve ourselves indoors in privacy, because the President of the country has done his work.

Today many people see what the new Government is doing, although many do not. Today we too can wear shoes. We no longer wear traditional sandals like before. We now walk like living people. We can be seen as people who are alive in our country, South Africa. I come from the North. Where I come from people say we must thank the President very much, because he looks after his cattle. When he takes them into the kraal he does not discriminate between the fat ones and the lean ones. [Laughter.] When he feeds them he does not discriminate by feeding the fat ones and giving the lean ones nothing. He feeds them all so that they can all become fat. [Applause.] He puts them all in the same kraal so that they can sleep peacefully.

We are saying that we have seen what has been done by the new Government and we have confidence in the President of the country. We are confident that all that is still hidden and that has not happened yet will happen because the President is there. We say that the President should be steadfast and not be frightened by the shouting in the House, because this is being done to make him lazy so that he does not work. In isiNdebele we say: If it is a song, we see that he is dancing well, let him dance on or dance ahead. [Applause.]]

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Madam Speaker, Mr President and Deputy President, a look at the state of the nation address brings forth different impressions and feelings to different people from different areas and persuasions.

To some, nothing appears to have been done, while to others, there is a lot more change since the last similar address by the President. Some feel there has been change for the better, others feel the opposite, and for others still, there has been no change at all.

Travelling on some national and provincial roads calls for skills on how to navigate a vehicle to avoid potholes, some as much as a foot deep or deeper. It is therefore no surprise that the Free State department of transport is even considering doing away with the tarmac on some roads and reverting back to gravel. It has also called for guts from the enterprising people of Bodibe in the North West Province to fill up the potholes on their own initiative and at their own cost. The tarred road in question carries heavy traffic to the provincial capital.

If roads are in such a bad state of disrepair, we may as well bid a boom in the economy goodbye. Entrepreneurs will not risk their vehicles and lives on such roads. Until the ANC Government, together with all its agencies in the provinces, lives up to its word, that is righting the wrongs of the past and bringing the truth to light, citizens of this country will remain ignorant of the history of this country.

The ANC Government has just completed five years in office, yet the leadership in the North West Province goes out to invite people from across the globe to celebrate the 20 years of existence of the Pilanseberg National Park. In doing so, they put up what they call a wall of recognition on which they inscribe the names of upstarts in nature conservation and tourism, leaving out the founding fathers of that park such as the likes of Kgosi L M Mangope and those who were with him. [Interjections.]

This distortion of facts and history will remain the hallmark of the ANC if they are not prepared to give credit where credit is due. With or without the wall of recognition, credit should go to a visionary such as L M Mangope so that the honest people in our country will know that he founded the national park. The truth shall prevail, notwithstanding attempts to stifle it.

The state of education in some areas leaves much to be desired because of, inter alia, the demotivated teacher corps, whose members are literally and figuratively uncertain of whether they are coming or going, be it in connection with deployment or retrenchment. The haphazard and revolutionary introduction of the outcomes-based education system and the length of time it takes to appoint principals when such posts become vacant pose problems. In some cases, three years pass before a principal is appointed. The same goes for district managers whose posts remain vacant for months on end.

The wanton use of drugs and weapons at schools is cause for great concern. This is a new phenomenon in centres of learning and may be ascribed to the preparation of the youth for the struggle. This undesirable conduct brings home the truth in the proverbial `chickens come home to roost’.

Much has been said about a code of conduct for educators, and this has ended in words and policy documents. The Government is dithering on taking a stance on what to do, to whom and with whom, in education. The Government should note that there is merit in being cruel in order to be kind. In the words of the President, it is hoped that decisiveness will prevail and excess public servants will be dealt with humanely in the process, be it through broad bending, rightsizing, restructuring or whatever one calls it.

We welcome the long overdue review committee set up by the Minister of Education and look forward to the upgrading of the managerial skills of educators, as announced by the President. We, however, advise that such training should include leadership skills. Mollycoddling and pandering are very detrimental. The outcomes-based education system should be introduced in phases, and should follow the tried and tested strategies in innovations such as Havelock’s Research, Development and Diffusion model. There is merit in systematic change, compared to one that is erratic and unstructured.

Being a South African places challenges on one’s way. One has to come to grips with languages other than one’s own. The unfortunate thing is that four years after the acceptance of the Constitution, very little movement has been observed in elevating the status and advancing the use of the indigenous languages. If we wish the world to take us seriously when we speak of the African century and the African renaissance, we should not leave out these languages in anything we do.

A gradual approach should be mounted by having municipalities communicating in indigenous languages commonly used in their areas. The much talked about commission on the rights of linguistic, cultural and religious communities should have been in place already. The yearly conference held at Midrand in September did not make the commission function. A start has to be made. We maintain that the commission is long overdue. While unemployment may not be termed as the cause of crime, there is a relationship between the high crime rate, unemployment and poverty. It is hoped that the review of the labour laws will keep a good balance. Such a review should benefit both business and labour. The Government is applauded for biting the bullet in this matter and providing that while there is room for talks and consultation, the buck stops at the President’s desk.

Some Ministers of state are on record as having admitted that they now stare reality in the face as compared to when they threw salvos while in exile, regarding the wealth of this country in human and natural resources. [Time expired.]

Mr B NAIR: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President, hon Ministers and members of Parliament, the President has implored us to make the 21st century an African century and to centralise the task of eradicating racism and colour, which continue to dog us and the world at large. In his 8 January ANC statement, the President referred to the first Pan-African Congress held in the year 1900, where the delegates declared that ``the problem of the 20th century is the problem of the colour line’’. Through valiant struggles against colonial oppression and exploitation involving sacrifices in life and limb, the people won political liberation, but many problems, including that of colour and economic exploitation, remain. The President’s announcement of a national conference on racism later this year is a welcome initiative. It must be supported by all political parties, social movements and organs of civil society. Such a conference must be inclusive and representative of all sections of our population. It must serve as a platform for the free expression of ideas on racial discrimination, racial inequalities and social prejudice that still haunt us.

A programme of action should emerge to combat racism at all levels of our society. It is common knowledge that, historically, the ANC grappled with this matter in its debate on the national question. This was evident when the Congress of the People adopted the Freedom Charter in 1955, and more recently, at the ANC’s 50th national conference.

It is to be welcomed that the President has taken a lead on the question of racism. This is consistent with his recent proactive meetings with Afrikaners to discuss their concerns. The proposed conference will obviously be broadened to engage other sections of our population. There is a need to interact with the broad segments of our society in the run-up to the conference, because our community is showing signs of alienation from the mainstream movement for transformation and social change.

The people’s concerns, needs and insecurities will naturally be addressed, but, more than that, they must be challenged to meet their responsibilities to the processes of democratisation and transformation that are unfolding in our country. Drawing on the rich tradition of nonracial unity within the ANC and the congress movement, a clear path must be chartered for the future. The challenge for all of us is to deracialise fully the state and civil society. We have to deracialise the economy and the power relations that flow from it. The national conference on racism must provide practical solutions and, perhaps, culminate in a charter on nonracism, tolerance, unity and co-operation, and the advancement of the community spirit to serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration to all.

Underlying the great divide in our society is the nature of our economy and the unequal relations of power and wealth. Unemployment, homelessness, crime, poverty and destitution lie in class cleavages and divisions in our society. The burden of racism will not disappear, unless wealth is more equitably distributed and economic power that is in the hands of the few is democratised.

There are hopeful signs of projected economic development over the next few years. We have noticed a positive trend since 1994, but the beneficiaries of this growth have been the captains of industry and a small segment of the emerging black middle class. The Government is not a creator of wealth and employment, but creates the conditions for economic growth. Therefore the challenge to business, especially the big ones and the financial conglomerates, is to invest and reinvest capital which is the joint product of the capitalist class and labour. They should desist from gambling scarce resources on the stock exchange and engaging in a run-on-the-rand, when it suits them.

There are 40 million people to whom they can sell their products, but is the market catering for them or just a few? The truth is that the vast majority are unemployed and starving, and yet we bandy about the free enterprise system, which in truth is neither free nor enterprising. The perception that the rich are getting richer, and the poor are remaining poor, can only be answered by business investing its massive accumulated capital and making it work towards growth and employment and thus, the elimination of poverty.

Unfortunately, the herd mentality still permeates some in our society who cling dearly to the privileges they enjoyed in the apartheid dispensation. These people think along colour lines and respond to cheap slogans such as fight back'' andslaan hom terug’’ [hit back]. We must caution that they can ``slaan’’ [hit] nothing. These types of people oppose affirmative action, deracialisation, equality of opportunity and other attempts to give effect to the Constitution to provide for those previously discriminated against and hopelessly disadvantaged.

Government’s attempts to redress years of backlog in housing, education, health care, welfare and other essentials for the wellbeing of our people have been shot down. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr M S MOGOBA: Madam Speaker, President and Deputy President, is it dawn or dusk in Africa? The dawn of a new day can only be clearly recognised by those who were awake or were old enough at the sunset of the previous day. Africa, ravaged by imperialists, bled by corruption and maladministration, has become an object of pity and charity even at world forums such as Davos.

Africa also suffered from low self-image. Some people, even present in this Chamber, condemned and ridiculed people who were proud of Africa and of being African. Africanists, with all their faults, Nkrumah, Lumumba, Ndabaningi Sithole, Luthuli, Lembede, Sobukwe, Biko and Nyerere must first occupy their rightful place on the stage of Africa before things can become normal. No pettiness or small-mindedness or ostrich-head strategy can help. Broad Pan-Africanism, by whatever name, will smell as sweet. This is Pan- Africanism that is inclusive of all genuine Africans and exclusive of all fly-by-night Africans.

Pan-Africanism demands that the riches of Africa be used for the benefit, upliftment, development and enjoyment of the African people. Pan-Africanism is a system of equitable sharing of food, clothing, homes, education, health care, wealth, land, work, security of life and happiness. Pan- Africanism is the privilege of the African people to love themselves and to give themselves and their way of life respect and preference. The triumph of Pan-Africanism, the only way Africans can survive the foreign onslaught and live as truly liberated people, will come out of the sweat and blood of the African people themselves.

Our country is still seething in the doldrums of crime. Crime is a cancer that is destroying this country. Crime must be stopped, not by mouthing slogans or fashionable ideas. I, naturally or obviously support the efforts of the Government as they wake up to the need of stamping their authority in governing this country. This Government should have enough legitimacy to take strong measures without fearing condemnation in this country or anywhere else in the world. We do not need a weak or anaemic Government. Fear, insecurity, uncertainty and hopelessness have become our daily baggage of life in South Africa.

Then we have the carnage on our roads. We have become a nation that kills its citizens in the name of holiday. Accidents are supposed to be unexpected and unavoidable, but in this country when people pack their bags for holiday, their destination may well be the mortuary. We are very close to declaring a national moratorium on mass vacation. In fact, we should seriously consider staggering holiday trips or erecting compulsory rest camps every 200 kilometres, and issuing certificates to those who have recovered. We need more rest camps than tollgates, even though tollgates may be necessary.

The Government decision to clamp down on taxi violence has merit. However, the recent policy of the new maxi taxis is unfortunate because it is either premature or had not been adequately negotiated. There may be a danger here of throwing away the baby with the bathwater, particularly with regard to the areas of economic empowerment and unemployment. Unemployment is another red light that is continuously flashing in our country. We must stimulate agriculture and speed up development around water, electricity and tourism projects.

Disasters of the magnitude of volcanic eruptions have exploded in the field of education. After five years of substantial budgetary adjustments and allocations we have very little to show for this. Last year, I pleaded that detailed results should be given so that the horror of education in black schools should not be masked. [Time expired.] Mr M M Z DYANI: Madam Speaker, Mr President and august House, I rise on behalf of the ANC to encourage and urge the smaller opposition parties to oppose the ANC-led Government in a constructive and reasonable manner. I wish to commend the smaller opposition parties for the manner in which they have generally acquitted themselves as parties on the opposite side of the ANC-led Government. This is not my personal commendation, but that of the leading party in Government, the ANC.

I think it is proper that I make a detour in my quest to clarify certain things to the smaller opposition parties, especially those that have espoused various tendencies in the liberation movement of this country. The ANC is the oldest political organisation in Africa, having been established in 1912 at the South African Native National Congress. It was founded with the purpose of fighting for the democratic rights of the Africans in South Africa. From the pursuit of that goal the ANC never veered. The African people, which include all the freedom-loving people of South Africa, have over the years looked to the ANC for leadership, as they saw it as the most mature and reliable leadership of all the clusters of leadership found in this country. Today this cannot be gainsaid, as evidence of the will of the people exhibited in the two polls in the new South Africa is more than compelling. It is therefore only reasonable that when opposition parties oppose the ANC in this Chamber and outside of it, they should do so in a constructive way, as a demonstration of respect not to the ANC-led Government as such, but to the will of the South African people who have put the ANC where it is, on the basis of merit.

Apart from the DP, whose democratic beliefs are doubtful, all other opposition parties do not have a political and economic mission to oppose the ANC-led Government. The DP is ideologically committed to opposing the ANC-led Government. For them opposing the ANC is a matter of principle. As long as the ANC-led Government seeks to establish a people-oriented government, anathema to the DP’s laissez faire, every-man-for-himself-and- God-for-us-all policy, the DP will continue involuntarily to oppose every Bill the ANC-led Government tables before this Parliament. It will continue to howl its jeremiads against Cosatu and the entire trade union movement. That is their mission. No one needs to worry about their articulate but innocuous declamations, for the starvation that still pervades black communities in South Africa is a sorrowful guarantee that the DP will remain a vocal effigy for quite some time.

All the parties that promote the interests of the Afrikaner people should always seek properly to understand the policies of the Government. The Afrikaner people have experienced both colonialism and imperialism. That is a very important and critical experience that they share with the majority of South Africans. The social ethos of the Afrikaner people is communitarian. It does not allow the individual hoarding of wealth at the expense of the community. The DP therefore cannot be their political home. The DP can only be a home to those Afrikaners who in 1948 were co-opted by imperialism into a class of nouveau riche so that they could manage for imperialism the economic system of super-exploitation through racial capitalism, operating politically as apartheid.

In this Parliament those who believe that they represent the Afrikaners should make it clear whether they represent the true Afrikaners or those who after 1948 became the political foremen of the Hoogenheimers. The Afrikaner-led government was the first government in the world to diplomatically embrace the government of the workers established in Russia in 1917. The true interests of the deracialised Afrikaners are one with the interests that the ANC-led Government represents. The PAC manifesto correctly taught me that, and I quote:

The two antithetical social forces of African nationalism and Herrenvolkism will find their permanent and everlasting synthesis in Pan- Africanism.

Need I explain that Pan-Africanism is contained in the ANC philosophy of an African rennaissance?

We do not wish that we should all sing to the same tune in this Parliament. We do not harbour any ambitions for a one-party state. We are democrats who believe in the constructive debating of different opinions. We are very desperate that economic and social transformation should speedily take place. We did not struggle so that our people should enjoy mere political and constitutional rights. We fought so that our people should abundantly enjoy the necessities of a decent life.

In that pursuit, it worries us to find opposition parties other than the DP seemingly forgetting the enormity of the struggle for transformation when they oppose the Government. Opposing the Government is not a political sport but a serious and constructive activity. Let us be criticised. Let us even be castigated, but it should all be in the interests of the suffering people of this country, and not for fun.

I am not playing politics when I point out Azapo as a good example of a party which knows who it represents. At no time did Azapo forget the poor people it represents in its actions in this Parliament. Unlike the PAC in this Parliament, it does not get advice from the DP on how to put hurdles in the ANC’s way. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr E A SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, colleagues, 10 years ago from this podium, we heard a message of hope from former President F W de Klerk … [Interjections] … a message which was instrumental in altering the course of history and which opened new horizons for each of us. The message we heard from the hon the President last Friday was similarly a message of hope, and we thank him for that. [Applause.]

For the past five years, great emphasis has been placed on the past: on recrimination, anger, regret, shame, guilt and repentance. Of the many speeches that I have heard in this Chamber, the one that touched me the most was the farewell speech by the hon Mac Maharaj. Words are inadequate to express one’s personal remorse at the scourge which swept our land.

The challenges of the times, however, demand that we move forward, to fix our sights on our common future, to concentrate our energy on those factors which bind and not divide us. Now is the time to reassess our respective roles and investigate how our shared synergy can be best utilised to create a winning nation. We share so much. Our roots are deep in Africa. We all share an undivided loyalty, a nationalism. The question is: Can African nationalism and white Afrikaner nationalism be reconciled? My answer is yes, provided that enough space is created to provide for our respective cultural identities.

On a personal level, the hon the President and I share a common heritage, as we were born in the same year in the Eastern Cape, so to speak, calves of the same crop. [Interjections.] Accordingly, I believe that we share our concerns for the welfare of our province. Health services have been placed in jeopardy with 10 hospitals being instructed to cease operations and maintenance of equipment for the rest of the financial year. Many more have run out of food due to unpaid accounts to suppliers.

Seven hundred farm schools have been forced to close or are under threat of closing due to a lack of funding, while the Department of Agriculture is not functioning due to a lack of finances for operational needs. Five thousand supernumeraries in this department receive one third of the budget allocation of R362 million for their salaries. This state of affairs is a sad reflection on the administration of our province. I would suggest that the report by the Presidential Review Commission, under the chairmanship of Prof Vincent Mapai, be reassessed regarding recommendations pertaining to the Eastern Cape.

I would like to commend the hon the President for his emphasis on economic fundamentals in general, and in particular for his strong stance on the strike action at the Volkswagen factory at Uitenhage. May his initiatives ensure the speedy realisation of the Coega project as well.

My vision and that of my party is that South Africa belongs to all its people and accordingly requires their combined talents and expertise to become a winning nation. In order to achieve this, no one should feel marginalised from the political or economic mainstream. Undoubtedly, the ANC shares this vision. Accordingly, let us set a process in motion to utilise these talents for the benefit of our country, through which the frustrations of the marginalised can be addressed.

Bilateral structures between South Africa and various other countries have been established to promote closer co-operation. Has the time not perhaps arrived to establish such an interparty structure? Despite our respective parties’ adherence and commitment to nonracialism, a true multiracial support base has eluded us. Our greatest challenge is to get to know and learn to trust one another. Then only will no one feel threatened.

My recurring nightmare is that I will wake up in the old South Africa. Yes, the new South Africa is infinitely better. There are many problems, but as a people we have the resilience, the determination and the will to succeed. Let us open doors for one another, not to exclude, but to include. Let us give our young people and those who are experiencing affirmative action negatively, the opportunity to apply their skills and talents in the country of their birth. By sending a signal of hope to them, the hon the President could and will also provide hope for the many young matriculants, college and university graduates who cannot be accommodated in the job market. The country cannot afford to lose one potential entrepreneur, nor one accountant, nor one doctor. The list is endless.

In die Bybel word die gawes van geloof, hoop en liefde beskryf. Die agb President se toespraak was een van hoop. Laat dit vergestalt word in dade. [Applous.] [In the Bible the gifts of faith, hope and love are described. The hon the President’s speech was one of hope. Let this be embodied in deeds. [Applause.]]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, as one who feels equally at home in the pulpit and on the soapbox, I thank the President for giving me the ideal text for this debate. What he said about education was extremely important. He articulated his sentiments with a new sense of urgency. He referred to education in the context of our national drive for human resource development. The President’s state of the nation address reaffirmed a truism we have come to take for granted. The old order changeth, yielding place to new. The old order changes as the ANC-led Government has systematically destroyed the mishmash of apartheid education policies which relegated South Africa to mediocrity in terms of international economic competitiveness. A new order has evolved with, among many crucial changes, a single national system of compulsory education for ages seven to fifteen, further education and training, elected governing bodies, teachers enjoying freedoms unknown by their counterparts internationally and a curriculum founded on focused creativity in a team context. For the first time in the history of our country, there is consensus amongst us, as the President pronounced in another speech, that ``teachers must teach, learners must learn, managers must manage’’, and, I would like to add, governing bodies should govern. Indeed, the old order has changed.

Of course, the full-time naysayers and prophets of doom amongst us will refer to learning material shortages, but conveniently omit to indicate that the weakness there is not primarily one of government provision, but rather the logistics of distribution in a context of limited capacity. They will rant and rave against Curriculum 2005, and ignore incontrovertible evidence that where teachers have been retrained and basic material availed, implementation of Grades 1, 2, 3 and 7 has proceeded with minimum hiccups. Indeed, they will cling to the old order, create things to criticise, and hope for failure, despite international experience indicating that even under favourable conditions, major pedagogical improvements in a national system of education take a decade or more to institutionalise.

Trapped as they are in the past, they are blissfully unaware that we are in fact part of a universal practice according to which all countries, including the developed ones, are reviewing their education systems in the light of ever-changing circumstances. They will not give due praise to a Ministry which took five years to dismantle the foundations of a mess which took 46 years of social engineering.

It is incumbent upon all of us to support initiatives against HIV/Aids and to entrench even further the laudable efforts for school effectiveness and teacher professionalism, work towards a fully literate society, strengthen the further and higher education systems, and improve the organisational effectiveness of the national and provincial departments of education.

The Education Ministry is walking the talk through the recently launched Tirisano, the organising principle for delivery of the challenges catalogued above. To talk specifics: With teachers identified as the critical link in the educational chain, programmes for educator development are being designed, including the upgrading of qualifications, training to implement Curriculum 2005 and the incentive of national teacher awards, a parallel but complementary initiative in capacity creation among district officials, school principals and school governing bodies. A national agency on literacy is about to be established. Higher education institutions are being assisted with the development of strategic plans, the resolution of potentially destructive conflicts and capacity building.

In 1996 Minister Bengu asked me to take charge of the mammoth task of spearheading a campaign for the culture of learning, teaching and service. After more than half a year of cross-country visits to education institutions in every part of our land and hundreds of conversations with learners, teachers, principals, NGOs, businesses and other community stakeholders, we were able to formulate our strategy and objectives. Since then, because of the devoted work of education activists in every provincial department of education and in thousands of schools, and with the support of countless union members, community workers and business people, the message of the campaign has permeated the country.

I recount this brief narrative with some feeling, because this campaign has continued the work that so many dedicated comrades began in the now far-off days of the National Education Co-ordinating Committee. At that time we were engaged in a desperate rescue mission to restore faith in education among our young people at a time of utter repression by the apartheid security apparatus. We were battling on two fronts, against the legacy of Bantu education and against the nihilism of young people for whom sheer destruction had became an outlet for pent-up frustration and rage against a dehumanising system.

I want to address one or two questions that were raised by two members. First of all, the hon Leon gleefully criticises the Government for producing only 3 000 African students in maths, science and technology since 1994.

The LEADER OF THE OFFICIAL OPPOSITION: No, I never said that, I said …

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Conveniently he refrained from exposing the root causes of that situation.

The LEADER OF THE OFFICIAL OPPOSITION: But I did not say that.

The DEPUTY MINISTER: How I wish the hon member had answered the question: How many African maths, science and technology students did the apartheid regime produce in 46 years? [Interjections.]

We in the Department of Education have put together special programmes to address the shortage of mathematicians, scientists and technologists. We have appointed Professor Michael Kahn, who is a specialist in maths and science, to advise us. [Interjections.] The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, would you please take your seat. Mr Ellis?

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: Is it permissible for the hon member deliberately to mislead the House as to what the Leader of the Official Opposition has said? [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! There is a point of view here. It is a difference of opinion. If there is …

The LEADER OF THE OFFICIAL OPPOSITION: I never said what he said I said.

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, I suspect there is a complete difference of interpretation, but it is very misleading. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! The misleading arises out of an interpretation. I do not believe, from what I heard, that he actually misquoted the Leader of the Opposition. Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, I do not doubt for one minute that he has misquoted the Leader of the Opposition. [Interjections.] He is giving a totally different slant to what the hon … [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, would you take your seat. The point I am making - and I will consult Hansard - is that he is interpreting what another member has said. I will check the Hansard, and if he has quoted incorrectly from what the hon Leader of the Opposition said, I will follow it up.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Thank you.

The SPEAkER: But an interpretation is part of what this debate - or the misinterpretation …

Adv J H DE LANGE: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: Is it correct for the member to say that another member is deliberately misleading the House, and therefore to say that he is lying to the House? Is that in order?

The SPEAKER: Order! I will look at the Hansard and also comment on that. Mr Ellis, are you raising a third point of order?

Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, I have Mr Leon’s speech, if you would like me to read it to you.

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, you have a transcript of a speech that was delivered. I will look at the Hansard to see what was said by Mr Leon and the hon the Deputy Minister. Hon Mkhatshwa, will you please proceed.

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Secondly, the hon Leon refers, boastfully, to some of his many safaris during which he discovered poor people and unemployed blacks, visited schools and found problems, visited rural areas, and so forth. For me it is a little strange that a South African, after so many years, can discover poor African people in this country. [Laughter.] That says something! [Applause.]

When members of my party visit rural areas and poor people, they do so in order to go and do work: to serve the community, to empower the community, to inform the community, so that the communities can take their future into their own hands. He also said something about a moratorium on inspectors visiting schools. Well, that was under apartheid. Now inspectors are free to visit schools, and I can tell Mr Leon from my own experience during my visit to schools. [Interjections.] That is no longer the case, maybe with a few odd exceptions. [Interjections.] I am speaking from my own personal experience.

The LEADER OF THE OFFICIAL OPPOSITION: You cannot support them, Father, they are wrong!

The DEPUTY MINISTER: No, I do not think that is still the case. Let me conclude by saying that I cannot, for the life of me, understand how some of these small parties can actually claim to represent the interests of all South Africans, when they consistently fight and fight against the creation of an education system that promotes access, equality and freedom for all. The old order changeth, yielding place to new, but some among us have obviously opted to be political dinosaurs, bent on turning South Africa into a Jurassic Park. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mrs M P COETZEE-KASPER: Madam Speaker, President, hon members and comrades, I feel as if it is the first time that I am standing here in this august House. Why do I say so? Because it gives me a chance to pass a message over to our new President. At the time when I got the message, he was still the Deputy President.

In 1998, during the International Elderly Day, the elderly in the Gold Fields requested that the President should please look after them and his ancestors will look after him. He should do the same work that Madiba did for the children. Madiba created a care for the children, and he must create a care for the elderly.

… as the President so rightfully said in his state of the nation address on 4 February, and I quote:

At no other point in time have we ever been as well placed as we are today to take decisive forward steps towards the creation of the humane and people-centred society for which the organisations that were unbanned 10 years ago struggled …

About a million recipients of welfare benefits were older people. We have legislation which enshrines the rights of older people. In short, we have a Government which is committed to the creation of a more humane society. However, to fundamentally transform societal attitudes and inherited disparities is a challenge for all, not just some of us. How do we address the legacy left to us by apartheid, a legacy that left a province like the Eastern Cape with only 8% of homes for the aged in spite of having 21% of the elderly population there.

It is even worse in the Northern Province where the elderly constitute 11% of the population but it has only 2,04% of the facilities, located in the urban areas. By contrast, the Western Cape, with the same ratio of elderly as the Northern Province, has 25% of the facilities. We need to address these challenges by removing segregation of paypoints for the elderly.

My grandmother, who was assumed to be black because of the colour of her skin, stays with me in a white suburb at this moment, yet there is no paypoint except for the bank. Why do we not create paypoints in the white suburbs so that the elderly can get their money? This is one of the issues which is still a stumbling block.

We have to amend or, if necessary, replace the laws that exist, such as the Aged Persons Act of 1998 which only applies to a tiny segment of the elderly population and does not cover financial, physical and psychological abuse. Instances of abuse of the elderly were shockingly illustrated in a recent television programme. We as elected members of Government should be in touch with our constituencies on a sustained and regular basis and we should sensitise members of the health care sector to listen to aged persons articulating their needs. We have to ensure that public and other areas and institutions are easily accessible for elderly persons who are disabled.

Ons behoort weer indringend te kyk na ons herkoms en tradisies waar bejaardes gerespekteer is as ‘n waardevolle en kosbare bron van ons onderskeie gemeenskappe. Knelpunte in die staatsdiens wat dienslewering belemmer, veroorsaak onnodige swaarkry. Lui amptenare moet aanspreeklik gehou word by die onderskeie punte van dienslewering wanneer bejaardes ly weens hul onbekwaamheid.

Ons moet ook betrokke raak by die veldtog teen die MIV/Vigs-pandemie wat kinders wees laat en van grootouers voogde en broodwinners maak. ‘n Ander uitdaging is om deur middel van instellings soos die Jeugkommissie en opvoedkundige inrigtings die maatskaplike neiging aan te pas waarvolgens kennis van die bejaarde gemeenskap geminag of op neerhalende wyse na verwys word. Dít is die geval omdat daar diegene onder die jonger geslag is wat glo dat hulle beter weet, terwyl dit dikwels nie die geval is nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[We should again look incisively at our origins and traditions, where the elderly were respected as a valuable and precious resource of our respective communities. Bottlenecks in the Public Service that hamper service delivery cause unnecessary hardship. Lazy officials should be held accountable at the various points of service delivery when the elderly suffer due to their incompetence.

We should also become involved in the campaign against the HIV/Aids pandemic which orphans children and twins grandparents into guardians and breadwinners. Another challenge is to use organisations such as the Youth Commission and educational institutions to change the social tendency for the knowledge of the elderly community to be held in contempt or be referred to in derogatory terms. This is the case because there are individuals among the younger generation who believe that they know better, whilst this is often not the case.]

We must continually campaign for better services for our elderly not only to improve their material circumstances but also to address their emotional, social and spiritual needs. I am referring to banks, post offices and chain stores. One will find that when an elderly person stands in a queue, there is not even a bench to sit on and rest.

I experienced this in Welkom in a bank. There was this young white man and an elderly person walking with a kierie. He did not allow the elderly person to pass him. If it had been an old white woman he would have allowed her to pass. The culture of disrespect of the apartheid era still exists even amongst the youth. Whatever we say about apartheid being dead, it is still alive. Children learn these things from their parents at home.

We must vigorously tackle all signs of disrespect that manifest in a myriad of actions. There are even cases of extreme violence against the elderly, for example in some rural areas where elderly people are branded as witches and wizards and killed or expelled from their communities.

The challenges are many but not insurmountable. Our Minister for Welfare and Population Development, in his statement of 28 January 2000, addressed many of the issues. He stated the Government’s objectives on the following: the elimination of current imbalances in services to the elderly, the inclusion of a service organisation previously excluded from receiving state assistance, the prioritising of rural areas and especially the women living there, the equitable distribution of finance services and the development of policies and legislation to encompass home-based care.

We have shown through our fight against one of the most inhuman systems that as a nation we can be equal to the task at hand, and that nation spread out of the ANC. [Applause.]

Mr P F SMITH: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and colleagues, in his address to the nation last week, the President touched on a crucial issue, namely, the demarcation dispute in respect of communal areas and the role of traditional leaders. He said:

Once again, I would like to assure our traditional leaders, whose representatives around our country I will see during the coming weeks, that the demarcation process bears no relationship whatsoever to, and has no negative impact on, their role and powers.

We acknowledge that from a narrow legalistic perspective, demarcation does not alter the de jure relationship between the traditional authority and the municipality, though, given the nature of the transition and of the status quo in certain parts of the country, the de facto relationship is rather more nuanced than that. It is, therefore, the relationship between traditional authorities and municipalities which is a real issue.

It is this dispute which underpins the demarcation dispute. Therefore, with respect to all parties involved, it will not greatly assist the process were the Government to limit its input in this matter to clarifying issues surrounding demarcation. We need to go much further than that. What does need to be addressed - and I trust that the President will address this matter himself - is the broader relationship between traditional authorities and municipal councils.

Traditional leaders have approached the President directly, because he is the President of the Republic and is in a position to intercede. Unfortunately, it must be recognised that certain line functionaries are not trusted by traditional leaders and that the responsible Ministry is seen - at least historically - to have been part of the problem, and the Parliament has, sadly, failed to resolve the matter.

I emphasise this, because traditional leaders are tired of what they perceive to be persistent intransigence from all sides. Why is it, people ask, that more than five years after the elections there is still no White Paper on traditional leadership? Why is it that the land that was stolen from the people has still not been returned to them? Why is it that the new Constitution eliminates even the minimum requirement of consultation that was provided for in the previous constitution - of consultation with traditional leaders in respect of legislation affecting their communities? We do not even have that anymore. Why is it that the entire five-year period of the transformation process in local government has been nothing but a bitter battle in which the inputs of traditional leaders have been ignored in public and derided in private?

I am afraid that this matter has never been dealt with openly and honestly. Instead, people simply talk past each other. They make statements and it goes no further. We say that there is - and should be, in fact - an overlap between the functions and powers of traditional leaders and those of local government, whereas our detractors - and that includes members on this side of the House, as well as some to my left here - both take the contrary view suggesting that the role of traditional leaders is purely ceremonial. But in the same breath they have the effrontery to claim that they respect the institution and see themselves merely as harmonising the role of traditional authorities and local government. This view unfortunately is very problematic. In taking issue with it today, I think there is no point in pursuing meaningless sophistry. Instead, let us be concrete and give straight answers to straight questions to see where the people stand on this matter.

Dealing with a wide range of matters associated with communal land, is, of course, a core competence of traditional authorities and is analogous, in our view, to what, in respect of local government, one would call zoning or land-use planning. However, when the communal area is included within the boundaries of a municipality - which has all the powers and functions of local government, of course - and simultaneously the traditional authorities are claimed to have all their normal powers and functions, who in reality decides what? I want to ask very simple questions: Who determines, for example, that a house may be built on that particular piece of land? Who determines that on that hill over there we are going to plant maize? Who determines that there is going to be a commonage down there? Who determines that at the crossroads we are going to build a shopping centre, and that opposite the shopping centre we will build, for example, a local fresh produce market? Who makes these decisions?

One can go on and on. The point I want to make is that, in terms of Schedule 4 of the Constitution and Chapter 5 of the municipal structures Act, these are all functions and competencies of local government, which is to exercise them alone. They are all functions of local government, and not of traditional authorities. If this is the view of Government, and if this is what Government intends should happen, then I am afraid that it represents the end of traditional authorities as we know them. That will be very sad indeed.

A day after his address, the President referred to misguided ideologues whose ideas are simply not in accordance with the era in which we find ourselves. Professor Herbert Vilakazi, in a weekend paper, described ``the sheer arrogance of power and chauvinism of urban elites’’. He also referred to -

… the holocaust conducted by city-based political parties and bureaucracies against traditional values and cultures developed by pre- industrial agricultural communities.

I want to suggest that this is more than apt in respect of the matter before us today, and that it has reached a stage which now requires the urgent intervention of our President to save the day.

There is little doubt that the future will refer to the Mbeki era and, in part, associate it with the African renaissance. We must recognise that the adjective African'' inAfrican renaissance’’ does not refer merely to geography. Surely, it refers to something of the character of Africa itself in this renaissance. Part of that, I believe, is the institution of traditional leadership, which surely is a quintessential feature of our continent, and it links the past, the present and the future in a way that we should not demean. Professor Vilakazi also stated the following and, I believe, this is also worthy of note. They are quite strong words, and I quote:

The wholesale dismissal of, and desire to destroy all traditional and tribal cultures is worse than barbarism itself.

There is a dire need to resolve the crisis, and we applaud the President’s intention to meet with the traditional leaders in the coming weeks. In fact, in our view, addressing the problem does require amending the existing legislation, but this is the price we should pay.

In his Friday address the President showed great courage in deciding on the need to review legislation whose consequences are such that in fact a review is now due. In our view, if the choice is particularly between barbarism and renaissance, that decision needs to be exercised once again. Therefore we will call on the President to allow us jointly to review the existing legislation and call on us all to get it right once and for all. [Applause.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and hon members, the din and fray of this arena reminds one of one David Bell who wrote:

Silence is the ultimate political tragedy. The politically silent are often the wretched of the earth. When they break the silence that has muted their misery, sometimes they speak in actions rather than words, in shrill tones of violence and destruction.

The silence of those who have been left behind - the poor who have become poorer in the last 10 years, the victims of apartheid who are still waiting for reparation - should not make us complacent and dismissive of their pain.

We in the DP cannot agree more with the President that poverty is our greatest burden, and that it needs to be systematically and fundamentally eradicated. We recently reminded ourselves of this scourge, when we accompanied Mr Tony Leon on his ``Sizokubona’’ visit to various depressed areas of our country. These visits are no monopoly of any section of this population.

The people we met need more than soothing words and nebulous, illusive words alone. Words alone will not feed the nation, nor will handouts feed the people. Not even handouts from the state coffers and sagging tables will ever obliterate poverty. Empowerment, sustainable growth and development, arousing and inculcating self-reliance and frugality, are necessary tools in the fight against poverty. The mentality of entitlement à la RDP free gifts will certainly not take us anywhere. Action will speak louder than words.   It is all very well to hold conferences on racism and talk all day about the problem, but surely it would be better to give something tangible to victims of race hatred, something for the families of black people shot dead in Pretoria in a bus and something, too, for the families of white people shot dead at Tempe base in the Free State, and this is the double- edged sword of justice and fair play. [Interjections.]

This Government has dragged its feet for six years over creating a fund for victims of violent crime. What about the thousands of victims of past racism, who trustingly and confidently went to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, to lay bare their painful, hurt and almost indelible memories? The excuse of limited resources cannot invalidate the fact that the people’s expectations were raised by the very TRC exercise, which mentioned reparation as one of its objectives.

We cannot, in midstream, abandon some of the promises we made. Members should take heed and trim down on state banquets and lavish state bashes and use these savings for their reparation responsibilities. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Let me assure the nation that the DP condemns racism in no uncertain terms, despite what our myopic and nefarious detractors may want to believe. I say myopic detractors should listen. I also need to remind this House, and the public at large, that racism is not a monopoly of white people.

I emphatically also assert that racism has a twin sister or twin brother called plain ethnicity or plain bad old tribalism. [Interjections.] Let me remind members that racism is also a cancer and cancer knows no boundaries. I hope that the President will never again, even to score a point or emphasise a purpose, use words such as ``kaffir’’ deliberately. Hotnot, makwerekwere, amaqhiya and koelies belong to this putred and morbid category, and we should refrain from this cancer. Let me remind this House that charity begins at home. It is in this House that we must discard language that fans and generates racial tension, hatred and mistrust. Vulgar statements with racial undertones thrown at one’s opponents are not a way to lead by example.[Interjections.] Rudeness is not necessarily strength, my dear howler. This goes as much for sexist remarks designed to humiliate as it does for racism.

Let us never have to be reminded of the days when Helen Suzman was called all manner of names by racist male chauvinists. [Interjections.] I also hope that no MP, even ANC MPs, ever again refers to a political leader of Jewish origin as being a neo-Nazi. That is racism in reverse.

This House, this Parliament, deserves a new and consistent form of decorum. [Interjections.] It is certainly not the fool who writes your speeches! Mutual respect is the essence of the Africa we want to revive. Let us not pay lip service to human dignity for all and a yearning desire for a true African rennaisance in this millennium. In Setswana one would say: ``Molaya kgosi o a bo a mo itaela.’’ [One reaps what one sows.] [Applause.]

Prof B TUROK: Madam Speaker, we are told that rudeness is not a strength. Well, we had excellent example of what is not a strength from the Leader of the Opposition this afternoon. I have never heard people using the kind of language that he did about the Ministers of this Government and I think he should apologise. [Interjections.]

Some years ago a rather clever American academic called Bachrak discovered a very important idea. The idea he discovered was that there were two ways of exercising power in society. One way of exercising power is to do something. Another way of exercising power is not to do something. It is a paradox. By not doing something one can exercise power.

He discovered this idea by doing a study of local government in a small town in the United States. What he discovered was that local government councillors and officials could stall a process by doing nothing. And so he realised - something that we have not realised, those of us who come from the history of amandla and power - that it is possible to exercise power by stalling, by not doing something.

All this is relevant to the speech by the hon the Leader of the Opposition, which was full of stridency, of name-calling of Ministers, of fight back'' talk. What is the effect of this kind of speech? I would say that in this country at the moment we do not see any realfight back’’ and so the calls for fight-back have really fallen on a deaf country. People are not interested in a ``fight-back’’.

However, it does have a different effect, and that is to create a mood of apathy, a mood of negativity, a demoralisation of people who feel that their stability is threatened. And I would say, with a sense of responsibility, that the Leader of the Opposition should consider carefully the way he uses language because it has a do-nothing effect on the country. [Applause.]

I would also say to the hon Viljoen that when he makes allegations that there is majority domination in this country which amounts to racism, it has the same effect. There are people in our administration, in our sports and in our social world who listen to those words and their reaction is one of apathy. They hear what leaders of political parties are saying and interpret this as meaning that one must do nothing, that there must be apathy, and that is the consequence. That is one form of power in this country.

Earlier this afternoon I was wondering how the country would respond to the interactions taking place in this debate today. I think many people would be very concerned that there is a stridency, an element of negativity, which must have an impact on people out there, and we should be very careful about that.

The President, in his speech, called upon us to look at how we resolve competing interests in this country - and I think that is a very important message. How do we resolve competing interests in this country? There are competing interests, let us make no mistake about that, and political parties manoeuvre around those competing interests. What is happening in this House is that the parties on my left are manoeuvring around in order to find power bases, in order to find the interests that they can represent so that they can stay alive and remain in the political race. [Applause.]

To a large extent, it is a valid exercise. To a large extent, it is acceptable that in a multiparty system, parties should seek to develop certain approaches …

The SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon member. Could you please take your seat.

Dr J T DELPORT: Madam Speaker, would the SA Communist Party be prepared to test its strength at the polling booth? [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, sorry, you are not asking … [Interjections.] Order! Order! Order! Hon members, you will only ask a question after you have been given permission to ask it, which will depend on what the member says. Hon Mr Delport, will you please sit down. [Interjections.] Please proceed.

Prof B TUROK: Madam Speaker, I ask for some compensating time.

Let us take the case of the SPCA, I mean ACDP … [Laughter] … which stands for ``Absurd Clique of Dubious Preachers’’. They are seeking a moral solution. I wish we could find a moral solution for the ACDP, because they are a problem. [Interjections.]

I was saying that political parties in this House are seeking to locate themselves within certain interests and constituencies, and that explains their behaviour. My own experience as an MP is that the ANC has produced good policies and good programmes, and has come forward with a positive message to the country, but here and there there are pockets of civil servants, pockets of officials, pockets of politicians, especially in the Western Cape, who try to obstruct, and constitute the bottlenecks that we are concerned with. [Interjections.] They are listening to the messages of ``fighting back’’. They are listening to the messages of racial domination.

So we have a problem. In my work in my constituency I have discovered that there are different interests. There are landowners, there are farmers, there are officials and there are politicians who somehow work together in some sort of hidden network, doing nothing. They do not oppose openly because there is a national Government which is all-powerful, but by indirect means, by following the principles of doing nothing, they are able to stall the work of this Government, and I think we should be alerted to it. [Interjections.]

I call upon our Government and our departments to become vigilant about these pockets of do-nothing-people, who are stalling the progress of the country. Let us rather ensure that power goes to the people. This is what the ANC stands for and  that will take this country forward. [Applause.]

Debate suspended.

The House adjourned at 18:09. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                      THURSDAY, 27 JANUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Minister for Safety and Security on 19 January 2000
     submitted a draft of the Firearms Control Bill, 2000, and the
     memorandum explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, to
     the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The
     draft has been referred by the Speaker and the Chairperson to the
     Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security and the Select
     Committee on Security and Constitutional Affairs, respectively, in
     accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).


 (2)    The Minister of Health on 24 January 2000 submitted a draft of
     the Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health Service
     Professions Amendment Bill, 2000, and the memorandum explaining
     the objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the
     Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been
     referred by the Speaker and the Chairperson to the Portfolio
     Committee on Health and the Select Committee on Social Services,
     respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The following paper was tabled and is now referred to the
     Portfolio Committee on Welfare and Population Development and to
     the Select Committe on Social Services:


     Report of the Department of Welfare and Population Development for
     1998-99 [RP 179-99].

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees, viz:

 Safety and Security:

 Appointed: Scott, M I (Alt).

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:

 (1)    Statutes of the International Centre for the Study of the
     Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM), tabled
     in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

 (2)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Statutes of the International
     Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of
     Cultural Property (ICCROM).


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Arts, Culture, Science and
 Technlogy in terms of Rule 308 and to the Select Committee on Education
 and Recreation.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 (1)    Report of the Board for Manufacturing Development for 1998.


 (2)    Report of the Board on Tariffs and Trade for 1998.

 (3)    Report of the Department of Trade and Industry for 1997-98.

 (4)    Report and Financial Statements of the Industrial Development
     Corporation of South Africa, Limited for 1998-99.


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry and to the
 Select Committee on Economic Affairs.

1. The Minister for Safety and Security:

 (1)    Regulation R 1550 - National Instruction 7/1999 regarding
     Domestic Violence published by the Department of Safety and
     Security in terms of section 18(3) of the Domestic Violence Act,
     1998.


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security and to the
 Select Committee on Security and Constitutional Affairs.

                       FRIDAY, 28 JANUARY 2000

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    The Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security must confer with
     the Joint Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status
     of Women and the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
     Development on Regulation R 1550 - National Instruction 7/1999
     regarding Domestic Violence published by the Department of Safety
     and Security in terms of section 18(3) of the Domestic Violence
     Act, 1998, tabled and referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Safety and Security on 27 January 2000.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly:

Papers:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    Petition from Mr P L Young, injured whilst serving as a Cadet in
     the army, praying for a pension.


 Referred to the Standing Committee on Private Members' Legislative
 Proposals and Special Petitions.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 Reports of the Board on Tariffs and Trade on the -

 (1)    Rebate of duty on printed labels for use on locally manufactured
     polypropylene containers and lids, Report No 3830;

 (2)    Rebate of the duty under Schedule 4 on racing car tyres used in
     organised motor sport, Report No 3831;

 (3)    Applications for tariffs protection on adhesive bandages, Report
     No 3832;

 (4)    Application for the reduction in the rate of duty on flexible
     polyols, Report No 3833;

 (5)    Withdrawal of rebate provisions 306.01, 306.06, 306.07, 306.10
     and 306.15, Report No 3836;
 (6)    Reinstatement of rebate provision on polybutadiene rubber for
     the manufacture of tyres, Report No 3837;

 (7)    Application for reinstatement of duty on butanone, acetone and
     butanol, Report No 3838;

 (8)    Application for rebate of the rate of duty on disodium carbonate
     (Soda Ash) for the manufacture of sodium silicate, Report No 3839;

 (9)    Application for rebate of the duty on rayon tyrecord fabric for
     the manufacture of automotive tyres, Report No 3840;

 (10)   Rebate of the duty on an anionic organic surface - active agent
     for the manufacture of ammonium nitrate and magnesium nitrate
     fertilisers, Report No 3841;
 (11)   Rebate provision for nozzles for gas cutting torches, Report No
     3842.


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry.
                      TUESDAY, 1 FEBRUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Adv D P A Schutte vacating
     his seat has been filled with effect from 1 February 2000 by the
     nomination of the following member:


     Blaas, A.


 (2)    The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr R P Meyer vacating his
     seat, has been filled with effect from 1 February 2000 by the
     nomination of the following member:


     Naidoo, S.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Reports of the Auditor-General on the -

 (1)    Financial Statements of Vote 5 - Arts, Culture, Science and
     Technology for 1998-99 [RP 130-99];

 (2)    Financial Statements of the King George V Silver Jubilee Fund
     for Tuberculosis for 1998-99 [RP 197-99];

 (3)    Financial Statements of the Health Donations Fund for 1998-99
     [RP 198-99];

 (4)    Financial Statements of the Independent Broadcasting Authority
     for 1998-99 [RP 194-99].

                     WEDNESDAY, 2 FEBRUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 2 February 2000 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bill as a section 75
     Bill:


     (i)     South African Airways Unallocatable Debt Bill [B 1 - 2000]
          (National Assembly - sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Finance
          - National Assembly).

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Reports of the Auditor-General on the -

 (1)    Financial Statements of Vote 1 - President for 1998-99 [RP 126-
     99];

 (2)    Financial Statements of the National Road Fund for 1997-98 [RP
     166-99];

 (3)    Financial Statements of the Land and Agricultural Bank of South
     Africa for 1998 [RP 162-99].

                      THURSDAY, 3 FEBRUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 1.     The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development on 2
     February 2000 submitted a draft of the Administration of Estates
     Amendment Bill, 2000, and the memorandum explaining the objects of
     the proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in
     terms of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been referred by the
     Speaker and the Chairperson to the Portfolio Committee on Justice
     and Constitutional Development and the Select Committee on
     Security and Constitutional Affairs, respectively, in accordance
     with Joint Rule 159(2).


 2.     The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
     the relevant committees mentioned below:


     (1)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts, the Portfolio Committee on Arts, Culture,
          Science and Technology and the Select Committee on Education
          and Recreation:


          (a) Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
              of Vote 5 - Arts, Culture, Science and Technology for
              1998-99 [RP 130-99].


     (2)     The following papers are referred to the Standing
          Committee on Public Accounts, the Portfolio Committee on
          Health and the Select Committee on Social Services:


          Reports of the Auditor-General on the -

          (a) Financial Statements of the King George V Silver Jubilee
              Fund for Tuberculosis for 1998-99 [RP 197-99];

          (b) Financial Statements of the Health Donations Fund for 1998-
              99 [RP 198-99].


     (3)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts, the Portfolio Committee on Communications
          and the Select Committee on Labour and Public Enterprises:


          (a) Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
              of the Independent Broadcasting Authority for 1998-99.


     (4)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts:


          (a) Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
              of Vote 1 - President for 1998-99 [RP 126-99].
     (5)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts, the Portfolio Committee on Transport and
          the Select Committee on Public Services:


          (a) Financial Statements of the National Road Fund for 1997-98
              [RP 166-99].


     (6)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts, the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and
          Land Affairs and the Select Committee on Land and
          Environmental Affairs:


          (a) Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
              of the Land and Agricultural Bank of South Africa for
              1998 [RP 162-99].

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Reports of the Auditor-General on the -

 (1)    Financial Statements of the University of Venda for 1997 [RP 185-
     99];

 (2)    Financial Statements of the University of Transkei for 1997 [RP
     189-99];

 (3)    Financial Statements of the University of Fort Hare for 1997 [RP
     191-99].


 Referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, the Portfolio
 Committee on Education and the Select Committee on Education and
 Recreation.

                       FRIDAY, 4 FEBRUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson: (1) The Minister of Transport on 4 February 2000 submitted a draft of the National Land Transport Transition Bill, 2000, and the memorandum explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been referred by the Speaker and the Chairperson to the Portfolio Committee on Transport and the Select Committee on Public Services, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).

 (2)    Assent by the President of the Republic in respect of the
     following Bills:



      i Promotion of Access to Information Bill [B 67B - 98] - Act No 2
             of 2000 (assented to and signed by President on 2 February
             2000);

      ii     Promotion of Administrative Justice Bill [B 56B - 99] -
             Act No 3 of 2000 (assented to and signed by President on 2
             February 2000);

      iii    Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair
             Discrimination Bill [B 57B - 99] - Act No 4 of 2000
             (assented to and signed by President on 2 February 2000);
             and

      iv     Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Bill [B 66B -
             99] - Act No 5 of 2000 (assented to and signed by President
             on 2 February 2000).

National Council of Provinces and National Assembly:

1. The Chairperson and the Speaker:

 (1)    On 4 February 2000 the following Bill, at the request of the
     Minister of Health, was introduced in the National Council of
     Provinces by the Select Committee on Social Services. It was
     referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification
     in terms of Joint Rule 160:

 Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health Service Professions
Amendment Bill [B 2 - 2000] (National Council of Provinces - sec 76(2))
- (Select Committee on Social Services) [Explanatory summary of Bill
and prior notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
20837 of 4 February 2000.]

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of
     Vote 12 - Education for 1998-99 [RP 135-99].


 Referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, the Portfolio
 Committee on Education and the Select Committee on Education and
 Recreation.


 (2)    Reports of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of
     the Ntsika Enterprises Promotion Agency for 1997-98 [RP 117-99].


 Referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, the Portfolio
 Committee on Trade and Industry and the Select Committee on Economic
 Affairs.

                       MONDAY, 7 FEBRUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

The Speaker and the Chairperson:

1. The following members have been appointed to serve on the Committee mentioned, viz:

 Constitutional Review Committee:

 National Assembly:

 ANC

 Asmal, A K; Baloyi, M R (Alt); Botha, N G W; Carrim, Y I; Chauke, H P
 (Alt); Chohan, F I (Alt); De Lange, J H; George, M E; Ginwala, F N;
 Hajaij, F; Jana, D P S; Jeffery, J H; Jordan, Z P; Mabandla, B S;
 Maduna, P M; Magwanishe, G (Alt); Martins, B A D; Masutha, M T; Mbete,
 B; Mgidi, J S (Alt); Mokaba, P R; Moosa, M V; Mufamadi, M S; Ngwane, L
 B; Nhlanhla, J M; Nonkonyana, M; Omar, A M; Pahad, E G; Skweyiya, Z S
 T; Solomon, G; Tshwete, S V; Verwoerd, M  (Alt).

 DP

 Eglin, C W; Moorcroft, E K; Seremane, W J; Smuts, M.

 IFP

 Hlengwa, M W; Smith, P F; Zondi, K M.

 New NP

 Bakker, D M (Alt); Beukman, F; Camerer, S M; Gaum, A H.

 UDM

 Abrahams, T.

 ACDP

 Swart, S N.

 FF

 Mulder, C P.

 AEB

 Aucamp, C.

 FA

 Luyt, L.

 PAC

 De Lille, P.

 UCDP

 Mfundisi, I S.

 AZAPO


 Mangena, M A.

 MF

 Rajbally, S.

 National Council of Provinces:

 ANC

 Bhabha, M    Mpumalanga
 Dlulane, B N Eastern Cape
 Makoela, M I Northern Province
 Moosa, M V   Gauteng
 Ntlabati, S N     Free State
 Pandor, G N M     Western Cape
 Qokweni, P G Eastern Cape
 Sulliman, M A     Northern Cape
 Surty, M E   North West

 DP

 Lever, L G   North West

 IFP

 Bhengu, M J  KwaZulu-Natal

 New NP

 Ackermann, C Western Cape

 ACDP

 Durr, K D S  Western Cape

 UCDP

 Tlhagale, J O     North West

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Public Enterprises:

 (1)    Report and Financial Statements of Transnet, Limited for 1998-
     99.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 Report of the Board on Tariffs and Trade on the -

 (1)    Application for rebate of the duty on moulded, non-coniferous
     wood for the manufacture of frames of pictures, photographs,
     artwork and the like, Report No 3847;

 (2)    Withdrawal of rebate item 310.07 for the industry: Labels,
     Tickets, Tapes and similar goods, Report No 3850;

 (3)    Reduction of the duty on stocking and pantyhose used mainly for
     the treatment of various disorders of the blood circulatory
     system, Report No 3852.

1. The Minister of Labour:

 (1)    International Labour Conference Convention concerning the
     prohibition and immediate action for the elimination of the worst
     forms of child labour adopted by the conference at its eighty-
     seventh Session, Geneva, 17 June 1999, tabled in terms of section
     231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.

 (2)    Explanatory Memorandum to the Convention.

National Assembly:

1. The Minister of Labour:

 (1)    Amendment to Table One of Schedule Three to the Basic Conditions
     of Employment Act, 1997, so that it applies 12 months after the
     date of promulgation of a Sectoral Determination for the Security
     Guards employed in the private security sector.

                      TUESDAY, 8 FEBRUARY 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson: (1) The Minister of Trade and Industry on 28 January 2000 submitted a draft of the Competition Amendment Bill, 2000, and the memorandum explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been referred by the Speaker and the Chairperson to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry and the Select Committee on Economic Affairs, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).

 (2)    The following Bills were introduced in the National Assembly on
     8 February 2000 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
     for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:


     (i)     Tourism Amendment Bill [B 3 - 2000] (National Assembly -
             sec 76(1)) - (Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs
             and Tourism - National Assembly) [Explanatory summary of
             Bill and prior notice of its introduction published in
             Government Gazette No 20869 of 7 February 2000.]

     (ii)    Cross-Border Insolvency Bill [B 4 - 2000] (National
             Assembly - sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Justice and
             Constitutional Development - National Assembly)
             [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior notice of its
             introduction published in Government Gazette No 20862 of 4
             February 2000.]


 (3)    The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
     the relevant committees as mentioned below:


     (i)     The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
          on Public Enterprises and Select Committee on Labour and
          Public Enterprises:


          Report and Financial Statements of Transnet, Limited for 1998-
          99.


     (ii)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
          Committee on Trade and Industry and Select Committee on
          Economic Affairs:


          Report of the Board on Tariffs and Trade on the -


          1.  Application for rebate of the duty on moulded, non-
              coniferous wood for the manufacture of frames of
              pictures, photographs, artwork and the like, Report No
              3847;


          2.  Withdrawal of rebate item 310.07 for the industry: Labels,
              Tickets, Tapes and similar goods, Report No 3850;


          3.  Reduction of the duty on stocking and pantihose used
              mainly for the treatment of various disorders of the
              blood circulatory system, Report No 3852.

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    Sr B Ncube has been appointed as chairperson of the Joint
     Committee on Ethics and Members' Interests with effect from 11
     October 1999.

 (2) Mr M L Mushwana has been appointed as deputy chairperson of the
     Joint Committee on Ethics and Members' Interests with effect from
     11 October 1999.

 (3)    The following changes have been made to the membership of
     Committees, viz:


     Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:

     Appointed: Mtsweni, N S (Alt); Xingwana, L M T (Alt).

     Correctional Services:

     Appointed: Capa, R Z N.
     Discharged: Mokoena, D A.

     Health:

     Discharged: Twala, N M.

     Home Affairs:

     Appointed: Mokoena, D A.
     Discharged: Capa, R Z N.


 (4)    The following paper has been tabled and is now referred to the
     relevant committee as mentioned below:


     (i)     The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
          on Labour for consideration and report:


          Amendment to Table One of Schedule Three to the Basic
          Conditions of Employment Act, 1997, so that it applies 12
          months after the date of promulgation of a Sectoral
          Determination for the Security Guards employed in the private
          security sector.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces: Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Reports of the Auditor-General on the -


 (1)    Financial statements of Vote 9 - Constitutional Development for
     1998-99 [RP 132-99];

 (2)    Financial statements of Vote 15 - Foreign Affairs for 1998-99
     [RP 138-99].