WEDNESDAY, 9 FEBRUARY 2000
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                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
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The House met at 14:04.

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                         PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

          (Resumption of Debate on Subject for Discussion)

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, Mr President, hon members and comrades, I am not going to say much about the crazy allegations made by the apartheid general, hon Holomisa, yesterday. [Interjections.]

The President raised the issue of racism and fascism very sharply. Much as apologists of racism would have us believe otherwise, it is still very rampant in our society. Racism was used in Africa by both the explorers and colonisers for two main reasons: Firstly, to justify their barbaric deeds against the peoples of the African continent …

Dr S E MZIMELA: Madam Speaker, is the hon the Minister willing to entertain a question? [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister, are you prepared to take a question?

The MINISTER: Not from crazy people. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister, could you please withdraw the reference to the hon member as a crazy person?

The MINISTER: OK, I am not going to take questions … [Interjections] … and I am withdrawing ``crazy people’’. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, can we have some order? I cannot even hear.

Dr S E MZIMELA: Madam Speaker, can I request an apology?

The MINISTER: I have withdrawn it already.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I have asked the Minister to withdraw the words, and she has done so. I think that is sufficient.

Dr S E MZIMELA: I did not hear the withdrawal. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, please take your seat. The Minister is not prepared to take a question. She has withdrawn referring to you as a crazy person. Can we proceed now?

The MINISTER: Racism was used in Africa, by both the explorers and colonisers, for two main reasons: firstly, to justify their barbaric deeds against the peoples of the continent, claiming superiority and treating us as subhuman, and, secondly, to divide and rule. They divided us into two categories, ie the inferior and superior races, tribes or ethnic groups. A lot of serious and catastrophic conflicts on our continent can be traced back to the artificial divisions that were imposed on our people by the colonisers. In our struggle for a better world, we cannot ignore the monster of racism within our borders and beyond.

In the developed North, racism is still very deeply rooted. Historically, it was based on bogus scientific notions about racial differences. In the 1930s, respectable scientists, mainly physical anthropologists, biologists, psychologists and geneticists, contributed to rassekunde, which, literally translated, means ``race science.’’ This provided a basis for racist assumptions being widely acceptable. One of those extreme race scientists was Hans Günther. Though he was stripped of his university post after the war, he continued writing his racist views until his death in 1967.

Contrary to popular belief, fascist ideas did not die with the fall of Adolf Hitler. They continued to be celebrated by small obscure right-wing groups like the Northern League, which was established by British anthropologist Roger Pearson. His idea was to create a rallying point for Nazi intellectuals in a hostile post-war environment. The October/December 1971 edition of the Northlander proclaimed that the Northern League stood for ``the preservation of the identity and values of the North so that our nations can have in future white, blond and blue-eyed children’’.

Regrettably, these ideas are not confined to the Northern League. I would be very surprised if they did not exist, not only in South Africa, but maybe even in this Chamber. In January 1998, CNN carried the following headline:

Fascism in the German army reminiscent of the dark past. Military shaken to its foundation.

The report contained the following:

A view of fascism, hate, bigotry, anti-Semitism, and senseless violence has been uncovered in the German armed forces, reviving images of another era when such attitudes turned all of Europe into a slaughterhouse.

It continued:

Right-wing extremist incidents in the German armed forces doubled last year. According to statistics from the German parliament, there were 171 neo-Nazi incidents involving at least 200 German soldiers. It is an established fact that extreme right-wing parties base their political interpretation on race science. For example, the National Party, which is a breakaway from the National Front in Britain, says the following:

Nationalists believe that intelligence is mainly genetically determined, and so the difference in intelligence and other mental abilities between the races are inborn and hereditary. Therefore we believe that the world intellectual leadership shown by the white race is due to our unique genetic heritage, whose dilution, by mixing with alien stock, would be an irreversible catastrophe for all mankind.

A number of European countries do have extreme right-wing parties in their parliaments. A few examples that come to mind would be Denmark and Sweden. In fact, in Austria, there is an extreme right-wing government against which the EU has introduced sanctions. One of the most worrying features about this neofascist party in Austria is that approximately one third of its voters are under thirty and almost half of them are workers.

Let us come back nearer home to our continent. Speke in his journal called Fauna, has this to say about Africans:

… the true curly-haired, flat-nosed, pouch-mouth Negro …

He continues:

He works his wife, sells his children and, unless when fighting for the property of others, contents himself with drinking and dancing like a baboon to drive dull care away.

This was the inferior Negro that he discovered. Alongside this sorry Negro, he also discovered a superior race. He says:

… a race of men who, unlike the natives, by virtue of their fine oval faces, large eyes and high noses, denoted the best blood of Abyssinia.

These were the Ethiopians. Another explorer had this to say:

There are few people in Europe among whom one finds these three factors of national cohesion - one language, one faith, one law.

[Interjections.] This was Rwanda. In order to divide the Rwandans, they dispatched scientists with measuring tapes and callipers who went about weighing Rwandans, measuring their cranial capacities and conducting comparative analyses of the relative protuberance of Rwandan noses. They used the nasal index to try to differentiate between Hutu and Tutsi. If the nose resembled the white man’s long and narrow nose, they were defined as aristocratic Tutsis, and if it was flat and broad, they were bestial Hutus. [Interjections.]

When this was found not be a perfect tool for dividing the Rwandans, they were asked how many cattle they had. If one had ten or more, one was Tutsi, and if one had nine or fewer, one was Hutu. This was the beginning of a slippery slope which culminated in the 1959 genocide and eventually in the 1994 genocide, in which almost 1 million people were killed in 100 days. This is but one example.

We therefore cannot ignore racism - the hon the President is correct. If we do, it would be to our own peril. Indeed we have to engage the monster of racism deliberately and systematically. We should not be like the hon Tony Leon who would like us to believe that it does not exist. His problem in acknowledging its existence is that he would then have to do something about it even if it meant merely carrying the burden of guilt. The stubborn reality is that racism does exist in our society, and I am sure it does exist even in the DP. [Interjections.]

The antiracist national conference is therefore very welcome. It is indeed appropriate that the international conference on racism will take place on the African continent. Africans are grappling head-on with questions of ethnicity, tribalism and racism. Of course, these concepts did not exist. They were alien until they were introduced by the colonisers in order to divide and rule. We are the only ones in Africa who can liberate ourselves from the scourge of racism, both in our country and beyond. Internationally, this has to be tackled with a lot more determination for the sake of future generations. [Applause.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, our President, Deputy President, hon Ministers and hon members of the House, it is the basic right of every individual to exercise his or her citizenship under the conditions of freedom, equality and transparency. To be a South African requires one to look beyond the categories of colour and diverse groups. [Interjections.]

The majority and the nonwhite minority in South Africa have been oppressed by the white minority for many decades. Therefore the African resistance to Western dominance has tended to focus on black consciousness as a reference point. Black consciousness is a reaction to the wicked attitude displayed by the white minority to the dark-skinned people. Unfortunately, racism still exists in South Africa. It is difficult for the bunch of sour-grapes racists to accept that South Africa has chosen to live as the caste of humanity. The message from the MF is that South Africa will never be handed over to the oppressors again. Freedom has come and it is here to stay. [Applause.]

I agree with the President, Thabo Mbeki, who emphasised in the State of the Nation address that it is not the exclusive responsibility of the Government to create jobs but that all South Africans must work in partnership. The individual is the basic building block of mankind. The best analogy one can use to describe why all South Africans should work as partners is that of a sinking ship with the crew arguing about how they should save the passengers on board. If the crew continue arguing till the salt water covers their mouths, they will all drown.

South Africa is faced with a difficult task to promote democracy based on the principle that an equitable distribution of national resources must be exercised among the nine provinces which differ greatly in levels of development and wealth. A balance must be struck between the existence of state-owned and private enterprises. The dominance of private enterprise may have certain implications for popular access to economic power. Firstly, it reduces the capacity of instruments like the Constitution or the Government to provide economic access to all South Africans. Secondly, it tends to encourage unequal levels of economic power.

The Government has the responsibility to pursue economic policies which must maximise economic growth and economic opportunities. Fortunately, South Africa is moving in this direction. Just recently, the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Bill was voted in. During the apartheid regime many poor breadwinners were not privileged to buy a second loaf of bread for their families. However, for many, this situation has changed. In the new South Africa, the promotion of micro and small businesses by the NGOs has given the very same breadwinners an opportunity to enjoy a second meal or a second loaf of bread a day.

The Government can serve as a catalyst for growth and development in South Africa through strategic investment in resources both nationally and internationally. The achievement of access to economic power is a long process and not a single event. The progress of the economy is subject to the fluctuation of the market. The economy is not immune to setbacks.

The future belongs to the youth. It is a responsibility of the adult members of society to assist the youth to meet the diverse challenges in South Africa. The most crucial issue facing the youth is the lack of access to education and training opportunities. The Government, in association with other stakeholders such as industries, must focus on the creation of jobs-cum-learning opportunities for the out-of-school, unemployed youth.

Job satisfaction is the key element in the life of any productive individual. Property crime ranks highest of all crime committed in South Africa. Therefore, in order to control and reduce property crime, a co- ordinated strategy to improve job satisfaction - possibly connected to a national training strategy - must be negotiated by employers, labour and the state. This will encourage long-term productivity in South Africa.

Priority must be given to self-employment. The unemployed must be informed about opportunities in these areas through entrepreneurs, the media, universities, technikons and other training and educational departments. Basic business skills must be included in the training and education curricula. Unrealistic expectations about job opportunities and relief that state policies can offer to the unemployed must be eliminated. The nature of the labour market and the limitation of government policy are essential issues that must be integrated in education curricula.

The leaders of today are building South Africa for the leaders of tomorrow, who are the youth. The question is: Will the youth live to enjoy the fruits of democracy? Sixty eight per cent of the youth who are economically active are infected with HIV/Aids. One of the major reasons for the wild spread of Aids amongst our youth is the practice of bad sexual habits. Millions of rands have been invested in the HIV/Aids campaign. This money could have been redirected and utilised to meet the needs of the poor. There are many youth who display a do-not-care attitude towards safe sex and Aids. The bottom line is that money is wasted and the Government, the economy and the society at large is victimised by Aids. My message to the youth is: Do not murder others and yourself with Aids. South Africa needs you.

For the past century the minority Indian culture and language have been preserved and promoted through our own tenacious efforts of self-help programmes. One of the underlying principles of democracy is to promote and develop the language and culture of the minority. The South African film and television industries must give urgent attention to the fair and uniform promotion of the Indian language and culture. Our language and culture are not receiving an equitable coverage by SABC1, 2, 3, e-tv and M- Net. All we get is two hours of Eastern Mosaic every Sunday on SABC1. [Time expired.]

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, hon members, comrades, this debate should be an occasion for serious engagement between parties in this House and the Government to identify critical issues for attention and the challenges we face to deal with these issues. This is not to suggest that sobriety and seriousness should be confused with boredom which is not what we saw in the substantial and important contribution made by the leader of the New NP yesterday.

However, the Leader of the Opposition’s contribution to the debate served only to reinforce his rather unfortunate habit of failing to rise to the occasion. Given the opportunity to ring true or ring hollow, he will unfailingly choose the latter, in an infantile and populist point-scoring, waste-of-time exercise. Regrettably the Leader of the Opposition has deflected me from delivering my originally prepared speech, but reply to him one must.

Of course, hollow vessels make the loudest noise, and yesterday the hon Leader of the Opposition was beating himself like a drum. Boom, boom,'' said the hon Leader of the Opposition.If I were a President, I would know exactly what to do to eliminate crime. Sack the Commissioner of Police.’’

Boom, Boom.'' [Laughter.]If I were President, I would solve unemployment in a jiffy. How? By abolishing the Public Service, of course. Serve them right!’’

Boom, Boom.'' [Laughter.]If I were President, racism would instantly disappear. No problem. I would just stop speaking about it. Then nobody would get offended, especially me.’’

Boom, Boom.'' [Laughter.]If I were President, I would sort out education. Easy. Trash the teachers’ unions. Scrap the curriculum. Scrap teacher redeployment - that is what he said actually - and leave the teachers exactly as we found them in 1994, just like old times.’’ [Interjections.]

However, more seriously, Mr Leon’s vile libel against the ANC, that we ``raised the banner of liberation before education’’ is both inaccurate and nonsensical. This was neither a slogan of the ANC - remember it was banned

• nor adopted by the UDF, but rather an overwhelming response from the mass of the people, when the ANC was banned in this country, when the most vicious repression against students and teachers was perpetrated by the security apparatus of the apartheid state. It was then that the organs of the mass democratic movement rallied for education against both the vigilantes and the police.

It is peculiarly offensive when a senior member of the DP tries to score moral points against the anti-apartheid movement, while he was deeply sequestered in Kirsney College. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Indeed, the stench of hypocrisy is nauseating. He thinks that his cupcake approach to education, his own party’s prissy political interference now, can be equated with our political stance under apartheid, with our refusal to participate in a system that by design set out to teach blacks only what was needed in order to mow suburban lawns or wash suburban cars.

The slogan embodied a rejection of Bantu education. Presumably the hon member thinks that our people ought to have sat there and learned what Verwoerd had to teach. [Interjections.] It is a sad day for a party reduced to these tactics, a party that once stood proud with people like Helen Suzman and Colin Eglin, who now see their party becoming a party of Lucas- Mangope-style politics. [Laughter.] [Applause.] [Interjections.] Incidentally, had Mr Leon himself been better served by his researchers and speechwriters his speech might have contained fewer factual errors and distortions. [Interjections.]

To take another example of Mr Leon’s inaccuracy: In his voyeuristic outing among the country’s poor, Mr Leon claims to have found ``growing despair’’ as counterpost to the President’s optimism about development. If so, it is his own presence that created it. Which hon member can in truth deny the despair that rises in the corridors around here when Mr Leon slouches towards us. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

I say that if there was any despair in those places that Mr Leon … I will not call this unparliamentary language, but he uses an odious word against me. If there was any despair in those places Mr Leon visited it was he who introduced it. Pollsters who travel the country tell us, as in one recent much publicised poll, that more than 90% of our people are hopeful and are of the view that the country and the Government are on the right track. So, despair, if it exists, travels in Mr Leon’s wake. [Interjections.]

In any case, championing the cause of the poor and the oppressed is something that the DP seems to be soft on, judging by the strains being put on the DP-New-NP alliance in the Western Cape by the DP’s apparent refusal to commit themselves to the province’s poverty alleviation programme. [Interjections.]

By far the most appalling distortion in Mr Leon’s speech is the statement that Dr Van Zyl Slabbert recently suggested ``that the President will become more politically authoritarian as he tries to become more economically liberal’’.

He gives a totally distorted impression of what Dr Slabbert actually said. In remarks to a theological seminar, Dr Slabbert offered a nuanced description to highlight the moral dilemmas of trade-offs that confront policy-makers. [Interjections.] For Mr Leon to remove all Dr Slabbert’s nuances and to reduce his seminar discussion to a crude prediction that the President will become more politically authoritarian'' is simply fraudulent. [Interjections.] When he heard last night of Mr Leon's false quotation, Dr Slabbert specifically and simply responded that it was chocolate-box politics’’. [Laughter.] So be it. [Applause.] Mr Leon may have benefited from paying more attention in his own mathematics classes, because then he would not have made the mischievous and malicious suggestion that only 3 000 black candidates received matriculation exemptions in mathematics and science last year. Since our … [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order!

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: The hon the Minister, in referring to the Leader of the Opposition, said that he had made a false quotation. That is unparliamentary and I ask you to get him to withdraw it.

The MINISTER: Madam Speaker, I withdraw that and I say that it was a mendacious statement. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Mr Leon might have benefited …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon Minister.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: He lacks courage.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, the word ``mendacious’’ is also unparliamentary. [Interjections.] The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister …

The MINISTER: Madam Speaker, I withdraw that. Then it is a terminological inexactitude. [Interjections.] That is parliamentary. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister, can you let me say something? With regards to whatever unparliamentary language the hon the Minister might have used, I will look at the Hansard and I will come back with the ruling.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Now he has become the black man’s Churchill.

The MINISTER: Madam Speaker, Mr Leon might have benefited from paying more attention in his own mathematics classes … [Interjections.] … because then he would not have made this statement that only 3 000 black candidates received matriculation exemption in mathematics and science last year.

Since our results, for the first time in our history, were not published by race, and since many black students now go to previously white schools, it would be interesting to know how he arrived at his ridiculous conclusion. Perhaps he applied the ``pencil test’’ to all of the 63 700 students who obtained exemptions. [Interjections.] It defies logic and I will deal with this kind of chop logic outside of this House. [Laughter.]

Part of the hon member’s so-called plan of action is ``to turn education around’’, to put the children first and the unions last. What staggering rubbish this is, what monumentally ignorant claptrap. The education sector has three national teachers’ unions and the Ministry of Education has excellent relations with all three. Under the National Schools Act, I am obliged to consult with them. Far from condemning them to oblivion, like the hon Mr Leon would like to do, my Ministry regards the organised teaching profession as an invaluable ally in the task of educational reconstruction.

We therefore have a plan of action. It is a good one, not because I say so, but because it has merits. At the launch of the programme of implementation for Tirisano three weeks ago, all the political representatives, the MECs, committed themselves to this implementation programme. Therefore we should stop playing silly-billy with education. [Interjections.] We should really stop playing silly-billy. We should, in fact, build on the consensus we have established over the past six months, a genuine consensus, across party lines, for the reconstruction of the education system.

Then we are lectured about the construction of our state and the hon Mr Leon selectively refers to Amartya Sen to substantiate his points. If the hon Mr Leon has read Mr Sen’s books carefully, he would understand that Mr Sen asserts that equality is an absolute prerequisite for development and that the model he espouses, is one of a developmental state. He refers at length to the injustices people have to face through what he calls ``un- freedom’’. The lack of economic and social rights, in the context of political freedom, is something the hon Mr Leon conveniently chooses to ignore.

For all this sophistication, the absolute free-market notion of the deserving poor, the shallow idea that wealth follows merit, is little more than mysticism, a new religion, and one that wilfully disregards the plain facts of our existence here on Africa’s southern tip. Often it is force and violence, not talent - more gunship than entrepreneurship - that has brought wealth. In our country it has been military and policing muscle, not merit, that explains why blacks are poor and whites are not. Perhaps this is what they mean by that awful phrase ``muscular liberalism’’ that haunts our politics, even today. [Interjections.]

Above all, the absolute free-marketeers, and there are many of them, are therefore frauds. They pretend that they are guided, and that the country should be guided, by an invisible hand, yet they have grown rich through the iron fist. They never really tried to read Adam Smith, whose views they claim to champion. Adam Smith wanted the real invisible hand of development and growth. As we address apartheid’s legacy, we confront a textbook challenge to enlist the state in its proper quest, the protection of the integrity of our wealth creation processes. Here efficiency and equity coincide.

In the end we need a compassionate state which must entrench injustice and real equality rather than one which seems to favour what is premised on charity and patronage and characterised by a law-and-order obsession which is bloodied and red, both in tooth and in claw. [Applause.] UMPHATHISWA WEZABASEBENZI: Somlomo, mandimkhumbuze uMnu Tony Leon ukuba inkani ayigotywa ngenkani. Uxam ukholwa ngamantintinti. Mabazazi ukuba bangooxam, bekhokelwe ngomnye uxam. [Kwahlekwa.] Ooxam ke banento yokuphaxulana. UMongameli xa esithi masinike ingcombolo ngentetho yakhe bayakhala aba xam, ze kuthi naxa uMongameli ethetha ngoko abona kufuneka kwenziwe kweli lizwe, baphinde bakhale aba xam. [Kwahlekwa.]

Ithi ke incwadi emlomo ubomvu, eyaziwayo ngamakhwenkwe kaDyani namaRhabe: ``Musani ukulahla iiperile zenu ezihagwini.’’ Ke ngoko uMongameli makangazikhathazi ngabo. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Madam Speaker, I would like to remind the hon Mr Tony Leon that arrogance is not cured with arrogance. The arrogant usually land themselves in trouble. They should know that they are arrogant with a leader that is also arrogant. [Laughter.] It is not uncommon to see the arrogant leading one another astray. When the hon President asks us to comment on his speech they complain, and when the hon President speaks about what he feels should be done in this country this arrogant group still complains. [Laughter.] The Bible says: ``Do not cast pearls before swine.’’ Therefore the hon President should not bother himself with them. [Applause.]]

I must concur with the hon the President that at no other point in time have we ever been as well placed as we are today to take decisive steps forward. This statement holds true within the labour market as it does to the broader challenges we face as a nation. We have come from a labour market environment characterised by a low rate in the creation of productive employment, widespread instability and conflict, a grossly inefficient utilisation of labour due to discriminatory practices, low skills levels and low investment in skills development, and, of course, the denial of fair labour standards for the majority of workers. These apartheid-inspired features of our labour market militated against economic growth, employment creation, productivity and investment.

In the past few years we have made tremendous strides to address this legacy and to create the necessary conditions for labour market efficiency. We have done so under invidious international and local circumstances. Our entry back into the international economy took place at the same time as the inevitable spread of globalisation. As a result, many enterprises and sectors previously shielded from global competition have undertaken significant restructuring in order to remain competitive.

Today we are on track to create a labour market environment conducive to sustained growth and development, as well as increased efficiency, productivity and employment. Furthermore, we are making remarkable progress in translating into action our commitment to achieve a balance between improving the efficiency of the labour market and the protection and security of workers.

What is the basis for this confidence? Allow me to enlighten members. The implementation of the Jobs Summit agreements involving a wide range of Government agencies is proceeding apace, spurred by growing partnerships between Government and the private sector in initiatives such as the Business Trust Tourism Learnership Project, which will benefit 15 000 unemployed people and current employees and will help the tourism sector realise its enormous potential for growth and job-creation.

Partnership with the private sector has also helped accelerate delivery in the continued implementation of the social plan, including projects such as the SA Breweries’ Project Noah and the training of employment services practitioners.

We are on course with the determined implementation of the Skills Development Act and the Skills Development Levies Act, and we are confident that the skills revolution that will be unleashed as a result, will help attract investment, make our country more competitive and thrust our economy onto a new growth path.

In November last year I announced a dispensation for small business in the form of a ministerial determination, which is both employment friendly and protects employees’ rights. My department will continue to interact with small business leaders to identify any other residual obstacles that retard the growth of small business and the survival of NGOs.

Through the Employment Equity Act my department has and will continue to make giant strides in addressing racial divisions, inequalities and prejudices in the workplace. This year up to 100 000 employers will be reporting on the progress they have made in achieving employment equity and reducing discrimination in the workplace, as well as outlining their plans and targets for the future. Members will notice that I take no notice of what the leader of the DP said. We want employment equity plans from the employers. He must assist this Government address the legacies of the past, and stop barking here.

Finally, I am confident that the results of the legislative review, which I have undertaken and which the President referred to, will effectively address the issue of the impact of our legislative instruments on investment and job creation. Allow me to report to hon members on this process.

During the course of 1999 we embarked on an extensive consultation process with key stakeholders, including organised labour, business and the community constituency at Nedlac. What was the fundamental message that emerged from these consultations? Was there a call for a complete overhaul of the legislative framework? Was the outcome that the labour market should be completely deregulated, leading to chaos, allowed to prevail? The answer is `No’. That is what some opposition parties called for, as well as some commentators who have never spent a day in a factory. That is not what the men and women who represent the working people and employers of this country told me.

They told me that the policy fundamentals of our laws were sound. They welcomed the changes that had occurred since 1994. They were particularly excited by the skills development legislation. They further told me that they appreciated the approach taken by the Department of Labour. It was open and showed commitment to serious dialogue and negotiation with the social partners. This was the message from business, labour and the community constituency. They also warned me about the problems and emerging features of the labour market. Labour was concerned about the ongoing casualisation of labour that was leading to a decline in labour standards. They expressed alarm at the rate of job losses.

Business warned about the pressures they were facing as we re-entered the world economy. They spoke of negative perceptions amongst some foreign investors and the need to demonstrate the manner in which our legislative framework enhanced business efficiency and productivity. In Government we have also unpacked the issue of negative perceptions, drawing from local and international research and the practical experiences of the Department of Labour and other labour market institutions in the implementation of the legislation.

There has been much debate about these amendments that we are about to introduce. Allow me from the outset to dispel any false notions, firstly, which see the amendments as a cure for all the ills of the economy, and, secondly, that we are about to undo the policy and the legislative framework that we have introduced since 1994 to transform the labour market.

Abo bacinga ukuba siya kuze sibuyele emva kwixesha lengcinezelo baya kudana babeyinko, basale bebambe ongezantsi, bemanzi toxo kukudana kuba asisayi kuze sibuyele kundalashe. [Those who think that we will ever go back to the days of oppression do not know how much disappointment is in store for them; they will be so dumbstruck that they will not know what is going on around them, because we shall never look back.]

We are not about to embark on a wholesale deregulation of the labour market. Increasingly, international experience has shown us that labour markets characterised by deregulation are unstable, unpredictable and do not necessarily attract foreign investment. Instead, we wish to make adjustments and refinements to specific aspects of two labour laws, the Labour Relations Act and the Basic Conditions of Employment Act. Together with the Department of Justice we are going to introduce amendments to a few provisions of the Insolvency Act. Unfortunately, because of time, I will not dwell more on that. [Applause.]

Mnr J DURAND: Mevrou die Speaker, mnr die President, mnr die Adjunkpresident, agb lede, ons het die sitting op 4 Februarie met groot afwagting genader, intens bewus dat die toespraak van ons President die rigting sal aandui wat die land moet volg na vooruitgang, voorspoed en vrede vir almal. Ons land het getoon dat ons leiers het wat onder moeilike omstandighede die veranderings kon aanbring wat ons op die pad na vrede geplaas het. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Mr J DURAND: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Mr Deputy President, hon members, we approached the sitting on 4 February with great anticipation, intensely aware that our President’s speech would indicate the direction which the country must move in to achieve progress, prosperity and peace for all. Our country has shown that we have leaders who, under difficult conditions, could effect the changes which placed us on the road to peace.]

Crime and unemployment are the terrible twins that terrorise our people. Once again we need leaders with integrity and guts to make the right decisions.

I want to deal with unemployment. Unemployment is estimated to be more than 30%. The figure for unemployment amongst Africans is estimated to be as high as 54%. This is an indictment against all of us in this Chamber. South Africans from all walks of life have sent us here to create a better life for all - to make South Africa work.

When I wished our President well in the IEC centre in Pretoria, he remarked that we must make it happen. I want to tell him that the New NP wants to make it happen for all South Africans. We have pledged to assist and advise the Government in the national interest, also on job creation. These are our proposals.

Only a growing economy creates jobs. We need smaller and more efficient government. Big government means big taxes. No government has ever taxed a country to prosperity. In 1996 in Bloemfontein, the ANC accepted privatisation as its policy. We have to privatise with more vigour and speed, as it will bring down Government’s expenditure and make funds available for education, health and crime prevention. We need a more flexible labour market where individuals cam compete for jobs on the basis of merit, ability and hard work.

There are many South Africans, white and black, who are not members of the ANC, but who are skilled and educated. We have to utilise their expertise. We need a skilled and competitive labour force. We have to amend the Employment Equity Act and revise the other labour legislation. I am glad the Minister has referred to some aspects of this. We have to end the distortion of the playing field by the introduction of quotas and other forms of racial discrimination. Affirmative action is necessary, but let it be based on merit and potential, and create an environment in which our people can develop with pride.

The President has hinted, in his address to the nation, on flexibility in the labour market, and I quote: The Government will continue to give priority to the issue of job creation. If perceptions or realities influence the process negatively, these must be addressed.

Madam Speaker, it is much more than perceptions. What is Cyril Ramaphosa saying? I quote:

The recent procession of labour law enactments promulgated and still to be promulgated certainly has positive aspects. However, it also includes aspects that are unduly prescriptive, let alone cost burdensome. Failure to find an appropriate balance could well act to the detriment of job preservation and job creation right across the business spectrums.

Saki Macozoma is much more direct. He says:

The cost to Transnet arising from the new labour laws will be between R800 million and R1 billion, money that Transnet just does not have. The 24-hours-a-day and seven-days-a-week nature of the business is the major driver of extra costs.

Another comrade, Humphrey Khoza, says:

If the regulation of the labour market is not revised, I am concerned that South Africa will pay a very heavy price in terms of lost jobs, with all of the attendant negative social consequences for aspects such as poverty and crime.

I can quote more. These are not captains of industry sitting in the commanding heights of capital and protecting the interests of the minority from their ivory towers. These are comrades deployed to make it happen. The people have spoken; the Government must act.

I want to deal with the promotion of entrepreneurship and the development of the small business sector. In many countries, most employment growth has come from new and small business enterprises. If we are to create jobs, the policy framework should reflect the needs of these businesses. With regard to education and career-orientated training, schools and tertiary institutions should lay more emphasis on entrepreneurship training. We must become a nation of wealth-creators and not only of job-seekers.

Government alone cannot create jobs; it must create an environment that is conducive to job creation. As a prerequisite, the Government must show a commitment to the eradication of crime and poverty, and the implementation of a sensible macroeconomic policy such as Gear. If this approach is implemented without compromise, we can, at least, start creating the 250 000 new jobs required each year in order to maintain the current levels of employment and start seriously to address the huge backlog in job creation. [Applause.]

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, members of the House, comrades and fellow South Africans, we are on course. We are in the process of building a public service whose employees are proud and should be proud of being part of this institution.

The reconstruction, rebuilding and development of our country will depend on the ability of this corps to move this agenda forward. We want to build a public service that will attract and retain the best in our country, the best graduates and professionals and those South Africans who are patriots determined to contribute towards the development of our country. We also want public service institutions that will lead our society in innovation and the use of information technology to deliver services, and, of importance, one that delivers services to the convenience of consumers.

Developing effective public service institutions is the key to the realisation of our policy objectives. When institutions are not effective, when the resources allocated to policy objectives fail to achieve these objectives, when we find that priorities are set but institutions are run with total disregard for such priorities, when we find that we pay people but we do not have the means to hold them accountable, then we need to address this in a real sense.

When we make statements that the lives of our people should improve, make laws and allocate resources, but the rate of development remains below what we expect and what is required, the message is clear: If we have to accelerate delivery, we must focus on making state institutions effective. As we honestly identify and discuss problems, as we face these realities in state institutions in order to ensure that we move forward towards the effective resolution of these problems, some forces, even in this House and especially in this House, use this as a smokescreen for a general attack against public servants and Government. They do not see themselves as part of solving the problem. They do not see themselves as taking forward solutions … [Interjections] … but they stand there and shout as they do now. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

Let us be very clear on this. Despite and in spite of all problems that exist, inherited or otherwise - for those who both listen and hear - against many odds, we should acknowledge that services are being provided to communities every day. Even as we speak, millions of South Africans attest to real and sustainable improvements in their lives as a result of work done by state institutions.

We have improved management of public finances and resources like never before. We have ensured access to services by people and communities who had been declared once in time as the forgotten people who never received any services. We have embedded innovations and a culture of services in many Government institutions where previously that was foreign. We have grasped and are utilising the potential of information technology to enable more efficient management, and management of institutions and delivery of services.

To the public servants we say: The community understands the enormity of their tasks. They understand that things take time to accomplish and that despite the well-publicised corruption, incompetence and arrogance of some, many in the ranks of the Public Service are committed to serving the nation to the best of their ability and regard it as their first calling. The ordinary citizen is not painting every public servant with the same brush. They are rather pointing out, correctly so, that for their lives to improve, public servants have to accelerate the delivery of services that are required to improve their daily lives.

Our communities are saying to public servants that they would like to be treated differently in public offices than they were in the past. They would like to feel treated as valued citizens, no matter what their class and station in life. Above all, our communities are saying that the problems of degradation and deprivation confronting them are pressing and urgent. The problems must be confronted and resolved today rather than tomorrow and next week. We are dealing with an issue of promoting public service ethics, fighting corruption and generally ensuring that public resources are used responsibly by public servants and everyone else. This year, we are accelerating our ability to deal with these public servants, some of whom are in leadership ranks and who continue to tarnish the image of the Public Service by engaging in acts of corruption and gross maladministration. Through a targeted focus on key areas of risk within the Public Service, such as procurement processes and ensuring disclosure of interests and assets by senior officials, we are improving our co-ordinated attack against all forms of corruption.

We know that part of the problem we face in our ability to improve quality of services in key areas is the shortage of resources utilised for service delivery. We are a developing country with many socioeconomic problems before us. We are faced with the challenge of consolidating our political transition with socioeconomic transformation and improvement, and we cannot do this unless we are willing drastically to change the pattern of public expenditure that we have inherited.

We will have to reorganise our staffing arrangements in some areas in order to accelerate investment in key delivery areas, and reverse infrastructure backlogs. Over the next two months we will unveil details of a deliberate plan to reduce the proportion of personnel expenditure and bolster our service delivery expenditure in many instances. This plan will entail, amongst others, the redeployment of personnel from nonpriority areas to priority or core areas of responsibility of Government departments.

The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: We cannot listen to the hon the Minister. The Leader of the Opposition travelled all the way across the floor to come and make a noise over here. [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Proceed hon Minister.

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Madam Speaker, the Opposition is by its very nature not intent upon listening and as a result we have the churning out of the same problems with every input they make. I noted that the Leader of the Opposition had crossed the floor, and I am sure he is apologising on behalf of Business Day which had misspelt the President’s surname and did not have the courage to withdraw that particular edition. I am sure hon Mr Leon is trying to see if he can correct that particular issue. [Interjections.] [Laughter.]

However, I do want to say that my focus, in this instance, was to say that we have the boldness not only to identify the difficulties confronted by Government, but we have the ability, we have the will, we are putting in place the cadreship that will transform this country in the fullest of senses.

We have not merely identified and flagged the problems. We are working and we are on course in terms of ensuring that we will make it happen. [Applause.]

Mr R K SEPTEMBER: Madam Speaker, hon President, in 1955 we adopted the Freedom Charter, and one of its main tenets is that South Africa belongs to all of us, black and white. Yet today, in the year 2000, the ANC still identifies the solution of the problem along the colour line as being our main challenge for the 21st century.

We have fought for and won the constitutional right to use our own languages, and develop our own cultures and customs. Our nonracialism has everything to do with creating a genuinely equal and equitable society with our differences. We recognise the validity of the legitimate differences in culture.

In his address, our hon President stated that ``we have never been better placed than we are today further to push back the frontiers of racism’’. To do this, we cannot afford the sham of colour blindness. We cannot ignore how our different communities have been positioned through historical processes. The DP fully understands the differences in relation to access to resources, differences in opportunity and accumulation of assets, but they attempt to blind our people to these inequalities from their position of privilege and advantage. They want us to believe that we all have the same starting position - quite comfortably. They hope our people are naive enough to believe that there is equality between the lads from Bishops High School and the young man and the young woman from Khayelitsha.

Let me quote a DP poster or two. Fight for merit!'' they say.Fight back!’’, the Leader of the Opposition said, posing like some Roman captain. They want us to believe that we now have an equal chance in life. They want us to believe that there is now no difference between black and white, and that racism is, in fact, a thing of the past. I am sorry to say this, but this approach to racism and equal opportunities is unadulterated balderdash, however eloquent the hon Mr Leon and his lieutenants may be, and let us remember that they have been trained in the best possible English. Our people are not previously disadvantaged, our people are in fact disadvantaged to this day, and still have to struggle against racism. [Interjections.] Bly stil nou. [Keep quiet.] [Laughter.]

Take note that we have never heard the DP ask the question as to how it is possible for one man to be granted R10 million credit, when he is in fact on the verge of bankruptcy, when honest people have not been able to get enough to start a small business or to build four walls, when poverty is our greatest scourge, when deracialisation of the economy is our greatest challenge.   The struggle now takes on a different form. We can now use the Constitution, one of the most advanced in the world. We can now use all the negotiating machinery unknown yesterday, the board room, the sports arena, the classroom, the university and of course Parliament. All of these arenas are areas of struggle for equality. We need to spread this message far and wide because the potential now is enormous.

We are on the verge of developing unicities, an arrangement which will allow us to deconstruct the division of our suburbs from those of super- privilege, as against the abject poverty of our townships, all black of course. We can expect the DP to fight with all the skill at their disposal to prevent the full realisation of people’s power.

I shall never forget reading a DP poster which read: ``Stem met die wenspan

• Stem vir Tony Leon’’ [Vote for the winning team -Vote for Tony Leon’’] [Interjections.] [Applause.]

This is nonsense. Examine this. The DP is not short of mathematicians, not at all. They understood that they could not win a nonracial South African election. This they understood quite clearly. What they were appealing for was a majority of the white vote, nothing else. Good old-fashioned UP-NP politics, that is what they are going back to, nothing else, except that today the DP attracts right-wing elements at the expense of their former liberal support base. [Interjections.] They are so negative that they are now the best agents for the emigration of their own constituents. Quite ruthless in their drive for position, they even turn to Mangope. So, we see another profile of Tammany Hall politics.

One can be grateful that we now see medical graduates responding favourably to community service, despite the DP. The hon Mr Van Schalkwyk should hear us when we say that the future of the Afrikaans-speaking people, be they white or coloured, will never be solved by an opportunistic coalition with these people. Patriotic Afrikaans-speaking people belong with us. Remaining backward elements who are afraid of an increasing African presence in the Western Cape need to be swept aside.

We need to call on our people to mobilise against exclusiveness in our society; we need to harness the expertise and experience of all; we need to call on our people to organise against all forms of discrimination. Government at all levels, national, provincial and municipal, can facilitate. I quote John Williams:

We need to utilise the resourcefulness and latent potential of all communities.

Simply put, when we learn to release the energies of all 40 million of us, then we will get somewhere in our society, in fact on our continent. We have put in place a magnificent Constitution; our people now need to learn to use it. Hear our President when he says despair is now turning to hope and optimism. Let us build on that. [Applause.]

Mr D H M GIBSON: Chairperson, I had intended responding to the hon the Minister of Education, but listening to the vapoured blah of today’s speech from the self-styled Irish leprechaun I have decided to make better use of my time.

People ask me what is the essential difference between the ANC and the DP? I have no difficulty in telling them that the DP stands for more jobs and less crime, whereas the ANC delivers more crime and fewer jobs. [Applause.] Those suffering under the scourge of criminality plaguing our country listened in vain on Friday for heartening words from the President. South Africans are desperately asking how the ANC Government is going to make our homes and streets safe from criminals. Mr Mbeki had no answer, but worse still, the cursory way in which he dealt with crime displayed a coolness and a lack of caring that reflects badly on him and his Government. [Interjections.]

The criminal justice system is in serious trouble at the top level. We have a Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development who was found to have deliberately lied to the public. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! You can take your seat. The order is granted.

Mr G Q M DOIGDE: Chairperson, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary to refer to the hon the Minister of Education as an Irish leprechaun? [Laughter]

Mr D H M GIBSON: I withdraw! [Laughter.] We have a Minister of Correctional Services who has just come through a particularly messy disposal of his commissioner, and we seem not to have heard the end of that story yet. We have a commissioner of police, hand-picked for the job, who has behaved towards his own officers in an unprofessional and unacceptable way, calling into question his suitability for the position. Worse still, we have a Minister of Safety and Security who has shown scant regard for the integrity of our Constitution.

Minister Tshwete started off very well. I want to give him full credit for the fact that he raced around the country making the right noises, and for reassuring our policemen and policewomen that the Government really cares about them. Full marks for that - I think he did a wonderful job in the beginning. [Applause.] But the initial goodwill that he built up has not lasted long. He is now making two crucial mistakes. And the first of those is that he is running around promising or threatening to depart from the constitutional values that the rest of the Government assure us they hold dear. The second is that he is consistently overpromising and underdelivering to the public.

I want to tell the hon the Minister that he can only fib to the public so many times before they start believing that he is a fibber. If he sets himself all sorts of target dates which are unattainable, he is, in fact, setting himself and the SAPS up for failure. Evita Bezuidenhout summed it up very neatly last Friday night when he said: ``Steve, skattie, this is not a soccer match.’’ [Laughter.] I intend embarking on a programme of visiting police stations throughout the country and talking to our policemen. We have got some of the very best South Africans in the SAPS. I am going to do my level best to fight for them and help see that they are properly rewarded for good work. There are some bad policemen and we have got to get rid of those as soon as possible. In my capacity as the new opposition chief spokesperson on safety and security, I am going to be the friend of the SAPS, whether those members like it or not. [Interjections.] This does not mean that I am not going to be critical where it is necessary. What it does mean is that I am ambitious for the SAPS, and I want it to be transformed into a disciplined and highly motivated service capable of performing the important tasks entrusted to it in terms of our Constitution.

Just as our democracy needs to be underpinned by an effective criminal justice system … [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, please take a seat.

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Chairperson, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary for the hon member to waste our time by simply repeating his master’s nonsense? [Laughter.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! That is not a point of order, hon Deputy Minister.

Mr D H M GIBSON: That hon Deputy Minister is in an unpleasant position of having to repeat his mistress’ nonsense. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Just as our democracy needs to be underpinned by an effective criminal justice system, it also needs a functioning multiparty system if it is to be a democracy. There is no such thing as a democracy without a critical opposition.

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order!

The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Chairperson, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary to make the insinuations that the hon member is making about another hon member, by using an ambiguous word like mistress? [Laughter.]

Mr D H M GIBSON: Chairperson, the hon the Minister of Foreign Affairs is more than big enough to look after herself. She does not need Minister Buthelezi to do it for her! The continued existence of our democracy depends … [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member Gibson, a question has been put to the Chair whether what you said is in order. It is not out of order, hon Minister.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Chairperson, thank you for your reassurance. For the reasons I have stated, a core part of the DP’s mission is to build a bigger, more effective, multiracial alternative to the ANC. That is why the DP is committed to co-operation with other opposition parties. [Interjections.] But I want to make it clear that we are only prepared to co-operate with parties that believe in the necessity of a critical opposition and a clear alternative. The DP will not co-operate with weak parties because this will quite simply weaken the opposition.

Some opposition parties seem to prefer to hoist the white flag of political surrender in the face of a powerful ANC. Others seem to change their minds almost daily, sitting in the opposition benches, but voting with the ANC on Bill after Bill that will damage our country. But we want a stronger alternative in South Africa, one that can and does stand up to the ANC. We do not want the type of opposition that apologises for its existence and has a ``jammer-dat-ek-leef’’ approach. We also do not need the sort of opposition which hoists the white flag of surrender one day and runs up the skull and crossbones the next. We know these people, those who prefer the morality of power rather than the power of morality. The Pik Bothas and the Chris Fismers have never met a government they did not like. [Laughter.] They are the job-seekers, the carpetbaggers. We despise them, the electorate despises them and I suspect that the ANC also despises them. [Interjections.]

Working with other opposition parties is a step-by-step process. One does not get married after the first date, and the really meaningful opportunity to co-operate with other parties, apart from here in Parliament where we are co-operating very well with our colleagues, is in the municipal elections. And we are prepared to explore co-operation with any other opposition party which, firstly, commits itself to being a vigorous opposition to the ANC; secondly, commits itself to keeping the ANC out of power and is not simply using co-operation as an opportunity to be re- elected to city and town councils and then go into arrangements with the ANC; thirdly, is prepared to maximise the opposition impact in the election by avoiding a competition with other opposition parties in areas where such competition would benefit the ANC and, finally, rejects race as a departure point in their political outlook and programme.

The DP has already concluded an agreement with the UCDP. There are more such agreements to come and we look forward to them. We are very pleased about our agreement with the UCDP. [Interjections.] The ANC hates it. They hate it, because it is an agreement between the DP and a black political party. I want to tell this House that we refuse to be ``hokked’’ into a racial stereotype, and even if they do not like it, the ANC must become used to a DP which can work together with and resonate with ever larger numbers of black South Africans. [Interjections.] As we have repeatedly made clear, our agreement with the UCDP does not signal the merging of our parties. Each party retains its separate identity, but where we can, we will co-operate in the municipal elections to defeat the ANC. [Interjections.]

The ANC is shouting and screaming and carrying on. The senior members of the Muslim Judicial Council this afternoon are joining the DP. [Interjections.] The ANC should put that in their pipe and smoke it! I want to stress again that the DP, in opposing the ANC so strenuously, does so precisely because this is what South African democracy needs and demands. It was out of our deep sense of loyalty to our country and our firm commitment to making South Africa better that we are determined to build an opposition alternative to the ANC, an alternative which can become the government. [Interjections.]

Mr F BHENGU: Hon Chair, I seek your wisdom on whether it is parliamentary for the hon member to define any political party as a ``black political party’’. If so, how do they see themselves? [Applause.]

Mr D H M GIBSON: I am perfectly happy to answer that. Would you like to reply, Chairperson, or shall I?

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: You may reply.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Thank you, Chairperson. I have finished my speech and now let us carry on with questions. [Laughter.] Any others? I will take the lot! [Interjections.] I think it is fair to say that the UCDP is a black political party. At the moment most of the members, certainly all of the public representatives, happen to be black South Africans. [Interjections.] That does not mean they did not have votes from some other South Africans. I think one could say that it is largely a black political party.

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, hon member. Order! Order!

Mr D H M GIBSON: I am finding it very difficult to reply to the question. They are shouting so much, Chairperson. As far as the DP is concerned, it is a nonracial party or a multiracial party. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Order, hon member. I regret your time for speaking has expired. [Applause.]

Mr G Q M DOIDGE: Mr Chairperson, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary for the Chief Whip of the Opposition to use unparliamentary language? He did it twice in his speech by calling the hon Minister Steve Tshwete a fibber. [Interjections.] What example is he setting for his own …

The CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member Gibson, I am sure you are aware that that is unparliamentary. Could you withdraw it, please?

Mr D H M GIBSON: Chairperson, I withdraw it with pleasure. [Laughter.]

The MINISTER FOR PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Mr Chairperson, hon President of the Republic, hon Deputy President and hon members, in his opening address to Parliament last week, the President referred to the speeding up of the restructuring of state assets to increase investment and further modernise the South African economy.

I want to add that the programme for the restructuring of state assets is governed by a combination of factors. Principally, our restructuring programme is aimed at transforming state-owned enterprises into national assets that contribute to our objectives of economic growth and development, infrastructure investment, improved service delivery, job creation and enhanced competitiveness. Therefore, the programme of our ANC- led Government goes far beyond improving performance and competitiveness to make these entities institutions that all South Africans can be proud of.

We are particularly committed to ensuring that restructuring must build on our efforts of the past five years to deracialise the South African economy by creating opportunities for ownership and participation by the previously disadvantaged. We are reviewing all these experiences with a view to further reinforcing black economic empowerment. It is imperative, however, that the many opportunities that are unlocked in the process of restructuring be put to the service of empowering the historically disadvantaged.

The ANC will be more vigilant in ensuring that initiatives such as employee share-ownership programmes and the national empowerment fund are fully implemented, as they are very important vehicles for carrying the fruits of restructuring to the historically disadvantaged people. In pursuing the objective of creating wider ownership in the South African economy, restructuring provides an opportunity for widely dispersed ownership and redistribution of wealth, as well as boosting the SME sector, sustaining affirmative action and facilitating black empowerment. The ANC, therefore, has committed itself to creating these entry points into the mainstream economy for the emerging sector, as this is fundamental to the sustainable development our economy and the prosperity of our people as a whole.

Our experience in the last five years in raising nearly R8 billion in domestic and foreign direct investment from the proceeds of restructuring over the past few years makes us confident that, as a central feature of the ANC’s microeconomic policy, restructuring of state assets will again attract substantial interest from domestic and foreign investors. The return from these investments will contribute significantly to reducing our national debt and freeing valuable resources that could be redirected towards our socioeconomic development priority.

Our ANC-led Government has focused its energies and attention on the major areas of energy, transport, defence-related industry and telecommunications. The reasons for these concentrations are very simple. The powerlines, the railways, the roads and sea networks between the ports, cities and remote areas combine with the invisible impulses and waves of the Internet and the telecommunications that are the veins and arteries that provide our wellbeing, the lifeblood of our modern existence. The defence industries themselves absorb considerable degrees of high technology and industrial capacity that often sits at the cutting edge of modern strategic engineering research. Thus, Eskom, Transnet, Denel and Telkom are at the centre of our attention. Taken together, these enterprises comprise the bulk of turnover, employment and investment by the state. They also impact directly on the economy itself and in the provision of services that make people either happy or grumpy almost on an hourly basis.

But they are also entities that have their own particular problems and whose financial position often acts as a drain on the scarce resources that we have. They perform strategic roles in the context where the state still has an important role to play in the direction of development priorities. The approach has therefore been to distinguish between what is core and noncore and to apply a range of options towards attaining our objective of enhanced service delivery.

We are also very mindful of the challenging implications of restructuring as we unlock embedded value in state-owned enterprises. The Department of Public Enterprises will continue to facilitate the interaction between management and labour to ensure that any restructuring is pursued within the context of a social plan that will explore alternative avenues for all affected employees. The plight of affected employees is a mutual concern of the ANC-alliance partners and all South Africans. We will, through the appropriate forums, agree on processes and strive for durable solutions.

Through pursuing an accelerated agenda, the ANC has geared the country towards improving efficiency and competitiveness in the broader economy, attracting direct foreign investments. We are currently, as a rule, formalising a reworked protocol on corporate governance that outlines clearly the relationships that exist between the shareholder, the boards of directors and the management. At the heart of all these lies the need for enhanced performance, greater accountability to the shareholder and improved contribution to the national fiscus.

The ANC, whilst vigorously pursuing a programme of enhanced service delivery and excellence in governance for the state-owned enterprises, realises that we have to pursue other creative options involving public/private partnerships that involve a spectrum of nongovernmental organisations in an attempt to renew relationships in the service delivery of all of Government. We are also going to increase our infusion of new capital into the African continent so that we can be able to play a role in this African renaissance.

Concerns have been raised about the existence of assets and resources at local level that are owned by some of the state-owned enterprises. Our ANC- led Government is committed to ensuring that these resources contribute effectively to local economic development so that we can be able to improve the lives of our people. Together with state-owned enterprises, we will be able to involve local councils and communities such as Kilbarchan in Newcastle to pilot some of these principles.

In conclusion, the ANC has supported a robust programme in support of regional peace and security by developing economic partnership, particularly in the areas of transport and energy, with countries in the Southern African region and on the African continent as a whole. These smart partnerships that Eskom, Transnet and other state-owned enterprises are building in the countries of Africa will be able to ensure that we realise the objectives of the African century. This indeed will not only give flesh to the vision of the African renaissance but will also meaningfully contribute to the development of the continent and to the alleviation of widespread poverty that afflicts our people.

With those words I would like to thank hon members for their attention. [Applause.]

Ms L M T XINGWANA: Mr Chairperson, Mr President, Deputy President, hon Ministers and hon members, first of all, I would like to congratulate Mr Msomi for confusing the biggest lawyer in the DP. I would further recommend that the hon President should appoint Mr Msomi to the Judicial Commission. [Laughter.]

Towards the end of November 1999, I had the opportunity to attend the All- Africa Women’s Conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with Professor Harriet Ngubane. In this conference, we were given the opportunity to present a report on how far the South African Government has moved towards implementing the platform of action of Beijing in the past five years, in this regard, since the Beijing conference in 1995. The report was highly applauded and South Africa was regarded as a leader in addressing gender inequalities and affirming women in Africa. [Applause.]

This is, of course, as a result of the commitment of the ANC-led Government and the ANC leadership, to the empowerment and emancipation of women. As women, we salute our late President, Oliver Tambo, who spearheaded these programmes when he was still the president of the ANC. The international community, NGOs and delegations from various African countries in that conference did not believe that South Africa has already achieved 30% representation of women in Parliament, and that 40% of our Deputy Ministers and Ministers are women.

Delegations also noted that women are holding key portfolios such as Foreign Affairs, Minerals and Energy, Health, Public Works and so on, and the chairpersonship of key portfolio committees such as Defence, Finance, Intelligence, Environmental Affairs, Housing and so on. In addition, the presiding officers in our two Houses of Parliament and the Deputy Speaker as well as our ambassadors in some of our most strategic countries, such as the United Kingdom, USA, France, Switzerland, Malaysia, India, Venezuela, Botswana and Mozambique, are women. It was also noted that gender and racial imbalances are being addressed within the judiciary and in the Reserve Bank. Already, we have an African woman judge in the highest court of the land, the Constitutional Court. I would like to emphasise that these women are not just there as tokens, but they have proved their salt. [Applause.]

The ANC Government has moved beyond affirming women in leadership. It has delivered to ordinary women and, in particular, to women in the rural areas. I will not cite the examples that we all know, that the women themselves have recognised and attested to when they delivered an overwhelming majority vote to the ANC on 2 June 1999. In this regard, I will simply quote our past President, Mr Nelson Mandela, when he said:

Although the ANC hoped to achieve more since the last election, it has made an impressive start. Not a single government in 346 years, since Jan van Riebeek landed in the Cape, has done a tenth of what the ANC has done. [Applause.] Since 1994, we have begun to build a united, democratic, nonracial, nonsexist South African nation.

Today we have the Commission on Gender Equality, the Office on the Status of Women, the Disability Office and the National Youth Commission in the President’s Office as a result of the broad consultation by President Thabo Mbeki, who is a member of ANC Women’s League … [Applause] … and consulted with the ANC Women’s League and the broader women’s organisations when he was still Deputy President. We salute President Thabo Mbeki for his dedication and commitment to fundamental transformation and the improvement of the lives of South African women, particularly women in the rural areas. However, we would like him to always remember that he is a member of the ANC Women’s League and that the ANC Women’s League is a priority.

We also commend our Government for making new opportunities for women and the poor through institutions such as Ntsika and Khula, which enable women to start their own businesses and create jobs. We salute our Government for some of the most progressive laws passed in the past five years, including the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act, the Domestic Violence Act, the legislation pertaining to the harmonisation of customary laws act and the Maintenance Act, which are some of the key pieces of legislation which have gone a long way towards improving the quality of life of women. The Open Democracy Bill, the Administrative Justice Bill and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Bill have, through Parliament, substantiated women’s rights already entrenched in our Constitution.

Challenges still facing our Government include the lack of transformation in the Public Service. In the private sector, the boards of directors are still pale and grey. The banks are still inaccessible to the poor and to our women. The same applies to the police and the judiciary. We need to speed up transformation in these sectors in order for our Government to accelerate delivery.

I would also like to make an urgent request regarding rural women and local government.

Ezilalini kuthiwa izibonda ezingoomama azifuneki. Bathi ootata asizange sibekho isibonda esingumama, abanakuphathwa ngabafazi. [In the rural areas it is said that females cannot be made heads of villages. Men say no female has ever been a head of a village; they cannot have a female as their head.]

I would like to ask the President to take up this concern when he meets amakhosi and the khoshis and to remind them. … [Time expired.] [Applause.]   Mr C AUCAMP: Mr Chairperson, hon President and all other members of the Women’s League, hon members … [Laughter] … there are many positive aspects in the President’s speech. On the whole the President gave the impression of being hands-on with practical issues in South Africa. Clearly the time of symbolism and ideology-driven government has given way to practical day-to-day business, and that should be appreciated.

The practical and pragmatic approach of the President is proved by the fact that, at times, his speech sounded more like a budget speech than a state of the nation address. We are grateful for the positive economic expectations, and I sincerely hope that they are realistic and achievable.

Of course, thumbs up for the proposed revision of the labour Acts, especially for the growing realisation of the importance of a free and growing economy, and the acknowledgement that policies undermining this should come under scrutiny. In the second place - I direct this to the President and Dr Zuma - I want comment on the quotation from the racist e- mail message. Yes, there are still instances of racism and hate speech based thereupon, but I can honestly assure members today that a lot of progress has been made. Believe me, personally I very seldom hear these types of remarks any more, and when they occur, a sincere reprimand is time and again received in a positive way. Apart from the selectiveness of the example, I am sure that psychologically a positive approach in this regard will also have more positive results.

In the third place I want to devote the main part of my reply to the fact that a matter of crucial importance was not even mentioned by the President. Yes, of course, I am referring to the all-important issue of minority rights, the rights of religious, language and cultural communities as stated in section 185 of the Constitution. Not a word was said about this. What about the office in the President’s department that he promised in his previous speech? There was not even a hint of an answer to the well- meant public request for a charter for minority rights, bringing South Africa in line with many other countries, and not a word was said about the report of a statutory body, the Volkstaatraad, handed to the Government nearly a year ago.

Hierdie stilswye kon nog afgemaak word as ‘n ongelukkige oorsig, ‘n ligte mistykie'', maar uitsprake deur agb lede van die ANC in hierdie debat dwing my om met erns te vra: waarheen is die ANC op pad met minderheidsregte in Suid-Afrika? Hier verwys ek in die eerste plek na die toespraak van die agb Pierre Gerber gister in hierdie Huis. Gestroop van al die interessante toebehoorsels oor sopbene in die pastorie, 'n bosduif vir aandete en vroue wat nie halfpad swanger kan raak nie, kan die oproep van mnr Gerber namens die ANC tot Afrikaners gerig, saamgevat word onder die titel van 'n gediggieCome into my parlour,' said the spider to the fly.'' [Gelag.] Ek haal aan: `Vir die Afrikaner om by opposisiepolitiek betrokke te raak, is soos om ‘n Avbob-begrafnispolis uit te neem.’’

Na Afrikaner-opposisieleiers word verwys as kamikaze-politici, selfaangewyste spreekbuise, net soos die honderde finansiële adviseurs wat nie een ‘n miljoenêr is nie. Kan ek maar in dié verband vir mnr Gerber sê ek kan nie ‘n eier lê nie, maar ek kan ruik as hy vrot is. Na Afrikaners buite die ANC is verwys as deelsaaiers en binne die ANC is daar ruimte vir Afrikanerdenke, -vrese en -ideale. Hierdie siening, hierdie Kallie-en-Piksindroom, is deurspek van die volgende absurditeite: eerstens, as ‘n mens die minderheid se belange wil bevorder, moet jy die meerderheid versterk; tweedens, if you cannot beat them, join them''; derdens,one country, one nation’’ beteken in ANC-taal ``one nation, one party, en vierdens word die ANC gevra om nou asseblief die stryders vir die Afrikaner en ander volke se taal, die waardering van sy geskiedenis, die handhawing van sy waardes, die kaart en transport van sy toekoms te word, want hy was mos mooi soet, hy het selfs vir hulle gestem!

Die Afrikaners vra nie ex gratia-gunsies vir goeie gedrag nie. Hy vra nie voorregte nie. Hy vra internasionaal erkende regte, verwoord in talle internasionale resolusies, byvoorbeeld die KVS1-Europa, Kopenhagen 1990, Helsinki 1992, VN-resolusies 92 en 94 en die Raad van Europa se Konvensie vir die Beskerming van Minderhede in 1995, en waarvan daar ook spore in die African Charter is wat deur hierdie Parlement bekragtig is. Les bes het ons ook die sogenaamde unsigned agreement'' tussen die ANC en die Afrikaner Volksfront in 1993, en die Accord on Afrikaner Self-determination tussen die VF, die ANC en die destydse regering, waarvan daar tot op hede nog dadels gekom het. Sê mnr Gerber nog:‘Come into my parlour,’ said the spider to the fly’’? Ek wil hom antwoord met ‘n ander gediggie uit my kinderjare. Dit gaan so:

Neef Jakkals nooi vir gansie: Kom eet vanaand by my Daar is heerlike kossies en uintjies uit die vlei!'' Nee dankie,’’ sê die gansie, ``al staan jy op jou kop, As ek vanaand by jou kom eet, Vreet jy my sekerlik op!’’

[Gelag.] Hierdie ingebrekebly van die ANC, asook uitsprake van Kabinetsministers in hierdie Huis, kom veel eerder neer op die handhawing van ‘n uitgediende teorie dat die minderheidsregte deur gewone individuele regte gewaarborg gaan word. Kyk maar wat sê die bekende politieke filosoof van Kanada, Will Kimlika, hieroor. Dis mos logies, die deel kan nie opgaan in die geheel nie. ‘n Mens kan tog nie sakkie-sakkie op die ritme van ‘n toyi-toyi nie. ‘n Mens kan tog nie uit politieke korrektheid dieselfde voel oor Piet Retief, Dingaan en Rhodes nie, en nou praat ek van Cecil en nie van Jonty nie. ‘n Multikulturele meerderheid kan tog nie dieselfde ywer en sensitiwiteit aan die dag lê vir jou kultuur, jou geskiedenis en jou taal, wat terloops dalk uit die howe gaan verdwyn nie. Die oplossing is dit: verleen die reg aan minderhede tot eie strukture op statutêre vlak sodat hy sy aansprake kan verwoord, en verseker so positiewe deelname, veiligheid en stabiliteit. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ja, positief.

Agb prof Ben Turok het gister die gansies wat lugtig is vir jakkals van negatiwiteit beskuldig. Ek vra: is ek negatief as ek vir Afrikaner- jongmense sê: Bêre daardie paspoort, jou toekoms lê in hierdie land''? Is ek negatief as ek vir tienduisende Afrikaners wat buite die demokratiese proses gestaan het, gesê het:Kom neem deel. Gee my jou mandaat om jou aspirasies in die hoogste raadsale van die land te gaan verwoord’’? As ons, ook in die jaar 2000, nog steeds met oorgawe sing: Ons vir jou Suid- Afrika'', is ons negatief net omdat ons nie daarby voegViva ANC!’’ nie?

Ons wag in spanning op die President se antwoord. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[This silence could still be passed off as an unfortunate oversight, a minor mistake, but statements by hon members of the ANC in this debate force me to ask seriously: Where is the ANC going with minority rights in South Africa? Here I am referring firstly to the speech of the hon Pierre Gerber yesterday in this House. Stripped of all the interesting adjuncts about soup bones in the manse, a rock-pigeon for supper and women who could not fall halfway pregnant, the appeal of Mr Gerber, addressed to Afrikaners on behalf of the ANC, can be summarised under the title of a poem, 'Come into my parlour,' said the spider to the fly.'' [Laughter.] I quote:For the Afrikaner to become involved in opposition politics is like taking out an Avbob funeral policy.’’

Afrikaner opposition leaders are referred to as kamikaze politicians, self- appointed mouthpieces, just like the hundreds of financial advisors, not one of whom is a millionaire. May I, in this regard, say to Mr Gerber that I am not able to lay an egg, but I can smell when it is rotten. Afrikaners outside the ANC were referred to as share-croppers, and within the ANC there is room for Afrikaner ideas, fears and ideals.

This view, this Kallie-and-Pik-syndrome, is interspersed with the following absurdities: Firstly, if one wants to promote the interests of the minority, one should strengthen the majority; secondly, if you cannot beat them, join them''; thirdly,one country, one nation’’ means, in the language of the ANC, ``one nation, one party’’, and fourthly, the ANC is being asked, please, to champion the language of the Afrikaner and other peoples, the appreciation of their history, the upholding of their values, the title deeds of their future, because, after all, they behaved so well and even voted for them!

The Afrikaners are not asking for ex gratia favours for good behaviour. They are not asking for privileges. They are asking for internationally recognised rights, expressed in many international resolutions, for example the KVS1-Europe, Copenhagen 1990, Helsinki 1992, UN Resolutions 92 and 94 and the Council of Europe’s Convention for the Protection of Minorities in 1995, clear indications of which are also to be found in the African Charter, which has been ratified by this Parliament. Last, but not least, we also have the so-called unsigned agreement between the ANC and the Afrikaner Volksfront in 1993, and the Accord on Afrikaner Self- determination between the FF, the ANC and the then government, of which absolutely nothing has come yet.

Does Mr Gerber still say: ``‘Come into my parlour,’ said the spider to the fly’’? My response to him is contained in another little poem from my childhood. It reads as follows:

Neef Jakkals nooi vir gansie: Kom eet vanaand by my. Daar is heerlike kossies en uintjies uit die vlei!'' Nee dankie,’’ sê die gansie, ``al staan jy op jou kop, As ek vanaand by jou kom eet, Vreet jy my sekerlik op!’’

[Laughter.] This failure of the ANC, as well as statements by Cabinet Ministers in this House, far rather amount to upholding an obsolete theory that minority rights will be guaranteed by ordinary individual rights. Consider what the well-known political philosopher from Canada, Will Kimlika, has said about this. Surely it is logical that a part cannot blend into the whole. Surely one cannot ``sakkie-sakkie’’ to the rhythm of a toyi- toyi. Surely one cannot, for the sake of political correctness, feel the same about Piet Retief, Dingaan and Rhodes, and here I am speaking about Cecil and not Jonty. Surely a multicultural majority cannot show the same dedication and sensitivity in respect of one’s culture, one’s history and one’s language, which, by the way, may disappear from the courts. The solution is this: Give minorities the right to their own structures at statutory level to enable them to stake their claims, and thus ensure positive participation, safety and stability. [Interjections.] Yes, positive.

Yesterday the hon Prof Ben Turok accused the geese who are wary of the fox of negativity. I ask: Am I negative when I say to the Afrikaner youth: Put away that passport, your future lies in this country''? Am I negative, when I say to thousands of Afrikaners who were excluded from the democratic process:Come and participate. Give me your mandate to go and express your aspirations in the highest chambers of the country?’’ If we, even in the year 2000, still sing from our hearts: Oh, South Africa, dear land'', are we negative just because we do not addViva ANC!’’ to that?

We are waiting in suspense for the President’s reply.]

Mr M RAMGOBIN: Mr Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President, Ministers, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to say to the hon the President that his address to the nation was, for most South Africans, underpinned by a passion for social justice. I gleaned from his remarks that the fundamental test of all things, whether the market system, trade unions, taxes, exchange controls or alliances, is how far they benefit the poorest of the poor.

I hear the hon the President’s call for the spiritual unity of humanity. I hear his call for a community of spirit with the inhabitants of the squatter camps and the destitute in the rural areas, not only in South Africa, but on the entire continent. An address replete with such spirituality compels me to read, again and again, Dialogue 64, in which Jesus Christ says to Catherine of Siena:

You cannot give the kind of love I ask you. This is why I have put you among your neighbours: so that you can do for them, what you cannot do for me, that is, love them without any concern for thanks and without looking for any profit for yourself. And, whatever you do for them I will consider done for me.

My remarks this afternoon will focus on the failure of the developed world to rise to the challenge of transformation and reconstruction. I will use the word ``developed’’ interchangeably, to mean the developed Western world and our own developed, essentially white, population. All South African blacks shared a common historical experience of Western colonial rule which induced a common reaction relating to several international issues. Economic development, social progress and political emancipation became the overwhelming aspiration of all colonised peoples. Everybody in this House, the opposition parties included, agreed that apartheid was the dirtiest symbol of our deepest degradation of both black and white people.

In spite of obstructions, sensitive and warm-hearted men and women in the developed world did come to help. However, can the apologists deny that resources from this part of the world contributed to the development of the developed world? Can they deny that the labour of the developing world subsidised the labour of the developed world? Can the protagonists of the unbridled free-market system deny that wages for blacks in the South African mines, which were 72 cents per day in 1910, had fallen to 50 cents in value per day in 1975?

All the grandstanding of the DP, which, indeed, is an extension and representative of the developed world, in regard to its refrain on squatter camps and the growing despair among the poor, is less than cheap. However, I must, indeed, be presumptuous to expect any better from the DP, whose leaders pretend to be the unyielding opponents of political authoritarianism, but still want to enter into deals with the right-wingers of the dead NP and even with Lucas Mangope to boot.

I, too, with Brecht, would like to warn South Africans against the resurgence of rightists - in his words: ``the bitch is in heat again’’, if not the fox - in South Africa. [Interjections.] And, true to itself, with its self-righteous indignation, it has the shameless gall to reflect on the ANC-Cosatu-SACP alliance, which is an alliance born in struggle to resist racism, and with an unbridled passion for democracy, justice and the creation of a compassionate society for all South Africans.

The picture of the developed world is of one that lacks the will to be engaged in the transformation of countries like ours. Instead, it is like the DP, which chases ambulances with dead bodies in order to catch votes. The developed world, by commission and/or omission, lends itself to strife and instability. Instead of chasing ambulances, has the DP organised ventilators and blood for accident victims? A similar question can be asked of those who proclaimed constructive engagement while arming, aiding and abetting Savimbi. How many schools, clinics and hospitals did they build in order to help Angola? None. Instead, Savimbi’s soldiers destroyed these and more, and these soldiers were assisted by South Africans whom the DP saluted as ``our boys’’. Ask Colin Eglin.

Mozambique could have been the granary of sub-Saharan Africa. Instead, it became one of the poorest countries in the world. Does the DP recall white South Africa’s role in this? What was the nature of engagement by the developed world in respect of the DRC? Did it help construct it? No, it did not. Instead, through the Tshombes and white-controlled Union Meniere, it destabilised it, and through the Mobutus, it plundered it and is still the custodian and keeper of Mobutu’s wealth.

Has the DP ever pronounced on these vulgarities in which many so-called reputable South Africans have had a hand? The continent is replete with such examples. I am not in any way ignoring the other subjective reasons for the current plight of the continent, but I am convinced that the developed countries, including the DP, are cobelligerents against democracy and reconstruction and - I refer this to Mr Ellis - by deduction, are against the African renaissance, of which the fundamental guiding principle is social justice and the recognition of a common humanity for all in Africa. The developed world, especially those in the EU … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Mr Chairperson, hon President, Deputy President and hon members, I think I should start off by apologising to the House. Earlier on I made the fatal error of phoning the office of the hon Patricia de Lille and indicating that I would be taking part in the debate this afternoon. Now I notice that the member has disappeared. [Laughter.] I hope that I am not responsible for that because of that call. [Interjections.]

Yesterday a senior member of this House and the leader of the IFP, Dr Buthelezi, made a plea that the time had come that we raise the level of debate in the House. I think that that is a timely call, because the issues we are dealing with here are, indeed, very serious issues. I think it is important that each time a member of the House comes to take the podium she or he must begin to understand that she or he is performing a sacred duty. In his address to the nation on Friday, the hon the President said:

The Government pledges its full support to both Nelson Mandela and Sir Ketumile Masire of Botswana as they work with the governments and people of Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo to bring peace and democracy to these sister African countries.

The core business of the National Defence Force is the defence and protection of the Republic. The National Defence Force is poised and ready to effectively discharge this obligation. We proceed from the premise that defence is both cheaper and easier if our country is surrounded by a sea of peace and stability. Therefore, rather than undermine the Lusaka Peace Agreement or any initiative intended to create peace in our region, we are in fact the main sponsors of every step that is being taken in our region to create peace and stability.

With regard to the resolution of the DRC process, we are in fact the main sponsors of that process. It is therefore completely untrue and dangerous in the extreme to allege that those of us who are grappling with the intricacies of the DRC are taking sides in the matter, such as was done yesterday by the hon member Bantu Holomisa who unfortunately is not here to benefit from some of the wisdom that we will be sharing here.

In the case of the DRC, South Africa supports one thing and one thing alone

• the democratisation of the DRC. That is what we support. We have not entered the military fray in the DRC precisely because we regard the problem of that country as a political issue requiring a political solution. The question in the DRC is: Who must govern the country? That question needs to be answered not on the battlefield but in the voting stations. The leaders of the various factions in that country must enter into a national dialogue, agree on an election date and allow the people of the DRC to choose who should govern it.

If we were to take any step that seeks to strengthen one of the groups or factions, or the other, we would have forfeited our role in promoting democratisation in the DRC, the continent as a whole and the world. So the drive by South Africa, the efforts of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and other related departments that are working with her, is to make sure that the DRC ultimately arrives at a point of this election.

I should of course have had an opportunity to say to the hon member who spoke so loudly yesterday in this House that part of the reason why he was expelled from the ANC is that kind of behaviour where one does not go and get the facts and then talk on the facts. [Laughter.] [Applause.] He must not create fictitious facts and argue on them.

With regard to this issue, I wish to draw members’ attention to the fact that since June 1998, no weapons were supplied by South Africa to any one of the belligerents in the DRC, none whatsoever. At the time of the outbreak of hostilities in the DRC, we had orders for weaponry from a number of countries in the region. We moved immediately to freeze all the orders and that situation remains to this day.

On 25 August last year - I think the hon member who was speaking here yesterday was still too new as a leader of a party in the House - the hon Colin Eglin posed a question to the President asking whether we had been supplying weapons over the previous two years or so to any of the belligerents in the DRC. The reply to that question was given by the hon Minister of Education in his capacity as chairperson of the National Conventional Arms Control Committee. It was a written reply that was given to this House. I thought that if the hon member Bantu Holomisa had acquainted himself with the content of that reply at the time, he would be in possession of the information. Because, when members ask questions here, they do not ask those questions just for themselves, and when we supply answers, we supply them for the benefit of every member of the House. I think he would have benefited if he had looked at that reply, because the reply given to that question indicated what and how much weaponry had been supplied to what country.

That was before the hostilities broke out. Therefore, it is not impossible that some of the weaponry bought much earlier could have been used by some of the people there. But to then say, if one saw a piece of artillery or something anywhere, that this Government has taken a position to supply weapons, in other words, to fuel the conflict there, is a most irresponsible thing to do. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr M A MNCWANGO: Mr Chairperson, His Excellency the President, Deputy President, hon Ministers and colleagues, I notice that the DP is trickling back after it has gone into an impromptu caucus … [Laughter] … now that for once they have been found with their political knickers twisted. [Laughter.]

There are fundamental imbalances in our country which undermine the fabric of our society and threaten to destroy our prospects for a successful, prosperous and stable future. We need to assess the statements made by the President in his opening address against the details of what has been done or has been planned to be done to redress these imbalances.

Our country cannot survive with the present imbalance between rural and urban areas, between rich and poor, between the employed and the unemployed, between the law-abiding and the lawless. The issue of rural development, employment generation, upliftment of the poorest of the poor, and the promotion of a culture of law, order and social discipline can and should become part of the unified equation.

These issues belong together and should be addressed through a unified strategy. Unfortunately, the law, policies and programmes that we have set in place to address these imbalances have proved to be insufficient, if not at times counterproductive. These inadequacies have been the product of erroneous perspectives being applied in formulating policies to tackle the problems.

Often an urban perspective has been applied when dealing with rural development. The perspective of the rich has been applied when dealing with the problems of the poor. The view points of those who are employed has governed the debate on employment generation and the needs of the unemployed. In dealing with an almost pervasive culture of rebellion, lawlessness and crippling social disintegration, the perspective of law enforcement has been adopted over the standpoint of communities and their earnest efforts to rebuild the fibre of their regulative and respectful social way of life.

Most of all, our policies have reflected a constant, all-pervasive and, unfortunately, increasingly top-down perspective. Our policies have sought uniformity and aimed at strengthening the top layers of decision-making in the hands of power. We need a revolution in the way we approach these problems. We must begin adopting a bottom-up perspective which starts from the needs, aspirations and ways of life of the people whose problems we intend to solve. We must substitute the perspective of Government with the viewpoint of the people.

Our Government must focus its priority attention on the reconstruction of our communities. We need a unified, community-based strategy which tackles the problems of crime, the spread of Aids, underdevelopment and the lack of training from within the communities. We need to put our communities to work on their own development within a framework of social discipline, enthusiasm and renewed motivation for the struggle ahead.

Within this context, it is very damaging that the policies and the legislation we have adopted will have the practical effect of undermining the role, powers and functions of traditional leadership. This phenomenon will increase the process of social disintegration and the breakdown of our communities, without providing an alternative clear model which can bring about a different form of community cohesiveness.

If we wish to bring about a genuine and credible African renaissance, we must enable our communities to express themselves and become the engines of their own transformation and development. We must strengthen, rather than undermine, the existing blocks of our society. In this context, the thorny issue of the demarcation of boundaries for municipal areas assumes an important connotation over and above its actual legal significance.

It might be true that, considered in itself, boundary demarcation is not responsible for the many pressures put on communities across South Africa. However, it is the proverbial last straw which breaks the camel’s back and makes it real and tangible to the people that our Government is heavy- handed and functions from the top down.

Demarcation of municipal boundaries and the entire establishment of local government … [Time expired.]

The MINISTER OF HOUSING: Mr President, Chairperson, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, in 1994 the ANC, which is a mass-based organisation whose base membership is nestled in the heart and soul of the poor and marginalised, entered government and faced the challenge of addressing problems around poverty, and eradicating inequalities entrenched by years of injustice and oppression that had direct links to the levels of crime.

Powerlessness, isolation, vulnerability and alienation are common threads uniting the different strands of poverty, getting up in the morning and not knowing what to do - Ke tla tsea eng ka beya? Ndiza kuthini? [What can I do? What can I do?] - failing health, underemployment, exploitation, walking long distances to draw water and fetch wood, and having to support grandchildren with old age pensions - these are but the tip of the iceberg of the social problems we inherited.

Where are the country’s poor? They are unevenly spread throughout the country’s nine provinces and they form a total of 70% of our rural dwellers, while 30% are in the urban areas in both formal and informal settlements. Poverty is a way of life for many in our country.

Racism compounded the problem by adding to social maladies such as overcrowding, poor infrastructure, illiteracy, limited access to goods and services and poor health facilities. Poverty has cut across the urban-rural divide and left a trail of oases of plenty amidst desperation and want, splitting our country into different fragments, pushing the chasm even wider - e arotse bana ba mpa [it is discriminating] - a society that was at odds with, and dismembered from, the ruling party. This created a huge chasm: them and us.

Despite the inroads we have made, we still see the DP’s Tony Leon and Seremane firmly trapped in the past and clinging to the old divide. ``Sizonibona’’, a quaint word used to depict the DP’s touristy forays into the townships to see how the other half lives, perpetuates the them-and-us syndrome, invades people’s lives and turns living spaces into zoos. Talking from the lofty heights of a tour bus and making pronouncements after paying fleeting visits to informal settlements is nothing but a cheap gimmick. Whither is the DP going? They are lost, they have to come back and be South Africans.

It took the hon Mr Tony Leon a latter-day’s voyage to discover, only last month in January, the conditions in which we, as blacks, grew up. [Interjections.] The majority of our people grew up in those conditions which the hon Mr Leon visits whenever he puts petrol into his tour bus. [Applause.] The hon member indulges in name-calling and that sort of behaviour is very unbecoming in any person who wants to be taken seriously as Leader of the Opposition.

We could have stood transfixed by the mammoth task facing the country or, like the DP, chattered all the time, but we got stuck in and introduced social programmes that targeted the most vulnerable members of our society, namely the women and their children and the disabled. I am proud to announce that we have made a significant impact and we have markedly improved the quality of life of our people. This has turned our society around and finally reconnected it with the Government of the day. We have the masses of our people at the centre of all our activities, and this is a nation which works for a better life.

While we acknowledge that incidences of crime occur in most neighbourhoods right across the country, the poor suffer most as evidenced by the high levels of sexual, alcohol and child abuse leading to fractured and unstable families. We have instituted legal and social programmes that focus on problems around domestic violence, sexual offences, landlessness, gender and racial inequities. The National Crime Prevention Strategy has yielded positive results through the partnership built with communities. These communities are now actively involved in the maintenance of safety and security in their neighbourhoods.

The foundation for a better life for all our people was laid in the first five years of governance, with funds supporting social programmes such as housing projects for the disabled, increased social grants, as well as improved infrastructure where there was none. We can now boast of an open government that is in tune with the people.

Access to clean water, sanitation and electricity, things some of us take for granted, have freed the country’s poor from the necessary albeit time- consuming tasks of gathering wood and drawing water at far-flung areas at great risk to the family’s health. Over three million people have received access to electricity and water, reducing the level of carbon monoxide substantially. The policies formulated and implemented by this Government have not only radically turned people’s lives around for the better, but have begun to chart the road leading to us creating a caring society while still steadily removing the iron grip of poverty.

With the dawn of the African century still in its infancy, we can proudly celebrate the gains made. The country’s poor now enjoy free health care services afforded to children and pregnant and nursing mothers. Tuberculosis, commonly known as the poor man’s disease, is now under control, and so is the incidence of cervical cancer among the poor. While we are still faced with the scourge of our time, HIV/Aids, we have managed to set in place systems and mechanisms to prevent and control infectious diseases.

The ability to read and write is most certainly a very important aspect that will help deepen our democracy and enable people to take charge of their lives and participate in the mainstream economy. The introduction of free and compulsory education, early childhood development, adult basic education and lifelong learning has restored the people’s human dignity. More importantly though, it has gone a long way towards reducing inequities and making a significant impact on literacy, strengthening and entrenching democratic governance.

Nomfanelo Duba, a middle-aged farmworker and mother of two, used to glance at her children’s books without comprehending. She proceeded by drawing a spider in the margins as a substitute for a signature, signifying that she had supervised her offspring’s homework. She was disempowered from participating, as well as giving guidance and support towards her children’s passage through education. She has now become a part of an ever- growing core of adult learners. Today she reads her children’s homework with critical and avid interest, shaping and nurturing their critical and analytic skills. Another example of a Government firmly hooked up and deeply connected with the people.

In the area of welfare, the country’s poor are now beneficiaries of welfare programmes like the old age pensions and grants for children and persons with disabilities. These are aimed at relieving poverty and providing support in the form of a safety net to the most vulnerable people in the country. The Minister for Welfare and Population Development launched a comprehensive programme called ``Towards a Caring Nation: Addressing the Needs of the Poor’’. This programme will intervene in critical areas and alleviate the levels of poverty, as well as pull in people who are on the bounds of despair.

The community water and sanitation programme has seen our people actively involved in the delivery of social services and improving the quality of life of our society. We are now implementing an integrated approach to the delivery of social services. Ordinary people are actively participating in the delivery of social services. We formed real partnerships with the people and we now have a nation at work for a better life for all our people.

In order to accelerate delivery, Government has introduced the poverty relief fund as an instrument to ensure that the poorest receive immediate attention. This Government provides an intervention mechanism that gets to the core of the problem. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr E SALOOJEE: Mr Chairperson and hon President, our new Constitution is quite unique in that its antipoverty focus establishes rights of people to adequate water, land, health care and social security.

Despite these fundamental rights, poverty and inequalities still characterises the lives and existence of millions of South Africans. The history of this country has resulted in living conditions of abject poverty for the poor based on racism, sexism and geographic banishment to rural areas. The systematic process of degradation and impoverishment of the people of this country has resulted in massive levels and depth of poverty that is still evident. Lack of infrastructure and unemployment in the rural areas severely constrain poor people from developing their capacity for economic advancement. Survival remains the current reality of the poorest of the poor, and what we want to say is that this is where we are coming from.

Mr Leon and some of his supporters tried to dramatise their visit to the rural areas recently, as if they have discovered them only now. Our Government and our people - even in the process of our fight for liberation

• are part of that community. In his speech, the President has highlighted the need to extricate poor people from the conditions of poverty and the violations of the human dignity that the poor in the country continue to suffer.

The Government has made great strides in alleviating the levels of poverty in this country through its policies, legislation and focus on increased economic growth. However, it must be acknowledged that the historical conditions that gave rise to poverty, unemployment and racial discrimination were so entrenched that, even five years after political and social transformation, we are still undoing the social and economic consequences of this legacy.

Essentially the rationale for transformation recognises that these huge inequalities continues to exist and urgently need to be reversed. The essence of our Government’s antipoverty policy has always been based on the recognition of the value and dignity of all persons, and more especially those who are the most vulnerable in our communities. I am speaking here about the poor, the unemployed, the elderly, single mothers, children and the disabled. This Government has always indicated its commitment to these vulnerable people and through its actions in government has demonstrated its concern for and identification with people who are in these conditions.

An essential component of this commitment, as the previous speaker said, is social security. Close to 90% of the welfare budget is allocated to social security. Approximately 7 out of every 100 South Africans are in receipt of government assistance and the department pays grants to 2,9 million households.

I am singling out social security. We know, and it is undeniable, that we are making advances with the growth of our economy. With it, one hopes that there will be a dramatic increase in opportunities for work. But while that is occurring, it is essential that we ensure that our people are able to survive in dignity. That is why I am singling out social security. In fact, if one looks at the figures, even if one compares it percentage-wise with the developed countries of our world, one will find that we have possibly one of the best social security systems that a country could enjoy.

But we are not saying that our people, the poor, must be condemned to rely on that forever. A better time will come, we are certain, especially if one looks at the kind of progress that has been made. The DP does not even want to recognise the advances that have been made.

An HON MEMBER: They are rich!

Mr E SALOOJEE: But until such time, and as we advance towards greater prosperity, we will reform the social security system in such a way that the expenses are reduced and it is targeted at those who require it desperately. These social grants are the source of household security for millions of South Africans who were marginalised through racial discrimination. These grants contribute to poverty alleviation and introduce resources into the poor communities. They provide a crucial form of income for a large number of vulnerable families. The long-term vision of this Government is for people and communities in urban and rural areas to become self-reliant, have sustained economic activity and enjoy a good quality of life. In the words of our President: ``They must be proud to be South Africans.’’

We are therefore committed to reducing the extent and depth of the poverty experienced by so many. Part of the Government’s strategy to ensure self- reliant communities is through integrated programmes that aim to reduce poverty. Whether these are in the form of social security, job creation through public works programmes or other means, it must be acknowledged that the very poor need a lifeline to enable them at least to mobilise resources at their disposal to escape deep poverty. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mnr F J VAN DEVENTER: Mnr die Voorsitter, ek gaan Afrikaans praat om sodoende vir die agb President ook dankie te sê vir sy positiewe houding teenoor die handhawing van ons taal in hierdie Parlement en daar buite. Ons bedank hom daarvoor.

AGB LEDE: Hoor, hoor!

Mnr F J VAN DEVENTER: Voor ek by die President se toespraak kom, wil ek net baie vinnig verwys na die opgewonde toespraak van die agb lid mnr Gibson oor opposisie-samewerking. Ek gaan nie veel meer daaroor sê nie, behalwe dat as hy televisie kyk, sal hy sien daar is ‘n advertensie waarin ‘n man met ‘n tassie in sy hand stap, en dan kom daar ‘n voëltjie so oor hom gevlieg en dan blerts die voëltjie hom so op sy baadjie. Dan drink dié man sy Red Bull en dan vlieg hy bokant die voëltjie verby. Gelukkig was mnr Gibson se tyd om voordat hy sy broek kon loskry! [Gelag.]

Daar is baie dinge wat die President gesê het wat ‘n mens kan kritiseer, net soos daar baie dinge is wat ‘n mens kan kritiseer omdat hy dit nié gesê het nie. Ek wil egter aan die President sê dankie dat hy, wat die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika vorentoe betref, dit ten minste duidelik uitgestippel het dat ekonomiese groei, gebaseer op die gesonde beginsels van ‘n vryemarkstelsel, ingebed is in sy toekomsvisie vir Suid-Afrika.

Daar is geen manier hoe ons die armoede wat in ons land heers, kan hokslaan, hoe ons daardie groei kan kry en hoe ons investering kan kry as ons nie die vertroue by mense daar buite skep om hierdie land te gebruik en te ontwikkel soos wat hy verdien nie. Ek verstaan die hele bekommernis oor armoede, en ek het net soveel simpatie met armoede as wat enige lid in hierdie Parlement van watter party ook al het.

Ons moet egter baie versigtig wees wanneer ons praat oor die bestryding van armoede dat ons nie verwagtings skep en beloftes maak in ‘n tyd wanneer ons ekonomie in ‘n opwaartse swaai is, wat ons nie kan volhou wanneer die noodwendige afswaai van die ekonomie weer aanbreek nie. Dan lewer ons hierdie land uit en dan bind ons hierdie land vas aan ‘n stelsel van sosialisme wat baie sterker ekonomieë as dié van Suid-Afrika al op hulle knieë gedwing het. Dan praat ons van korttermyn-oplossings vir ‘n probleem wat nie met korttermyn-oplossings opgelos kan word nie.

Ek wil verwys na een of twee sake wat my regtig hinder, en ek doen dit met groot piëteit. Die eerste hiervan is dat wanneer daar gepraat word van rassisme en beskuldigings gemaak word oor rassisme, dan is daar altyd ‘n subtiele ondertoon of ‘n blatante verwysing dat rassisme eintlik maar beoefen word deur die witmense van Suid-Afrika. Ek wil werklik die President in belang van nasiebou en in belang van vertroue vra dat ons van hierdie soort beskuldiging, wat niks anders is as ‘n poging om politieke steun op grond van die verlede te probeer werf en te behou nie, sal afstap, want dit is so waar as wat ons vandag hier staan en sit dat rassisme nie ‘n wit of ‘n swart of ‘n bruin groep ken nie.

In al hierdie groepe is daar mense wat hulself en hulle standpunte probeer regverdig deur beledigend op te tree teenoor mense van ander groepe. Ons het ‘n verantwoordelikheid in hierdie Parlement, en veral hulle wat in die Regering sit, om hierdie soort tendens hok te slaan en uit die weg te ruim, anders gaan ons Suid-Afrika vernietig.

Die tweede saak waarna ek wil verwys, is die hele kwessie van armoede. Dit word aan dieselfde beginsel onderwerp, naamlik dat as daar gepraat word van armoede, dan word almal in twee kampe ingedeel; die ryk wittes en die arm swartmense. Sedert 1975, toe ongeveer 2% van die 10% rykste mense in Suid- Afrika uit swart huishoudings gekom het, het die gaping vernou, en in 1996 het 22% van die rykste huishoudings in Suid-Afrika uit swart geledere gekom.

Die gaping tussen ryk en arm word groter, maar daardie tendens bestaan nie alleen tussen ryk wit en arm swart nie; dit bestaan ook tussen ryk swart en arm swart, en ryk wit en arm wit. Dit is ‘n globale en ‘n nasionale probleem waarmee ons worstel. As ons aanhoudend groepe in hokke plaas van wie ryk en wie arm is, gaan ons nooit die simpatie kry om hierdie netelige probleem op te los nie.

Die derde saak is die kwessie van die opkoms van ‘n regse mag. Ek deel die President se vrese daaroor, maar weer eens moet ons nie die persepsie laat dat daardie regse mag kan opstaan bloot uit wit geledere nie. Ek het ‘n vermoede hy gaan uit ander geledere opstaan, en ons moet daarop bedag wees sodat ons nie mense in kampe jaag wat meebring dat ons, wanneer ons daardie geveg moet voer, verdeeld is nie.

Daar is egter ook ‘n ander groot gevaar, en dit is dat daar ook in die geledere van die georganiseerde arbeid, die werkers en die werkloses, magte aan die werk is wat probeer om beloofde voorspoed te bring deur die verdeling van rykdom. Dit gaan Suid-Afrika vernietig. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mr F J VAN DEVENTER: Mr Chairperson, I am going to speak in Afrikaans, thus enabling me also to thank the hon the President for his positive attitude with regard to the upholding of our language in this Parliament and outside. We thank him for that.

HON MEMBERS: Hear,hear!

Mr F J VAN DEVENTER: Before I come to the President’s speech, I would just like to refer very briefly to the agitated speech of the hon member Mr Gibson with regard to co-operation between opposition parties. I am not going to say much more about this, except that if he watches television, he will see an advertisement in which a man is walking along carrying a briefcase in his hand, and then a little bird flies over him and soils his jacket. This man then drinks his Red Bull and flies above the little bird. Fortunately Mr Gibson’s time had expired before he could unzip his trousers! [Laughter.]

There are a lot of things that the President said that one could criticise, just as there are a lot of things one could criticise because he did not say them. However, I would like to thank the President for at least outlining very clearly, with regard to the future development of South Africa, that economic growth, based on the sound principles of a free market system, is deeply embedded in his future vision for South Africa.

There is no way in which we can contain the poverty which is prevalent in our country, in which we can achieve that growth and in which we can manage to get investments, if we do not create confidence amongst the people out there, to use this country and to develop it as it deserves. I understand all the concerns about poverty, and I have just as much sympathy with regard to poverty as any member in this Parliament of whichever party has.

However, we must be very careful when we talk about the combating of poverty not to create expectations and make promises at a time when our economy is experiencing an upswing, which we will not be able to sustain when there is an inevitable downswing in the economy. Then we are placing this country at the mercy of and committing it to a system of socialism which has already forced far stronger economies than that of South Africa to their knees. Then we are talking about short-term solutions for a problem which cannot be solved with short-term solutions.

I would like to refer to one or two issues which are really worrying me, and I do so with great piety. The first of these is that when racism is discussed and accusations are made about racism, it is always subtly suggested or blatantly stated that racism is actually practised by the whites of South Africa. I really want to ask the President, in the interest of nation-building and confidence, that we stop making this type of accusation, which is nothing but an attempt to drum up and retain political support on the strength of what happened in the past, because it is an incontrovertible fact that racism is not confined to a white or a black or a coloured group.

In all these groups there are people who try to justify themselves and their positions by behaving insultingly towards people of other groups. We have a responsibility in this Parliament, and especially those persons who are in Government, to crack down on and eliminate this type of tendency, otherwise we are going to destroy South Africa.

The second matter I want to refer to, is the whole issue of poverty. This is being subjected to the same principle, namely that when poverty is mentioned, everybody is divided into two groups; the wealthy whites and the poor blacks. Since 1975, when approximately 2% of the wealthiest 10% of people came from black households, the gap has narrowed, and in 1996 22% of the wealthiest households in South Africa were black.

The gap between wealthy and poor is widening, but this tendency does not only exist between wealthy whites and poor blacks; it also exists between wealthy blacks and poor blacks, as well as wealthy whites and poor whites. This problem we are grappling with, is a global and a national one. If we constantly compartmentalise groups as regards to who is wealthy and who is poor, we will never build up the sympathy to solve this thorny problem.

The third matter is the issue of the emergence of a right-wing force. I share the President’s fears in this regard, but, once again, we must not create the impression that that right-wing force will only come from the ranks of the whites. I have a suspicion it will develop from other ranks, and we must be mindful of that, so that we do not compartmentalise people, which will lead to our being divided, when we have to fight that battle.

However, there is also another grave danger, namely that in the ranks of organised labour, workers and the unemployed, there are forces at work which are trying to bring about the prosperity that has been promised by way of the division of wealth. This will destroy South Africa. [Applause.]]

Mnr D A A OLIFANT: Mnr die Voorsitter en agb President, ek wil nie graag reageer op mnr Van Deventer se toespraak nie, maar ek wil net vir mnr Van Schalkwyk sê dit is duidelik dat daar ‘n groot breuk en baie krake is in die koalisie in die Wes-Kaap. Die premier het gesê die koalisie werk. Die arrogansie wat mnr Gibson hier getoon het, tesame met die opmerking wat mnr Van Deventer gemaak het, is ‘n duidelike teken dat dit nié werk nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek wil al die ander partye wat graag samewerking met die DP wil hê, waarsku dat hulle ‘n fatale fout gaan maak. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Mr D A A OLIFANT: Mr Chairperson and hon President, I do not wish to react to Mr Van Deventer’s speech, but I would just like to tell Mr Van Schalkwyk that it is clear that there is a big split and many cracks in the coalition in the Western Cape. The Premier said that the coalition is working. The arrogance which Mr Gibson displayed here, together with the remark which Mr Van Deventer made, is a clear sign that it is not working. [Interjections.] I want to warn all the other parties who would like to have co-operation with the DP that they are going to make a fatal mistake. [Interjections.]]

In his state of the nation address, the President informed South Africans about how Government planned to intervene in the process of encouraging economic growth and development. He mentioned, among other things, the establishment of a Local Economic Development Fund. This fund was established in August 1999, in the words of the President -

to support municipalities as they work to meet their mandate of stimulating economic development at the local level. We see this fund as a response to the ongoing and over-reported crisis experienced by local government. Local government has always been characterised by a lack of capacity, especially financial resources, hence its ineffectiveness and inefficiency.

Let me remind the people of this country that the problem at local government was deliberately entrenched by apartheid. It was at local level that apartheid was most viciously implemented and it is at local level that its effective eradication will be measured. The fund will assist the local government sphere to execute its constitutional mandate to promote the social and economic development of its communities.

The White Paper on Local Government that was produced in 1998 further mandates the local state to use a developmental Batho Pele [people first] approach in implementing its social and economic development programme. It is a local sphere of government that delivers services to the people on behalf of the entire system of government, but this is made difficult by lack of resources, as I mentioned earlier.

The principle of co-operative governance as per section 154(1) of the Constitution stipulates:

… national … and provincial governments … must support and strengthen the capacity of municipalities to manage their own affairs, to exercise their powers and to perform their functions.

By establishing the Local Economic Development Fund, the national Government has not only implemented the provisions of the section, but also adhered to the policy commitments that our President has reiterated in all his addresses as head of state.

I want to emphasise and remind the country that the Local Economic Development Fund and other initiatives that the President referred to in his state of the nation address are policy commitments that flow directly from the broad policies of the ANC on transformation. The Local Economic Development Fund is meant to support locally inspired efforts to increase growth and employment and develop markets. The most important characteristic of local economic development is when local people take the initiative and form partnerships with the private sector, Government and NGOs to improve their social and economic conditions, leading to a strong and sustainable national economy.

The R42 million allocated to the LED Fund has been divided among the nine provinces, with priority being given to the poorest provinces like the Eastern Cape, Northern Province and Kwazulu-Natal, which each got R6 million while the others were allocated R3 million each. The Western Cape, I need to mention, was allocated an additional R3 million because of the effect that the tornado of last year had on one of the municipalities.

The 47 projects which have been approved nationally will create about 13 523 long-term jobs. The KwaZulu-Natal Mooi River project is worth mentioning. About 800 people have been retrenched due to the closure of a major textile factory. The LEDF is supporting a major initiative by the local people and other stakeholders to assess the feasibility of establishing an urban inland port as part of the regeneration of the KwaZulu-Natal midlands.

While the total application for projects received is about R780 million, which of course far exceeds the R242 million allocation, no project will be rejected. All will be referred to the other departments that will take this programme forward. Therefore a strong call has to be sent to the opposition parties to refrain from baseless criticisms and to start facilitating the implementation of the LEDF in their respective constituencies. The LEDF adds to a long list of initiatives taken by Government in executing its constitutional commitment to social and economic transformation.

We have all witnessed how Government positively responded to the recent disasters that were happening around the country, such as the tornadoes and the veld fires in the Western Cape, the hurricanes in the Eastern Cape and floods in KwaZulu-Natal. On behalf of the ANC, we would also like to take this opportunity to express our deepest condolences to the families that have lost loved ones and valuable possessions in the flooded areas of the Northern Province, Mpumalanga and Gauteng over the past four days. We want to assure those communities that, again, Government will intervene decisively and come forward with assistance as it has done in the past.

However, it is strange that, again, we notice a deadly silence from the opposition benches on the latest disaster. Is it because it is only the poor people and the shack dwellers that have been affected? [Interjections.] We do not hear those hon members when these schemes come into effect. Furthermore, we are grateful for what Government is doing about uplifting the lives of people in the Eastern Cape with its economic development programme, for example the Coega project, and the latest initiative by the private sector, for example Volkswagen, which has successfully won a R5 billion contract for the export of locally manufactured vehicles.

However, we want to condemn the irresponsible actions of workers in the Volkswagen plant who went on an illegal strike and almost caused VW to lose that valuable contract. We praise the Numsa national leadership, the hon John Gomomo, and the Minister of Trade and Industry, Mr Alec Erwin, as well as the VW management, who decisively intervened to bring sanity to the situation. We want to appeal to the management of Volkswagen not to withdraw this contract, but to continue discussions with Numsa to find an amicable solution to the problem. We particularly make this appeal because we are aware that there are disruptive elements in the plant whose aim is to remove some of the Numsa shop stewards who share management’s vision of a strong economy. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr L M GREEN: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Ministers and members, in my reply to the presidential speech, there are five issues that I would like to address. The first one is the reference in the President’s speech to racism. Then, of course, there is the issue of unintended consequences of national legislation. Then there is the issue of local government, which the hon the President mentioned. Another issue is the recapitalisation project for the taxi industry, and then I want to conclude with a few remarks on the issue of poverty relief.

Now, when we examine the hon the President’s speech, we must just start off by saying that the speech was indeed a very positive speech. It was well received nationally, as well as internationally, and yes, we want to say to the hon the President that his Government has indeed succeeded as far as the macroeconomic framework, interest rates and inflation are concerned.

But when I look at the hon the President’s reference to racism, and especially to the crude example of the Internet message I cannot understand why this man should have been immortalised in the President’s speech. That is because this is such a crude example, and we know that racism in South Africa is much more subtle than that.

It is easy to deal with crude racism because what we can do here in Parliament is just pass legislation and therefore deal with it in that manner. Structural racism, the racism that we had in our society before this new Government, we can deal with. The issue that we cannot easily deal with is the issue of the mind and the heart - that is, racism in the heart and in the mind. [Interjections.] How does one deal with that? That is the issue that we have to struggle with.

The example quoted by the President is an example of a man living in the past. In order to reflect a more balanced view on racial attitudes, I would also like to quote a story that I read in the Sunday newspapers about a white man who adopted a 10 year old black orphan girl and raised her as his own daughter. Both of them had to make many adjustments, he had to sit with this girl and understand where she was coming from, that she was from the township and had nothing - no family, no mother. Both her parents had died and she had no family. He had to wrestle with this person, and, for 8 to 10 years, they actually lived together as father and daughter. Today this daughter does not want to have any other father than this man. And similarly, this man does not want to have any other daughter than this girl. So we have this positive example of how two persons with completely diverse backgrounds have actually been able, in a country such as South Africa, to understand one another and to deal with the issue of racism.

As far as racism is concerned, we thank God that structural racism has, in a sense, been dealt with correctly, and it is now the subtle nuances that we must deal with. With regard to unintended consequences of legislation passed by this House, the President mentioned in his speech that certain labour laws will have to be amended in order to deal with these consequences. Likewise, we believe that the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act will also have certain unintended consequences which we will have to deal with.

As far as local government elections are concerned, there are some tensions with regard to demarcations, particularly when we refer to the role of traditional leaders, and we think that these must be dealt with. There are many good examples of good traditional leaders who love to serve their people, and it is therefore imperative that we attempt to find a model that will deal with this.

Ms D P S JANA: Madam Speaker, His Excellency President Mbeki and hon members, with the skill of a surgeon, President Mbeki, in his state of the nation address, cut away the dross from the essence of the issue still at the epicentre of African politics - that is, race. This new form of racism, unlike before, now proclaims that race has ceased to matter, that equality and justice have been realised in our new democratic South Africa. The proponents of this new form of racism are those who deny that the past was what it was and refuse to see the legacy of the past in the present.

Race will continue to be an issue in our country for as long as access to amenities such as employment, housing, education, which are necessary for a fulfilling life, are determined by race; for as long as wellbeing is dependent on race; for as long as a strong knot binds together privilege and poverty into what Dr Odara Hoppers describes as ``a single dance of death;’’ and, ultimately, for as long as our society is not completely transformed to a point where there no longer exists a causal connection between identity and life chances.

We congratulate our Comrade President on succeeding in maintaining the national focus on transformation, in the face of vigorous and sustained attempts to subvert it. Without transformation and its corollary, corrective action, South African society will continue to be marked by the stain of apartheid and colonial domination. Until this stain is totally removed from our society, it will not be possible to claim that democracy has been fully realised in South Africa.

We recently passed three extremely important Bills: The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Bill, the Promotion of Administrative Justice Bill and the Promotion of Access to Information Bill. These laws underpin the principal values of democracy. The party that calls itself the DP voted against all these Bills. Is this resistance or what?

We welcome the President’s call to act with greater vigour to achieve fundamental transformation in our country. Therefore, there has to be collective intervention by the state to deracialise its structures. Unless that process of transformation has occurred, democratisation in South Africa will remain incomplete.

What does deracialisation mean? It means, essentially, that white citizens will no longer be allowed privileged access to the positions of power, wealth, prestige and authority. It does not mean that blacks will replace whites as the privileged group. It means that no national group will be privileged in that way. This is not new. This position has been historically endorsed by President Mbeki and the ANC.

We are proud to be South Africans, precisely because of our achievements towards transformation. For example, despite the misrepresentation by the hon Mr Gibson and the mess we inherited, there has been considerable success towards transformation in the administration of justice, such as bringing it in line with the Constitution, restoring its legitimacy in the eyes of the people, representivity, specific service delivery, specialised courts, victim empowerment, specialised training, court management and equity. All these have contributed towards improving our criminal justice system and it must confirm that crime remains among the top priorities of our Government.

In conclusion, and this is my interpretation of our President’s message - transformation inscribes a new national identity which is available to all South Africans, irrespective of our ethnic, racial or religious identities. Whites cannot assume this identity unless they are willing to forego all the advantages they had access to by virtue of their racial identity in the past. This new identity provides us with a common focal point that will do justice to the claims and interests of all South Africans. It is this sense of South Africanness that will bring about reconciliation which is a South African dream for the African century.

Finally, as a pointer, can someone please tell me how the racial and ethnic markers under apartheid would have described me? I am of Indian descent. I was married to a so-called coloured. My child is black. I studied in a convent. Imagine the confusion about my braided hair with a pencil test! [Laughter.] I know who I am. I am an African. [Applause.]

Miss M N MAGAZI: Madam Speaker, hon President Thabo Mbeki, hon Deputy President Jacob Zuma, the advent of the 21st century presents our nation with unique challenges and thus opportunities in the areas of communication, science and technology. In order to understand and appreciate these enormous challenges I wish to direct members’ attention to two very recent publications which, although different in content, go to the very heart of what we as a nation are supposed to do. In his foreword to the 1998-99 annual report of the Foundation for Research Development, the chairperson made the following observation:

South Africa is poised on the threshold of a critical phase in its development, saddled with the massive burdens of underdevelopment, poverty, neglect of education and ill health of the majority of its people. It is imperative that it harnesses resources and developments from science and technology for a twin purpose: Firstly, to become economically competitive on a global scale and, secondly, to provide essential services, infrastructure, effective health care and social development for all South Africans.

A precondition for the attainment of these twin objectives are the existence of a technologically and scientifically advanced nation, because such knowledge is a crucial component of long-term economic growth and social progress. It will enable us to find creative solutions for the many pressing social and economic problems facing us.

This raises the very important question of whether we indeed have the scientific and technological capacity to become economically competitive on a global scale and provide essential services, infrastructure, effective health care and social development for all South Africans in this highly technical era. A survey entitled ``Scientific Literacy of Select South African Matriculants entering Tertiary Education’’, published in the SA Journal of Science at the end of 1999, found that only one in every three students entering tertiary institutions has a sufficient grasp of science to cope with life in the new era. According to the researchers these results provide insight into the extent to which apartheid education fostered scientifically illiterate students.

Given the results of this survey, one is tempted to believe that South Africa does not possess the scientific capacity to achieve the twin objectives referred to in the above quotation. However, I am glad to say that this is not the case. As a nation at work we are progressively unfolding the scientific potential of our people. The various institutions that are responsible for the promotion of scientific disciplines have been or is in the process of being transformed so as to create the opportunity for the previously marginalised majority to actively participate in the process of knowledge creation.

The transformation and realignment of the SA Council for Scientific and Industrial Research towards the objectives of Government’s social development programmes enabled us to develop products and services in respect of low-cost housing, job creation, water supply and transport systems. The transformation of the SA Medical Research Council made it possible for us to implement policies with regard to the rendering of primary health care services, while the realignment and transformation of the Human Sciences Research Council made it possible for us to identify the needs and backlogs of service provision in our various committees. In addition to this, we have a host of other scientific institutions which have come up with local innovations that have helped solve the problems plaguing the science industry. Much more still needs to be done to increase the levels of scientific knowledge among our people. Our education system should be geared towards inculcating in our people a desire to acquire scientific knowledge. The process of funding for historically disadvantaged institutions should be speeded up to create capacity and encourage them to conduct scientific research. Our secondary education system, in particular, should be changed to make the study of the natural and physical sciences an attractive option for students to pursue at tertiary level.

In addition, it is also important to strengthen and expand the existing information networks of Government and to train people to use information to solve problems. However, it is not only the task of the Government to ensure sufficient levels scientific education. Citizens themselves must be prepared to use the opportunities made available to them in order to develop their own intellectual capacity. The private sector should also be made to understand that scientific and technological investment in its human resource will contribute to the effectiveness and productivity of their operations.

There is a common misconception that earthshattering inventions have ever come out of Africa. But there are many local inventions that are currently used all over the world. Although we are, naturally, proud of these inventions without exception, all of them had been the product of white scientists. It is time for black scientists to take their rightful place in the scientific world and show our inherited creativity, which has been so brutally suppressed over centuries of colonialism and apartheid. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! The hon Mr Luyt - all the better for the waiting, you may now deliver your speech! [Laughter.]

Dr L LUYT: Madam Speaker, hon President and hon members, as members can see, it takes a lot to keep me away from this podium! Were it not for you, I would be speaking all afternoon.

When I left this House last Friday I was asked what I thought of the hon the President’s address. My response was, indeed, complimentary. I said that he touched on an important issue, which satisfied me. He referred to racial disharmony, and perhaps put far too great emphasis on a single, stupid and very unfortunate incident. I was impressed with his summation of our economic future, and realised why so much time was allocated to it and perhaps less time to the other areas. This was one area where the performance stood out and could be measured.

The economy, no doubt, has shown remarkable resilience and that augurs well for a buoyant future. I was pleasantly surprised to hear the President’s prediction for growth of 6,5% for the year 2000 and another 6,5% for 2001. With this type of growth our resources will be stretched to the limit. Our infrastructure will creak under the strain. Every single South African will have to pull his - in legal parlance, reference to one gender includes the other - weight. The country will need all its skills and we can ill afford to lose any.

As a consequences, the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act may also come loose at the seams. The country will quickly discover that there is no substitute for experience. But a great plus is that everybody will benefit, more so the state. I had the opportunity to watch the President’s interview on News Maker. It was then that I realised, with hindsight, that one has to read more between the lines than on the lines. I shall follow his example. I have no intention of traversing the areas already covered by the hon the Leader of the Opposition. He has now firmly established himself as a fighter equal to the President’s latest acquisition, Kallie Knoetze. [Laughter.] Kallie, sadly, still seems to be suffering from his ignominious dumping by Jimmy Abbott, out of the ring in the first round, at Durban some years ago. [Laughter.] The brain remains a fragile part of the body. [Laughter.] The hon Minister Balfour should, please, take note of that when he considers women boxing. It is not so much the brain I am concerned about in this instance, but other delicate and sensitive parts of the anatomy. [Laughter.]

In a lighter vein, the hon Dr Buthelezi made sure that his criticism sounded like praise, and his praise like adoration. What a masterful display of realpolitik! [Laughter.] The hon Mr van Schalkwyk retains the knack of being ambivalent, yet committed to opposition politics. The hon Mr Gerber disarmed me and broke the back of any Afrikaner claims and took me back to my own roots. But, apart from sopbene'' andblikbekers’’, what happened to the good old veldties'' - if hon members know what I mean by that - and the multiple uses for the smooth stones,kleilatte’’ and ``kaalgatte en die verlaagde broek’’. [Laughter.]

I am certain that the Afrikaner cause was well looked after by our parliamentary troubadour and court jester, the hon Comrade Cassie Aucamp and the hon Gen Viljoen. The generals certainly assert themselves in this House. It would appear that the hon Minister Steve Tshwete showed, at last, that he could identify crooks; albeit in jest. [Laughter.] [Applause.] But boys will be boys, and their foreign policy will remain a mess, as long as the hon Minister Zuma struts the earth'', to use ProfBoom, boom’’ Kader Asmal’s famous quotation in a letter describing me unkindly, I would say, some time back. But we have since met and he can now write from his first hand knowledge.

The President has alluded to possible amendments to the labour laws. That created great expectations amongst business people. However, perhaps he will favour us with his unambiguous response as to what he had in mind. The latest public utterances by the Minister of Labour do not seem to address the employer’s concern; rather they have created more confusion. The President will agree that, as the saying goes: ``Silence gives consent.’’

I understand the President’s statement that: The essence of a free government consists in an effectual control of rivalries.'' However, as Disraeli so aptly stated:No government can be long secure without a formidable opposition.’’

The President has again made his intentions clear where health is concerned. His fight against, in particular, HIV/Aids must be supported. Our health system must not deteriorate further. The loss of so many qualified doctors and nursing personnel is simply unacceptable. Improvement of our health services is now of paramount importance.

Likewise, education did not take a back seat. A truism is that education makes a people easy to lead, but difficult to drive; easy to govern, but impossible to enslave. I personally feel comfortable with Prof ``Boom, boom’’ Asmal at the helm. [Laughter.]

When the President spoke of privatisation, Spoornet also entered the equation. When one looks at the thousands of paid for, but idle, railway lines, one wonders how this could have been allowed to happen. The cheapest form of transport, which at the same time relieves the traffic burden on our roads, has simply been put on the back burner. To put the railroad back to work will lessen the carnage on our congested roads and create those so- much-needed jobs and strengthen our capacity to cope with the expected growth.

I am glad that the President also believes that South Africa should get the 2006 Soccer World Cup. After all, the same old prophets of doom and the stories of violence that did the rounds before the 1995 Rugby World Cup, are rearing their ugly heads once more. However, we can now compare the 1995 Rugby World Cup with the 1999 Rugby World Cup. We find no comparison.

I notice that Pik Botha already has some influence on the President’s speech-making. [Laughter.] Wait until Pik insists that the President quotes from his poetry, short stories and fables. [Laughter.]

In conclusion, the President might have heard from all sources that he would have to fill giant footsteps when he took over as President. He must deliver on his undertakings and start ordering bigger shoes, by the way. [Applause.]

Mr D A HANEKOM: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President and hon members, I am so glad that I am speaking after Louis Luyt, not before him.

In his address, Comrade President focused not only on the achievements of this democratic era, but also on the difficult challenges that confront us. The economy is, indeed, doing well by any standards, democracy is firmly entrenched, there is political stability in our country and the quality of life has significantly improved for millions of our people. There are a number of Government programmes targeting the poor, the homeless and the landless. We have opened up our schools, equalised pensions and deracialised our society in many ways. There is so much to be proud of, and so many achievements to boast of - the houses that have been built, water that has been provided, telephone connections, electricity, improved health services and much more.

Yet, the hon President chose to highlight the fact that racism is still pervasive in our country. He chose to tell us things that we do not necessarily like to hear - things that make some of us a bit uncomfortable in our parliamentary seats. In doing so, the hon President opened himself up for challenge. Many have said that he is wrong, that there are countless stories of goodwill and harmony. Some have even accused him of racism.

Indeed, there are many inspiring stories that need to be told, and they do serve as examples of what we ought to be and what we could be doing, but to pretend that this is the full picture of what is happening in our country would be self-deception. It would be a useless denial of reality and the brutal everyday experience of so many black South Africans.

Sadly, the letter from which the President quoted was not an isolated expression of racism. It was written with the confident knowledge that many of his colleagues share and support his views and attitudes. This is the reality that we need to confront. We should immediately say that any assumption that all whites think and behave in this way is clearly offensive and damaging, and is simply not true. However, denial of the reality of deep-rooted racial prejudice and discrimination in our society would be an abdication of our responsibility to deal with this reality.

In dealing with racism, sexism, inequality and discrimination effectively, we not only serve the legitimate interests of victims, but do what is necessary to steer our country towards a better and more secure future for all. For most South Africans, democracy has brought something good. If nothing else, there is the restoration of pride and dignity. However, it is also true that for many, many people, life has really not changed at all. Imbalances in power relations remain. Racism and the abuse of women continue. Our task now is to take action, to move from recognition of the problem to actively combating it.

The liberation struggle for which so many great people gave their lives was certainly not just about having, or even winning, the elections in 1994 and again in 1999. We were fighting for equality. We were fighting for a nonracial, nonsexist democracy. Until we achieve what so many people died for, the fight continues. It cannot be fought by the ANC alone. We pay the price together if we fail, and we share the prize if we win. We are in this fight together.

An important step in our endeavour to put an end to racism, sexism and all forms of unfair discrimination was the recent passing of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Bill by this Parliament. I was privileged to serve on the ad hoc committee that dealt with this Bill. Many excellent contributions were made by individuals from all parties, and the result was a very good new law - a weapon that all South Africans will now be able to use in this fight.

In the debate which followed in this House, many of us were astounded by the decision of the DP to vote against this Bill. Although in hindsight it was predictable, it was, nonetheless, disappointing. It is obvious that the DP is still in its fight back mode. The DP seems to see it as their mission to oppose change and to position itself as the champion of the rich, the champion of the vested interests, however unfair they may be.

Perhaps the biggest contradiction came from the ACDP. If the ACDP is truly guided by Christian principles, as it professes to be, it should be at the forefront of the campaign against unfair discrimination and inequality. Instead, it obsessively repeats its homophobic sentiments. On other issues, too, they position themselves firmly on the extreme right of the political spectrum in our country. Some might call it fundamentalism, but it is truly worse than that. It is a frightening distortion and aberration of the message and example set by Jesus Christ.

HON MEMBERS: Amen!

Mr D A HANEKOM: Jesus showed anger only at those exploiting and abusing others. For the rest, and especially towards those who were regarded as social outcasts at the time, He showed consistent love and compassion. Those who voted for the ACDP in their sincere search for a party guided by Christian values should surely think again. Jesus could never have been a gay-basher, and certainly never treated women as inferior to men, and He would never have supported discriminatory practices in churches that ought to be exemplary institutions in our society.

Legislation on its own, however good it may be, can never be enough in the continued fight against racism and sexism, and in the fight for equality. What we need is honest recognition of the problem and the broadest possible participation in the effort to end these injustices. It is the responsibility of all our citizens to unite in this effort to eradicate discrimination. Even more so, it is the duty of public representatives to do their utmost to change attitudes, to set examples in their own behaviour, and to do everything in their power to combat racism and sexism.

The President referred to the problem of the colour line in his January 8 statement. When we, as members of Parliament, get back to our constituencies, it is our duty to fight against race and gender inequalities in our areas, to inform citizens of their rights and obligations, and to make a positive contribution in the resolution of conflict and division in our communities. The divisions are more often than not between races and the inequalities invariably reflect the colour line.

Of course, the eradication of poverty and systematic reduction of inequality does require the allocation of resources. The landless poor are being assisted in the purchase of land. The homeless are given access to housing with the help of a subsidy. Children of even very poor parents are able to go to school.

However, all of this costs money, and we do not have enough to do all that needs to be done. The great irony is that it does not cost money to treat people with respect, to show kindness, to show love. It costs nothing to stop humiliating people with racist and sexist language. It costs very little to share our skills and our knowledge, yet the returns are high.

Improving relations across cultural and race barriers does not place a burden on the fiscus. Not even Trevor Manuel can stop us in these endeavours. We need to get out there and make it happen. Let us motivate and inspire each other. Much depends on changed attitudes and we can all positively influence this. There is a reality out there which we all know about, which causes so much unnecessary pain and hate and threatens our own futures. It must change, and we need to be agents of this change, every one of us.

Our Comrade President’s address put a challenge to us all …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I regret your speaking time has expired, hon member.

Mr D A HANEKOM: We accept the President’s challenge. [Applause.]

Mr S PHOHLELA: Madam Speaker, Your Excellencies the President and Deputy President, the ANC-led democratic Government is succeeding in its creation of a unified nonracial local government system that is supported by a single, equitable tax base.

We inherited the past apartheid government’s racial and fragmented systems of municipalities and councils, in most of which apparent divisions of cities and towns along racial and ethnic grounds still exist today. There are acute imbalances, especially in economic resources, and vital municipal services such as housing, direct in-house water reticulation, electricity, sanitation and sewerage systems have been denied to our people.

We as the Government have managed to achieve immeasurable strides in the short space of five years to bring about a corrective legislative framework, including the Local Government: Municipal Demarcation Act and Local Government: Municipal Structures Act. The new local government approach seeks to emphasise the importance of the link between people and governance, promoting active participation by the public in the policy- making process and ensuring positive accountability by councillors. It seeks to accelerate parity in the distribution of municipal services and redress to sound utilisation of finances as budget allocations in order to combat the abject poverty that spurs violence, the abuse of women and children, drug abuse, rape and theft of various kinds and proportions as prevailing in our lives as the majority citizens of this country.

The Municipal Demarcation Act ensures the ending of the inherited buffer zones and strips that entrenched the racial divide and polarisation rather than integration in this country. We still experience these anomalies which continue to promote the multiplication of squatter camps; however, Government vehemently engaged in the delivery of houses and related services to satisfy the needs of our communities.

The Municipal Structures Act streamlines, rationalises and downsizes the number of councillors to ensure saving towards adequate delivery of services rather than overbloated salary payrolls. In short, the new local government legislation, including the Municipal Demarcation Act and Municipal Structures Act encapsulates the ANC’s vision of a better life for all, but, as can be expected, there are forces that resist these Acts and noble moves. We encounter people resisting the demarcation of boundaries for municipalities from both our white and some black people in local government business and opposition parties in Government, some of whom are seated right in this House with us.

These resistors, clearly and convincingly, do not have at heart the interests of the people they lead, but they are in it for selfish ends and enrichment. These are the remains of the poverty-makers and perpetrators of crimes and drug abuse who do not wish for equitable lifestyles of our people, but continue to thrive on exploiting their fellow man who is black in order to sustain the culture of ``baasskap’’.

The threat that continuously remains a challenge to the smooth flow of local government remains the struggle against racism. In order to meet the challenge we have to go back and don the intellectual fighting gloves that ensured our political freedom. We have vehemently to mobilise the South African nation that seeks peace and prosperity to isolate this far-right wing colonial and apartheid political cybernets so that neo-colonialism and apartheid can be dealt the final blow to oblivion for its horrendous deeds.

As the African century has dawned, in our plans and preparations towards the rebirth of this continent, the daunting challenge is of that of eradicating abject poverty, hunger and squalor, squatter congestions and homelessness. This we should embark upon with the vision that our sister African countries are looking upon us to remedy this plightful situation that was brought about by colonialism, apartheid and neo-colonialism.

These factors of endemic poverty and homelessness are the ones that spur and spread chronic and endemic diseases, including HIV/Aids. We have to activate in an accelerated manner to steer away from further compromise. We should decisively bite the bullet to vehemently fight poverty, hunger and squalor, as mainly continuing to be experienced by our black community members in squatter camps, mostly in our rural farming areas.

In our language, Sesotho, we say: Thebe e sehelwa hodima e nngwe. [A shield is designed from another.] We have to re-engage our people to don the black gloves, in a patriotic manner, to improve the economic standing of this country as a nation at work. In 1948 the hell-bent nationalist party government, experiencing similar hardship of poverty, ungodly as it were, managed to eradicate poverty from within their minority group. They took firm decisions and in their hatred amd selfish way they boldly implemented regstellende aksie'', martial law and imposed a one-pond contribution to what started of as avolkskas’’, contributed by each and every employed and working Afrikaner. So we can do it, in a Godly way.

Ho hlotswe jwalo ke Hlahlamatjholo hore motho o tla phela ka mofufutso wa phatla ya hae. Mphe-mphe ea lapisa motho o kgonwa ke sa hae. Rona re le setjhaba sa Afrika, tlasa puso ya ANC, re ka bontsha boikarabello bo boholo ka ho ithehela moralo wa dilemo tse hlano ho matlafatsa matsete a ntshetsopele ya ntlafatso ya maphelo a bafumanehi bana ba rona.

Re le basebetsi, ho tloha pusong ka kakaretso mafapheng a fapa-fapaneng ka mekgahlelo ya tshebetso ka hare ho naha ena ya rona, re ka tsetela le ha e le R50 ka kgwedi mosebetsi ka mong. Letlole leo le tla tlisa diphetoho tse matla maphelong a setjhaba sena seo re se eteletseng pele re le Mmuso. Bona boithaopo ke bona bo tla tlisang tharollo e phethahetseng ho fokotsa sekgeo se dutseng se hola ho ya pele ka mabaka a tahlehelo ya mesebetsi e jang setsi, mme ho lebeletswe ka phoso ho Muso ho hlahisa mesebetsi. Ke na le tumelo ya hore borakgwebo ba baholo le bona, ka bongata bo makatsang, ba tla kenya letsoho le toma matseteng a letlole lena. [Nako e fedile.] [Ditlatse.] (Translation of Sotho paragraphs follows.)

[That is how God created it, that man shall live by his own efforts. We, as the African nation under ANC rule, can show immeasurable responsibility by starting a five-year investment development programme to improve the lives of our poor.

As workers in the Government departments and sections in general in our country, we can invest as little as R50 per month, per person. That fund could make a lot of difference in the lives of the members of this nation which we, as the Government, are leading.

This voluntary deed is what will bring about a complete solution to the ever-increasing gap caused by the loss of jobs, as it is wrongly expected that the Government will create jobs. I believe that hordes of big businesses will also lend a great hand in this investment fund. [Time expired.] [Applause.]]

Dr S E MZIMELA: Madam Speaker, there is an old saying which goes something like this: ``Sticks and nails will break my bones, but names will never hurt me.’’

An HON MEMBER: It should be ``sticks and stones’’!

Dr S E MZIMELA: Despite the efforts on the part of our Foreign Affairs Minister, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, to call us names, nothing can hide the fact that the present foreign policy of this country is now based on the doctrine of Sarafina. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] Under Sarafinaism, we are now entering a very cold and dark winter of deception, misinformation, disinformation and leading the country astray. [Interjections.]

Just recently, in New York, the President of the Democratic Republic of Congo, President Kabila, told the world that this country, South Africa, was fuelling the flames of conflict in his country, the Congo, and that, far from being peacemakers, we were actually taking sides. He specifically singled out our Foreign Affairs Minister and accused her of waltzing with the rebels. I just wonder whether they waltz to the tune of Sarafina. [Laughter.]

We have been humiliated in front of the world. We have been disgraced. We have been exposed by President Kabila himself. [Interjections.] The ANC did not respond to him. Why do they keep quiet? [Interjections.] We have lost the confidence the world had in us. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Can we have some order, please!

Dr S E MZIMELA: We have lost the trust the world had in us just a few years ago. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order, hon members!

Dr S E MZIMELA: The proof of the pudding lies in the eating. Why is there no foreign investment coming into this country? Why do small countries such as Greece, which has only olives, and Italy, which does nothing but eat spaghetti, have the temerity to veto agreements that have already been signed? It is because the world has lost respect for this country, and this respect has been lost because of our double dealings and our double talk. [Interjections.]

I would have been happier if the statements made by the Minister of Defence had been made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, because we want to hear from her lips whether or not it is true that there are rebels who reside in this country, and who have access to our means of communication.

We are aware of the fact that when the murderer from Ethiopia came to this country there was denial that any official knew about his presence here. It was said that he had only come for medical treatment … [Interjections] … but it came out afterwards that he had been granted a visa by the highest authority in this country. [Interjections.] Deception must stop. [Applause.]

Mr J N MASHIMBYE: Madam Speaker, Mr President and Deputy President, I wish to support the statement made by the hon Tony Yengeni yesterday, and that is that there is indeed something that we must do as soon as an opportunity avails itself. We need to review how we conduct the business of debates of the House and so on. I think doing so would be in accordance with what the President said at the weekend, and that is that the quality of debate in this country leaves a lot to be desired and that something must be done about it. Every caucus would have to discuss even how we conduct the business of discussing, for instance, the state of the nation address and whether we should come and sit here for seven or nine minutes trying to do that. However, let me not digress.

The ANC has instructed that one of the things that we must discuss on this occasion is South Africa’s role in regional and international conflict. When the international community stood up to assist the anti-apartheid struggle in this country we all accrued a debt to the world community. When we passed our Constitution, which is regarded as one of the most democratic in the world, we committed ourselves to striving for those freedoms for every citizen of the planet.

Now that we have the means to contribute to peace and conflict resolution, South Africa cannot turn its back on those in need. Conflict is an unfortunate feature of our continent and it is essential that South Africa gear itself to contributing to managing and reducing that conflict. As far as conflict management is concerned, there are three main paths of action to which we can be expected to contribute. The first is undoubtedly the most important, and that is conflict prevention. Second is conflict resolution. The third is the one we all hope to keep to the minimum, and that is peace enforcement and peacekeeping. The past year offers multiple examples of all these, where the international community had to step in and play a role in areas such as East Timor, the DRC and Kosovo.

It would immoral and against the basic principles of our new democratic order for South Africa not to contribute to such international efforts. Obviously, we must emphasise that South Africa cannot assume the right to decide other nations’ destinies alone. In addition, one must be realistic about the fact that South Africa does not have the resources to become involved in attempts to resolve every conflict that emerges. We have an obligation to our own citizens and our neighbours, and there must be a balance between our involvement and the overall commitment of the rest of the countries of the world.

The countries of the south cannot keep looking to the more developed and richer countries of America and Europe and expecting them to keep stepping in. Doing so would be abdicating the right to have some control over our own destiny. However, it must be said that any efforts at conflict resolution, conflict prevention or peacekeeping must be done under the mantle of bodies such as the SADC, the OAU and the United Nations. In addition, those bodies themselves need to be balanced so that the best decisions emerge.

Our region needs to get its own house in order. The SADC security and conflict resolution mechanism is not what it should be. The fact that there are two major conflicts under way in the SADC region has much to do with this. But at the same time, we cannot allow bickering inside the SADC organs to undermine their intended missions.

South Africa is already playing a leading role in attempting to resolve the simmering conflict in Burundi through the offices of our esteemed former president Neslon Mandela. This is an attempt to ease the tensions of the entire Great Lakes region. Already, our Government has committed itself to sending members of the SANDF to participate in a peacekeeping mission in the DRC, providing some progress can be achieved in the current round of negotiations.

To some extent, it must be accepted that our first priority will be to peacekeeping in our region. The wars in Angola affect us directly. There is no truth whatsoever that South Africa is in any way involved in supplying arms to Unita or any rebels because even without the moral imperative, the national interest dictates that we work towards ending those conflicts. The ongoing conflicts of the Congo, the Great Lakes and Angola are creating growing numbers of refugees, destabilising regional economies and reducing investor confidence in Africa in general. It is clearly in South Africa’s interest that these conflicts end.

As chairman of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence, I am privileged to know that members of the SANDF have for some time been preparing for peacekeeping missions. Various international exercises and training courses have been held here and elsewhere in the SADC region and good progress has been reported. The experiences of Lesotho have taught us that there can never be too little preparation and training for such missions. The members of the SANDF who stand ready to be deployed to the Congo do so in the knowledge that they have been extensively prepared and trained for their mission. But even so, the Government cannot send them off on such a mission unless we are convinced that the conditions exist for them to both make a positive contribution and to do so with maximum regard for their own safety.

Surely, this Government will not become party to a senseless sacrifice of troops solely to prove a moral point. Much will depend on how the international community and the parties to the DRC conflict come to grips with pushing their peace process forward. The parties to the conflict there still have some way to go in terms of proving to the world that they are genuine in their desire for peace.

The possibility of the United Nations agreeing to Chapter 8 of the United Nations mission, that is peace enforcement, makes it all the more essential for the exact position of the parties to be established before SA National Defence Force troops are committed to the fray. At the same time, there is a great burden placed upon our other supportive arms of Government such as foreign affairs and the SA secret service to provide the maximum backup for our troops so that they have the essential intelligence they need to complete their mission.

Angola waits in the wings for the peacekeeping mission as well. The most recent history of the UN peacekeeping mission there is a sobering lesson. Having overseen the demobilisation and reconciliation process almost to the point of complete success, the world had to watch in dismay as the country slipped back into what is now a countrywide war situation and one that is spilling over into three SADC neighbours. South Africa, as part of the international community, will have and has to work to attempt to end that conflict before countries such as Namibia and Zambia get dragged into the quagmire of their neighbour’s war and the burden on the rest of the region and the world to resolve those conflicts increases. Again, much of our country’s past and the need to ensure the security of our future require of us to take a leading role in this effort.

Further afield, in such areas as Sierra Leone and Liberia, important lessons are to be learnt. Some are positive, such as the ability of the West African community to put together a sustainable peacekeeping mission for those countries. Some are less uplifting such as the reputed collapse of peace accords. The officials in our military and other relevant Government agencies need to study the lessons learnt in theatres such as Sierra Leone and Liberia and attempt to learn from them.

New directions on the African continent are encouraging as we stride into the African century. It is pleasing that we observe the fact that leaders who assume power by force are no longer welcome as members of the OAU and they face sanctions in other forums such as the Commonwealth. That adds further weight to the mediation and physical peacekeeping efforts. South Africa needs to use its prestige in such forums to ensure that these new rules are adhered to and that undemocratic rulers and movements are no longer rewarded with state receptions and the privilege of occupying seats in international communities. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Mr Chairperson, hon President, Deputy President, Minister Lekota is not here and I am here now. Two million people died in sub- Saharan Africa of Aids last year. This is five times the number of Aids- related deaths in the US since the disease was discovered nearly two decades ago.

Government must make a clear statement on whether we can afford AZT or any other drug that can bring relief to Aids sufferers. If AZT is so toxic, as the Minister of Health and also the President claim, why does Government allow AZT to be sold in this country to people who can afford it. Today I want to show Government how distorted their costing of affordability of AZT is.

Government is basing affordability on 4 million HIV/Aids sufferers at R350.00 per month. This is where their calculation is wrong. And I do not take my information from the Internet, so, what follows now is a correct costing for the use of AZT. There are an estimated 4 million HIV/Aids sufferers in this country. An estimated 50% of the 4 million are women; thus, 2 million women. Only 10% of the estimated 2 million women will know that they are HIV-positive, further reducing the number to 200 000. How many of these 200 000 women are going to have babies? Let us postulate that all 200 000 women choose to use AZT which will cost Government R70 million.

The use of the new drug Nevirapine is even cheaper at approximately R40,00 per short course. We need to know from Government if they can afford R70 million for AZT or R8 million for Nevirapine. Can Government afford to care for approximately 160 to 200 HIV-positive babies that are born in South Africa daily? We need those answers from Government, because if one gives positive mothers the option to choose, they are certain to choose a child that is HIV-negative. [Applause.]

Ms E GANDHI: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and members, for many decades race, language, culture and religion have been used to divide us into different ethnic groups. Our differences have been emphasised. We have been schooled to be fearful of one another. We have been warned about the darker sides of other ethnic groups, and schooled into believing that there is no dark side to our own ethnic group. Cultural preservation, suspicion of others and selfishness have been the key words to draw wedges between the groups.

On the other hand the ANC tried to unify the different groups into a culturally and spiritually rich South African nation. It opened its doors to all the religions, cultures and languages of the country, thereby enriching itself with the beauty of our rich mosaic. From the ANC statement on the moral renewal of the nation, one notes that its philosophy is based on the belief that most people are moral. They wish to bring up their children to be honest, with the desire to build a prosperous and peaceful South Africa for all who live in it.

At the Ubuntu Pledge ceremony in Durban, on 7 February, the Mayor, His Worship Obed Mlaba said:

The most charitable gift we can share with all the people of our nation is enshrined in the principle of ubuntu. It symbolises being human, valuing the good of the community above self-interest, striving to help other people in the spirit of service, showing respect for others and being honest and trustworthy. These guiding principles have long been the backbone of traditional African society, and are entirely compatible with the spirit of the African renaissance, which is being promoted by our national Government. The principles spelt out here are universal and the guiding principle of all religions, and endorsed by people of all races and creeds who have a sense of responsibility towards their incompatriots and loyalty to their country.

We are the products of these two diverse legacies, the one of apartheid and the other of ANC. These two varied past experiences are what we bring to our offspring today. Those of us who were fortunate to be schooled in the ANC philosophy can build on our rich experience, while those of us who were schooled in the apartheid philosophy need to honestly and actively relook at it and begin to see the destructiveness of such a philosophy.

All cultures, languages and religions promote certain universal values. These values form the common unifying base. It is the rituals and practices that are different, and these are based on the interpretations of the scriptures. If we build on these values we not only develop a better world, but also create a climate within which we can live together with the diverse views and customs of the different peoples of our country.

Yet, in Durban recently, a road which was named Lower Bridge Road was considered for renaming as Soofie Sahib Road, after a prominent resident of this area. However, when the ANC councillors suggested that this road be renamed, it was some councillors in the DP and New NP who objected to this. This is the level of our intolerance.

Two other incidents, were reported in The Independent on Saturday. In one incident:

A Johannesburg couple wanted to rent a room for a night at The Wilds in St Lucia, but claim they were turned away because of their race.

And the other incident:

A night out at this week’s South Africa versus Zimbabwe cricket match turned into a nightmare for a group of fans from Chatsworth when they were allegedly assaulted by a group of white riot policemen for their vocal support of Zimbabwe.

In their editorial, The Independent on Saturday says:

It has been 10 memorable years since the winds of change swept across South Africa … It is therefore with sadness that we report today on two cases of racism which, regrettably, demonstrate that the legacy of apartheid will be with us for much longer.

They conclude by saying: We must also guard against adopting the easy route and leaving it up to the next generation to sort out our problems.

Gandhiji said:

Tolerance gives us spiritual insight, which is as far from fanaticism as the North Pole is from the South. True knowledge of religion breaks down the barriers between faith and faith.

Culture, language and religion can be powerful tools for transformation and can also be powerful tools for destruction. We can enjoy the beauty of peaceful music and drama, or beautiful poetry in the various languages, or we can become frenzied by the war dances, destructive music and foul language.

We can enjoy the beautiful blend of the many cultures and languages of our country, or we can become fanatical and look for the so-called ``pure culture’’ which smacks of a destructive superiority. We can empower ourselves by allowing the different cultures to influence us and enrich ourselves from this experience, or we remain in a cocoon, refusing to look out.

So it is only with all our efforts that we will be able to achieve the transformation that our country is crying out for. Let us pledge today that we will help our President and the Human Rights Commission organise a successful congress against racism and let us achieve the ideals which, I believe, we all yearn for and the kind of society that we all want to see in South Africa. Let it be the South African dream for all of us.

Mr M A MANGENA: Madam Speaker, Mr President, hon members, just the other day in this House a wheelchair-bound colleague described to all of us, in graphic detail, the obstacles, the difficulties and frustrations that he faces around Parliament. While most of us hurry around this place with ease, people with different forms of disability struggle to do even the most mundane of things.

We might think we understand when they explain their problems to us, but we do not really understand. Those of us with beard have read, and women have described, the excruciating pain that accompanies childbirth, but only the women that have given birth know what that pain is like. The rest of us, especially those of us who are not even equipped to give birth, can only think we understand.

The black experience in this country has been one of living at the receiving end of naked and unbridled racism. In its institutionalised form, it condemned blacks to the margins of society in all spheres of life such as religion, education, health care, housing, land occupation and so forth. On the social level, it entailed all kinds of daily insults, beatings and even murder for no reason other than that we were black.

The kind of unprovoked insults that were quoted by the hon the President at this podium last Friday, constitute the daily experiences of many black people on farms, in the army and police service, in factories and on the roads. Those who are not black cannot even begin to understand what it is like to live under such circumstances, not only for one day, but for all of one’s life. [Interjections.]

It is indeed proper and fitting that the highest office in the land, that of the hon the President, should engage in active programmes to eradicate racism in our country. The proposed conference against racism should be seen in that light. We hope it will be inclusive without being amorphous and ridiculous. The conference, however, is the easy part. The more difficult and arduous task is to attend to the dialectic between poverty and racism. The fact that, in our country, poor is equated with blackness and comfort with whiteness, feeds and reinforces attitudes and racial stereotypes.

Does the Government not, in its attempt to uplift the poor, unwittingly perpetuate the machinations of racist settler and colonial rule? Does the fact that in certain areas, certain types of houses are built for blacks only not reinforce the entrenched perception that there are things that are just for blacks, that once one has such a settlement the schools or clinic one provides there are for blacks only, even if there is no law that says so, and that, when one provides water, electricity, telephones and so on in such an area, one is providing those things for blacks? Are we perhaps destined to follow the path of our neighbours where Katatura in Windhoek, Chitungwiza, Mbare and Mufakose in Harare were African settlements under colonialism, but continue to be African 10 or 20 years after liberation? Several decades down the line, are Khayelitsha, Umlazi, Soweto, Cofimvaba, Nzhelele, or Moletjie going to be African? If so, what will this mean to our quest to build an integrated and antiracist society?

Are we content with the present one-way street of social integration where the more affluent blacks stay anywhere, but there is no movement in the opposite direction? Also, are we content to travel down this road of development on which we are at the moment? If so, is it a highway without off-ramps? Can we not branch off? Can we not do things differently? I want to ask the hon the President whether some of these questions keep him awake at night, at least once in a blue moon? Do Government Ministers integrate aspects of these questions in their plans and activities?

Some of us were encouraged by the announcement that plans exist to embark on an integrated rural development strategy. We hope it will, in time, evolve into a full Ministry, quite separate from Agriculture and Land Affairs, because the people in the rural areas have been the poorer cousins of their urban counterparts for a very long time. Lack of development and facilities has seen many rural people trekking to the cities with hopes for a better life, only to end up in the squalor of plastic ``mikhukhu’’ or some derelict and uninhabitable building in an inner city. There is a perception among many that, despite the provisions in the Constitution, the present Government has very little respect for traditional leadership, and that the Government behaves in a manner that seeks to weaken that leadership. The tensions around the local government demarcation process only serves to strengthen that perception and suspicion. One hopes that the assurance given by the President about the status of traditional leadership will help.

The rural development strategy that we are talking about will not be helped by such tensions and suspicions. That development will have to rely on the experiences, culture, structures, energies and the enthusiasm of the rural population as a whole for it to succeed.

If there are notions that the urban elites and intellectuals are contemptuous of the rural people and their traditions, and that these urban elites are trying to impose development and modernity on them, then those notions must be killed and destroyed. That is necessary to allow the people in the rural areas to own the rural development strategy and to power it forward.

Traditional leadership will not die by decree, declaration or attitude. It will be modified and adapted by development and social progress. [Applause.]

Mr M S MANIE: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, even though the problems we face as South Africans are enormous and complex, it is unfortunate that the DP has made up its mind that it will be part of our problems and not part of the solutions, as we can hear. [Interjections.]

The reason why the DP has always been very dismissive about poverty and redressing the legacies of past discrimination is because they have never been at the receiving end of it. Because affirmative action and black empowerment are seen as threats to their cosy and privileged lifestyles, they will do whatever they can to frustrate and obstruct its implementation.

It is interesting to note that the advocates against corruption have now been caught with their hands in the cookie jar. The obsession of the DP to get their membership figures boosted has led them to increase their membership with people who have addresses in cemeteries. It now also appears that the self-righteous finger-pointing DP are themselves involved in corruption around fundraising within its own party. The latest bed partner of the DP is none other that Mr Lucas Mangope. The DP has clearly become the new home of the lunatic right political dinosaurs and fossils.

In the Western Cape the NP actually entered into an alliance with the DP, of all parties. By giving the DP some of the key portfolios in the Western Cape, the NP appears to be determined to accelerate their own demise. How can Mr Van Schalkwyk sing the praises of Mrs Helen Zille here in Parliament? Can he not see who stole the NP voters from them? I just want to say to the NP that if they do not wake up soon, they will die in their sleep. [Laughter.]

At committee level the DP and NP actively participate in the deliberations and even persuade us to accept some of their amendments, only for them to vote against it here in the House. Perhaps in future we should adopt an approach of no amendments or compromises until we are certain that they will support the Bill when it is tabled in this House. [Interjections.]

Although we are committed to policies which are aimed at creating an environment for economic growth and development on the one hand, we are equally committed to alleviating poverty and correcting past imbalances on the other. The challenge we face as South Africans is to create the right balance between the two. It is not a question of the one or the other, it is both.

Liberals have blind faith that the market will solve the inequalities created by the previous policies. They also believe that no Government intervention is required to achieve this. To me, this sounds like the law of the jungle, which believes that only the fittest and the strongest must survive. I am very sorry, but I can never agree with these policies. I believe that anyone with a scrap of conscience should be working tirelessly to help us eradicate the huge backlog that still exists.

The miracle of South Africa was not that we had a bloodless revolution … [Interjections.] You make it difficult for me, hey! [Laughter.] The miracle of South Africa was not that we had a bloodless revolution, it was the generosity and lack of bitterness amongst the previously oppressed people. That was the miracle of South Africa. [Applause.] We are told that we must stop harping on the past, but the DP and the NP must also face reality. They must surely be aware of what attitudes, jokes and statements are still doing the rounds. Racism and discrimination are still very much alive and are still major problems.

We do not solve problems by running away from them. If the DP claims not to be against transformation, why is it then that they have voted against all legislation that was aimed at transformation? [Interjections.] Both the DP and the NP voted against workers, yet they expect workers to vote for them when it comes to elections. People might be poor, but they are not stupid.

Most of our essential policy instruments are in place. That is why I was very surprised when the UDM member said in a previous debate that we should adopt the UDM’s policies. As far as I know, the only policies the UDM has are Sanlam insurance policies. [Laughter.]

We are in a phase where the bulk of our energies must be channelled towards giving effect to our slogan: From Policy to Implementation. In this regard the Portfolio Committee on Labour will be monitoring very closely the legislation that falls within its jurisdiction, especially the Employment Equity Act and the Skills Development Act.

Another priority the Portfolio Committee on Labour has set itself is to jointly, along with the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, host the conference on job creation later this year. In order to prevent it from being a talk shop only, we will carefully define the outputs and format.

Finally, I wish to make an appeal to all of us here, as well as outside this House, to actively assist in preventing the spread of doom and pessimism. In certain quarters people only focus on criticising, complaining and moaning. We should all commit ourselves to redirecting that same energy and time to search for possible solutions and spread messages of hope and optimism. [Applause.]

Mrs J CHALMERS: Madam Speaker, hon President and members of this House, I feel very privileged to be speaking in this debate today, and especially fortunate to be speaking on a subject about which I feel so passionately.

South Africa is a unique country in many ways. Historically, it has come through a trial by fire in a manner that has gained for our Government and all its people, the admiration and respect of the rest of the world. But it is also unique because of the extraordinary combination of factors that go to make up its very being.

Some countries have wonderful natural scenery while others have rare and special flora and fauna. Some are visited for their superb climates, yet others for their interesting and colourful indigenous cultures. But I know of no country where all these special qualities combine to provide its citizens and those visiting our land with wide-ranging, enriching experiences that are possible in this land of South Africa.

Travel is big business. Over the next ten years the World Travel and Tourism Council estimates that the global $4,5 trillion industry will grow to $10 trillion. The challenge is how to enable South Africa to benefit from this growth.

The fastest growing sector of the travel industry at this time is ecotourism or ecotravel, currently grossing in excess of an estimated $350 billion a year. It goes by many names - adventure travel, environment travel, cross-cultural exchange, language study and others. As an example of the growth potential in this field, I would like to mention here the Addo Elephant Park in the Eastern Cape, which our Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism visited last weekend, to be briefed by National Parks and others on the ongoing extension of the park. It was a memorable experience, and we learned that although only a small portion of the park is in full tourist mode, 105 000 tourists visited it last year, generating an income of R9,3 million. The little tourist shop in the park had a turnover of R2,6 million. The park employs 130 local people and a further 35 people work as contractors.

Over the past eight years, the number of bed-and-breakfast facilities in the vicinity of the park has grown from one to 18. If National Parks can access the required funds to develop Addo to its full potential, primarily to purchase more land so that its ecosystem can function as it should, which would include bringing in predators to make it a Big Five park, the financial and growth benefit to the cash-strapped Eastern Cape would be enormous.

Ecotourism is a very special industry. At the entrance of the Lake Manyara National Park in Tanzania is a sign greeting visitors with a simple message: ``Let no one say, and say it to your shame, that all was beauty until you came.’’ It is unique in that, properly managed, it is very profitable, but it also fosters people’s appreciation of the natural riches that surround them, riches that they may have come to take for granted and, indeed, to neglect.

For far too long, Africa has been pillaged of its natural resources, artifacts and treasures. The pillaging has destroyed its environment and its culture. It is more than time that we - and here the tourism industry can play a major role - take seriously the need to ensure that our cultural and natural wealth is preserved for future generations.

South Africa has nine provinces, each of which has a unique and fascinating character. Agritourism, in other parts of the world, is recognised as an important sector of the tourism industry. Our own wine routes in the Western Cape compare very favourably with those in Europe, but we have only scratched the surface of the potential here. What about tourists in the sugar-growing regions of KwaZulu-Natal and the citrus and rose-growing areas of the Eastern Cape? I wonder if anyone here has watched witblits being made. Maybe Mr Hanekom has.

The White Paper on Tourism proposed that the tourist industry be seen as a service industry, and the Tourism Amendment Bill currently before our portfolio committee takes that forward with its proposals for regulating the tourguide industry. Clearly, there is enormous potential for communities possessing local knowledge to become equipped and trained to run small tour ventures in their own areas.

As the world shrinks in travel terms, the worldwide interest in indigenous cultures is growing at a phenomenal rate. Tourists want to experience and enjoy these cultures. Here, again, our provinces have so much to be proud of and to display, whether it be beadwork, weaving and spinning fine fabrics, pottery, artwork or basket-making. I dream of a bead factory situated in the old Transkei, making high-quality beads for local crafters to buy in bulk, where skills can be learned and where finished goods can be sold at a fair price to visiting tourists. There is a huge market for quality beadwork, but, at present, what happens is that buyers come in to buy up the produce over which women have worked long and lovingly for days and weeks for a mere pittance and sell it at a huge profit. This is unacceptable.

The President has reaffirmed the Government’s commitment to the programme for integrated and sustainable rural development, and I know that the Premier of the Eastern Cape is dedicated to it also. If these rural skills are to be preserved and transformed into viable commercial entities, a serious investment must be made in the resource base for this to happen. One had only to look around Parliament last Friday to see how creative, colourful and stunningly beautiful are the fabrics and fashions of Africa. They are the outward symbol of an enormously rich culture, but for many years that richness and variety was suppressed, abused and rendered impoverished by a sterile and selfish regime.

Now is the time, as an integral part of the African renaissance, for the treasurehouse that is our indigenous culture to re-emerge, for the inherited knowledge lying like seeds of wonderful plants within the collective memory of our communities to get the chance to grow and flower. It has great value, not only for ourselves and the rest of the world, but, also, let us never forget, that it is the future heritage of our children. [Applause.]

Mr N S MIDDLETON: Madam Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, fellow colleagues, the president of the IFP - I refer to the hon Dr M G Buthelezi

• yesterday in his address to this House said, and I quote:

  We need one another for as long as our contributions are rendered in a spirit of goodwill, and … tolerance …

What the leader of the IFP was saying to this House was that the old political doctrine of an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, is no longer relevant in this new South Africa of ours. This message however was not seeking of the meek and the weak, pleading for recognition or security. Oh no! I want to remind this House and I reiterate that the IFP will not compromise on its principles of, particularly, the call for a federal government in this country.

HON MEMBERS: Oh please!

Mr N S MIDDLETON: Please and please until you die - we will ask for it. The pursuit of unity should result in a discovery of all our leaders and that which makes African people one people, one nation.

Whereas the IFP welcomes the President’s address to the nation we must, however, point out some aspects of the speech which we believe create a false impression to those who read it. Let me point out and remind the President that there were many organisations in this country, and that there were many people who did not go into exile, and that there were many people who sacrificed their lives in this country - it was not only those who went into exile or were unbanned.

The IFP is pleased that the President has at last heeded long-standing concerns expressed by the IFP about some aspects of the present labour legislation which had very negative consequences, particularly in respect of the creation of jobs and investments. [Interjections.] It is also our considered opinion that the present labour legislation, as it now stands, may probably be in conflict with the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Bill passed by this House recently. I think we must look at that.

Therefore, the IFP wishes to propose the following in this regard: That in order to stimulate job creation, small and medium-sized businesses should be exempted from some of the requirements of the Basic Conditions of Employment Act as well as some aspects of the Labour Relations Act. [Interjections.] Those members do not know what they are talking about; I know what I am talking about. [Laughter.] Another request to the President is that the administration of all present labour laws should be transferred to and controlled by the provincial administrations. [Interjections.]

We demand … [Interjections.] Yes, we demand that this Cabinet should now spell out loudly and very clearly as to where this Government stands on the question of privatisation. [Interjections.] Yes, I mean the privatisation of the billions of rands’ worth of state enterprises and assets. [Interjections.] We can no longer afford to politicise this issue if we are serious about creating jobs. [Interjections.] This step will certainly reduce the Government’s borrowing and enable us to maintain interest rates, which will, in turn, create millions of jobs over a period of time. [Interjections.] This is our appeal to them. [Interjections.]

The IFP was also greatly taken aback by the complete silence on the matter of the unemployed people of this country. [Interjections.] Whilst more and more people are losing jobs daily, whilst the number of unemployed is reaching alarming proportions, whilst it is getting more and more difficult for our young people leaving schools and colleges to find jobs, what do we see? We are silent, silent, silent about this issue. [Interjections.]

The Government must - as a matter of urgency - allocate funds and resources to address the needs of the victims of unemployment. The time is now and not tomorrow, for tomorrow may be too late. [Interjections.] The other day, for the information of the peanut gallery over there, I read a poem by a young lad in Grade 5. In this poem he said:

Koze kube nini sihlupheka Obaba nomama babehlushwa amaBhunu Manje sesihlushwa abantu bethu

[How long will we experience hardship Our fathers and mothers were exploited by the Boers Now we are exploited by our own people] He went on to say:

Sengafelwa ubaba noma Inhliziyo yami ithi: Nto! Nto! Nto! Nto!

[I have lost my father and my mother My heart says: Nto! Nto! Nto! Nto!]

Mrs F MAHOMED: In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful. Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, friends and colleagues, I wish to just say a few words to hon member Middleton. That hon member should change his name, because his very name implies some kind of balance, which I did not observe in his speech at all. [Laughter.] I must say that the false impression which the hon member might have gained from the hon President’s speech is a misapprehension on his part, because he did not understand the speech at all.

Our initiatives for SMMEs are very well in place, if that hon member does not already know that by now. The ethos of demanding shows his own disempowerment and that of his organisation, so they should please go back home and empower themselves. Employment is high on our agenda, and I could go on and on, but I have more important things to relate to this House.

The hon the President’s exemplary and charismatic leadership has effectively energised many of us to commit ourselves towards achieving economic liberation and collective self-reliance in the Southern African region. Although our tested endurance of centuries of colonialism, oppression and exploitation has destroyed our people’s productive energy in economic activity, I am happy to say that we have survived and have made inroads into the regional and global economies. I also want to prove that the previous regime was wrong when it thought that investment and trade were privileges only for the white minority. Many efforts were made irreparably to harm large numbers of our people, which has left them homeless, rootless and perhaps even worthless, thus impoverishing the stock of human capital. However, again I am proud to say, we survived.

Furthermore, the architects of apartheid continued their repressive and covert operations into their neighbouring countries, which resulted in the destabilisation of the entire Southern African region. In the Commonwealth report of 1989 entitled Apartheid Terrorism this destabilisation during the 1980s is described as having reached holocaust proportions. Again I say with confidence that we survived the ruthless strategies which only left us stronger than ever before.

Just imagine the mammoth task the ANC-led Government was left with. A scenario riddled with inequities and oppression further burdened with spatial disparities. Luckily, our leaders are excellent negotiators and human beings who have dynamic skills in socioeconomic restructuring.

The priority accorded to economic integration among the member states of the SA Development Community is reflected in the growth of activity in this area. Negotiations have progressed, for members’ information, in many areas, such as the renegotiation of the SA Customs Union; negotiations to conclude the SADC Free Trade Area; the implementation of Spatial Development Initiatives projects; and also the establishment of structures for the collective monitoring of customs control. Many initiatives have been undertaken but I cannot deal with all of them in this particular speech.

I need to allude to the fact that regional integration is not just about trade flows, but rather it is about a new paradigm shift for industrialisation, as we know that the major stumbling block is the lack of industrial capacity within the SADC region. Our challenge is to energise our region and to make the continent’s voice heard in the capitals of world markets. Our country is indeed capable of leading co-operation efforts in Africa, as we do occupy a unique location by being in the continent’s southern triangle which separates, or joins, the two large oceans, that is the Atlantic and the Indian Oceans.

Trade with SADC countries has increased dramatically during the last few years. SADC imports have increased from R611 million to R2,2 billion. The increase of South Africa’s exports to the region was even more dramatic, from R3,5 billion in 1990 to R15,6 billion in 1998.

I wish to echo the sentiments of our hon President with regard to the African renaissance. SADC is viewed as the region with great potential to spearhead the new African renaissance. This renaissance is about renewal and regeneration; it is about creating space for people to express their God-given potential. It embraces tolerance and mutual support, and aims to harness collective energies of member states to achieve a common vision.

The Southern African region is serious about its intentions to be poised to develop into a deregulated and competitive global region. It needs to enhance overall competitiveness, it needs to promote increased use of technology and it also needs to introduce more investor-friendly promotions. We also need to have an increased strategic alliance and joint ventures with world-class companies, and to realise that we have to place some importance on job training for private companies.

At present many spatial development initiatives are being promoted. However, it should be noted that the SDIs involving Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are currently on hold due to the war situation in those areas. A further challenge posed by trade integration is that we should look at our investment policy in order to attract foreign direct investment.

Sometimes the secularist perspective of human wellbeing is misleading, as it seems to advocate that wellbeing can be insured if certain material goals are realised. The holistic approach recognises the goals which include the elimination of poverty, the fulfilment of the basic material needs of all individuals and availing everyone of an opportunity to earn an honest living and to enjoy the equitable distribution of income and wealth. I have heard many a wise person saying that wealth should flow equitably, as blood flows through one’s body. Obviously this body should be healthy. Figuratively, imagine how many diseased bodies infected our economy in the past and caused bottlenecks and inhibitions, which led to monopolies and conglomerates.

We are proud to announce that nothing will deter our ANC-led Government to enhance the image of South Africa as the gateway to Africa. It is an attractive investment destination and indeed we have done very well. We have become a global player, for members’ information, whether one likes it or not. I want to say to Mr Mzimela - I hope he is listening - that I suggest that he should get life policies, because I can see the alarm bells ringing for his organ. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Speaker, Mr President, the Leader of the Opposition said in this debate yesterday that the speech of the President last Friday contained some very fine and worthwhile statements, and indeed it did. But the hon the Leader of the Opposition went on to say that what was lacking was a plan of action to sustain those sentiments. Despite the attempts of the ANC speakers, speaking in this debate over the past two days, we have yet again the dreadful feeling at the end of this debate that this Government takes one step forward on important issues such as labour, education and fighting crime, and two or three back, proving yet again that the ANC is simply self-congratulatory on minor issues and evasive on major issues. [Interjections.]

Now the DP asks again: Can we please have some clarity from Government? We need to know the Government’s plan of action on important matters. Please stop sounding convincing and clear-cut on important matters, in exactly the same way that Mr Piet Koornhof used to sound when explaining NP sports policy in the past. But the President’s problem is compounded by people such as the hon Mr Ben Turok. He actually does more harm to South Africa’s potential for investment and the course of economic growth and employment, than anyone in the ANC would care to imagine.

Mr Turok, of course, is witty, funny and says all the things that the ANC love to hear. But Mr Turok’s particular problem is that he talks the language of conspiracy of Mr P W Botha, wears the clothes of Mao Tse-tung and has an investment portfolio of a tycoon. No wonder he is confused. But his Marxist utterances in this House and elsewhere actually do South Africa no good at all. His own confusion should not confuse the Government. [Interjections.]

The problem is that the President makes bold but ambiguous pronouncements and then, in order to try to keep the ANC/Cosatu/SACP alliance roadshow from derailing, his Ministers, such as the hon Mr ``Boom Boom’’ Kader Asmal

• or perhaps we should refer to him as ``Chirp Chirp’’ Asmal, I am not sure
• and members of his party go out and give totally mixed messages.

The ANC Government must know that it cannot have its cake and eat it. Performance is the name of the game. Now the Chief Whip of the Majority Party made an interesting but very misleading speech yesterday. During the course of it he raised the issue of the President’s appearance - or lack of it - in Parliament. He stated that the DP has never insisted that Mr Mandela appear in Parliament when he was President and that it was, therefore, illogical and petty that we now expect and insist that Mr Mbeki should spend more time in the House and be more accountable to Parliament.

But Mr Yengeni was not a very important man in 1994 and, therefore, he would not know that we were deliberately asked by the ANC not to insist on Mr Mandela’s appearance in the House because of his age. We agreed to this. [Interjections.] But we also know - and we knew at the time - that Mr Mandela was a very open President who was always willing to talk to the people through the media. We knew what he was thinking. We knew what he stood for. [Interjections.] Mr Mbeki, on the other hand, is a very close and secretive President; closed to public scrutiny. We do not yet know him, we do not know what he is thinking, but that is only part of the issue. [Interjections.]

I want Mr Yengeni to listen very carefully indeed. Section 91(1) of the Constitution reads:

The Cabinet consists of the President, as head of the Cabinet, a Deputy President and Ministers.

Section 92(2) says:

Members of the Cabinet are accountable collectively and individually to Parliament for the exercise of their owers and the performance of their functions.

Mr Yengeni should, quite frankly, know that the President is not excused on the basis that he is not a member of Parliament.

But, furthermore, section 92(3) reads:

Members of the Cabinet must -

(a) act in accordance with the Constitution; and

(b) provide Parliament with full and regular reports concerning matters under their control.

Again, the President is not excused. I ask Mr Yengeni, is that not interesting?

The DP believes that it is a constitutional requirement that the President comes to Parliament regularly and tells the members of this House and the NCOP what he is doing; and we believe that he should also be willing to answer questions. So I want to say to the hon the President that we really look forward to seeing him in this House again. We look forward to his full participation. I want to thank him very much indeed. [Applause.]

Mr A J FEINSTEIN: Madam Speaker, hon President and Deputy President, let me begin by saying that it is an enormous honour to speak at the close of this extremely important debate.

I always knew that the hon Mike Ellis was in the funeral business, which he is. [Laughter.] I never realised that it extended to exhumations, which the DP clearly does in Gauteng, nor did I realise that his business also extended into the region of fantasy, as was shown here today. He talks about the problem of this Government taking one step forward and two or three backwards. My only suggestion is that the DP as a whole needs to get new glasses. [Laughter.]

Their present spectacles quite clearly can only see backwards. They are so myopic that they cannot even see the extraordinary unfolding of our new democratic nation. This is absolutely nowhere as clear as it is in the statement the hon Ellis made about the hon Chief Whip. The hon Ellis suggested that in 1994 the hon Tony Yengeni was not a very important man. Possibly in the funeral business in KwaZulu-Natal, he was not. But if one asks the people of Gugulethu, of Langa, of Nyanga, of Crossroads, of Khayelitsha … [Interjections] … people who, quite clearly from the DP’s response, are of absolutely no importance or consequence to them, then the hon Ellis would find out that for many, many years Mr Yengeni has been and remains an extraordinarily important man in the building of our new nation. [Applause.]

South Africa, under the leadership of the ANC, is poised for takeoff. The President has issued a clarion call for us all to fasten our seatbelts and prepare for a journey that will at times be turbulent, but that will ultimately take us to our destination of a prosperous, humane and safe society. It is accepted wisdom, both here and abroad, if not to the hon Middleton, that the ANC Government has brought this economy to the cusp of a sustainable new growth path that will over time deliver sustainable jobs, which is the key to the upliftment of the quality of life of all our people. To us in the ANC this is no minor achievement.

The Reuters survey from which the President quoted, had a best scenario forecast of not only 6,5% growth for 2000-2001, but also a lowest core inflation rate of 5,8% and 5,2% respectively, and interest rates of 13% for both years - even the least bullish forecasts made for extremely encouraging reading. Clearly the South African business community shares this bullish outlook, as witnessed by the fact that business confidence in December and January hit its highest levels since the inception of the confidence index in 1985. On announcing these record levels, the executive director of Sacob stated that ``President Mbeki’s speech had reinforced the present trend of confidence’’.

I can tell Mr Mzimela that international players, too, are confident of our economic future, with financial giants such as HSBC and Templeton earmarking South Africa as one of their top emerging markets for the year ahead. Moody’s rating agency … [Interjections.] R80 billion since the inception of democracy is pretty good investment to my mind.

Moody’s rating agency confirmed these bullish sentiments in raising the outlook for South Africa from stable to positive. In so doing, the agency praised Government’s willingness to mould its education and labour policies to maximise skills development and employment growth. It is a great pity that the DP’s spectacles did not enable them to read that. [Interjections.]

The bold steps announced by the President in his address give greater conviction to the sense that under his leadership, this economy is inextricably being transformed into a competitive, dynamic player that will hold its own in the merciless international economy for the purpose of meeting the needs of all our people in a sustainable manner.

Let me, for a moment, raise the issue of the behaviour of the hon Leader of the Opposition. It has been said most recently by a biographer of a less than successful British politician that, to be a successful politician, one must learn not to take criticism personally. If this esteemed academic is correct, the hon the Leader of the Opposition’s sojourn in his present seat will be brief. Simply observe his eruptions of aggressive, red faced and spitting anger whenever he or his party is criticised. Listen to the absolute nonsense he talks when anybody attempts to engage in meaningful debate at this podium. [Interjections.] Is this the behaviour we expect from a leader of the official opposition? His younger predecessor, at least, clearly felt that a sense of gravitas and maturity was more important.

The hon the Leader of the Opposition, in attempting to find some way of undermining Government economic performance, claimed that Government policy had led to diminishing household income amongst the poorest. What he did not say was that the study he drew on for his information only dealt with information up to early 1996 and said in its opening paragraph

Since the Government’s Gear policy was only introduced in 1996, its success in bringing about a more equitable distribution of income cannot yet be evaluated.

Sadly, the DP’s spectacles did not enable him to read that part of the report. Let us remember that despite the obfuscatory opportunism of the DP

• about which more will come later - which should not deflect from the reality that was made clear by Minister Erwin yesterday, the achievement of our objectives will not be easy - whether dealing with Aids, crime or jobs. Let us remember that the key to prosperity lies in ever-improving productivity, which, as has been noted in this debate, requires business, labour and the Government to jointly accept responsibility for increased and higher quality capital investment, a commitment to massive improvement in education and training, and a joint commitment to the national interest ahead of sectoral or individual interests.

We must all accept the responsibility of doing what is best for South Africa. This includes taking up the empowerment challenge, not just at the commanding heights of the economy, but even more critically at the level of small and medium businesses. The national interest requires us to place affirmative action at centre stage in order to ensure the total deracialisation of our economy and society, for it is only when all South Africans have equal access to prosperity - based on merit and not inhibited by a historical racial straitjacket - that we will achieve true liberation in this, our beloved country.

The hon the Leader of the Opposition took umbrage at the prominence given to race in the President’s address. He did, in a few glib phrases, in his characteristically belligerent and insulting manner, denigrate the struggle for freedom of millions of South Africans while in the same breath claiming concern for the poorest in our society. Even one of the leaders of the DP’s coalition partner in the Western Cape said on the radio this morning that the DP had no interest in the poor.

The hon Gibson, in one of his many meaningless sound bites, attempted to differentiate between the ANC and the DP. Thank goodness - if he thought there were no differences, we would be worried indeed. The differences are apparent in everything we do. Where we follow an economic policy that is prudent for a clear social purpose, the DP invokes, mantra-like, year after year, their call for an increase in VAT - a regressive move that would make life more miserable for the poorest of the poor.

Where the DP make brief, media-saturated visits to impoverished areas, the vast majority of ANC members and elected representatives live their whole lives in these areas. [Applause.] Where we strive to roll back the obstacles created by our history, the DP systematically opposes any and all equality legislation. While we, in the ANC, proudly pronounce our deep commitment to, and inextricable linkage with, the African continent, the DP regularly denigrates the region and the continent.

We agree with Mr Gibson that he does not need to apologise for his party’s existence; just for his party’s policies and his patronising, denigrating tone! His own supporters are, at least, now discovering what we have known all along - that his so-called morality is nothing more than self-perceived arrogance. It is not just the Mangopes, the serial fraudster; it is not just the exhumations, but most importantly, in his voting record in this House where he has consistently and continuously opposed equality legislation - be it in health, education, the labour market or the society as a whole. Fortunately, thanks to the sacrifices of so many, we are now living in a democracy where he will be judged by this record. Which is why he will continue to be rejected by the vast majority of South Africans. [Applause.]

Clearly, the ANC and the DP continue to live in different worlds. Where the majority of South Africans see, in the President’s words, a land of human hope'', the DP sees, in the words of its leader,nothing but despair’’. Where we see restored human dignity and a future of prosperity, peace and unity, he sees a future of increasing inequality, polarisation and fear. Nowhere is this better reflected than in the hon Leon’s remarkable statement yesterday that ``South Africa’s blacks and whites want to work together to build a better nation.’’ For his information, in the South Africa which we call home, millions and millions of whites and blacks, men and women, Jews and Moslems, Christians and Hindus have been working together, for years, to build a better nation and a better world. We look forward to him and his party joining our quest as we follow the lead of the President to the African mountain top, from where he, too, can glimpse the promised land. [Applause.]

Debate suspended.

The House adjourned at 18:35. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

ANNOUNCEMENTS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Subcommittee of the Joint Programme Committee on 9 February
     2000 took a decision, in accordance with Joint Rule 216, that the
     Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health Service Professions
     Amendment Bill [B 2 - 2000] (National Council of Provinces - sec
     76(2)) be fast-tracked with a view to ensuring that the Bill can
     be passed by both Houses before the end of the current financial
     year.


     In terms of Joint Rule 216(4) this decision must be
     tabled in both Houses for ratification.


 (2)    Assent by die President of the Republic in respect of the
     following Bill:


     (i)     Pharmacy Amendment Bill [B 51 - 99] - Act No 1 of 2000
          (assented to and signed by President on 9 February 2000).

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
     the relevant committees as mentioned below:


     (i)     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
          Committee on Labour and the Select Committee on Labour and
          Public Enterprises for consideration and report, the
          committees to confer with the Joint Monitoring Committee on
          Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Children, Youth
          and Disabled Persons:


          (a) International Labour Conference Convention concerning the
              prohibition and immediate action for the elimination of
              the worst forms of child labour adopted by the conference
              at its eighty-seventh Session, Geneva, 17 June 1999,
              tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution,
              1996.

          (b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Convention.


    (ii)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
             on Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also
             referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and
             Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee on
             Security and Constitutional Affairs:


          Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of
          Vote 9 - Constitutional Development for 1998-99 [RP 132-99].


     (iii)   The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
             on Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also
             referred to the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs and
             the Select Committee on Economic Affairs:


          Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of
          Vote 15 - Foreign Affairs for 1998-99 [RP 138-99].

TABLINGS: National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Reports of the Auditor-General on the -

 (1)    Financial Statements of Vote 26 - Public Service and
     Administration for 1998-99 [RP 150-99];

 (2)    Financial Statements of Vote 30 - South African Management
     Development Institute for 1998-99 [RP 153-99].


 Referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration
 and report. It is also referred to the Portfolio Committee on Public
 Service and Administration and the Select Committee on Local Government
 and Administration.

1. The Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:

 (1)    Report and Financial Statements of the State Library for 1997-
     98, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
     Statements.


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Arts, Culture, Science and
 Technology and to the Select Committee on Education and Recreation.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 Reports of the Board on Tariffs and Trade on the -

 (1)    Application for rebate of the duty on a certain petroleum oil
     for the manufacture of can sealing and bottle lining compounds,
     Report No 3846;

 (2)    Application for rebate of duty on certain tubes and steel pipes
     for the manufacture of electric heating resistors, Report No 3849;

 (3)    Withdrawal of rebate items 307.01 and 307.05 of Schedule 3 to
     the Customs and Excise Act, 1964; Report No 3851;

 (4)    Revision of the duty structure for valves of the kind used with
     rubber pneumatic tyres or inner tubes and parts thereof, Report No
     3853;

 (5)    Application for an increase in the duty on telecommunication
     apparatus, Report No 3854;

 (6)    Withdrawal of rebate of the duty on waste cotton yarn for the
     manufacture of mutton cloth; Report No 3855

 (7)    Application for a reduction in the duty on certain flat rolled
     products of iron or steel; Report No 3856;

 (8)    Application for an increase in the rate of duty on
     trichloroethylene and perchloroethylene; Report No 3857;

 (9)    Review of the anti-dumping duty on laundry drying machine,
     tumbler type, originating in/or imported from Australia: Final
     Determination; Report No 3858.


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry and the
 Select Committee on Economic Affairs.

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:

 (1)    Regulation No 1299 published in Government Gazette No 20594
     dated 29 October 1999,   Amendment of the Rules regulating the
     several Provincial and Local Divisions of the High Court of South
     Africa, made in terms of the Rules Board for Courts of Law Act,
     1985 (Act No 107 of 1985).

 (2)    Proclamation No R.166 published in Government Gazette No 20627
     dated 15 November 1999, Commencement of the Maintenance Act, 1998
     (Act No 99 of 1998).

 (3)    Government Notice No R.1421 published in Government Gazette No
     20660 dated 23 November 1999, Determination of salaries of Deputy
     Directors of Public Prosecutions and Prosecutors for the purpose
     of the National Prosecuting Authority Act, 1998 (Act No 32 of
     1998).


 (4)    Government Notice No 1449 published in Government Gazette No
     20686 dated 30 November 1999, Determination of
     Magistrates'salaries for the purpose of the Magistrates Act, 1993
     (Act No 90 of 1993).

 (5)    Proclamation No R.127 published in Government Gazette No 20739
     dated 15 December 1999, Remuneration of Judges, made in terms of
     Judges' Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Act, 1989 (Act
     No 88 of 1989).

 (6)    Proclamation No R.128 published in Government Gazette No 20739
     dated 15 December 1999, Remuneration of Judges, made in terms of
     Judges' Remuneration and Conditions of Service Decree, 1990
     (Decree No 19 of 1990)(Transkei).

 (7)    Proclamation No R.129 published in Government Gazette No 20739
     dated 15 December 1999, Remuneration of Judges, made in terms of
     Judges' Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Act, 1989 (Act
     No 27 of 1989)(Bophuthatswana).

 (8)    Government Notice No R.1498 published in Government Gazette No
     20714 dated 17 December 1999, Amendment of Regulations made in
     terms of Magistrates Act, 1993 (Act No 90 of 1993).

 (9)    Government Notice No R.1475 published in Government Gazette No
     20695 dated 10 December 1999, Amendment of the First Schedule to
     the Supreme Court Act, 1959 (Act No 59 of 1959)

 (10)Proclamation No R.133 published in Government Gazette No 20781
     dated 30 December 1999, Commencement of certain sections of the
     Magistrates' Courts Amendment Act, 1993 (Act No 120 of 1993).


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
 Development and the Select Committee on Security and Constitutional
 Affairs.


 (11)Government Notice No R.1391 published in Government Gazette No
     20627 dated 15 November 1999, Regulations relating to maintenance
     made in terms of section 44 of the Maintenance Act, 1998 (Act No
     99 of 1998).


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
 Development, the Select Committee on Security and Constitutional
 Affairs and the Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of
 Life and Status of Women.

1. The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism:

 (1)    Government Notice No R.27 published in Government Gazette No
     20796 dated 15 January 2000, Amendment of Regulations made in
     terms of section 77 of the Marine Living Resources Act, 1998 (Act
     No 18 of 1998).


 Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and
 Tourism and the Select Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs.