TUESDAY, 14 MARCH 2000 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 09:38.

The Chairperson of Committees took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 8 - Education:

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Mr Chairperson, hon members and comrades, it is an honour to initiate the debate on the first Vote of this Parliament. I invite hon members, in particular, to recognise the presence in the gallery of the provincial MECs for Education, accompanied by their heads of departments. [Applause.] They are here at my invitation to witness this important debate and to convene afterwards for the special meeting of the Council of Education Ministers this afternoon. I thank them for their presence. A Budget debate ought to be the most elevated exchange of opinions on the important issues of the day. A debate on a Vote offers a great opportunity for us to contemplate what education in our new democracy is for and what it is not for.

So this is a good time to ask the question: Why vote public funds for education services? Some might say: Well, why not? Is that not what Parliaments are supposed to do?'' Others might say:That is a good question. The education system is so riddled with problems and inefficiencies that we should not throw good money after bad.’’ Yet others might say: ``Governments cannot manage education services. They should be left to the private sector; they will sort them out.’’

There is something to be said for the first two responses but very little to be said for the third. But all three responses challenge us to think more carefully about a matter that may seem so obvious that it is taken for granted.

I will not recapitulate the story of our efforts to reshape and reform our education system over the past six years. That has been done in my department’s 1999 annual report, which has been distributed to all hon members. The report provides a comprehensive record of our stewardship of the funds voted by Parliament in 1998-99 and a retrospective account of the transformation of education during the first democratic administration, whose term of office ended in mid-year. It gives a full account of the setting of new priorities for the next five years under the banner of Tirisano and particularly our implementation plan.

We ought, therefore, to look at the fundamentals of educational policy. I should like to begin the debate today by quoting one of this country’s great teachers. She wrote:

A flock without lambs is doomed. A herd without calves has no future. A people whose children are doomed to ignorance has no future. It is our children who are condemned to a world of darkness and ignorance, who will never fit in anywhere in the world after being shut away from the rest of humanity. If we all realise that, we cannot, no matter what the odds, stand idly by and let that happen. Where are the mothers in this hall who will say: Never! Not to my child!'' Where are the women of this nation who will say:Never! Not to my children?’’ Have we less courage than the mother hen that will dare the falcon that swoops down on her young? I do not think so.

The teacher’s name was Phyllis Ntantala Jordan, and her son sits with us, in this House. This memorable speech was given in December 1953, and it was a call to arms against Bantu Education. Much has changed since then, but the essence of what she said still resonates across time and space with special meaning.

Mr Chairperson, members of this House, parents, teachers, and learners of this nation, while the Budget is a key policy instrument, it is human beings who make it meaningful, and its outcomes are about people. For this reason, I want to talk today about our mothers and fathers and our inherited responsibility, and our commitment to public education and the development of our country. When we say that people are at the centre of development, we do not refer to some nebulous or vague group, but to actual human beings, to arents, learners, students and teachers who are directly affected.   Phyllis Ntantala’s book A Life’s Mosaic is a case study of human endeavour and partnerships. It recounts her observations as a little girl growing up in the old Transkei. It tells of how the community regarded the school within their midst as their responsibility. Although among the poorest of the poor, they helped the missionary build it, they taxed themselves to buy building materials, they ploughed the teacher’s fields for him - it usually was a him then - and they made sure his pantry was never empty.

The father of another in our midst tells the story about how he literally had to climb a five-mile-high mountain every day of his school life - even if he was hungry, which was often; even if it was raining, which was often; and miserable - to get from his home on the banks of the Tsomo River to the nearest school. That man was Govan Mbeki and his son is our President. He did it without fail and earned himself two university degrees by the time he was 30. And the father of yet another who sits in the House became the very first African in this country of ours to register at a university in South Africa, and the very first African to gain a university degree in South Africa. His name was Prof Z K Matthews. He became a hero and a role model to generations of South Africans, because he showed that with diligence and perseverance, even with all the odds stacked against him, he could do it. He could make it.

In the 1950s, on the eve of the imposition of Bantu Education, Prof Matthews looked at his 18 grandchildren - one of whom is now the Chairperson of the NCOP - and he said:

Surely in their lifetime, they will see these remaining barriers surmounted. I think of this as I hear again in my memory the words I heard so often from my parents: Education was the weapon with which the white man had conquered our people and taken our lands.' It was often thought’, my father would say, that the white man had conquered because he had superior weapons, guns.' No’, he would insist, `the real reason for our defeat was the white man’s education and the black man’s lack of it.’ Only by mastering the secrets of his knowledge would we ever be able to regain our strength and face the conqueror on his own terms.

Now times have changed since Prof Matthews wrote that. We no longer see ourselves as conquerors and the conquered. We no longer see education as the white man’s preserve, as something we have to learn if we are to beat him. I am sure that every member of this House can recollect a time when public provision of education to the majority of the citizens was bitterly contested. ``We shall open the doors of learning to all’’, was one of the most heartfelt pledges of the Freedom Charter. No government of a democratic South Africa can be exonerated from the burden of making good on that promise. Prof Matthews, Phyllis Ntantala and Govan Mbeki have taught us that knowledge has no colour, race or language.

So how did our education system evolve? The idea that governments have responsibility for public education came rather late in the development of modern nation states. The global pattern of the modern nation state has its origin in Europe, and then America. In those countries, across most of the centuries, in the millennium which has just ended, formal education, as we know it today, was a privilege of aristocrats and well-to-do merchants. The religious authorities were employed to undertake the teaching of the rich and the powerful. Charity schools were set for the schooling of the poor. So education mirrored the social divisions of the feudal and the early capitalist classes.

The notion that the state has the responsibility to provide for the education of its citizens has several different strands, and not all of them are attractive or wholesome. So allow me to briefly to deal with three of them.

Firstly, in the late 19th century the modernising imperialist state - of which Prussia and then Germany were the models - saw public education as a tool for state building. They wanted common schools to generate sentiments of patriotism and national identity across the German-speaking peoples of Europe. They wanted an army of soldiers who could understand their orders and use its new technology of war, and skilled workers for the growing factories.

Secondly, at the same time, in the robust young United States of America, newly united and rapidly industrialising after the civil war, the idea was propagated that public education was a seedbed of democratic liberties. Every citizen had the right to go to school. Thus, a nation of immigrants would become loyal Americans under one flag, and a nation of many states spread across a continent would imbibe a common set of symbols and values. Of course, every one of these sentiments in the United States of America was traduced and betrayed by the slavery tradition and the successful march of desegregation from the south into the American heartland, under which a black was only three fifths of a man until the civil rights movement exploded on the scene in the 1950s and 1960s.

A third model of public education was born after the Russian revolution. In Marxist-Leninist thought public education would be the vehicle to advance the message of social equality. Soviet education created a new socialist consciousness in the minds of all its citizens, starting in infancy. Class subservience and religious obscurantism would be challenged and overcome o the ideological battlefield.

All three traditions were founded on the belief that public education should be universally available, compulsory for all citizens, organised and funded by the state. All three traditions infused public education with a patriotic mission to advance the manifest destiny of their peoples, in their countries and the world. So all three traditions had export models devised by enthusiastic emulators in other countries or spread by conquest.

Let us acknowledge then, that the birth of public education systems as we know them coincided with the birth of nation states in the modern era. Public education was seen as an indispensable adjunct of state-building and nation-building. It was enrolled in the service of a dominant state ideology, whether authoritarian, libertarian, or a complex fusion of both. In other words we are reminded that public education is a vessel into which social values may be poured - a vehicle to be steered in the public interest, however this is conceived.

So let us not romanticise public education as self-evident good. Nothing in public affairs is self-evident. The social purpose it serves and the integrity with which it is executed must validate every action of state. This is especially the case with public education systems, because they reach everyone and they traffic in knowledge, values and ideas.

So without doubt, the world we live in has been fashioned by the worldwide influence of public education system. It has created the indispensable foundation of modern states, democratised knowledge, opened up advanced learning to countless millions and provided the intellectual sinews for the development of modern technology and communication in a fast globalising world. We know only too well about the havoc that the apartheid rulers unleashed on the education system and everyone in it, and the effect of much of the active and passive resistance to apartheid authority in education.

I want to draw attention to the fact that before 1994, the fundamental aims of public education in South Africa had never been formulated with the welfare of all South Africans in mind. Such aims can only emanate from a government and a parliament that command the consent of the people of South Africa. Out of a racially fragmented society, we have had to create a nonracial and a democratic system. So the challenge is to build a system for a democratic society.

All our people shared in the historic compromise of 1994. This has given us

• in Government, Parliament, civil society and education institutions throughout the country - an exceptional opportunity to think through the purpose of public education in a democratic South Africa. To meet this challenge - the challenge of living in the 21st century - let us give our children real hope as the only way of advancing education. I began by saying: Let us give our children real hope by ensuring the success of active learning through properly organised outcomes-based education and move away from the highly authoritarian, rigid, curriculum-driven system.

Members are aware that I have convened a strong team of experts to review our implementation of outcomes-based education, namely Curriculum 2005. But I remain convinced, as do all the teachers I have spoken to, in the potential of outcomes-based education, if it is implemented successfully. Why is this? Perhaps I can answer by quoting once more from Prof Matthews’ speech he made as Cape president of the ANC in 1955. He said: Independent thinking has always been regarded by rulers as a dangerous thing.'' My mother used to say that to me too.Independent thinking has always been regarded by rulers as a dangerous thing to encourage among the common people,’’ Prof Matthews said.

Now, in the present, it is time for all of us who have a genuine interest in the education of our nation to stand up and be counted. The future of our flock and our herd is in our hands. We are all parents, we are all teachers, we have all been students and the reality may be bleak. We have a democracy with an extraordinary Bill of Rights and a Constitution which protects and enhances the right to basic education. We have formal equality, but many of our children remain doomed to ignorance of one kind or another. Now, what is the remedy?

The Government blames the teachers, the teachers blame the parents, the parents blame the students, the students blame the Government and in the end, instead of working it out, everyone gives up and goes off to a shebeen

• as my colleague the hon MEC for Education in Gauteng recently discovered to his horror in Tembisa - and drink themselves into oblivion. Those children were not drinking and dancing during school hours because they are evil, bad or stupid. They were doing it because even if they do not admit it, they have given up hope. If we, the principal actors in the education system, have one goal that bonds us, or must bond us, and unites us in everything that we do, it is to give hope to our children. We must equip our children with the skills to think critically and independently, for this will help them to be productive members of society as much as will the fundamentals of reading, writing and arithmetic.

In this democratic South Africa of ours, unlike in the South Africa in which Prof Matthews had to live, the rulers are the people. We are their representatives, and we have nothing to fear from independent thinking. We know that it makes our people and our country stronger.

We cannot solve all the enormous challenges that we face, overnight, nor over the past five years, nor over the next five years, but all of us, institutions, administrators, and policy makers, owe it to our country that we hold out hope to this generation and those to come. Therefore I want to enunciate a statement of the scope and purpose of public education in our country that I trust will command wide support.

South Africans are in the process of creating a new nation, a truly inclusive South African nation. In this nation of diverse peoples and traditions, South Africans are learning to trust one another, to revel in the brilliance of our diversity, and to honour every strand of our cultural and linguistic identity and recognise its contribution to the strength and the vitality of the whole.

We are on guard against the persistence of throwback behaviour from the dark past, in particular racial arrogance and hard-necked linguistic and cultural exclusivity. Public education has a vital role in the building of this South African nation. So, in the first place, public education must serve the needs of the overwhelming majority of South Africans.

The prerequisite of success here is that the public education system must be accessible to all. If facilities are not available close to where people live or if, despite what the law says, high fees deter people from entering public facilities, then we have problems that need remedy. However, I do not believe that the answer lies with a Thatcherite-type voucher system, as advocated by some, since our commitment must be to our education system as a whole, and there must be no cherry picking of developing the so-called better schools and the devil take the hindmost.

Secondly, public education must embrace South Africans of all races, classes, religions and languages. Nondiscriminatory admission is one thing, but actively creating a new inclusive model school, college, technikon or university is another. The prerequisite of success here is for public education institutions to examine their inherited institutional cultures, consider their new responsibilities, and be prepared to ditch old baggage and respond creatively to the changed circumstances.

Thirdly, the public education system must command public confidence. If public education is not delivering the level of service that people require, they will go elsewhere, as we know. Private providers of all varieties are ready to exploit any perceived gap left by inadequate public provision. Nevertheless, registered private providers have a constitutional right to exist, but the duty of nation-building rests on public institutions and a public system of provision. If they fail in their education function, they fail utterly also as nation-builders. What is more, as soon as the public system fails to represent the South African people at large, its capacity for beneficial influence on the civic values and virtues of our new nation will be severely diminished.

I have referred to civic values and nation-building. The public education system is not a simple vehicle for the transmission of knowledge which, regrettably, is fairly extensive, and still less for the passing of examinations, however important these may be, but its main purpose is the transmission of facts. In our highly competitive society we have an obsessive interest in simply the passing of examinations.

It is the social institution through which the principal values of our new nation and the key to our identity as South Africans are conveyed to successive generations of learners and students. Therefore this matter is so important that I recently invited Prof Wilmot James, the Dean of Humanities at the University of Cape Town, to lead an expert team in the investigation of values in South African education. I expect to receive their report at the end of this month. I will make it public at once and invite, particularly in this House, an active debate on its findings.

The remedy must be worked out. It is easy to find scapegoats. We must resist this temptation to find scapegoats. We must simply do more and identify the fault lines and the cracks. Let us give our children hope by restoring the status of teachers in our society to what it was before. Let us challenge our teachers to earn such a status so that our children can look up to them the way we looked up to Prof Matthews and Phyllis Ntantala.

For example, we have here, possibly in this House, a young student, Delisile Mdleleni, from the Orange Farm informal settlement in Gauteng, now studying for a degree in information technology at the University of the Western Cape who, against considerable odds and through skipping through classes at school, obtained a matriculation exemption last year at the age of 15 years. So, we do have victories, victories over the enormous adversity of illiteracy, lack of jobs for parents and living in one of the largest squatter camps in South Africa. She comes through those ashes and matriculates at the age of 15. [Applause.] Her example gives our children hope and her achievement must acknowledge the devoted activity of teachers and the community.

Our focus on teacher development will be guided by the recently published norms and standards for educators and by the evolving role of principals and managers in our schools, because we must reinstate the role of principals and managers in our schools. We are committed to improved and increased teacher development, school and financial management, and quality enhancement, some of which will be funded out of the policy reserve fund of R272 million, set aside by the Minister of Finance in his Budget for this year.

Let us give our children hope by creating a further education and training system that will equip them to meet the social and economic needs of the 21st century. This year we will introduce legislation to further integrate the further education and training system into our overall framework. In this respect we should not forget the contribution of the Business Trust in helping to do this with a R120 million assistance programme within an almost hidden area of education - the technical colleges.

Let us be honest. Nothing gives our children more hope than an education system which provides the prospect of jobs and a productive life, if they go through school successfully that is, and they will spend more time in the classroom and less in the shebeen. Let us give our children hope by making our provincial delivery systems work. There are enormous competing interests for national funds, but education has been identified as a priority by our Government, and, for that reason, 21% of the national Budget, R3 billion more than last year, will be spent on education, nearly 80% of it in the provinces. Therefore we must support the provinces in whatever ways we can.

However, Vote 8 contains no funds to support provincial education systems other than conditional grants to assist provincial education departments to carry forward innovative work in capacity-building and quality improvement. The bulk of education spending, of course, is not overseen by this Parliament but by the nine provincial legislatures which will make appropriations out of the funds voted to them in the block grant to provinces.

Therefore, there is a disjunction, often noted in this House, between the political responsibility of the Minister of Education for the state of education throughout the country, and the fact that the Minister does not control, or even influence, provincial allocations for education. I am, therefore, closing this gap, not with a constitutional amendment, but with a vigorous interpretation of the constitutional doctrine of co-operative governance.

The Council of Education Ministers, which I said will meet later today in extraordinary session, is a vital organ for the execution of the national agenda in education. The nine MECs for Education and I are forging an excellent working relationship based on our national common programme of action, Tirisano, backed by the provincial plans.

At our meeting today, we will give careful consideration to proposals by the Financial and Fiscal Commission, that will address some of the worrying features of the present allocation of provincial education funds. The FFC proposal presents a hopeful development which, I trust, will bring relief and hope to our largely rural provinces.

We have made headway in reducing the inherited financial disparities among provinces in the provision of education. The new FFC proposals should help us take forward that goal. What concerns me just as much is the persistence of inequality in education provision within provinces. I give notice that I intend to investigate the matter with my provincial colleagues as a priority in the year 2000.

Let us give hope to our children by making schools the centres of community life once more, as they were when Phyllis Ntantala was a child. I will give hon members an example of this. A simple example of this is the way we are trying to work in the Government, together. We are working together with other Government departments to make the schools the centre. We are working with the SA Police Service, with the Minister of Safety and Security and, now recently, with the Minister and the Department of Sport and Recreation, to co-ordinate other activities at school level around sport and physical education - nowadays known, to use one of the new buzzwords, as human movement studies.

School sport is, regrettably, largely, absent from the vast majority of our schools. We intend to bring it back. The experience of other countries has shown that school sporting activities lead to high-performance, competitive sport. There is a direct relationship between school-sport activities and competitive sport and, therefore, we are going to be part of this. Although school sport is for fun, we are also for competitive sport. Today I want to commit my department and this House to supporting the proud bid to host the World Cup 2006 soccer tournament in South Africa. [Applause.]

I think soccer is not only the national sport, but it represents for the large part of our young people, the greatest aspiration to perform not only for the school or the province, not only for the country, but for the people. Therefore, it is enormously important that South Africa should be the site of this most important contest after the Olympic Games that we know.

So I say, therefore, that we should give our children hope also by ending the conditions of physical degradation in South African schools. Many of our rural schools have no sports grounds, no sports facilities of any kind. One cannot learn - and I think that this House should recognise this - in the state of physical degradation in which many of our schools are, especially those in the rural areas.

We can learn and teach with dignity. And I am saying now that, of course, we will be making claims for the reconstruction, renewal and rebuilding of many of our schools. We are expecting that more than R500 million will be spent by the provinces in the coming year on school refurbishment, although, as the President has indicated, our funds are not inexhaustible. So we need to plan and spend wisely. At this point I should add my thanks to the Minister of Finance for extending tax concessions to those who donate money for public preprimary, primary and secondary schools. This should be very much part of the reconstruction of the schools.

So too with our higher education system. Let us give our children hope by implementing a higher education system that grasps the intellectual and professional challenges facing South Africans in the 21st century. The higher educational sector is in the process of undergoing a process of root- and-branch transformation. The institutional framework is in place for implementing major changes. The new programme-based funding system envisaged by the Higher Education Act of 1997 will be phased in over the next few years after careful preparation including the implementation of the new higher education management information system.

The total allocation to higher education in the past three years has increased by over R1,6 billion to R7 billion, which is 93% of the total allocation for Vote 8 for this department - an amount which constitutes 14% of the education budget and which compares favourably with even OECD norms and countries, and the OECD countries are the top 25 countries in the world in terms of economic development. This allocation includes an increase of over R15 million for the National Student Financial Aid Scheme. We are the first country in Africa to spend over R450 million this year on a financial aid scheme. Since 1994 almost R1,7 billion has been allocated by the fiscus to student financial aid.

By June the Council on Higher Education will present me with a report on the future size and shape of the higher education system. This is a long- awaited event. I am pleased that the chairperson and the chief executive are here with us. I am confident that this report will help us to close the long and miserable chapter of apartheid-education planning that began 40 years ago. The Council on Higher Education report will set the scene for major structural changes in higher education, and I expect to take to Cabinet my proposal on those changes very soon after receiving the report.

However, let me say that we want some stability in our higher education system. How can one explain a trade union taking industrial action last week, because they did not like the principal of that particular institution? How can one explain students corralling a vice chancellor and kidnapping him the other day? There is no explanation which is explicable or understandable in a democratic order.

Let me say quite clearly here: With all the authority that this Parliament will give me, I will not countenance behaviour of this type. We will expect value for money from our higher education system - real value for money. [Applause.] It must be made quite clear that here there is no time for these intellectual freeloaders in our society. They must be fully aware of this, because higher education is enormously expensive and we must bring it to larger and larger numbers of people. There is no free ride anymore.

Let us give our hope to the rural youngster who want to go to higher education. We want to give hope to our children with special needs, of whom there are nearly a quarter of a million in our country. We have an emerging White Paper to cater for education for learners with special needs. That is not to suggest that we need to develop two separate school systems as we have had up to now. We need an integrated single system with special sensitivity and provision for those students who require it.

Let us also give hope to our preschool children and their parents through our early childhood development initiatives. We have to grapple with our commitment to 10 years of compulsory education, which includes the reception or Grade O level. We shall be looking to innovative and creative ways and solutions to address our needs in this area, with the hope that within the next few weeks the Minister for Welfare and Population Development and I will be able to make proposals as to how we will meet our basic obligation to the Grade O students.

Let us give our children hope, finally, by dealing urgently and purposefully with the HIV/Aids emergency in and through the education and training system. We should also recognise that there are enormous problems of values that our children are facing in our schools through precocious and early sexual activity, across classes, across races and regardless of region. We cannot be unaware of the implications of precocious sexual activity and the possibility of HIV/Aids.

I would like to thank everybody here: the House, for its interest in education, and those who - through their hard work and effort - have contributed to a renewed commitment to making a success of education. There is no doubt that there is a new tone, a new atmosphere, a fresh wind blowing across education today. The last year has been one which has presented great demands on my department, with a new management style and the appointment of a new director-general, Mr Thami Mseleku, who has pushed our staff to work even harder. Of course, we would expect our Public Service to rise to even greater heights in search of more efficient, more sensitive and more responsive governance, although I should add that there are those who are already there who more than fulfil that commitment. I am going to say how they fulfil it.

Ten days ago I visited a school in Atlantis, a very deprived area of the Western Cape. I was pleased to see teachers in their classrooms at 17:00, preparing for a parents meeting at 19:00. This is, in fact, a successful, working school. So we must also recognise that there are public servants who are, in fact, more than meeting their norms. We need to celebrate our teachers, our doers as well.

I would like to thank the Deputy Minister, Father Smangaliso Mkhatshwa, and all the staff of the department, particularly Dr Trevor Coombe, who will be retiring later this year, especially for his contribution to the education policy debate in the pre-1994 period and, more importantly, for taking that debate into Government after 1994. [Applause.] He has been a source of many ideas, much inspiration and much-valued policy analysis over the past six years.

I also want to thank the Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Education, Prof Mayatula, a good shepherd of the committee, because the portfolio committee and the chairperson have been very much part of the renewal of the education system in the past six or seven months.

The response of the business community, particularly through the Business Trust, and other significant individual support systems, has been of enormous assistance to the department. International development co- operation and assistance from donor governments and agencies has been, and continues to be, a resource of considerable value. These meet our niche needs in the country.

There have also been many members of the public who have helped in a voluntary capacity, because we must now rebuild the value of voluntary work in our schools and communities, and who have given us advice and assistance in one manner or another. Part of that voluntary work has been run by the Council on Higher Education. We do not pay members of the Council on Higher Education, something unusual in South Africa. They are very much part of a voluntary contribution, a feature in education.

I submit to the members of this House, parents, learners and teachers of the nation that, with our Tirisano programme, we have the foundations in place to turn the situation around, and to bring hope to our children and to our country. Our overriding goal is to build a national public education system that will fit South Africa for the 21st century, a system of which South Africans can be proud. Only South Africans can do it. Working together, we South Africans will do it. [Applause.]

Prof S M MAYATULA: Mr Chairperson, hon Minister of Education, Prof Kader Asmal, hon members and invited guests, allow me to start this presentation with a quotation from Epicurus, who said:

It is better for you to be free of fear lying upon a pallet, than to have a golden couch and a rich table and be full of trouble.

Many South Africans, as we table this Budget, are very hungry, illiterate and staying under bridges or in shacks, but one thing is sure, they are free, at last. Their dignity as persons has been restored. They know that however poor, illiterate or disabled they might be, this is their Parliament. We are their representatives, and they too can, and will, be here tomorrow.

On the day of the main Budget, I was visited by the leadership of the SA Council of Churches and the Ecumenical Service for Socioeconomic Transformation, to discuss the Education budget. Last Friday, 10 March 2000, the Portfolio Committee on Education had a wonderful workshop on the Budget, where different structures were freely expressing their views about the Budget. This is a testimony to the link of this important institution with the people on the ground. I will come to their representations later.

Why is it important for both the hon members and the citizens of our country to understand the facts and figures of the Budget? Why is transparency of utmost importance? If they know what the country can afford, and how much is allocated to what programme, they will stop assuming that Government money is infinite. They will stop being strangers or, better still, slaves in their own country, dependent on the whims of either the Minister of Finance or the Government. As fully-fledged citizens, they will be in charge of their own destiny. We are all free and equal, irrespective of our status in life.

Allow me to highlight a few statistics in the 2000-01 Budget. The total expenditure for this year is R233,5 billion. The consolidated national and provincial spending on education is R50,7 billion; spending by the national Department of Education is R7,5 billion; total transfers to provinces, that is equitable shares, is R94,4 billion; consolidated grants to provinces is R12,2 billion; conditional education grants to the national department and the provinces for financial management and equity enhancement is R272 million; the contingency reserve, a portion of which is to be used to repair damage caused by devastating floods, is R2 billion; the levy on the payroll assigned to skills development funds is R1,4 billion; and projects focused on HIV/Aids prevention will get R75 million.

To these figures we must add the anticipated contribution of the private sector to education as a result of the Finance Minister’s proposal that, and I quote:

The tax deductibility of donations be extended to preprimary and primary schools, children’s homes, organisations caring for the aged and those which focus on HIV/Aids.

These figures, especially when read together with both historical and MTEF figures, show transparency at its best. As it were, they show that the pantry is open for all the family members to see that, that is all the food we have. We will have to share and be content. I will come back to some of these figures later.

The budget figure that will be tabled for approval by this House today is the national Department of Education’s allocation of R7,5 billion. This is due to the fact that the national Department of Education has a policy- making and monitoring responsibility in terms of the Constitution and the education Act, but no executive powers over the money transferred to the provinces. All executive powers are vested in the provincial education departments. However, there are various committees, such as the Council of Education Ministers, the Heads of Education Departments Committee and the national and provincial treasuries, which are trying to co-ordinate and manage this issue in the most efficient way possible.

Despite this constitutional arrangement, today’s debate will be all- embracing, covering both higher education and schools. It is our duty and responsibility to also debate whether, through the national Budget, the provinces will be able to meet the national norms and standards, especially the directive contained in section 29(1) of our Constitution, which states:

Everyone has the right -

(a) to a basic education, including adult basic education; and

(b) to further education, which the state, through reasonable measures, must make progressively available and accessible.

Mine will be to give a broad picture of the impact of this budget. My colleagues will add more flesh in the different areas. What are some of the people’s concerns about this budget? I must hasten to say that their concerns are the ANC Government’s concerns, and we are already doing something about them. The nine priority areas covered in the Tirisano document cover most of these concerns.

I will confine myself to the schools sector. Firstly, one of the concerns is that the provincial budget has not increased in real terms. Let us always remember that we have a given envelope of resources, in this case, the R233,5 billion, and we have to live within our means. Education as a sector is already given the biggest share of 41% in the equitable share formula. That very formula is being reviewed by the Financial and Fiscal Commission as we speak. I will explain that later.

Secondly, there is a concern that the Education budget is not needs-based, leading to inequitable distribution of resources. The Government has long been deeply concerned about the inequitable distribution of resources. The new Financial and Fiscal Commission proposals are now being discussed with the hope that they will be implemented in the 2001-02 budget. I would like to highlight some of these proposals, as contained in the document on the FFC’s preliminary recommendations for 2001, which are referred to as a costed norms approach for the division of revenue.

In relation to the education grant the following factors are proposed: Firstly, socioeconomic cost factors, the proportion of special learners, the age structure of pupil population, the prevalence of poverty and rural/urban residence. Secondly, other factors are overenrolment, learner- educator ratios, the average level of educator remuneration and independent schools. The norms and standards of funding of public schools are also intended to address this problem. Thirdly, there are general concerns about the infrastructure backlogs as detailed in the Schools Register of Needs. The general perception is that the Government is not doing enough.

Over and above the report of the Schools Register of Needs, the Portfolio Committee on Education visited the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal in November last year. Its report is contained in the ATC of this House dated 9 March 2000. I would like to encourage members to read that ATC. It was disheartening to see that some of the schools that were destroyed by the tornado in 1997, in the Eastern Cape, had not yet been repaired owing to budgetary constraints.

It was heartening, however, to learn that the Eastern Cape government has allocated R55 million for the renovation of schools hit by disaster, the rehabilitation of dilapidated classrooms and for building new classrooms, and that this amount will be ring-fenced. However, it is important to note that this is a drop in the ocean when one considers a shortage of over 23 000 classrooms in the Eastern Cape alone, and their annual natural disasters.

The national department sent teams to these provinces to make personal assessment and make film video footage of the situation. These reports were tabled before Cabinet in February this year. Strategies are now being devised to tackle this problem. I would like to take this time to make a special appeal to the private sector to respond positively to the tax relief offer and to assist in the reconstruction of infrastructure in the poor rural provinces, so that, in the name of Tirisano, this infrastructure problem is addressed from all angles. I fully agree with Barrat when he says: ``If they, the poor, do not eat, we, the rich, cannot sleep.’’

There also seem to be doubts about the commitment of the department to the Adult Basic Education programme. This cannot be further from the truth. This is one of the priority areas that have been identified by the Minister in the setting up of the National Literacy Agency that he has just mentioned. The introduction of the skills levy, the R1,4 billion, and the establishment of sector education and training authorities under the National Skills Authority offer a major opportunity for targeting massive increases in Abet provision. The Umsobomvu Fund should be another significant source of Abet funding.

There is also a general concern about the lack of involvement of the department in the preprimary school sector. It is true that the department is only involved in the pilot projects in Grade R, sometimes referred to as Grade O. However, the department is now expanding its responsibilities to the age group 0-5, the preschool group, through the work of an interdepartmental committee for early childhood development. Since no specific legislation exists to govern early learning, the department will give attention to the feasibility of an early childhood development Bill. It is important to note that in countries like Zanzibar and Equatorial Guinea, the governments have taken over the running of preprimary schools.

Concerning HIV/Aids prevention, there was a general appreciation of the allocation of R75 million for the fight against HIV/Aids.

Concerning the National Skills Development Fund, the levying of a 0,5% on payrolls, which is expected to yield R1,4 billion for the national skills development strategy, will go a long way in changing the skills scenery in our country. It will benefit both those who are at school and those who are out; those who are in industry and those who have been retrenched.

Concerning the contingency reserve, the sum of R2 billion that has been set aside as contingency reserve is acknowledged. The statement by the Minister of Finance that we expect to allocate a portion of this reserve to repair damage caused by the devastating recent floods, is highly appreciated. It is understood that the term ``recent floods’’ is inclusive of all natural disasters.

The stage has been set for delivery. Let us all roll up our sleeves and volunteer our services. It is better to do something for nothing than to do nothing for nothing. Let us try to achieve more with our limited resources, always cognisant of the fact that the source of desire is never filled nor fully satisfied.

I would like to take this time to thank the members of the portfolio committee for their commitment and determination as we, together, work hard to sort out the problems of the country. [Applause.]

Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Chairperson, the hon Minister made brief reference to the history of the transformation of education in our country over the past six years. I also need to make a brief reference to it. I do not have the time to go into detail, unfortunately. The Minister had some 40 minutes.

The Minister’s five-year education plan certainly has a great deal to commend it, but South Africans have certainly become used to having five- year plans thrust at them, the most recent of which is that of Prof Bengu, the former Minister of Education, whose plan it was, quite frankly, to transform education as fast as possible whether what was created as a result of that rapid transformation was workable or not. Against this background our present Minister has to work, picking up the pieces of what was little more than communist or socialist engineering … [Interjections] … in an attempt to put in place a new system which would create real equality and real opportunity for all South Africans in our education system, giving the children the hope that the hon Minister has spoken about this morning. Now even this hon Minister has indicated his frustration with what he found by indicating recently that while many of Prof Bengu’s plans may have been well intentioned, they were, at best, rushed. The truth of this is that many of the education policies of the past five years have failed. [Interjections.]

Of course there are those - and I do not think the hon Minister is one of them - who say that it was necessary to give a strong overdose of transformation at the beginning of the new process in order to create a critical mass of thinking, thus ensuring that the discourse on education was changed forever. This is vague and insincere because, at the end of the day, these failed plans resulting from this thinking have come at huge cost and failed opportunity from which we as South Africans have to begin again.

Minister Asmal’s plans have real potential, but it is now in the implementation that the real test will come. The Minister talked about teacher development and placed a great deal of emphasis on it. That is good. But the issue of teacher discipline is an immediate problem. The Minister has stated in his policy that one of his objectives is to ensure that all schools have leadership and management with a vision and sense of purpose to promote and enhance learning and teaching. He has given a number of performance indicators including the undertaking, by management, of regular classroom visits and the review of educator performance. This is good and we endorse it, because it is essential in an education system.

However, quite frankly, as long as Sadtu is able to continue with its moratorium on classroom visits by principals, superintendents and others, and is able to call for educators, strikes at the drop of a hat, school, and education in general, will fail. And as long as educators are allowed the freedom to do as they like in terms of education discipline, our matric results will continue to be appalling. We have to insist that our educators are disciplined and that they then pass the sense of discipline onto the learners. This is the real challenge. The Minister has indicated that he intends taking action. He must control the trade unions, instil proper discipline in our schools, among our educators and learners, and then we will begin to see the difference. This will be giving our children the real hope he talks about. However, there are many other challenges. I have time for only two. The hon Minister has mentioned one, the question of illiteracy. When he took over the Education Ministry in 1999, he promised to eliminate adult illiteracy in five years. This is a hugely ambitious target. Throughout the world, adult illiteracy has been a difficult problem with often disappointing results. But it can conceivably be done with sufficient time, effort and resources, together with an effective strategy.

Nearly one year on from the Minister’s promise, there is, quite frankly, little sign of anything happening. But today he has come up with some new plans. We also have some plans which we sincerely hope he will endorse. What we have at present is a tottering bureaucracy of the NQF, which was meant to embrace adult education with its catch-all centralisation plan. But adult basic education has become lost in the complexity of a framework. Poor and rural illiterates do not have a hope. The answer to adult illiteracy is not a system which is so difficult and costly to administer that even New Zealand, with better resources and a far smaller population, is struggling with it. We need to have a national campaign which has literacy as a central feature rather than a neglected side-show. Now, if there is to be any progress, adult literacy must become a high profile political campaign. The message must be spread at every occasion and by every means. This must be accompanied by a realistic national strategy which gives every illiterate person the opportunity to change his or her life.

The DP proposes, as a first step, the appointment of a Deputy Minister specifically for adult education. We already have a Deputy Minister of Education, but his role has not been revealed to us and his functions, quite frankly, are obscure. We therefore propose that he be replaced by a powerful and respected expert, seconded from the private sector if necessary, who will take charge of adult education. This person will be responsible for implementing a strategy for adult education which combines flexibility at a microlevel and focuses commitment at national level.

We do not believe that the rigid structure of the NQF can allow for the adaptability to local needs and conditions which adult education projects must have to succeed. Projects must be carried out at local level, by local people. But the campaign also needs a national voice. The Deputy Minister for adult education will be this voice for a range of projects directed at putting opportunities in the hands of the poorest of the poor.

The final point I want to raise is the serious predicament that many private higher education institutions find themselves in following their failed registration at the beginning of the year. Many institutions that did fail have been operating in South Africa for decades and have built up reputations for offering degrees and diplomas of high quality and/or international credentialling - not the fly-by-night operations that experts in the field believed the process was intended to penalise.

But there can be no doubt that institutions were confused by the process and have, I earnestly believe, been the victims of circumstances that they had not previously encountered. In addition, poor communication and a lack of clear information from the department, but in particular from SAQA, led to many registrations being inadequately completed.

These institutions are now suffering and I urge the Minister to consult with them in an attempt to resolve the crisis. While we accept that no substandard institution should be allowed to exist, there is no doubt that many good institutions are also the victims of a process that was not adequately thought through and for which proper channels of communication were not opened. I say to the Minister that he cannot allow many of these institutions to die. He needs to take action.

In conclusion, the hon the Minister said: Let us give our children real hope. We agree with him. Whether Curriculum 2005, for example, is the solution, is doubtful, as the Minister seemed to imply it was. But we agree with the sentiments. Let us give our children real hope. But this means moving forward with care and concern, making sure that the plans we introduce are workable and in the best interests of the children whom we are putting them in place for.

Mr A M MPONTSHANE: Chairperson and hon members, I stand here today to participate in this debate with all the hurt and the indignity of the past.

The dehumanising aspects of the old education system are still with us. When we are involved in the task of ridding ourselves of the dehumanising education policies, those who were never touched by this dehumanisation, those who never experienced the hurt and indignity of the inhuman policies of the past, will never understand the IFP’s support or nonsupport for some of Government’s policies. [Applause.]

We understand their ignorance, but they stand unforgiven if their nonunderstanding of our policy stance is deliberate political posturing. The article by the DP’s national director of strategy which appeared in the Financial Mail of 3 March 2000 falls into the category of those who are either ignorant of the IFP policies or those who are politically malicious. This article by the DP identifies three directions open to opposition parties. It says, and I quote:

Firstly, co-option by ANC, as with Inkatha. Secondly, constructive engagement with the ANC, as with the New NP. Thirdly, vigorous opposition, as with the DP. To assert that the IFP has been co-opted by the ANC is a gross misunderstanding of the South African political situation in general, and the black polity in particular. [Applause.] The history of the bloody conflict between the ANC and the IFP is well known or should be well known. The casualties of this conflict were the blacks who constitute the majority of the two organisations.

To normalise South Africa, the relationship between the ANC and the IFP had to be normalised, hence the painful process of reconciliation was begun by the two organisations. [Applause.] I am saying it was a painful process because, right at the beginning, the leadership of the IFP realised that we were going to pay some heavy prices in this process of reconciliation. One of the heavy prices we are paying is the distortion of who we are and what we are by the likes of the DP. It is interesting that the DP’s article appeared under the title: ``Leon plans five-year roadshow in black areas.’’

To us, the IFP, reconciliation is not a strategy as it appears to be to the DP. We cannot put it on and take it off like a raincoat, depending on the political weather. [Applause.] It is, on our part, a principled stand and not part of the roadshow. We are propelled forward by our philosophy of the revolution of goodwill.   Asibukisi ngokuhlupheka kwabantu. Babukiselani ngokuhlupheka kwabantu? [Ihlombe.] [We are not showing off about people’s misery. Why are they parading about people’s suffering? [Applause.]]

Members know that political parties can be likened to a good restaurant which keeps on modifying its menu to maintain its clientele and attract new customers. [Laughter.] The IFP has its own distinct education policy which it keeps on developing as it responds to the education challenges which face the country. Perhaps the DP is seeing this IFP policy document for the first time. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: [Inaudible.]

Mr A M MPONTSHANE: I will organise a workshop in which we will explain the IFP policies to Mr Ellis. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

South Africa is not a homogenous society, hence the IFP’s policy of pluralism which underlies the IFP’s vision for South Africa. Our policy of pluralism implies not only the recognition of cultural diversity and its richness, but also support for a range of different institutions which cater for the specific needs and desires of communities and civil society. The principle of pluralism in education has two major parallel implications.

Firstly, matters should be governed and administered by the lowest level of Government, hence the IFP support for the devolution of matters to provinces. We view education as a function which is an extension of family and community life and should thus be organised at a level which is closest to community life, which is the province.

The second implication for our policy of pluralism is that maximum scope should be allowed for voluntary initiative by the communities themselves, under national norms and standards. This allows for the existence of more than two types of schools, as stipulated by the SA Schools Act.

We have always argued for private initiative, because we realise the inability of the state alone to provide education. It must, however, be remembered that we, as the IFP, could not oppose the SA Schools Bill in its entirety when it was piloted in this House, because its objectives were to rid the education of our country of the racist laws which governed the education system in the past.

If our support for a piece of legislation, which had as its objective the unification of an otherwise fragmented and racist system, is seen as co- option, so let it be. [Applause.] We do not apologise to anyone, least of all to the DP. In 1997, the Education department conducted the school register of needs survey. We applauded the department for this survey because it showed the Government’s commitment to equity.

We support the department’s efforts which are aimed at closing the gap between the two types of South Africa - the one with the well-staffed and functioning schools, and the other with schools the majority of which are dysfunctional. We have always called for the establishment of an equalisation fund, which is similar to a fund which Germany established when its wall of shame came tumbling down.

There is still a wall of shame in the South African education system. Two Education portfolio committee delegations visited the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces in November 1999. I was part of the delegation which visited KwaZulu-Natal. The physical degradation of some of the schools which we visited was very shocking and depressing. These schools were not at all fit for human occupation. The provinces just cannot cope.

Four years after the publication of the school register of needs survey, not a single school has been built by the provinces. Between 80% and 90% of the provincial budget is taken up by personnel expenditure, with nothing left for capital work, hence the perpetuation of the wall of shame. We are calling for a redress fund.

We have studied the department’s Tirisano implementation plan with keen interest. On 23 February 2000, I personally led a six-person delegation which met the Minister in his offices here in Cape Town. There too, we listened very carefully to what the Minister said. I want to say to the hon Minister that we walked away from that meeting with greater hope of getting our education right. Do they not say that a nation without a vision perishes? We, however, have hope.

However, the Minister’s vision will be tested in getting the basic things right in our education system. Let me mention a few of these basic things. The role of inspectors of education in the management of our education is one of these basic things. I know that in our quest for a better deal in education, inspectors of schools were discredited as people with Nazi-style leadership - those black shirts, or the SS. However, we urge that an urgent re-examination be undertaken. I know. I was an inspector of schools myself. One of the descriptions given of inspectors was that they were men carrying suitcases full of teachers’ mistakes. [Time expired.]

Nk P N MNANDI: Sihlalo, oNgqongqoshe abahloniphekileyo, abahlonishwa, maqabane nezihlobo, ngonyaka odlule enyangeni kaLwezi sasimi lapha phambi kwenu sizokhuluma mayelana nokwakhiwa kwesikhwama sezimali sokusiza abafundi bemfundo ephakeme kuzwelonke.

Esakubeka kwakhanya bha ngukuthi uHulumeni kaKhongolose unomlando ojulile nezimpande ezijulile ekuletheni inguquko ngesikhulu isivinini kuleli zwe. Isisekelo salo mlando omuhle kangaka sabekwa ngo-1955 ngabantu balapha eNingizimu Afrika kuSomqulu weNkululeko yeZwe lapho bathi khona amasango emfundo ayokuvuleka kubantu bonke ngokulinganayo. [Ihlombe.] UKhongolose usalokhu ehambe njalo ngalowo mgudu akakaze kuze kube manje achezuke nakancane. Nabantu bakufakazele lokho uma bembuyisela kuHulumeni uKhongolose ngo-elethu.

Nembala-ke uhlelo lweSabiwomali esikhuluma ngalo namhlanje oluphathelene nemfundo ephakeme lukufakazele lokhu ukuthi uKhongolose uzimisele. Kukhanye bha ngenkathi kubekwa la, nguNgqongqoshe wezeziMali, ngokusobala ukuthi isikhwama lesi uye wasithi gcize nge-13% ngaphezulu. Thina-ke bakaKhongolose asibongi siyanconcoza kulokhu. [Ihlombe.] Sithi lolu wuphaphe esigqokweni sikaNgqongqoshe uTrevor Manuel.

UKhongolose unikeziwe igunya ngabantu ukuthi azilethe izinguquko kuleli zwe. Umyalezo usuphumile. Kubonakele kwiSabiwomali ukuthi nembala uKhongolose akasoze ahluleka. Ngokwenyusa lesi sikhwama asingabazi ukuthi yilaba abalandelayo abazosizakala kakhulu kunakuqala: abafundi abaqhamuka ezindaweni zasemaphandleni, abafundi abantulayo, abafundi abakhubazekile, abafundi besifazane nabafundi bezinhlanga zonke kuleli. Halala ANC!

AMALUNGU AHLONIPHEKILE: Halala!

Nk P N MNANDI: Nakuba uHulumeni kaKhongolose ekwazile ukuqhamuka nosizo olunje, siyabona futhi siyavuma ukuthi zisekhona izinkinga kumbe izihibe kwizikhungo zemfundo ephakeme kuleli. Inkinga enkulu nokuyiyona eyisihibe ngukuthi kumele abafundi baqale ngokukhokha imali yokubhalisa, ebizwa nge- registration fee. Le mali isikhathi esiningi icela kuma-R2 000 kuya phezulu.

Le mali kumele umfundi ngamunye ayikhokhe ngaphambi kokuthi akwazi ukuthola isikhala sokungena enyonivesi. Lokhu nje kukodwa kuvala ngci amasango kumfundi ophuma ekhaya elintulayo. Lokhu sikwazi kahle kangcono ngoba iningi lethu lapha eNdlini liphuma lapho. Kulokhu sithi ibhodi elengamemele isikhwama siyalinxusa ukuba libheke lolu daba ngeso lokhozi. Siphinde sinxuse zonke izinhlangazo eziphethe uhlelo lwemifundaze kwimfundo ephakeme ukuba zibheke ukuthi zingaqhamuka namaphi amaqhinga okusiza abafundi ngezimali zokubhalisa.

Namanyunivesi mawabheke ukuthi angaqhamuka kanjani namaqhinga okwenza ukuthi le mali ibe yingxenye yesikhwama sokusiza abafundi, khona enyonivesi. Okunye okufanele sikubeke la ngembaba namhlanje yikhona ukuthi abantu bonke bakuleli zwe kumele bakhumbule ukuthi asinayo imfundo ephakeme yamahhala kuleli zwe, kodwa uHulumeni kaKhongolose ukwenze konke okusemandleni ukuthi abafundi bafinyelele kwimfundo ephakeme engcono.

Ngakho uMongameli wezwe noNgqongqoshe wezeMfundo bawuhlabile umkhosi wokuthi sonke masibambane kulo mshikashika wokuletha imfundo engcono nelinganayo kuleli. Bathe: Mfundi, mzali, mfundisi, mphakathi, somabhizinisi, nathi sonke, masibe nogqozi nofuqufuqu nentshisekelo ngekusasa lesizukulwane sase-Afrika khona sizokwazi ukufeza amaphupho okubumba i-Afrika ivuke kabusha.

Siyabonga ukuthi uHulumeni uphindile futhi wayibeka induku ebandla ngokuthi ayifake futhi imali esikhwameni sokulwa nokungalingani kwezemfundo ephakeme kuleli, ebizwa ngokuthi yi-redress fund. Siyawezwa amahebezi aqhamuka kulabo abasabelethe ubandlululo kuleli. Bathi uHulumeni noNgqongqoshe wezeMfundo sebefuna ukuvala izikhungo zemfundo ephakeme ezindaweni zabantu abamnyama. Cha-bo, akunjalo. UNgqongqoshe uthi kumele kube khona uguquko kwimfundo ephakeme jikelele kuzwelonke.

Ngenxa yokuthi zikhona ngempela izinkinga ezadalwa nguhulumeni wobandlululo, njengamanje kunesigungu esibekiwe ukuthi sicwaninge futhi sicubungule ukuthi kungenziwa kanjani konke lokhu ukuthi phela siyithathe le mfundo ephakeme ebeyingeyabangcono, ilingane kulo lonke izinga. Lokho-ke uphezu kwako uNgqongqoshe.

Izoguqulwa yonke, kumanyonivesi abamhlophe nawabamnyama kuqhanyukwe necebo lokulinganisa imfundo ephakeme. Kubafundi sithi: UHulumeni oholwa nguKhongolose uyazikhandla ekwenzeni izinga lemfundo ukuthi lithuthuke kuleli zwe. Nabo kumele badlale indima yabo, bayeke ukuthi njalo uma bevukwa ngamadlingozi bacekele phansi impahla nezakhiwo. Hhayi-bo. Abafundi mababe yisibonelo. [Kwaphela isikhathi.] (Translation of Zulu speech follows.)

[Mrs P N MNANDI: Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon members, comrades and relatives, in November last year we were standing here in front of you as we were talking about the creation of a national financial aid fund for students.

What we clearly put forward was that the ANC Government has deep history and roots in bringing about quick changes in this country. Such a good foundation in its history was laid in 1955 by South Africans in the Bill of National Freedom, where it was stated that gates for education should be opened equally for all. [Applause.] The ANC always keep on walking in that lane, it has never turned off. Even the people of South Africa confirmed this when they overwhelmingly voted again for the ANC Government.

Of course the budget of higher education that we are discussing today confirms the ANC’s commitment. It became absolutely clear when the budget was put on the table that the hon the Minister of Finance has increased it with 13%. We in the ANC are very grateful for this. [Applause.] We say this is a credit to the hon Minister, Trevor Manual.

The ANC has been mandated to bring about changes in this country. The message has been given. It has been proved in the Budget that the ANC will never fail. By increasing the Budget we are sure that the people who will benefit the most are the following: Students from the rural areas, needy students, disabled students, women students and students of all races in this country. Congratulations to the ANC!

HON MEMBERS: Congratulations! Mrs P N MNANDI: Although the ANC Government has succeeded in bringing such assistance, we concede that there are still problems in the institutions of higher learning in this country. The most crucial problem is that students should start paying registration fees. Most of the time this fee is in the region of R2 000 and more.

A student is expected to pay this fee before he or she is admitted to a university. This alone closes the gates completely for a student who comes from a poor family. We know this better than anyone else, because most of the people in this House have experienced the same situation. Therefore we appeal to the board that monitors this fund to look at this issue seriously. We also appeal to all organisations that control bursaries for tertiary education to look at what solutions they can come up with in order to assist students with registration fees.

Universities too must try to come up with strategies to make this fee a part of the fund that is created for assisting students at university level. Another thing that we should state clearly is that the people of this country should remember that we have no free education at tertiary level. However, the ANC has done all that is possible to make it possible for students to receive a tertiary education.

The President and the hon the Minister of Education have proclaimed that we should all work together in an attempt to bring about a better and equal education for all. They have said: “Learner, parent, teacher, community, business people, and all of us should be encouraged and be enthusiastic about the future of the coming generations of Africa so that we will be able to make our dream of rebuilding Africa, a reality”.

We notice that the Government has for the second time done extremely well by putting more money into a redress fund which aims at redressing the inequality in our education in this country. We are aware of the rumours spread by those who are still carrying apartheid on their backs in this country. They say the President and the hon the Minister want to close down black universities. This is not true. The hon the Minister says some changes should take place in the institutions of higher learning all over the country.

Since there are real problems, which were created by the apartheid regime, now there is a council that has been tasked to investigate what should be done to enable us to transform education, so that it will be equal at all levels. This is what the hon the Minister is working on.

A new plan to equalise tertiary education will be devised and education in black and white universities will be changed in its entirety. We say to students: ``The ANC Government is working hard towards improving the level of education in this country.’’ They are also expected to play an important role in this campaign. They should not destroy property whenever they are emotionally frustrated. We warn them. We expect them to be exemplary students. [Time expired.]]

Adv A H GAUM: Mnr die Voorsitter, John F Kennedy het gesê:

Our progress as a nation can be no swifter than our progress in education.

As gekyk word na ons powere vordering op onderwysgebied, lyk die prentjie vir ons nasie maar donker. (Translation of Afrikaans follows.)

[Adv A H GAUM: Mr Chairperson, John F Kennedy said: Our progress as a nation can be no swifter than our progress in education.

If we look at our poor progress in the area of education, the picture for our nation looks sombre.]

Amidst this dark picture, it is regretted that in real terms, the Education budget has been cut by 2%. Since 1997, the real spending on education has dropped by 1,3% annually. If the population growth of 2,2% per year is taken into account, the real per capita drop of 13% has taken place since 1997.

If education budgets remain static in real terms, the decline in personnel expenditure, as reflected in the budget, means that we will loose 11 000 teachers. This loss can rise to 25 000 if utterances in the ELRC that the average personnel spending should be reduced to 85% of the Education budget become reality. Amidst problems with overcrowded classes, empty classrooms such as the computer classroom of KwaMakhutha High School in KwaZulu-Natal, and a threatening shortage of up to 16 000 teachers within the next two years, this spells disaster, and quality education for all will remain a pipe dream. The Minister should note that we need more teachers, and not fewer.

Benewens misdaad, is daar geen groter en belangriker uitdaging vir Suid- Afrika as die onderwys nie. Dit moet ook gereflekteer word in die wyse waarop die begrotings van Onderwys en Veiligheid en Sekuriteit bereken word. Ons moet eers ons land se werklike onderwysbehoeftes vasstel en dan bepaal hoe hierdie behoeftes gefinansier kan word. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Apart from crime, there is no bigger and more important challenge to South Africa than education. This should also be reflected in the way in which the budgets of Education and Safety and Security are calculated. We must first establish our country’s actual educational needs and then determine how these needs can be financed.]

At times countries should spend a far greater percentage of their Budgets on education in order to ensure future benefits. Given the state of crisis in our education system, this is such a time. The Budget should be the implementation tool for Government’s policies and plans. Yet, it is clear that, except for the additional R272 million for teachers’ professional development and to support the culture of learning, teaching and service campaign, the Budget will make no real contribution towards implementing Minister Asmal’s Tirisano plan.

For example, the second priority on the Minister’s list of priorities is breaking the back of illiteracy among adults and youths within five years. However, the budget reduces the allocation in this regard from R2 billion to R1,87 billion. We reckon that breaking the back of illiteracy with reduced budgets sounds a bit optimistic. The third priority states that schools must become centres of community life and that we must put great effort into ensuring that school governing bodies are given the support they need to become strong and viable. However, no money is made available by the budget to train governing bodies. It appears that Government is not willing to put their money where Minister Asmal’s mouth is.

While we welcome it that the deductibility of donations will be extended to preprimary and primary schools, we are very concerned about the phasing out of Government funding of preprimary education. We have not seen much of Government’s plans to substitute public funding of preprimary schools with public funding of the so-called Grade O. On the contrary, we note a more than 50% cut of current and capital expenditure for early childhood development. At present, early childhood development funding is minuscule, being less than 1% of the budget. Government is still dragging its feet on the full implementation of early childhood development programmes.

Intussen is die Regering besig om pre-primêre skole dood te maak, pleks daarvan om bestaande pre-primêre skole te gebruik om met die implementering van ``EDC’’ te begin. Volgens provinsiale omsendbriewe word pre-primêre poste afgeskaf wanneer hulle vakant word. In sodanige gevalle kry die skole ‘n belaglike R2 per leerder per dag, tot op ‘n maksimum van R10 000 per klas. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[In the meantime the Government is killing the preprimary schools, instead of utilising existing preprimary schools to start with the implementation of ECD. According to provincial circulars preprimary posts are abolished when they become vacant. In these instances the schools are receiving a ridiculous amount of R2 per learner per day, up to a maximum of R10 000 per class.]

This whole situation is exacerbated by the fact that the school-going age has been increased to six going on seven, leaving many children who are school-ready without any stimulation and development. Meanwhile, my information is that more than 40% of the learners who wrote matric last year on taxpayers’ costs, were older than 20 years. International education research shows that investing in early childhood development improves the effectiveness of the entire education system. As SADTU puts it, South Africa’s high failure and drop-out rates are in part the result of the failure by the Government to take early childhood development seriously. We call on the Government to rescue early childhood development by, at least in the interim, continuing to adequately subsidise our preprimary schools.

All this having been said, the New NP believes that the time has come to reconsider the kind of educational reforms we are undertaking in this country. We have had too many rules and resources reforms, and almost no incentive reforms. On the contrary, this Government has taken away the few incentives teachers had - such as notches, ranks and the acknowledgement of qualifications - and has not honoured its promise to replace it with performance-related grading and promotion.

While rules and resource-based reforms have failed internationally to significantly improve the quality of education delivered by government schools, our Government is sticking to them. The absence of effective incentives on the part of those who consume and those who produce education explains the poor results we have.

We need parental school choice, greater competition for students amongst schools, more local and decentralised decision-making, and greater accountability for results and performance. Effective reform requires accountability. In the words of Governor George W Bush, someone should be praised when schools succeed and someone should be responsible when they fail.

We should accept that standards will not be met simply because they have been declared. Without consequence for failure, standards are all bark and no bite. Without rewarding and providing resources for success, standards are all hope with no prayer. Accountability is empty without local control. High costs, lack of choice, low quality, widespread inefficiency and rampant dissatisfaction are the result of a virtual state monopoly in education. We need more decentralisation and less Government control.

We must also recognise the central role of competition in achieving better schools. Where we find failure, we should give parents different options such as charter schools and greater school choice. A charter school is a public school that agrees to meet certain performance standards in exchange for greater freedom from the state. It accepts accountability for results in exchange for autonomy in the choice of methods for achieving those results. These schools are authorised via charters by government authorities. If it does not perform up to academic standards in its charter, the charter can be revoked by Government.

The national Government should fund only what works in education and only those methods and ideas that prove their power to close the achievement gap. We should stop using taxpayers’ money to reward failure. If schools do not improve, there should be a final point of accountability. At the end of three years, if a school does not make progress, we should make the money which is spent per learner at that school directly available to parents. These vouchers can be supplemented with universal tax credits allowing any taxpayer to contribute to the education of children and receive a rand-for- rand tax credit. Then parents should be allowed to choose tutoring at a different public school, charter school or a private one. This will allow parents to choose hope over failure.

We cannot continue to trap children in schools that do not teach and will not change. The goal should be to strengthen public schools by expecting performance. The goal should also be to make sure that Government no longer pays schools to cheat poor children. More competition and more choices for parents will raise the bar for everyone. Every child in South Africa must have a first-rate education because there are no second-rate children and no second-rate dreams. [Applause.]

Mr S J DE BEER: Chairperson, on behalf of the UDM, I want to congratulate Prof Asmal on his appointment as Minister of Education. In this field of great importance to the future of our people in South Africa, where we are facing enormous challenges, his appointment is indeed a ray of hope. His understanding of our educational problems and his willingness to bravely search for solutions have met with general approval. We wish him well in his efforts. Mr Thami Mseleku is the new director-general and we also want to wish him well and congratulate him on his appointment.

The Education budget for the financial year 2000-2001 shows an increase of R500 million or 1% compared with the previous year. If this increase is compared with an estimated inflation rate of 6% to 8%, in real terms, there is a reduction. This is a disappointing fact if one takes into consideration all the needs that have to be addressed in this field. It also makes it so much more imperative that funds be properly managed and controlled, so that they reach their goal.

The future stability and prosperity of South Africa will depend on the level and the quality of education and skills training of all its citizens. These will make the greatest contribution by far to growth and equity in our society. In a dynamic, interrelated world, education can only fully contribute within a context of creative collaboration amongst all role- players in the field of education. Education authorities, educators, learners, parents, entrepreneurs and unions need to take hands now more than ever before and work towards a more effective dispensation.

Unions must be seen as partners to ensure clear communication, and must be enabled to do capacity building for their members to ensure that they remain professional within a dynamic, globally involved African context. Educators are the keys to world class education and their role must be emphasised. The educators’ role may not be reduced to a number in a ratio for funding purposes. They must be given the opportunity to answer to the community they serve without having to give up their professionalism.

In submissions regarding the Education budget to the portfolio committee, unions last week indicated that many of the grandiose programmes initiated by Government will be nullified if the present low teacher morale in all communities is not effectively addressed. Last year, teachers’ motivation was at an all time low. Teachers must perceive that their posts are more secure than has been the experience for the past five years. Rationalisation, redeployment and the months of uncertainty and tension over salary increases had a devastating effect on teachers’ morale. The related two-day strike in the third quarter also alienated teachers from the department. These issues must be brought to a close as soon as possible.

In the rural areas of the Eastern Cape, for instance, redeployment had a severe negative effect on family life, where newly qualified teachers could not be employed. This process not only depressed teachers to be deployed, but further frustrated those young teachers who had hoped for employment.

Another stark warning was sounded by the Joint Education Trust who, last year, did research into the state of school education. They said:

Unless the quality of teaching is improved through massive in-service training and money is pumped into resources, especially textbooks and teaching materials, the school system is headed for collapse. The greatest and most immediate need is for teachers and pupils to be in their classrooms, engaged in real teaching and active learning.

Pupils are not learning to read and write. Many are leaving school as functional illiterates. Many schools use only 40% of the maximum teaching time because of absenteeism, teachers and pupils leaving early, and schools starting after the beginning of term and closing early. One consequence of this situation is a steady decline in the pass rate. Twenty years ago, 38% of school graduates obtained grades good enough to qualify them for university. Last year’s figure was 12,5 %. The actual number of school graduates eligible for university has dropped by almost a third since the ANC came to power. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Chairperson, hon members, the Minister has given a very broad kaleidoscope of our agenda in trying to transform education in this country. I am going to focus on the teacher development programme.

In the early 1980s, in the sacrosanct name of education, the apartheid regime conducted one in-service course after another of propaganda and indoctrination, especially for black teachers. Because these were God- forsaken exercises, they often took place in God-forsaken places. One such course, vividly recalled by a teacher who was there, was conducted at a desolate place called Zandspruit.

He recalls that particular one because every morning they were expected to sing and pray in front of the South African flag, which would subsequently be hoisted, with the white instructor standing ramrod straight and saluting that multicoloured cloth. After a day or two of this humiliation, this teacher raised an objection - an act which was to have him monitored and later, with other accusations against his teaching and political activities, detained. He subsequently wrote, in protest against that oppressive flag hoisting, a poem entitled ``Zandspruit, please don’t ask for my allegiance’’.

The courses that I refer to were a reinforcement to the large-scale brainwashing that was taking place at apartheid teacher training colleges, where a pedagogy of oppression refined into an art form was fed into future teachers. That was teacher training and development in the halcyon days of apartheid; a travesty of the nobility of the teaching profession; an insult to the intelligence of especially black teachers.

I must say that democracy is truly remarkable, if one considers that today we have to talk education with the very people who so flagrantly abused it. We also have to debate it with their ideological soul mates, who believe that they should adopt schools in order to score political points. For these people’s benefit, let us extract two salient issues from today’s introduction of the Education Vote.

One was cast in the form of the question why public funds must be voted for education services. The other was the assertion that public education must command public confidence. In pursuing these issues, we must begin by learning from history and categorically say that public funds must definitely not be voted for the kind of militaristic training and hypnotisation of teachers that led to a teacher hollering in indignation: Zandspruit, please don’t ask for my allegiance.

We must also say that public funds must not be voted into education so as to create schools that will become political hunting grounds for parties that have reached the zenith of rightwing growth and now face stagnation. We should confirm the Education Ministry’s position. Public education must command public confidence. We should also indicate that much of that public confidence will stem from a teaching staff that is prepared for the unique challenges of the 21st century. In our context, that is a teaching personnel trained, upgraded or retrained in the pedagogy of the liberated. This is a teaching cadre committed to the imperatives of nation-building through our transforming curriculum. The Government is aware that in pursuit of that kind of teaching force, but also as an ongoing education quality assurance measure, a financial investment is needed. Consequently, R272 million is specifically allocated for teachers’ professional development and the Colt’s campaign.

We in the Ministry welcome this amount as a sign of the ANC-led Government’s practical commitment to the professional development and welfare of our national resource, our teachers. In 1996, with the National Teacher Audit concluded:

The quality of teacher education is the biggest challenge confronting South Africa at the close of the century.

In order to tackle the quality challenge, the inherited inequalities across institutions and sectors, must be eliminated. High quality teacher development is required for all serving and would-be teachers.

Through the new financial year’s education allocation referred to above, we are continuing our response to the National Teacher Audit’s finding on the critical need for teacher development. We shall release a White Paper on policy on educator development in June. The envisaged policy document shall be linked to the norms and standards for educators that we have recently published. It clearly defines the kinds of competencies expected from teachers of South African children.

While, however, that process continues, we will continue to target the 85 501 unqualified and underqualified teachers for upgrading, so that they may deliver better quality education. We have discussed this matter with the educator unions. We are mindful of the experience these teachers have gathered over time, so we are investigating ways in which we can address their training needs against the background of the recognition of prior learning.

We are determined to break the back of underqualification and no qualification at all in the teaching service. Consider the fact that only a little more than a two years ago, Edusource reported that there were 112 000 unqualified and underqualified teachers in South Africa. That was 31% of the teaching force. Today’s 85 501 figure translates into 23,9%. Against the highest standards of delivery set by this Government, that is still inadequate, but it does prove that something positive is happening. We intend to build on this momentum.

In-service training via short accredited courses will continue as our vehicle to retrain our teachers on teaching and learning strategies, including high level skills demanded by an outcomes-based form of teaching and learning. Completion and fruitful implementation of the courses will be supported by a reward and incentive system for good practice.

All the initiatives at play are underpinned by a commitment to producing an ethical and professional educator corps. Raising professional teacher standards is at the heart of our existence as a Ministry charged with the educational health of our nation. That is why we must reiterate the obligation of our teachers to join their statutory professional body, the SA Council for Educators. We wish to indicate that all our diverse interventions on teacher development should ultimately converge at a point where our teachers will be able to identify their own developmental needs.

The past history has hamstrung a sizeable number of our teachers. Current history is empowering all our teachers. The future will liberate the minds of our teachers so that they may become the determiners of their future and their own development. A key strategy towards the future of a pedagogy of the liberated is developmental appraisal - a tool which enables a critique of teachers to assist them objectively to identify their strengths and weaknesses so as to become better at their professional craft and character.

This kind of appraisal will be paralleled by the crack unit, recently announced, to focus on dysfunctional high schools. Please note that this unit is a far cry from the peculiar and discredited ``gogga’’ [small insect] system of apartheid inspectors, whose reports often depended on how much they were entertained and feted in the schools. We are serious about our education system, we are serious about the quality and role of our teachers in that system. We shall, therefore, not play war games with it. We shall not party-politicise it and compel our teachers to protest. Zandspruit must please not ask for my allegiance. The education of our children is not a political football. Our teachers are not a political playground. Against the onslaught of past political shenanigans and skulduggery, they have upheld the little honour they could salvage of their profession. We place our recognition of this on record and call upon them to walk that proverbial extra mile with this Government as we reclaim and raise, in consultation with them and their unions, their professional standards.

I just want to comment on the speech made by Mr Ellis. We are all aware, of course, that the experts of apartheid devised the most vicious system of social engineering. During the apartheid era some members of the DP slept cosily in bed with apartheid, so much so that they even failed to wake up and see that this country had changed, that a new revolution was blowing through the corridors of power. [Applause.] That is why the hon Ellis suspects the ANC-led Government of doing the same. I say to Mr Ellis, no, he is wrong. Mr Ellis must wake up.

Mr M J ELLIS: I am wide awake.

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Chairperson, he must remember that each and every policy we have passed has been as a result of a consultative process. We have spoken to parents, educators, learners, business and religious organisations, and we have had public hearings of which we have been part. He comes here and tells us about social engineering, which implies that there is a secret agenda somewhere, that there are the activities in which we engage secretly and in private, without any transparency whatsoever. But, he is my witness that the opposite is the truth.

We have empowered our people, now more than ever before. We have empowered parents, especially through the South African Schools Act. The DP’s jeremiads have become quite a mantra, quite a bore to say the very least. Mr Ellis reads a litany of problems in the schools. He is, obviously, a prophet of doom.

Mr M J ELLIS: Not at all.

The DEPUTY MINISTER: Chairperson, has Mr Ellis heard about the positive steps we have taken to address some of these challenges that he is talking about? Has he heard about Tirisano, for instance, and the five programmes that are going to be implemented? Has he heard about the ongoing course campaign which is designed to restore the culture of learning and teaching in our country? One cannot restore a culture in one or two days, not even in 10 years. It is a process, it is not an event. Mr Ellis, please wake up! [Interjections.]

Has Mr Ellis heard about the education izinkundla''Makgotla’’ [forums] that we are holding in a number of communities where we invite all people interested in education. We invite communities, not only the educators, the learners, district officials, which, of course we do, not only MECs and not only business, but we also invite religious organisations, traditional leaders and everybody else, in other words, to make education once and for all the most important agenda for the people of this country. [Applause.]

Because the Government believes in democracy, it wants people to participate. Has Mr Ellis heard about all these initiatives? I am sorry, I do not think so. Inspectors and district officials are very much part of these very exciting initiatives that we have undertaken in order to ensure, as the Minister has said, that there is hope for our children. There is hope for our people, especially as far as education is concerned.

On this day, in the debate on one of the most critical Votes, it is only appropriate that we salute good and dedicated teachers as heroes and heroines, as patriots par excellence. [Applause.]

Mr L M GREEN: Chairperson, hon Ministers and members, the future of our nation depends very much on the quality of education our children receive. Education has once again received the lion’s share of Government spending, that is R50,7 billion, which is an indication that our present Government acknowledges the importance of a quality education for each child.

The Budget has highlighted certain major areas of concentration for empowerment in education. A key focus will be to restore the culture of learning and teaching within our education institutions, and we commend that. An important factor in this regard will be to provide for the professional development of teachers. We welcome the Minister’s call, earlier this year, to experienced mathematics and science teachers to return to the teaching profession. There is a serious shortage of science and maths teachers in our schools. The poor matric results of last year are worrying, but the ACDP commends all those teachers who, under difficult circumstances, taught their pupils diligently every day.

The promotion of the culture of learning and teaching is a noble ethos and should be supported by all of us. As for the issue of discipline, the ACDP still believes that corporal correction should be brought back into our education system. [Interjections.] The ACDP also congratulates and commends the thousands of parents who have registered with the Department of Education to home-school their children. Home schooling is a growing and successful educational phenomenon in South Africa. Home schools are producing excellent academic results, and the problems experienced in some of our state schools, such as vandalism, alcohol abuse by teachers and pupils during school hours, teenage pregnancy and promiscuity, are not problems faced in our home schools.

This Government is the first government to have legalised home schooling, and we also hope that the Government will make it easier for parents to home-school their children.

Dr P W A MULDER: Mnr die Voorsitter, die vraag is, hoe belangrik is onderwys vir Suid-Afrika se toekoms? President Mbeki praat oor die Afrika- renaissance en dat hierdie eeu Afrika se eeu moet word. Die VF sê as onderwys in Suid-Afrika misluk, gaan Suid-Afrika in die toekoms misluk, en as Suid-Afrika misluk, sal daar geen Afrika-renaissance wees nie. Nou is die vraag, wat moet Suid-Afrika doen om nie te misluk nie? Wat moet ons doen om op tegnologiese gebied nie verder agter te raak nie?

Die antwoord, sê ek, is dat ons beter moet presteer in natuurwetenskappe. Ons leef in ‘n wêreld van satelliete, rekenaars en moderne digitale tegnologie. In Europa en Amerika word die navorsing en kennis op hierdie terreine binne enkele maande verdubbel. Feit is, slegs ongeveer 20 000 van die land se matrikulante het verlede jaar wiskunde en natuur- en skeikunde met matrikulasievrystelling geslaag. Dit is 4% van die totaal. Hieruit word geskat dat ongeveer maar 3 000 swart studente is. Dit is ‘n halwe persentasiepunt van alle matrikulante.

President Mbeki kla dat daar so min swart ingenieurs en swart natuurwetenskaplikes in Suid-Afrika is. Hy noem dit as ‘n voorbeeld van rassisme. Volgens ANC-propaganda is die rede eenvoudig apartheid en die destydse bantoe-onderwys. Dit is egter nie so eenvoudig nie. Agb lede kan maar na dieselfde tendense in Afrika gaan kyk, waar daar geen bantoe- onderwys was nie.

Ek het hier die syfers van die persentasie wit, bruin, Indiër- en swart kandidate wat van die sestigerjare tot die negentigerjare met matrikulasievrystelling geslaag het. Hierdie syfer, veral as ek na die swart syfer vir natuurwetenskaplike vakke kyk, daal nog steeds. Nou sê die VF die antwoord lê by moedertaalonderrig. Hiermee maak ek nie ‘n politieke stelling of probeer goedkoop VF-politiek aan agb lede verkoop nie; ek maak ‘n goed nagevorste onderwysstelling. Om ‘n abstrakte vak soos wiskunde en natuurwetenskap in ‘n tweede of derde taal aan studente te probeer verduidelik, móét lei tot swak prestasie.

Ek daag die Minister en die onderwysowerhede uit om my met ‘n eksperiment verkeerd te bewys. Kom ons neem vir die doel van die eksperiment ‘n groep Zulu- of Sothosprekende studente en bied vir hulle wiskunde en wetenskap in hulle moedertaal aan tot in matriek - dit is tot by graad 12 - en dan vergelyk ons hierdie studente se resultate met ‘n kontrolegroep wat in Engels, wat meestal hulle tweede en derde taal is, onderrig ontvang, en dan kyk ons waar eindig ons met die eksperiment.

Japan domineer die Ooste op tegnologiese en ekonomiese gebied. So domineer Duitsland Europa op tegnologiese en ekonomiese gebied. Ek het van daardie universiteite en skole besoek. Hulle studente word deur middel van Duits of Japannees, hul moedertaal, onderrig. Daar is nie sprake dat hulle studente deur middel van Engels of enige ander taal onderrig word nie, en hulle studente presteer baie goed in abstrakte vakke soos wiskunde en natuurwetenskap.

Waarom is ons dan so behep met Engels as onderrigtaal? Daar is ‘n groot verskil tussen om Engels as ‘n onderrigtaal, oftewel ``language of instruction’’ te gebruik en om Engels net as ‘n vak te neem. Ek het Engels as vak geneem en ek glo dit is baie belangrik. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ek het egter my studie tot op doktorale vlak in Suid-Afrika in Afrikaans voltooi. Hierdie kombinasie het dit vir my moontlik gemaak om met na-doktorale studie in Amerika voort te gaan.

Agb lede kan ‘n bietjie probeer om met Engels by ‘n Duitse universiteit te gaan inskryf. Hulle gaan ‘n mens eers ‘n taalkursus in Duits laat voltooi voor hulle jou gaan toelaat. Ons kort meer wiskunde- en natuurwetenskaponderwysers in Suid-Afrika. As ons met die wêreld wil meeding, kort ons veral baie meer swart wiskunde- en natuurwetenskaponderwysers. Sonder moedertaalonderrig in hierdie vakke gaan ons nie slaag nie.

Ek wil tog die Minister gelukwens dat hy hierdie dilemma besef en prof Michael Kahn van die Universiteit van Kaapstad aangestel het om hierdie probleme te ondersoek. Uit prof Kahn se eerste reaksies wil dit ook voorkom asof hy die argument oor moedertaalonderwys begryp. Ons sal vorentoe moet sien of hy die probleem op hierdie wyse gaan oplos.

Voor ek die Minister egter te gou prys, wil ek oor die universiteite praat, en dan veral oor Afrikaanse universiteite. Dieselfde argumente as wat ek hierbo genoem het, geld ook daar. Die Minister se uitspraak hieroor en oor die taal van onderrig bekommer ons. Hy skuil tans agter kortsigtige Afrikaanse rektore wat allerlei verskonings uitdink waarom Afrikaans nie belangrik op universiteitsvlak is nie.

Die formule van hierdie Minister se departement waarvolgens universiteite gesubsidieer word, werk hoofsaaklik met getalle; hoe meer studente, hoe meer geld kry die universiteit. Deur nou Afrikaans ál meer af te skaal ten gunste van Engels, kry hierdie universiteite meer studente en meer en meer geld van die staat. As hierdie proses met die huidige getalle kinders op skool voortgaan, sal daar oor 15 jaar geen Afrikaanse universiteite wees nie.

Hierdie is nie ‘n rasseargument nie. Die meerderheid Afrikaanssprekendes in Suid-Afrika is tans reeds swart, dit nou volgens die ANC se definisie. As die Minister en die Regering eerlik is dat ander tale en Afrikaans belangrik is, moet daar aanpassings in die subsidieformule kom. Die formule moet ‘n mens nie penaliseer omdat jy in Afrikaans doseer nie. [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Dr P W A MULDER: Mr Chairperson, the question is, how important is education for South Africa’s future? President Mbeki talks about the African renaissance and that this century must be Africa’s century. The FF says that if education in South Africa fails, South Africa will fail in the future, and if South Africa fails, there will be no African renaissance. Now the question is, what must South Africa do to avoid failure? What must we do to avoid falling further behind in the arena of technology?

I say that the answer is that we must perform better in the natural sciences. We live in a world of satellites, computers and modern digital technology. In Europe and America the research and knowledge in these areas double in a matter of months. The fact is that last year only approximately 20 000 of the country’s matriculants passed maths and physical science and chemistry with a matriculation exemption. That is 4% of the total. It is estimated that of these only approximately 3 000 are black students. That is half a percentage point of all matriculants.

President Mbeki is complaining that there are so few black engineers and black scientists in South Africa. He mentions it as an example of racism. According to ANC propaganda the reason is simply apartheid and the then Bantu education. However, it is not that simple. Hon members can look at the same trend in Africa, where there has been no Bantu education.

I have the figures here, from the sixties to the nineties, of the percentage of white, brown, Indian and black candidates who passed with a matriculation exemption. This figure, particularly if I look at the black figure for science subjects, is still dropping. The FF now says that the answer lies in mother-tongue education. In doing so I am not making a political statement or trying to sell hon members cheap FF politics; I am making a well-researched education statement. To try to explain abstract subjects like mathematics and physical science to students in a second or third language, must lead to poor performance.

I challenge the Minister and the education authorities to prove me wrong by way of an experiment. For the purposes of the experiment let us take a group of Zulu or Sotho-speaking students and offer them maths and science in their mother tongue until matric - that is to Grade 12 - and then compare these students’ results with those of a control group who receive instruction in English, which is mostly their second and third language, and then let us see the outcome of that experiment.

Japan dominates the East in the technological and economic arena. In the same way Germany dominates Europe in the technological and economic arena. I have visited some of those universities and schools. Their students are taught in German or Japanese, their mother tongue. There is no question of their students being taught in English or any other language, and their students perform very well in abstract subjects such as maths and physical science.

Why then are we so obsessed with English as the language of instruction? There is a big difference between using English as a language of instruction and merely taking English as a subject. I took English as a subject and I believe that it is very important. [Interjections.] However, I completed my studies to a doctoral level in South Africa in Afrikaans. This combination made it possible for me to continue with post-doctoral studies in America.

Hon members are welcome to try to enrol in a German university with English. They will first make one complete a language course in German before they will admit one. We need more mathematics and physical science teachers in South Africa. If we want to compete with the world, we need many more black mathematics and natural science teachers in particular. Without mother-tongue education in these subjects we are not going to succeed. I would still like to congratulate the Minister on the fact that he realises this dilemma and has appointed Prof Michael Kahn from the University of Cape Town to investigate these problems. From Prof Kahn’s initial reactions it would also appear that he understands the argument for mother-tongue education. In future we will have to see whether he is going to solve the problem in this way.

However, before I praise the Minister too quickly, I would like to talk about the universities, and about Afrikaans universities in particular. The same arguments that I mentioned above are valid there as well. The Minister’s statement in this regard and about the language of instruction concerns us. He is currently hiding behind short-sighted Afrikaans rectors who are devising all manner of excuses why Afrikaans is not important at university level.

This Minister’s department’s formula in terms of which universities are subsidised, deals primarily with numbers; if there are more students the university receives more money. By now scaling Afrikaans down to an increasing extent in favour of English, these universities are gaining more students and more and more money from the state. If this process continues with the current number of children at school, in 15 years there will be no Afrikaans universities.

This is not a racial argument. The majority of Afrikaans speakers in South Africa are currently already black, and that is in terms of the ANC’s definition. If the Minister and the Government are sincere about other languages and Afrikaans being important, there have to be adjustments in the subsidy formula. The formula should not penalise one for lecturing in Afrikaans. [Time expired.]]

Mr R P Z VAN DEN HEEVER: Chairperson, the address of our Minister of Education, Prof Kader Asmal, was like the breath of fresh air he has introduced in education since assuming his term of office in June last year. I want to pledge to the Minister, in the first place, our support as members of the ANC study group on education in his quest to create a viable education system for the 21st century. It was in this spirit that we urged the Portfolio Committee on Education to undertake a programme of study tours to our most poverty-stricken provinces so that we can support his call of action in respect of making education in the provinces work.

The Minister’s commitment to breaking the back of illiteracy has our fullest support. The hon Mr Mike Ellis of the DP has unfortunately come to this podium today to pontificate to us at length about the importance of literacy. In the first place, he could not contain his obvious glee at what he regards as the Minister’s apparent failure to eradicate illiteracy within one year, yet in the only province where the DP controls education, the Western Cape Province, there is a massive cut in the funds voted for literacy and Abet.

So how can we take the hon Ellis seriously about appointing a Deputy Minister for literacy when the DP themselves cannot put their money where their mouth is in the Western Cape by taking literacy as seriously as they claim to view it. We regret that this once again reflects the different and skewed focus of education in a province governed by the New NP and the DP. [Interjections.]

It also comes as no surprise to us within the ANC that the DP attacks the National Qualifications Framework. The DP has never shared the ANC’s vision of an integrated education and training system, because they aspire towards an elitist academic-based education system. [Interjections.] The NQF forms the basis of our integrated education and training system. [Interjections.] Problems are bound to occur within the NQF from time to time, but we would rather concentrate our efforts in addressing those problems than abandoning our vision for an integrated education and training system.

The Minister has also expressed himself very strongly against racial arrogance and hard-necked linguistic and cultural exclusivity. In this House, I have already referred to the reference by the MEC of education in the Western Cape, Ms Helen Zille, to Harold Cressy as a predominantly Muslim school, where apparently, in her view, Jewish students should not go, and Herzlia as a Jewish school, which, in her view, apparently, Muslim students should not be allowed to attend, and that is now well known in the education debate. [Interjections.]

While the law provides for equitable and voluntary religious observance at school, it is impossible to describe a school, in terms of our law, in religious terms. In general, therefore, there are no Muslim, Catholic, Protestant, Hindu or Jewish schools in the Government school system. The only exception is a small number of public schools on private property owned by a religious organisation. Despite Ms Helen Zille’s profuse objections and explanations about this matter, she still has to explain how her policy works in practice. [Interjections.] Does she have a list of Muslim, Jewish, Catholic and Protestant schools to which she would refer students of those particular faiths?

If this is her attitude towards religion, what, I ask, will her attitude be towards race? What would she do if a white child was referred to a special school in Guguletu? The answer is clear; her mind is already geared in terms of the racial and cultural stereotypes of apartheid. These are the levels, for the hon Mr Ellis’ information, to which liberalism in the DP has sunk.

Mr M J ELLIS: [Inaudible.]

Mr R P Z VAN DEN HEEVER: The dividing line between what they would like to believe is recognition of diversity as opposed to racist practices has become very thin. [Interjections.] Mr M J ELLIS: You always talk rubbish, Reggie! The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon Mike Ellis, allow the member at the podium to have his say. Even if he is speaking rubbish, it is his own. [Laughter.] You can speak your rubbish when it is your turn to come to the podium. [Laughter.]

Mr M J ELLIS: May I have another turn, Mr Chairman?

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: You will not have a turn from me, sir. If you have had your turn, you have had it. Please be seated. Continue with your speech, Mr Van den Heever.

Mnr R P Z VAN DEN HEEVER: Mnr Gaum van die Nuwe NP gaan uit sy pad om ‘n donker prentjie van die onderwys te skilder. Ek het nie geweet die lewe in die nuwe Suid-Afrika is so donker soos hy dit hier uitbeeld nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Wat betref sy jeremiades oor die geld wat daar kwansuis nie is vir die opleiding van skoolbeheerliggame nie, kan ek hom sê hy soek daardie geld op die verkeerde plek. Die geld vir die opleiding van skoolbeheerliggame moet hy in die provinsiale begrotings gaan soek. Hy soek dus op die verkeerde plek. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Mr R P Z VAN DEN HEEVER: Mr Gaum of the New NP is going out of his way to paint a sombre picture of education. I did not know that life in the new South Africa was as dark as he is portraying it here. [Interjections.] With regard to his lamentations about the money which apparently does not exist for the training of school governing bodies, I can tell him that he is looking for that money in the wrong place. He must look in the provincial budgets for the money for the training of school governing bodies. Therefore, he is looking in the wrong place.]

The hon Mr Gaum also complains about the fact that the budget in real terms is less than before. Many people, including experts on finance in this country who have no connection with the ANC, will tell him that the issue is not about more money, but about the building of systems and the building of capacity. It is about how one uses that money rather than how much it is. South Africa already spends the greatest percentage of GDP in the world, on education, and the hon member’s appeal for more money misses that point entirely.

Mr Gaum also complains about large classes and a shortage of teachers. Mr Gaum should note that large classes are more likely to be the result of a classroom shortage than a teacher shortage. We have more teachers than classrooms in this country. We need more classrooms, and merely to say that we need more teachers misses the point.

In my constituency, in the Great Karoo, the three high schools in Beaufort West had the following results in last year’s matric examinations. The ex- Model C school in the town, Hoërskool Sentraal, had a 100% pass rate. The school in the coloured community, Hoërskool Bastiaanse, had a pass rate of 82%. The school in the predominantly African community, Mandlenkosi High School, had a pass rate of 75%. Obviously, the spread of the results is a reflection of the varying degrees of privilege and discrimination suffered by schools as a result of the divide-and-rule policies of apartheid.

However, upon further investigation, one will find that of the three schools, the greatest improvement has been brought about at Mandlenkosi High School, because the pass rate at that school was around 50% in the past and the 75% pass rate in 1999 constitutes an improvement of 25%. We are grateful that the Western Cape MEC, Ms Zille, has recognised that, in terms of her dealings with that school. Regrettably, these improvements among disadvantaged schools with regard to the matric results are seldom recognised by the mainstream media and opposition parties.

If one carefully controls access to one’s matric class, one can ensure a high matric pass rate. If one takes only clever kids at one’s school, one will have a high matric pass rate. If one only allows the really bright students to do subjects on the Higher Grade, while insisting that slower learners do subjects on the Standard Grade, then one will have a higher pass rate. This is the kind of engineering that very often takes place, and nobody notes the clever sleight of hand in engineering these matric results. And yet these matric results are always used to bash the efforts of the Government at transformation.

This year’s budget has been aligned with the first cycle of Minister Asmal’s five-year Tirisano plan. With regard to public schools, attention will now be focused on school effectiveness and teacher professionalism, building the leadership and managerial capacities of school management teams, increasing the supply of learner support materials, and on strengthening the role of governing bodies in school governance.

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Mr Chairperson, hon members, education is a two-way process which depends on mutual understanding and co-operation among those involved in it - hence slogans such as Education for Tirisano'' and Education for Popagano’’, which indicate reciprocity. Education can be used for nation-building and for raising cultural awareness. All these require resources of a human, material and financial kind.

Some 7,2% is shown as an increase, while expenditure has increased to 8,1% in the current budget for teachers. That leaves the remuneration of teachers below the inflation rate; and such decline in the expenditure on teachers leads to low morale among them, and creates a threat to this Tirisano project.

It is not acceptable to leave early childhood development to philanthropists. Investment in early childhood development, as proved elsewhere - and even in South Africa - has a positive effect on the effectiveness of education in general. The new admissions policy will see many youngsters without formal instruction, as early childhood education will be the preserve of the well-heeled only.

A reduction from R7,6 billion to R6,2 billion, in respect of higher education will hit the historically disadvantaged institutions most. The whole matter will be further exacerbated by the incorporation of colleges of education in this sector. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme, the acceptance of which was fast-tracked through Parliament last year, should be helpful to deserving students as intended, and not subject them to having to show proof of admission. They should rather get an award on the basis of their performance in Grade 12 midyear examinations and then strive to get registration with a bursary in hand.

It sounds, however, too optimistic to hope to break the back of illiteracy with reduced funds. In 1996 it was estimated that there were some 12 million potential Abet learners, and the fact that some Abet centres in some provinces have been closed down with remuneration still owed to some educators makes the whole issue more complex. It can only be hoped that the skills development fund will be utilised in this sector.

The joint venture among the Education, Health and Welfare departments in an effort to educate people about HIV/Aids is welcome. However, it should not be limited to pupils in Grade 5 to Grade 9 only. The Department of Education should also have a special amount put aside for such campaigns. It becomes regrettable when people in high places in education are themselves reported as not being honest with their partners and do not even use the condoms that they speak about.

The UCDP welcomes the introduction of the planning section in the department and we hope that this will be cascaded to the provinces. We also applaud the fact that educators across the board will be trained in management skills.

Finally, while we applaud the enthusiasm of the Minister, and his good intentions, we regret that disparities will remain for some time. [Time expired.]

Dr M S MOGOBA: Chairperson, education is the future. It shapes the future of the individual, the community and the nation. Without good, sound education there is just no future to talk about. The Department of Education holds the future for all of us and therefore deserves serious consideration and maximum support from all of us.

The Minister of Education has thrown everything he has into this. In our communities there is an upheaval. Teachers are naturally the first to discern and hear of it. They are getting the message that only hard work from them can turn the wheels of the revolution in education. That is non- negotiable.

Just last week on Saturday in Sekhukhuneland I met people from different parts of the province and all of them were saying that for the first time they see their children actually busy preparing at night. They are beginning to get the message. Some, of course, are reacting out of fear, which is unfortunate. A sense of dedication, work satisfaction and fulfilment is what is expected of every educator in the world.

The repeat of the shocking matriculation results, namely 1 036 high schools with a 80% to a 100% failure rate, was not completely unexpected. Last year I pleaded that we should have racial presentation of results. I want to repeat this request. To work in national averages is ideal, but can be completely misleading. We also need a healthy learning environment. Clean schools should not be a monopoly of a section of the population. Last week I visited a school in Mpumalanga with broken windows and a dirty and uninspiring environment. Of course, this is common all over the country. Parents, teachers, churches and education departments must change this. Giving the school a face-lift will announce to educators and pupils that change has come. Toilets, water and electricity should be provided speedily.

The use of religious communities should not be ignored. Education is a sensitive moral initiative or undertaking. If churches do not participate in education, their task of transforming society is made impossible. Schools become sausage machines which produce products that society does not want. Schools should be centres of excellence which are co-creators with God.

Many visitors coming to our country are surprised that many churches have closed their church schools, and they wonder how we can ever build a country with no church schools. The PAC will support this Vote. [Time expired.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, the next speaker, the hon Kgwele, is making his maiden speech. Please give him the courtesy of the House. [Applause.]

Mr L M KGWELE: Chairperson, Deputy President and hon members, in his reply to the debate on his state of the nation address to Parliament, the President expressed the direction which education should take and sent out the challenge that teachers must teach, learners must learn and managers must manage. As the ANC, we believe that that is the fundamental reasonable expectation on which all other educational success will depend.

Since the ANC-led Government came to power in 1994, it began to tackle the mammoth task of education transformation. It ensured that schools were open to all and started moving towards equal spending on all students. More money was spent on previously disadvantaged schools. The principles of equity and access were, and continue to be, dominant in our new policy formation.

The Education budgets, over the past few years, indicate the consistent commitment of the ANC to eradicate the legacy of apartheid education, and the legacy of inherited dysfunctional, poorly resourced and inefficiently managed schools. The 2000-2001 Budget is not an exception in that the growth of R1,9 million to a total of R51 billion reaffirms the commitment of the ANC Government to the provision of quality public education.

Although the prophets of doom on the left of the House would wish us to believe otherwise, we are indeed convinced, in the words of the President, that we are on course. Yes, indeed we have begun to move away from the past with conviction. Recent review committees appointed by the Minister of Education also affirm that the people have indeed entrusted governance to a party that is not only responsible but also responsive to the challenges facing our nation. As the ANC, we believe that regular evaluation, monitoring and assessment of implementation processes are imperative in an ever-changing education environment.

After the President sensitised the august House in his state of the nation address, on 4 February 2000, about the continued existence of racism in our society, I am tempted at this point to examine whether racism does exist in our schools today in the context of our democratic Constitution and schooling policies. We have observed an unacceptable phenomenon that, although the ANC Government has put in place nonracial and progressive policies, racial separation and discrimination still affect schools.

The ANC has always stood for the creation of a nonracial, nonsexist and democratic society in which all South Africans enjoy conditions of peace and dignity. We have started to build a united nation, joining hands without regard to race, colour or creed. Each of our communities is free to express its linguistic and cultural identity and to assume its equal place within our new nation.

Our country has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 23 March 1976 and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. As a member of Unesco, South Africa is also bound not to tolerate practices that clash with the declarations that we are committed to. The Human Rights Commission deals with a number of complaints ranging from discrimination, disciplinary measures, racial violence and racial prejudice. The commission has found that efforts aimed at eradicating racial discrimination have not achieved the desired results, in part because learners approach schools with the prejudices instilled in their home environments, and the schools have no mechanisms to challenge and stimulate the unlearning of deep-rooted prejudices or to transform the learners.

As the ANC, we regard racism in schools not only as a violation of the rights to equality, human dignity and basic education, but as an affront to the values enshrined in our Constitution. We invite fellow citizens to join the struggle for the elimination and combating of discrimination to ensure the coherent integrity of society and the realisation of the national vision enshrined in our Constitution. The determination to raise school effectiveness and educator professionalism through the Tirisano programme’s new supervisory services that would have the responsibility of conducting home school evaluation, providing reports and offering advice on school quality improvement will be vital in making our schools work for our nation.

We the ANC welcome the investigation of alternatives to corporal punishment commissioned by the Minister to capacitate educators, school managers and school governing bodies to deal effectively with issues of discipline. We further commend the MEC for Education in Gauteng for initiatives taken to deal with the Yizo-Yizo level of ill-discipline emerging in our schools.

I think that for the ACDP to request this democratic Government to even consider home schooling is not an informed act, given that parents do not have time to be with learners all the time. Therefore this would definitely sacrifice quality education. The call for the reinstatement of corporal punishment is obviously not an informed one in that the Minister has commissioned an investigation to look at different forms of alternatives to corporal punishment.

In conclusion, we in the ANC wish to thank parents who served in the first democratically elected school governing bodies, seeing now that their term has come to an end. They have made a profound contribution and laid a foundation. We also recognise the new school governing bodies elections that are being conducted in some of our provinces, and the Northern Province is one of those provinces that are leading in this regard. With 90% parent turnout, schools are able to hold elections democratically. We wish to call on all parents to take advantage of this democratic opportunity by participating in the school governing body elections and helping to shape the future of public education. [Applause.]

Dr L LUYT: Chairperson, hon Minister and members, I must say that the Minister looks sporting today. I hope he has been practising his marksmanship because I imagine that he will be boom-booming everybody in his final words. [Laughter.]

I am not going to repeat all the statistics he has heard, as he most probably knows them all anyway. I going to repeat one quote I said before: ``Education makes a people easy to lead, but difficult to drive; easy to govern, but impossible to enslave.’’ These were the words of Henry Baron Brougham.

Ronald Reagan vowed that he would get the United State literate by having the schools raise their standards. Americans must learn physics and chemistry, mathematics and English,'' he said. How true. South Africa has more than its fair share of gifted pupils. Abraham Lincoln said, and I quote:Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created free and equal.’’ Indeed, 1994 saw exactly the same occurrence. It is gratifying that the hon Minister Kader Asmal has committed himself to the betterment of our education. His strong stance on nonperformance must be lauded. His undertaking to bring back qualified science and maths teachers can also only be applauded.

Our nation will stand or fall on how well it is educated. Education teaches us to discern between right and wrong, education makes us responsible. The hon the Minister has a mammoth task ahead of him, but he has fearlessly tackled other problems in the past. He will be mindful of the fact that matriculants of 2004 would all have had the same opportunities and he will know that his part as Minister of Education is to shape a better future.

As a nation, we are committed to equality, and therefore, we have to support the hon Minister wholeheartedly in his quest to create a civilised youth - an educated youth. Therefore, we must stop the bickering and, shoulder to shoulder, work for our children. That should be our contribution to posterity. Milton in On his Blindness said, ``They also serve who only stand and wait.’’ We can also serve in our little way. The challenges are severe and extend well beyond racial and language barriers. Therefore, young minds must be nurtured and shaped, through education.

The notion that our children will lose something if another is afforded the same opportunities is fallacious, to say the least. Not every school leaver is necessarily fit to receive a university education. Quite the majority, certainly, is fit to attend technikons. I would therefore suggest that practical students who excel in their areas of endeavour, receive degrees instead of diplomas. That would lure more would-be students to technikons and they would know that their labours will be rewarded in the right way.

Education will make our country self-sufficient in knowledge, and give us the opportunity to earn the respect of the world; in fact, demand the respect of the world. An educated nation is a responsible nation. An educated nation is an industrious nation. An educated nation is a free nation, a globally free nation. An educated nation sustains its country. Education is not a gift to be bestowed on a few. It is a gift to all those who want to receive it. The FA supports this Vote.

Miss S RAJBALLY: Mr Chairperson, Deputy President, Ministers, the MF wants to congratulate, especially, the Minister of Education, Prof Kader Asmal, on his tremendous hard work in restoring and transforming the education system in various ways, especially for those that were deprived of the privileges in the past. At the same time, may I take this opportunity in congratulating the hon member Kgwele on his maiden speech. Well done!

Effective educational reforms must be accompanied by meaningful political changes. Therefore, at this point in time in South Africa, education ought to be the first financial priority of the Government. Mere organisational changes or simply obtaining more funding for education at primary, secondary and tertiary level, will not, in themselves, resolve the crisis we are burdened with.

To sustain the education system we require the commitment of all stakeholders and we require a measure of sacrifice from all individuals who are involved in education. Of course, our unrealistic expectations must not be imposed on the renewal of our education system. The SA Schools Act of 1996 provides that education is financed on an equitable and nonracial basis.

However, in KwaZulu-Natal, especially in the low socioeconomic areas like Phoenix, subsidies allocated to schools were drastically low, based on the contention that ex-House of Delegates schools in previously predominantly Indian areas are equivalent to Model C schools. This treatment has created a shabby impression that poor people do not exist in areas like Phoenix and in the Indian community. Backlogs in education must be mediated with excellent and realistic managerial strategies. Investment in education is an investment in the nation’s future.

In establishing a new democratic education system, care must be taken not to dismantle those parts of our education system that are functioning effectively. South Africa cannot afford to lose quality education that has already been attained through continued social and economic development. Regional variations within a national population, which is not carefully captured in data, can adversely affect the allocation of funds. That may result in unequal access to educational opportunities. Quality education which meets the needs of the general society and the individual must be viewed as human resource development, which provides the potential for superior work competence and stimulates economic productivity, though this may not be realised exclusively in practice. In South Africa we have a growing surplus of poorly educated workers who lack an adequate literacy base for formal training in skills that are required in the labour market. At present illiteracy is being tackled at grass-roots level by the Government. However, one must bear in mind that literacy is not a quick-fix method that automatically leads to increased productivity and improvement in people’s quality of life. In South Africa illiteracy reflects the gap between the rich and the poor, the haves and the have-nots, which originated from the apartheid education. The point is that people are illiterate because they are poor and disadvantaged.

The attainment of literacy does not necessary lead to economic improvement of the individual or the nation, but where literacy is taught effectively it has the profound long-term benefit of individual empowerment. Vocational training in schools is absolutely necessary, as it provides scope for occupational choice and flexible responses to structural and technical changes during the individual working life. However, on-the-job training, whether privately or publicly funded, appears to be cheaper and more effective than institution-based vocational training, as equipment and salaries in these specialised institutions prove to be expensive. The fragmented and unequal nature of education and training has had negative effects on the development of the society and the economy.

The Government is accountable for individuals with special needs in education and training. Learners with special educational needs have suffered a legacy of unjustifiable inequalities of various kinds in the past. The Government’s challenge is to create a policy framework that develops these individuals both socially and economically. [Time expired.]

Mrs D G NHLENGETHWA: Chairperson, Deputy President, hon Minister of Education, the ANC Government is quite aware of all the problems and backlogs faced by our people. The Department of Education is on board, having a programme of action to redress the inequality in education provision and to transform the system of education that we inherited from apartheid. The ANC, since the days of the Freedom Charter, with the new Constitution and now by means of its Acts, has not changed. It is still maintaining its position of bringing changes for a better life for all. The doors of learning are open to everyone, to ensure the survival of the people and not of the fittest. The budget process and the public finance management framework has also been reformed to enable improved service delivery. The central focus of budgetary reforms is the need for an integrated planning framework that links plans, priorities, budgets and implementation targets. For the first time in the history of education in South Africa the Department of Education has a comprehensive database of every school building in order to service and provide available equipment and resources to each and every school in the country.

The President in one of his speeches has identified the following provinces as the poorest of the poor, most of which have rural schools: the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal, the Northern Province and Mpumalanga. The Portfolio Committee on Education recently paid a visit to KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape.

Zombili lezi fundazwe, iKomiti lezeMfundo elahamba laya kozivakashela, zinezikole eziningi ezisemaphandleni. Izakhiwo zezikole ziyizakhiwo zodaka. Akunamanzi kulezi zikole eziningi. Izindlu zangasese azikho futhi ugesi kanye nomtapo wezincwadi akukho. Izingane zihamba amabanga amade ukuya esikoleni. Izinga lokufunda nelokuphatha liphansi ngoba lezi ndawo zisemaphandleni. Nanoma kunjalo, ezinye izikole ziyakwazi ukwenza ukuthi kufundwe, kuthi izinga lokuphatha libe sesimweni esifanele kanti nelokuphumelela kwabafundi libe kumaphesenti aphezulu. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[The two provinces that were visited by the education committee have many schools in the rural areas. The schools are built of mud. Most of them have no water. They have no toilets and neither do they have electricity and libraries. Students walk long distances to go to these schools. The levels of learning and administration are low because they are situated in the rural areas. However, some schools are able to make learning take place and to improve the level of administration as well as the percentage of students passing.]

I am mentioning all these problems to show that the ANC is aware of all its functions.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, please pay attention. Hon Aucamp, you will have your time at the podium, sir. Please continue, hon member.

Mrs D G NHLENGETHWA: I am going to briefly mention the following provinces in respect of how many schools have been built and how many still have to be built. In Gauteng, 272 new classrooms have been built and 3 000 are still to be built. In the Western Cape, 9 schools have been built and 32 still need to be built. In the Free State, 138 classrooms have been built and 16 new schools have to be built. In KwaZulu-Natal 1 007 classrooms need to be built, 62 new schools have been built and 133 classrooms have been built and added to existing schools. In the Eastern Cape 62 classrooms need to be built and 7 have been built. In the Northern Cape 4 new schools have been built. In Mpumalanga 16 new schools have been built and in North West 7 new schools have been built. I would like to appeal to the youth and students of this country not to vandalise the schools.

The rate and state of illiteracy in our country rests squarely on the shoulders of the previous regime of the NP. For, as long as we have this endemic situation, it will always be traced back to the New NP, whether they like it or not. The responsibility for illiteracy is on their shoulders.

The adult basic education programme is the mechanism through which the ANC- led Government is working towards eradicating this legacy of apartheid. Obviously, liberation and democracy, which were overdue for so long, have accumulated interest. All of us have a responsibility to harness this initiative. The programme outlined in the five-year plan Tirisano, is the tool in our hands to deal with the problem and to break the back of illiteracy amongst our adults and the youth of this country.

A target of 154 000 learners in the state Abet centres was exceeded in

1. Provision for Abet finances is catered for under Programme 3 in the Budget, which deals with general education and training. Those who could not finish school are given an opportunity to reassert themselves and to undertake this noble, basic right enshrined in our Constitution.

Some sterling work has been achieved through the dedication of public- private partnerships. We have seen teachers going an extra mile to help our grown-ups and those whose schooling was interrupted by, amongst others, enslavement on farms and inaccessibility of schools as a result of the school being out of reach of the people. I still believe and hope that all of us will help. Experience is the mother of wisdom.

I would like to commend other bodies like Telkom who, by the end of 1998, had helped more than 2 400 employees to successfully complete their adult basic education programme. For the first time, these graduates were able to read, write and understand basic mathematics. We also commend other private and public companies for their contribution by assisting their employees in the development of their characters. We hope others will still follow. I also stand here to welcome the Abet Bill that is envisaged, because it is never too late to learn.

I will be failing in my duty if I do not congratulate the Minister of Finance on the hard work he has done. He got the recipe from the people, taking into account their demands. He then baked the big cake, the national Budget. He had to slice and share it according to the needs and hunger of the departments. I also congratulate the Minister of Education for accepting his slice of cake from the Minister of Finance and sharing it with the people in the provinces.

Besiqala ukukubona lokho. KuHulumeni wangaphambilini besithola izimvuthu nje zalesi sinkwa. [Ihlombe.] [It was the first time that we saw it. During the previous regime we only received the crumbs of this bread. [Applause.]]

Mr C AUCAMP: Chairperson, my sympathy goes to the Minister. He has inherited a portfolio that is really in a mess, and nobody can argue that he is not putting all his energy, and that is quite a lot, into his new mission. He has also shown his versatility today. Now he is dressed like Benni McCarthy, yet this morning he was Father Kader. [Laughter.]

A more realistic approach towards the introduction of Curriculum 2005 is one of the positive signs from the Minister. The same applies to the termination of the redeployment policy and the re-employment of retrenched teachers with skill and experience. The AEB supports every effort to uplift the standard of education in South Africa. In this regard I want to make an appeal for a larger state contribution to special schools for the disabled. A well-known school of this kind in Pretoria covers only 30% of its budget through state funding, and 70% comes from the parents and teachers themselves.

The Minister underlined in his speech this morning ``the challenge to build an educational system for a democratic society’’. He briefly referred to the diversity of our society, but he left it there. I want to focus on one crucial aspect of education in a diverse society, and that is the right of language, cultural and religious communities to educational institutions which reflect the ethos of such communities and - very important - are funded by the state. Yes, like the nagging widow before the judge in the parable in the Bible, I will not stop until justice has been done in this regard.

Several studies prove that as much as the right to private property is number one on the list of individual rights, education according to the choice of parents is number one on the more collective priority list. Our children do not belong to the state, that is an outdated Marxist view. Our children belong to God and the parents are the number one trustees.

Onderwys het nie sy oorsprong by die staat nie, maar by die ouerhuis. Die staat het ‘n gedelegeerde bevoegdheid. Elke kind het die basiese reg op onderwys in ooreenstemming met die religieus-kulturele raamwerk van sy ouerhuis, binne die perke van die Handves van Menseregte. Dit word wêreldwyd erken. Die VN se deklarasie, die EU se resolusies en selfs die African Charter, wat deur hierdie Parlement bekragtig is, erken hierdie basiese reg, sonder die diskriminerende byvoegsel van ons artikel 29(3): `` … at their own expense’’.

Elke enkele ouer in Suid-Afrika is geregtig op sy regverdige aandeel uit belastinggeld vir die opvoeding van sy kinders. Waarom word hierdie reg hom ontneem die oomblik as hy vra dat sy kind in ooreenstemming met sy lewenswaardes onderrig moet word? Wat het in Suid-Afrika gebeur? Geleidelik, stelselmatig en ongemerk soos die pes wat in die donker wandel, is die inspraak van ouers op die opvoeding van hulle kinders geërodeer. Die 1993-grondwet het bestuursliggame nog beskou as mede-indiensnemers van onderwysers. Die Gautengse onderwyswetgewing van 1995 het reeds hulle posisie verswak deur aan die LUR die mag te gee om ‘n bestuursliggaam tot stand te bring of te ontbind.

Die finale teks van die 1996-Grondwet het die beskermende bepalings van artikel 247(1) van die 1993-grondwet oor bestuursliggame totaal weggelaat en ook die belangrike moedertaalbepaling onderhewig gemaak aan ``where possible’’. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Skolewet van 1996 het beslag gelê op die eiendom van die ouergemeenskap. Die Gautengse regulasies van 1997 het van die beheerliggame ondergeskikte strukture gemaak. Die Wysigingswet op Onderwyswette van verlede jaar is ook bekend in dié verband.

Die leerplanne wat van staatsweë op alle kinders in staatskole afgedwing word, kom eintlik neer op niks minder nie as totalitêre, kulturele en religieuse imperialisme. Dieselfde agb Minister het drie weke gelede in hierdie Huis gesê uitgediende ideologieë soos die Christelik nasionale moet uit die onderwys wyk, want dit is uit pas met die New Age. Onderwys geskied nie in ‘n atmosfeer vry van ideologiese voorkeure nie. Inteendeel, dit word gedra deur ‘n nuwe - en vir ons onaanvaarbare - ideologie van die Übermensch op die troon.

Ons kinders is ons kosbaarste aardse besitting, die duurste pand aan ons toevertrou. Die jongste van my vyf kinders het verlede jaar haar skoolopleiding voltooi aan ‘n staatskool. Ek het persoonlik 22 jaar lank gedien in bestuursliggame van staatskole en die geleidelike erosie van ouerinspraak aan eie lyf ervaar. My eerste kleinkind moet volgende jaar skool toe. Ek het nie die vrymoedigheid om oor te lewer aan die toenemende kulturele en religieuse imperialisme van die staatskoolbestel nie. Wat is my alternatief? Ja, artikel 29(3) van die Grondwet maak pragtig voorsiening vir private skole, en daarmee saam die onbillike en onregverdige verbeurdverklaring van daardie kind se aanspraak op sy deeltjie van mnr Manuel se Begroting.

Gehalteonderwys, onderwys vry van diskriminasie wat voldoen aan alle internasionale standaarde, maar ook onderwys in die religious-kulturele etos van die ouerhuis, is die heel eerste prioriteit op die lys van internasionaal erkende minderheidsregte waarvoor die AEB en ander geesgenote ons beywer. Ons sal nie rus voor hierdie reg ons nie gegun word nie. Ons sal hierdie saak toenemend internasionaliseer. As 68 000 Belge in Duitsland hul eie onderwysdepartement, eie inspekteurs en eie leerplanne het, en ten volle deur die staat gesubsidieer word, waarom het die Afrikaner en ander kultuurgemeenskappe in Suid-Afrika dit nie ook nie?

Ons steun die toewysing aan onderwys uit die Begroting. Ons steun die Regering en die Minister in die massiewe opheffingstaak van die onderwys, maar ons stem nie saam met die aanwending van belastinggeld vir die New Age- ideologie nie. [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Education does not have its origin in the state, but in the parental home. The state has a delegated authority. Each child has the basic right to education in accordance with the religious-cultural framework of his parental home, within the limits of the Bill of Rights. This is acknowledged world-wide. The UN’s declaration, the EU’s resolutions and even the African Charter, which has been ratified by this Parliament, acknowledge this basic right, without the discriminatory addition of our section 29(3): … ``at their own expense’’.

Every such parent in South Africa is entitled to their fair share of tax money for the education of their children. Why are they being deprived of this right the moment they ask that their child be educated in accordance with their values? What has happened in South Africa? Gradually, systematically and undetected, like the plague roaming the darkness, the say of parents in the education of their children has been eroded. The 1993 Constitution still considered management bodies as being fellow employers of teachers. In Gauteng legislation relating to education of 1995 already weakened their position by furnishing the MEC with the power to bring a management body to a halt or to dissolve it.

The final text of the 1996 Constitution completely omitted the protective provisions of section 247(1) of the 1993 constitution concerning management bodies, and the important provision relating to mother-tongue education was made subject to ``where possible’’. The South African Schools Act of 1996 confiscated the property of the parent community. The Gauteng regulations of 1997 changed the controlling bodies into subordinate structures. The Education Laws Amendment Act of last year is also well-known in this respect.

The curriculums that are forced on all children in state schools by the state in fact amount to no less than totalitarian, cultural and religious imperialism. The same hon Minister said in this House three weeks ago that obsolete ideologies such as the Christian national ideology should leave education, as it is out of tune with the New Age. Education does not take place in an atmosphere free of ideological preferences. On the contrary, it is supported by a new - and to us unacceptable - ideology of the Übermensch on the throne.

Our children are our most precious earthly possession, the most costly pledge that we have been entrusted with. The youngest of my five children last year completed her school training at a state school. I personally served on the management bodies of state schools for 22 years and experienced the gradual erosion of the parental say at first hand. My first grandchild must go to school next year. I do not feel free to give in to the increasing cultural and religious imperialism of the state school dispensation. What are my alternatives? Yes, section 29(3) of the Constitution beautifully provides for private schools, and with that the unfair and unjust forfeiture of that child’s claim to his part of Mr Manuel’s Budget.

Quality education, education free of discrimination, which complies with international standards, but also education in the religious-cultural ethos of the parental home, is the very first priority on the list of internationally acknowledged minority rights, which the AEB and other like- minded people pursue. We will not rest until we are granted this right. We will progressively internationalise this matter. If 68 000 Belgians in Germany could have their own department of education, their own inspectors and their own curriculums, and be fully subsidised by the state, why do the Afrikaners and other cultural groups in South Africa not have it as well?

We support the allocation to education in the Budget. We support the Government and the Minister in the massive task of uplifting education, but we do not agree with the use of taxpayers’ money for New Age ideologies. [Time expired.]]

Mr M A MANGENA: Chair, our education is a mess, particularly in the black areas. The vast majority of schools serving blacks in the townships and villages, including institutions of higher learning, have enormous problems and it has a lot to do with our history of oppression, discrimination, poverty and other such things, but it also has something to do with us as a people. The Budget is mainly about plans and money. Before addressing these plans and the money, may I steal a moment to talk about us and our relationship to the Budget.

Discipline on the part of both teachers and learners has gone to the dogs and, of course, where there is no respect and order, there can be no credible teaching and learning. The greatest blame for this sad state of affairs must be laid at the feet of our teachers. Young people take their cue from and model their behaviour on what adults do or enforce. In black schools such as Mbilwi, Leshata, Reashoma and others where the teachers are disciplined, the learners are not only disciplined but they also produce good results in their examinations.

It seems that a lot of black teachers have adopted an attitude to do the minimum and many may have lost confidence in their own ability to teach. How else does one explain the fact that most black teachers send their own children away to be taught by white teachers elsewhere? Do we not believe that we can teach our own children? We give up and send them away to be taught by others somewhere else? That is unfortunate, because throughout the history of settler colonialism and racist oppression, blacks were portrayed as stupid, inferior and incompetent. Now we, ourselves, are reinforcing these same negative notions in our own children by telling them that black schools and black teachers are not good enough for them, that their own parents, uncles, aunts and neighbours who are qualified teachers are not good enough, and that a better education can only be imparted by white teachers. This is psychologically damaging to our children.

The tragedy is that it is all false. Some of us were taught by both black and white teachers at high school. Of course, there are different levels of competence among individual teachers, but not among the races. A teacher is a teacher is a teacher. There is therefore no good reason why black children should be carted out of the townships at four o’clock in the morning to attend schools elsewhere.

The problems of education are further compounded by the fact that not only the teachers, but also the entire black petit bourgeois class, which played a crucial leadership role in the black community during the struggle, has trekked from the ghettos. Those who still stay there tend to send their children away.

That means that the leadership skills and expertise that used to reside in the community is now rare. In this specific area of education, those skills would have been valuable in the school governing bodies, and the general thrust in improving schools and the education that they provide. This has occurred because the advent of democracy in our country has opened a lot of opportunities for the black petit bourgeois, that is most of us who are sitting in this House whose opportunities have been widened by the advent of democracy.

Unionism is a progressive thing. It is an essential element of both democracy and balanced economic activity, ensuring that different and important interest groups in society contend as fairly as possible. However, in education unionism is beginning to have a bad name. There is a notion that teacher unionism protects laziness, incompetence, irresponsibility and poor education.

There is a close relationship between crime and the dysfunctional education system. Teachers do not only provide knowledge and skills; they also give moral guidance and leadership to the youth under them. Schools that lack order, discipline and learning are a breeding ground for antisocial elements who grow up to fill the prisons. Unless society and teachers, working together, can restore the dignity, respect and image of teachers whose presence ``induces girls to cross their legs and boys to swallow cigarettes’’ to quote Minister Asmal, schools will not be institutions where responsible citizens are nurtured.

We may have all the money in the world to invest in education, but if the factors we have just discussed are absent, we will reap nothing. In fact, those schools that have little financial resources but have solved the problems of ill discipline, lack of performance and disrespect, have tended to produce good results. It follows that the combination of ample resources and human factors we have just alluded to are required to afford us quality education. We hope that the R272 million allocated to professional development in the current budget will go some way towards addressing these problems.

There are several worrying shortcomings in this budget. Firstly, the fact that only 1,2% of the education budget will go to infrastructural development, suggests that the backlog that was deliberately imposed by apartheid on black schools in the townships and villages cannot be tackled. It is now six years after the attainment of democracy, but an issue of gross inequality among the races such as the quality of classrooms we provide to our children is still with us. It also appears that through normal budgetary processes this matter can never be adequately addressed. It might therefore be prudent to consider redress in the provision of educational infrastructure as a special project and in this way create a special fund for it. A campaign could then be launched to raise the necessary funds for these goals.

Secondly, it is said that the rich still get a disproportionately larger slice of the budget than the poor. In fact, some observers believe that inequality in educational resources between the poor and the rich has grown since the advent of democracy. It is a matter to which the Ministry of Education might have to pay attention.

Thirdly, early childhood development and adult basic literacy remain the poorer cousins of all other components of our education in this country. They get close to nothing in the present budget. Again, this is a problem of the poor. It is they who could not get an education in their youth, and it is their children who cannot afford preprimary school fees for their toddlers. It is our duty as a society to invest in those two aspects of education so that we can create a better and productive population.

Fourthly, the decline in the allocation of funds to tertiary institutions means that black institutions in particular, which have been inching from one crisis to another, might just accelerate towards doom. It seems a strategy is required to save or convert these institutions into something more viable. As the education budget increases in nominal terms but declines in real terms year after year, the problems in education seem to be deepening. We wish the Minister and his department wisdom and strength, for education is very close to our hearts, and without a good education, we have no future. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, please pay attention to this education debate. No doubt it is educational for all of you. Some members are not bothered to listen to the education debate, having participated in it for the past 45 minutes. Please pay attention.

Dr J BENJAMIN: Chairperson, Deputy President, hon Minister, hon members, friends and comrades in the gallery, first of all, I want to tell Mr Ellis that contrary to what he thinks, the ANC Government has not failed in any education policy. Let me congratulate the national Department of Education, the Council on Higher Education, the stakeholders and the institutions for the tenacity with which they have implemented the transformation agenda in higher education.

Apartheid created higher institutions of learning which reproduced white privilege and black subordination. This system was fragmented and divided along racial and ethnic lines. These institutions reflected severe social inequalities in terms of race and gender in student access and success and in the composition of academic staff, with major inequities between historically white institutions and historically black institutions.

By the 1970s, resistance to apartheid education emerged at various black campuses, and philosophers became a threat to the state. Student leaders were banned, placed under house arrest and detained en masse. Many of those student leaders sit in this House today as members of the ANC. By the 1980s, black institutions had begun to address the questions of transforming apartheid institutions. Progressive organisations addressed questions of the transformation of apartheid education and began to develop the mandate on which the White Paper No 3 and the Higher Education Act of 1997 is based. However, between 1975 and 1990, many scholars and students died on campuses in the struggle against apartheid education. I salute Hector Peterson, Steve Biko and many others who pioneered and died in the struggle against apartheid education.

The department’s implementation plans have been published in order to build a rational and seamless higher education system that grasps the intellectual and professional challenges facing South Africans in the 21st century. Such a transformation agenda has considerable financial and human resource implications, and the pace of implementation and achievement of policy goals will be shaped by available resources.

This Budget has prioritised education. The higher education budget comprises about 94% of the transfer payments of R7 billion in 2000, R7,5 billion in 2001 and R7,8 billion in 2002 in the education budget, and R450 million is allocated to the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, representing an increase of 13%. A redress allocation of R30 million is included in the total allocation to universities and will be used to fund academic development programmes.

The Council on Higher Education has been established to advise the Minister on all aspects of higher education transformation, including the appropriate shape and size of the higher education system. In this regard, the task team is expected to report in June this year. According to the first report of the Council on Higher Education, a new higher education landscape is emerging in which the previous differences between institutional types are becoming blurred. Differences between institutions categorised as historically advantaged and disadvantaged, historically black and white, university and technikon, contact and distance, and Afrikaans and English medium are becoming eroded. These changes are both consequences of policy initiatives and political changes that have exposed South Africa to global trends and competition.

In spite of changes to the shape and size of higher education, some inequities remain. The proportion of female enrolment increased from 43% in 1993 to 52% in 1999. However, traditionally women students have been clustered in the humanities programmes and underrepresented in maths, engineering, business and science programmes. Further enquiry is therefore needed to ascertain whether gender equity is spread across all programmes.

Major changes are evident in the enrolment of African students, which decreased at historically black universities and Unisa, and increased at historically black technikons, Technikon South Africa, historically white Afrikaans universities and historically white English universities. This pattern indicates that the system is becoming representative of South Africa’s population. A possible sign of inequity, however, is that large proportions of African students are clustered in distance education programmes of historically white institutions, mostly in the humanities.

Ironically, the main beneficiary of expanded enrolment between 1995 and 1999 has been the historically white Afrikaans-medium universities, and, to a lesser extent, the historically white English-medium universities. Here one notes that the increase of black students at historically white Afrikaans-medium universities is 1 117%, moving from a very low base. I want to ask the hon Mulder whether he thinks that we could reverse this trend now by making Afrikaans universities once more exclusive only to Afrikaans speakers. [Interjections.]

On the other hand, the historically black universities, both individually and collectively, have experienced a sharp and severe decline in student enrolment. This has serious implications for their level of public funding, given the link between student numbers and state subsidies, and the efficient use of infrastructure and resources, which impacts on their organisational viability.

Research for the period 1996 to 1997 shows also that less than 10% of all research publications were produced by the 10 historically black universities, while more than 63% of publication outputs were produced by only five of the historically white universities, ie Cape Town, Pretoria, Witwatersrand, Natal and Stellenbosch. That means that the changes that are happening are happening at the level of access, but at the deeper level of research, of who is producing the research, of where the black students are and so on, a lot of work still needs to be done.

Also, academic staff composition is still strongly determined along racial lines within the historical categories of institutions. Lack of change in the race and gender profile of the higher education system’s academic staff bodies contrasts starkly with rapid changes in the composition of students over the past few years. This is most evident in the historically white institutions. Higher education institutions are currently a long way from meeting the provisions of the Employment Equity Act. Overall, in the three years since the adoption of the White Paper, considerable progress has been made with regard to the transformation agenda. There are some extremely positive trends, although much remains to be accomplished if higher education is to produce the knowledge and person power required to participate in a globally competitive society. [Applause.]

Prof L B G NDABANDABA: Mr Chairperson, His Excellency the Deputy President, hon members, the IFP education policy has already been ably explained by my colleague the hon Mr Mpontshane. I shall not repeat that.

In his Budget Speech, the hon the Minister of Finance stated the following:

This Budget makes a strong contribution to enhancing the growth and development potential of our economy.

The Education department has a big role to play in this regard and should, therefore, be supported in its initiatives. It is only right that Government spending on education should concentrate on those less favoured by circumstances or historical advantage.

Deep inequalities are still found in our education. We cannot, for example, compare the financial standing of the University of Zululand with that of UCT or Pretoria Tukkies. It is only through a sound education budget that the Education department’s strategic priorities for the next five years can be accomplished, in particular, the creation of a vibrant further education and training system, which will equip students to meet the social and economic needs of the 21st century.

The hon Minister of Education’s ambition of building an ideal higher education system that grasps the intellectual and professional challenges facing South Africans in the 21st century can only be realised by means of a healthy Education budget. This includes the fight against HIV/Aids. The hon Minister of Education’s initiatives in this regard are applauded. The core activities, viz research and policy review, planning and policy development, support and monitoring, will succeed only if sufficient funds are available.

The integration of colleges that offer higher education into the higher education system, is an equally important matter and should be supported financially. More financial resources should be spent on inputs such as text books and professional development of staff as well as the culture of learning. It is important for us to develop the culture of learning, as this will help us fight the culture of nonpayment at our universities.

Ayikho into etholakala mahhala emhlabeni. [Nothing is free in this world.]

The budget should, hopefully, promote the full-scale educational planning process, which will be in place in 2003. Such a plan is, of course, critical, to quote the Minister of Education, in ``reshaping the institutional landscape and programme direction of higher education’’.

The budget should fast-track the financing of important professions such as medicine and engineering. The Council on Higher Education and the Council on Higher Education Quality Committee, which is the education and training quality assurer for higher education, needs to be given further financial support, so that it can discharge its mandate.

The ambitious and forward-looking National Student Financial Aid Scheme is a further plus in the funding of higher education and will successfully address the so-called financial exclusions at our technikons and universities. It should, therefore, be given a further financial boost. The department needs financial resources to address the dwindling number of students in our universities. Such a state of affairs has bad consequences for the development of our country and our economy.

Umgomo we-IFP ngukuthi imfundo ephakeme ixhaswe ngokwanele ngezimali. Abafundi kufanele banikwe imifundaze eyanele eyobasiza ekutholeni imisebenzi. [Kwaphela isikhathi.] [The policy of the IFP is that higher education should be fully sponsored. Students should be given adequate bursaries so that at the end of the day they will be able to find jobs. [Time expired.]]

Mr R S NTULI: Mr Chairperson, the hon the Deputy President, hon Ministers and members, I would just like to preface my speech by responding to the constant criticism of the DP policy of ``Adopt a School’’. [Interjections.] We understand why there is so much political hysteria. It is because the agenda is to ring-fence the DP not to penetrate black areas. We are going to do that, because, in as much as the ANC has the right to campaign in Houghton, we also have the right to campaign in black areas. [Interjections.]

Having said that, the DP notes with alarm that the budget for education has only been increased by 1% in real terms, and this despite the pathetic backlogs and poor infrastructure in the majority of our schools. The national vision for education should put much emphasis on access for all to quality public education. The budget should reflect the main functions of the Department of Education, which are policy development, evaluation and monitoring, as well as assist in creating an enabling environment in the provinces.

For these functions to be effectively carried out, the following needs to be put in place. We need well-trained, sufficient, disciplined and motivated educators. The bare requirements to attain this are job security and fair remuneration law. We believe that the endless stress of downsizing and redeployment of teachers or the perennial feuds between the department and the unions do not help to enhance job security. Downsizing should be manageable. We must also ensure that we have adequate physical infrastructure as well as adequate access to learning material.

We also need to develop curricula which are coherent and relevant to the needs of the learners, broader society and the labour market. We would like to be optimistic, and therefore hope that we have such a curriculum in the form of Curriculum 2005. Without adequate training and support mechanisms, however, it might prove to be a disaster.

A few observations on the current implementation of Curriculum 2005 at foundation level may be relevant, too. These include the fact that the timeframes for implementation were too tight. This did not allow the teachers to make the necessary paradigm shift from the ways of delivering in the classroom with which they were familiar to an outcomes-based approach. The effects of this, inter alia, were that the educators did not have time to consider the effect of OBE in classroom practice, the extent of reorientation required by educators was grossly underestimated and training was inadequate. The cascade method which was adopted in order to speed up implementation did not make adequate provision for the training of teachers, and hence the development of support material was rushed. There are many other things I could mention.

We need to proceed cautiously and judiciously, dear Minister, in our curricular transformation.

An HON MEMBER: Dear Minister?

Mr R S NTULI: He is also my Minister. The future of our children is at stake. It is in this context that the DP welcomes the Minister’s appointment of a curricular review committee.

I would now like to say a few words on early childhood education. The DP believes that the funding of early childhood education is an integral and important part of the core responsibility of the state. Yet we note a progressive cut of more than 50% in this regard. Clearly, we need some explanations in this regard, because we believe that provision of early childhood education creates the necessary background for children to advance better at school. In conclusion, it is imperative that we learn from past experiences if we do not want our education system to slip again into such backlogs and serious obstacles. Specifically, we should not politicise the education system again. [Interjections.] The previous government virtually paralysed education for blacks by making it a significant facet of its political ideology. It is common knowledge that this resulted in many talented and dedicated teachers leaving the profession in large numbers in the mid 1950s, the 1970s and later. [Interjections.]

What is more pathetic is that the inhuman policies of Bantu education converted these centres of learning into political and psychological war zones, and the unintended consequence of the liberation struggle inevitably spilling into our schools was the breakdown of order and discipline and disregard for the authority of teachers. [Interjections.] The new Government also aggravated the position in many ways by using political correctness as an ultimate deciding factor in appointing some of these … [Time expired.] [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! I have to announce that, by agreement amongst the Whips, notices of motion were not taken at the start of proceedings today. Instead, they will be called for immediately after the debate on the Education Vote has been concluded. All members are urged to be back in the Chamber at 14:00, when business will be resumed.

Business suspended at 12:56 and resumed at 14:00.

                          Afternoon Sitting

Mr S D MONTSITSI: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, Minister of Education, hon members, comrades and friends, firstly I want to start by addressing the hon Mike Ellis, who is not here and who earlier indicated that the ANC and the IFP seemed to be having an unholy alliance in the National Assembly. He was actually saying that they are collaborating. We can pardon Mr Ellis … [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: Here I am!

Mr S D MONTSITSI: We can pardon Mr Ellis for his short memory, because if we still remember quite well, the Government of National Unity was formed in 1994. The IFP has never moved out of the Government of National Unity, and this also is the stipulation of the Constitution of our country. However, Mr Ellis seems to ignore the fact that the DP have a relationship with the New NP in the Western Cape. I am not quite sure why he is not open with that type of relationship because, indeed, it seems like a syndicate. [Interjections.]

Now, coming to Mr Gaum … [Interjections.] Okay, the hon Mr Gaum! He is very interested in making sure that we go back to the models. He is saying that parents must have choice in education, but the choice that he is referring to is that of the Model As, the Model Bs, the Model Cs and the Model Ds. Hon members will remember that these models are the same ones that we dismantled in the past.

Right now we only have two systems of education. We have the private system and the public system. The hon Mr Gaum wants to take us back. He obviously does not mind about the township schools. This causes one to wonder about what is actually happening within the New NP. What we have is a situation in which there seems to be emerging some opposing forces within the New NP, because some of the members of the New NP, when they stand at this podium, support the two systems of education, namely the private education system and the public education system.

It seems as if though there are those within the New NP who take one step forward and those who take three steps backwards. Those who take one step forward unfortunately do not continue. They wait for those who have taken three steps backwards. As a result the two never meet. [Laughter.]

I would like to inform Mr Green that we have discussed the issue of home schooling. When we discussed the South African Schools Act in 1996, he actually wanted the Government to fund the system and the teachers. He also wanted corporal punishment to take place in this system. He even, together with others in the Christian community, applied to the court in order to give them the right to mete out punishment to children in the home- schooling system. The court turned him down, but he continues, despite that, to clamour for the home-schooling system and to have it funded by the Government. That is quite unreasonable.

I will not waste time with our hon Mr Ntuli.

The HON MEMBER: You are not supposed to be responding.

Mr S D MONTSITSI: There are nations on the shores of Africa which over centuries arrogated themselves a paternal as well as a maternal role over our continent. During that period, Africa was regarded as a pot of gold. Years of plunder and pillage were the results. Our fields of gold were reduced to ruins, squalor and poverty. If a medical doctor were to diagnose this scenario, it would indeed be confirmed that due to lack of clean water, a balanced diet, warm clothes and shelter to ward off adverse weather conditions, the giant collapsed. Those of us who live in this era on the feet of Africa are fortunate. We can see and feel the feet twitching, moving and stretching. The giant is indeed awakening.

The process to bring about change and transformation in education commenced five years ago. The transition from apartheid to people’s education is going to take us a long time to achieve, given the extent to which Bantu education and colonialism destroyed our infrastructure and our resources. We wish to commend the Minister for launching a systematic and comprehensive overall programme which hinges on mass mobilisation to turn education around. This call for action is made to all of us, MPs, teachers, students, parents, the community, all education staff and all other South Africans who have the interests of our children at heart. Indeed, Tirisano is the strategic education plan for the implementation of the programmes which will gradually and systematically salvage our education system from sliding further into the abyss of darkness.

There are nine priorities which the Minister has identified. However, for the purpose of implementation, these priorities have been organised into five core programme areas, and these are: Firstly, the scourge of HIV/Aids that is prevalent in schools; secondly, the schools’ effectiveness and the teachers’ professionalism; thirdly, the unacceptably high levels of illiteracy amongst the youth and adults; fourthly, further education and training, including higher education; and fifthly, organisational effectiveness of the national and provincial dapartments of education.

These programmes will be implemented over the next five years. This mass movement towards the normalisation of schools, tertiary institutions and the Department of Education is not contradictory or far removed from the Colts campaign. On the contrary, Colts and Tirisano go together. Whilst Tirisano adopts a holistic approach to the education crisis, the Culture of Learning, Teaching and Service campaign, Colts, is more focused on the behavioural pattern and discipline of all educational stakeholders. Therefore, the two supplement each other.

In a school, institution or community where there is a culture of learning and teaching, it would be much easier to establish programmes of Tirisano. Our President says of an environment with a culture of learning and teaching - Comrade Kgwele has actually indicated this point - that the learners should learn, the teachers should teach, the managers should manage and the school governing bodies should govern.

A classic example in respect of the culture of learning and teaching is the one reported on by the Portfolio Committee on Education on their tour of KwaZulu-Natal. The report states in part that -

… there were some poverty-stricken rural schools which had good discipline, where teachers were actively teaching and students actively learning. There were no broken windows and vandalised furniture. Although the schools did not have enough text books, school governing bodies are encouraged to fundraise for learners’ teaching material. Many of these poor rural schools maintained a matric pass rate in excess of 60% through the positive attitude of the principals and teachers, and generally have neat and clean premises. There were also rural schools where principals had many complaints while doing very little themselves to improve the situation. Such schools were in a very sorry state.

Tirisano, therefore, is the game plan to rebuild the morale of teachers, parents, students and the surrounding communities. It is a philosophy that says, together we can do it, united we can do it. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Before I call on the next speaker, I would like to welcome the Fifa delegation, led by Mr Allan Rothenburg. You are very welcome to this Parliament, and to the country. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, thanks for the opportunity to sum up the debate. I want to thank all hon members, who have made spirited contributions to this debate. Taken as a whole, I think we have done duty as I invited them to.

We have started to grasp the notion that the education of the people of our country is not and should not be a partisan affair. In particular, education is not a field of public life where cheap shots by small-minded politicians are appropriate. I will reply to everyone of the submissions made and to the questions asked, either bilaterally or by meeting the political parties represented by the intervention, as I have done already with two or three.

The chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Education, Prof Mayatula, has set an excellent tone with his thoughtful, erudite and broad-ranging analysis of the budget and its implications. I congratulate him on taking his committee members on field visits so that they can see for themselves what is going on in the hinterland of our system. Benefits of first-time engagement with the grass roots are evident in his own contribution and that of several of his colleagues.

As hon members know, three years ago there were blood, sweat and tears in this debate. Three years ago there were constitutional contestations, with cases concerning education gone to the Constitutional Court. Now it is quite obvious that there has been consolidation. There is an emerging consensus, an emerging agreement, as to how we should handle education.

It is therefore a pity - and I have to say this because the hon member comes from an education background - that the hon Mike Ellis has displayed such pettiness in his remarks on the work that has been undertaken by the Mandela Government in the field of education transformation, for which my predecessor, Prof Bengu, had political responsibility.

I remember the days when the NP of old tried to drive a wedge between Prof Bengu and Dr Blade Nzimande, then chairperson of the Portfolio Committee of Education by personalising the issue. They failed then. I regret to say this, but the hon Mr Ellis fails today. What both the New NP and the DP have never understood, is the fact that the Ministers of both the first and second democratic Governments, since 1994, have not been carrying out personal agendas, but the policies of the democratic Government. I have contributed to those policies and I stand by them today.

The hon Mr Ellis tried to smear the 1994/1999 transformation programme as communist, socialist engineering.

Mr M J ELLIS: Telling it like it is!

The MINISTER: No, be careful.

As hon members know, there is a tokoloshe'' in our custom. [Laughter.] [Applause.] To keep thetokoloshe’’ out, we have to have recourse to betela'', is that not so? [Interjections.] Abetela’’ is something to keep the tokoloshe'' out. What can we get to keep thetokoloshe’’ of Mike Ellis out? [Interjections.] [Laughter.] [Applause.] What kind of rebarbitive remedy do we have to adopt to keep the hon Mr Ellis, with his very large communist under the bed, out of that bed and make them visible.

I think what we really have to talk about, is that this is our own democratic and constitutional policy and legal framework. I want to say to the hon Mr Ellis that he resolutely refuses to grow up as a political thinker and is content with lazy reliance on the old ``Rooi Gevaar’’ smear tactics of the old NP. It is a rather pitiful thing to do that. [Interjections.] The country has the right to expect more from the senior spokesperson of the official opposition, frankly.

In the same light the hon Mr Ntuli says we will assert our masculinity, we will go where we want in any school in South Africa''. He replied in the Sowetan. Identical letters were written to three other newspapers, but they were not written under his name. He replied in the Sowetan and I replied back to him to say:Look, we are going to draft rules for access to schools because of the latent violence in all our schools. The rules of access will lay down public representatives’ right to go there, inspectors’ right to go there, everybody’s right to go there under controlled conditions.’’

There is no right to adopt a school. I said that if the ANC, the IFP or Azapo tried to adopt a school, I would object to it. The adoption of a school presupposes a kind of reliance, to provide a kind of fatherly supervision of things. [Interjections.] No, seriously. At the same time he says: ``Keep partisan politics out of education.’’ We do not wish to make our schools centres of rebellion, centres of no-go areas, centres of fags. I think it is a cultural thing.

The hon Mr Ntuli’s party had their federal congress last week. They had a theme song which went as follows. Presumably the hon Mr Ntuli comes from this culture which says: You are the voice, show and understand it, make a noise and make it clear, awoo, awoo, awoo.'' [Applause.] [Laughter.]We are not going to sit in silence, we are not going to live in fear, awoo, awoo, awoo.’’ [Applause.] [Laughter.]

This comes from the rural vastness of somewhere near Empangeni, which is very much part of the ``volkland’’ tradition that the hon Mr Ntuli stands for. [Interjections.] We are talking about the culture of the schools we want to develop, and I do not think that we should, in fact, trivialise it by saying that it is going to be a party-political matter.

On professional discipline, Mr Ellis was on somewhat firmer ground in highlighting the need for greater professional discipline in schools. In saying so, he was echoing the sentiments of everyone with the interest in the system at heart, including the South African Council of Educators. But, given Mr Ellis’ narrow vision, all he could suggest to deal with the matter was that I should control the trade unions. At the same time, the AZAPO representative says that we should not have these constant battles between the unions and the Minister. Both of them are travesties. This represents a desperately thin, hackneyed response, a social malaise of immense depth and complexity which I dealt with quite fully in my opening speech.

If the DP expects to broaden its narrow electoral base by making a habit of union-bashing, they have another think coming. And let us be quite clear about this, Mr Ellis is wrong. There is no moratorium on visits by inspectors to schools. That neither was imposed by SADTU nor any other trade unions. This is part of an urban legend.

Let me make it quite clear. Inspectors go to schools without the authority of any trade union. They go there to carry out their legal obligation to the education community. Can I assert this, because I should not be deceitful before our Parliament. It is not only unparliamentary, but it is also impolitic to do so. There is no moratorium on school visits … [Interjections.] Mr M J ELLIS: You worry me, Kader.

The MINISTER: Do I worry you? That is something you have to deal with yourself. I cannot be responsible for that. [Laughter.]

Our approach is different. The organised teaching profession are our allies, our social partners in the work of renewal in our schools. Rightly so. Of course, we hold these organisations’ members to the highest ethical and professional standards. There should be no doubt about this. That is why I am introducing the South African Educators Bill in Parliament before June to fasten and strengthen the ethical and moral behaviour of teachers.

Our approaches are wide-ranging. We have set up systems to monitor attendance trends. We are preparing the way for the whole school review. This is a systematic way of doing it, without scapegoating anyone, as I said; and we are preparing regulations in collaboration with provincial authorities to ensure that there is no ambiguity whatsoever about the right of officials of the Education department to visit schools on official business. There is no question of no-go areas.

In the same way, I shall be publishing, within the next few days, the regulations imposing duties on principals during strike actions, because it is essential that there should be order in schools during strike action. I make the appeals, of course, as the unions know, but we want stability. For the next two or three years, we want stability in our schools. Labour relations must be engaged in and settled outside the school, without the schools being affected.

In the same way, I will deal with this whole question of how we treat excellence in schools. Mr Gaum mentioned and relied on a statement by Mr Bush jnr. You see, Mr Bush snr, once the President, was described as having voodoo economics. What we had today was largely voodoo educational policies. [Laughter.] You see, Mr Gaum wants us to celebrate excellence by saying that there must be special bonuses given to special excellence in schools. Well, a comrade here, from the ANC side, replied to that in passing by saying that to celebrate excellence, we must in fact have competition on equal terms. Of course, there is no competition on equal terms. I do not want to score the narrow political point that our inheritance is an awesome one, with enormous problems that attend to us today.

And let me say quite clearly to this House that to have competition, it must be fair competition; to have vouchers where children will go to school on the basis of vouchers of their choice, then we must have fair competition. One third of our schools do not have electricity. One third of our schools do not have running water. Nearly 50% of our schools have no sanitation. We are talking about competition, but the physical wherewithal for competition is not there. One third of our teachers are underqualified or unqualified, but this is the legacy that we have. So to have competition then, one cannot have one runner with both feet tied together, and I mean at the Olympic Games, not in soccer. [Laughter.] We cannot have runners with two feet tied together.

Seriously, we have to deal with the pathologies which we face. We have to do so on the basis of the recipes that hon Louis Luyt has raised. These are the kinds of recipes that we can deal with systematically in our country. But there is no partisan advantage in this. The school system which we inherited did not result in the ANC majority falling from 63% to 50% or so, as the Leader of the Opposition wants it to happen in the next election. Our majority went up and our people who voted for us were the very ones who confront daily, all the time, the problems of poor schooling. [Interjections.]

Can I therefore say to hon Mr Gaum that the incentives which we will give, are not the incentives of money, or preference, but the incentives we will give is a commitment that we would like to find new resources for school building and for in-service training. It is quite clear that we have to do so. It is quite clear that Government this year has shown this in the budget, which I will come to now.

However, before I do so, I must in fact refer to corporal punishment. It is very saddening that the ACDP, of all the parties here, persists in its full- on campaign to restore corporal punishment in our schools. There is no possibility that this Government and this Ministry will bring back the cane and the whip. It would be a kind of sadomasochism to bring back the cane, the whip and the ruler in our schools. Our task is to uphold human rights, not to encourage or legitimate their violation. So it is impossible to believe that an archaic and authoritarian form of discipline should persist in an era of democracy and the protection of human rights.

My department knows that for six months now I have been waiting very impatiently for them to produce a document that will give professional support to principals and teachers in handling disciplinary problems. The Council of Education Ministers has acknowledged that such a document would be extremely helpful. That is the way we should be talking. So we do not need a document merely because corporal punishment has been abolished. We need this document because discipline deals with responsibility, with rights, with relationships, with commitment, with determination to succeed, with consideration and with respect and, in fact, may provide the real basis of love in our schools.

I want to come to the national literacy campaign. Hon Mr Ellis was shooting in the wrong direction when he blamed alleged failures in our Abet programme on the national qualification framework. This is as illogical as blaming our failure to solve the problem of backlogs in school infrastructure on the existence of a matriculation examination. In other words, we have a problem in extending provision. Mr Ellis chooses to attack the new system of quality assurance. The job of the SA Qualification Authority in this area is to ensure that Abet programmes fulfil basic requirements of quality and that the standards on which qualifications are built allow for further progression. SAQA has fulfilled its obligations in this respect.

Now, of course I am concerned about the inadequacy of public funding for Abet, including the national literacy campaign, and I refer to my call-to- action document of last July. I made it clear at the time that public funds were insufficient for this purpose. That is why I lay such a great emphasis on partnerships and that is why the Business Trust, through the business fraternity, has come up trumps in this. In the same way, as far as the literacy campaign is concerned and the governing bodies, I must say to hon Mr Gaum that we have turned to international donor assistance, and the money will be forthcoming because they trust our Government. They believe in our Government and they know that we are doing the right things. Therefore, money is not everything. We may use it as an excuse to batter the Government or to attack the Government, but in fact public employers and others are under an obligation to provide functional literacy at places of work. We are therefore doing this in a comprehensive way.

We do not need a junior Minister. We now have a national director for the agency, a person of enormous intellectual acumen and with a good relationship with the whole of South Africa. He will set up the campaign and, in fact, we show seriousness by doing this. We will do so in the right way.

As far as the budgetary matters are concerned, several hon members have referred to the budget cut for Education in real terms. They are not referring to Vote 8, which is what we are discussing today. If we analyse the figures allocated to the national department for 2000-2001, it appears that there is a nominal increase of 6,5%. Depending on what figures one assumes for inflation in 2000-2001, it appears that the real value of education spending, particularly for the higher education budget, will be retained in this coming financial year.

I made it quite clear in my opening speech that, apart from conditional grants, the national Budget does not cover provincial allocations for education. These are decisions of provincial government legislatures over which neither I nor this House has any jurisdiction. In fact, the provincial legislatures have yet to begin their own budget debates. We must arm our MECs. But then, regarding the relationship with their own exchequers in the provinces, are they are able to obtain the sums of money to carry out the programmes they have?

As members know, provincial budget allocations are part of a block grant from the national revenue fund. The education component of equitable shares is a nominal amount largely based on demographic data. The education component is not a ring-fenced allocation for education but merely a means of ensuring that funds are available to provincial governments for their approximate needs.

I cannot take issue with Mr Gaum. I will engage with him about the dramatic conclusions from his reading of the provisional provincial education budget allocations. He is of the view that provincial departments will be shedding teaching jobs. Allow me to state the position as that hon member has done. The Government, not just the Minister of Education, is committed to achieve a better balance of personnel to nonpersonnel spending. The target for 2004 … [Interjections.] [Applause.] Thank you very much. I shall add half a minute to my time.

We must reduce personnel costs to 85% and 15% for nonpersonnel costs. Thus, we are not talking about reducing the number of teachers. Lay-offs of temporary teachers in excess will only occur where it is impossible to redeploy them. Of course, the equity redeployment process, as I have announced, will end in June this year. That redeployment was necessary to bring about equity as far as allocation of resources was concerned. It will end this year.

That is why we must bring back to the teaching profession, the younger and the more enthusiastic teachers. But, there will always be redeployment. Forty thousand teachers retire or die every year. There is constant movement and flux as far as teaching is concerned. Of course, I do not use the word redeployment. When I was a school teacher, I was appointed to a job and, regardless of my consent, I had to take the job.

Now we must work out a system where in fact we do not use fancy names like redeployment. But let us say that in fact we have an obligation, as public servants, to take up jobs consistent with family obligations, as I have mentioned - jobs to which we have been appointed. So the picture is highly dynamic. The rationalisation and redeployment process is now completed. I will therefore be able to announce further improvement in the terms and conditions of employment of teachers, particularly the negotiations that are taking place of payment by performance for teachers.

I end therefore by saying that the question of registration of private higher institutions and others will remain to be discussed bilaterally because it is enormously important as far as registration fees are concerned, which is also a point raised for universities. We shall do so.

Once again, I thank all those who contributed to this fascinating debate - those who came to praise and those who came to blame. May the winds of the debate continue to blow through the corridors of the education system. It needs and deserves the combined wisdom and energy of all hon members and their constituents. [Applause.]

Debate concluded. NOTICES OF MOTION

Dr R H DAVIES: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  the Paris Club of creditor nations meets today on the question
       of the Mozambican debt;


   (b)  Mozambique has been devastated by the worst floods in living
       memory, and that this devastation is a major setback to economic
       recovery;


   (c)  several countries, recognising this, have recently announced
       that they will cancel all or part of Mozambique's debt;


   (d)  South Africa cancelled Mozambique's debt to it some years ago;
       and
   (e)  the servicing of Mozambique's debt, estimated at US$8,3 billion
       in 1998, was already an intolerable burden before the floods;
       and

(2) calls on the Paris Club to take a bold step to relieve Mozambique of its debt and thereby contribute to creating conditions for recovery in that country.

[Applause.]

Mnr T D LEE: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die DP sal voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

(1) kennis neem dat -

   (a)  die Nuwe NP in die Oos-Kaap verbind is tot groter samewerking
       met die ANC, wat konstruktiewe betrokkenheid met die regerende
       party insluit;


   (b)  die Nuwe NP beweer daar is nie werklike ideologiese verskille
       tussen die Nuwe NP en die ANC nie;
   (c)  sowel die Nuwe NP as die ANC die Nuwe NP-kongres gebruik het om
       die DP aan te val; en


   (d)  die Nuwe NP die moontlikheid van gesprekke met die DP oor
       opposisiesamewerking as 'n mors van tyd verwerp het;

(2) besef dat ‘n knievallende, onderdanige opposisie ‘n resep vir mislukking in Suid-Afrika is; en

(3) aan die DP die eer gee vir sy bereidheid om, indien nodig, alleen weerstand te bied teen die magshonger van die ANC en die gevolglike traak-my-nie-agtige benadering teenoor die armes en werkloses van Suid-Afrika.

[Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Mr T D LEE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  the New NP in the Eastern Cape is committed to greater co-
       operation with the ANC, which includes constructive involvement
       with the governing party;

   (b)  the New NP claims that there are no truly ideological
       differences between the New NP and the ANC;

   (c)  both the New NP and the ANC used the New NP's congress to attack
       the DP; and


   (d)  the New NP has dismissed possible talks with the DP on
       opposition co-operation as a waste of time;

(2) realises that a kowtowing, submissive opposition is a recipe for failure in South Africa; and

(3) gives the DP credit for its readiness, if necessary, to stand alone against the power-hungry ANC and the resultant could-not-care-less attitude in respect of the poor and the unemployed. [Interjections.] [Applause.]]

Mr M A MZIZI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) notes with concern that crime is ever prevalent in Hillbrow, which has recently become the crime capital of South Africa;

(2) commends Home Affairs and SAPS officials on their efforts to weed out crime in that area and to fight it visibly;

(3) pleads with communities to co-operate with such efforts and to give the project their full support;

(4) iyaqaphela ukuthi ngalokhu asihlosanga ukuhlukumeza abafikayo kuleli zwe lethu, kodwa esikuhlosile ngukulwisa inkohlakalo eyenza kubonakale iHillbrow sengathi yindawo nje impela engasenakungcebeleka; nokuthi (5) ikhuthaza aboMnyango waseKhaya kanye nowamaphoyisa kababa uSteve lapha ngaphesheya.

[Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[[(4) notes that by this we do not mean to discriminate against aliens in this country, but that our aim is to fight the corruption which has turned Hillbrow into a place where there is no joy; and

(5) wishes to encourage the Department of Home Affairs and the police of Mr Steve Tshwete.]

Ms M A MOLEBATSI: Madam Speaker, I give notice that at the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that yesterday’s crime blitz in Hillbrow resulted in the arrest of hundreds of suspected criminals, the seizure of illegal firearms, the confiscation of drugs and the recovery of counterfeit money; (2) recognises that the Government and the SA Police Service are serious in their efforts to curb crime;

(3) acknowledges that the blitz in Hillbrow and other parts of the country can be described as victories in the fight against crime;

(4) commends the Minister of Safety and Security and the SAPS for their efforts to make our streets safer; and

(5) calls on all law-abiding South Africans to assist the police in sending a message that crime is no longer welcome in our country.

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the New NP:

That the House -

(1) acknowledges the constructive role played by opposition parties in order to strengthen multiparty democracy on the continent of Africa;

(2) recognises the need for opposition parties to participate in multilateral forums such as SADC and the OAU; and

(3) welcomes opposition leaders of 13 African countries attending a conference of the Democrat Union of Africa, an associated member of the International Democrat Union, currently being held in Cape Town and hosted by the New NP.

[Interjections.] [Time expired.]

Mr M N RAMODIKE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that at the next sitting of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House -

(1) notes with grave concern that thousands of commuters in the Northern Province are faced with serious transport problems;

(2) notes with dismay and disappointment that most of the previously state-subsidised bus companies are virtually bankrupt and are now on the verge of closing shop;

(3) notes that the few buses that are still operational on public roads are not roadworthy and pose a big danger to commuters; and

(4) calls on Government to apply the same policy of recapitalisation of the taxi industry to the bus industry, as a matter of urgency.

Mr A M MAZIYA: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) noting that the South African Government has taken the initiative to introduce tougher gun control measures;

(2) recognising that the Government has adopted positive measures to deal effectively with unemployment and crime; and (3) acknowledging that crime has a negative impact on the daily lives of millions of our fellow South Africans, the youth in particular, and that it has a negative impact on economic growth;

(4) commends the youth of Soweto for courageously taking the lead in the fight against crime; and

(5) calls on people throughout our country to hand in any illegal firearms and to work with the police in making South Africa a safer place for all.

[Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that at the next sitting of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes that the Constitution requires that legislation envisaged in sections 9(4), 32(2) and 33(3) of the Constitution be enacted within three years of the date on which the Constitution took effect, 4 February 1997; (2) notes that in order to give effect to those provisions of the Constitution, Parliament, just before the expiry of the three-year period passed the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Bill, the Promotion of Access to Information Bill and the Promotion of Administrative Justice Bill;

(3) notes that the President has assented to these Bills in terms of section 79 of the Constitution and that the relevant Acts of Parliament have been published;

(4) notes that each of these Acts contains a provision to the effect that it will take effect on a date to be fixed by the President; and

(5) calls on President Thabo Mbeki to ensure that these Acts are put into operation as a matter of urgency and …

[Time expired.]

Genl C L VILJOEN: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die VF sal voorstel: Dat die Huis -

(1) kennis neem van die onsteltenis van President Mbeki, soos vandag berig is, omdat ‘n boer in die Ermelo-omgewing geweier het dat ‘n swart persoon op sy plaas begrawe word;

(2) verder kennis neem -

   (a)  van die omstandighede van die weiering, naamlik dat die
       oorledene nie op die plaas woonagtig was nie, maar op die dorp
       waar daar wel 'n begraafplaas is;


   (b)  dat die rede waarom die familie versoek het dat die begrafnis op
       die plaas moes wees, aangegee is as sou die voorvadergeeste dit
       so aangedui het;


   (c)  dat die boer deur 'n appèluitspraak, waarvan die koste R102 000
       beloop het, 'n hofbeslissing daarteen verkry het; en


   (d)  dat die familie ondanks dit alles nog probeer het om die
       begrafnis op die plaas te hou, welke aksie dit nodig gemaak het
       om die polisie en van die kommandolede te gebruik om die
       hofbeslissing te handhaaf; en

(3) ‘n beroep op President Mbeki doen om versigtig te wees om nie gemoedere op te sweep nie. (Translation of Afrikaans Notice of motion follows.)

[Gen C L VILJOEN: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the FF:

That the House -

(1) notes the dismay of President Mbeki, as reported today, because a farmer in the Ermelo district refused to allow a black person to be buried on his farm;

(2) further notes -

   (a)  the circumstances surrounding the refusal, namely that the
       deceased was not resident on the farm, but in the town, which
       has a cemetery;

   (b)  that the reason for the family's request that the funeral be on
       the farm was given as being a specification from ancestral
       spirits;

   (c)  that the farmer obtained a court ruling against this by way of
       an appeal verdict, which cost R102 000; and

   (d)  that, despite all this, the family still attempted to have the
       funeral on the farm, which made it necessary to utilise the
       police and some members of the commando to uphold the court
       ruling; and

(3) appeals to President Mbeki to be careful not to incite emotions.]

Miss N B SIGABI: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) recognises that the national lottery is a monopoly which has affected the ability of many worthy causes to raise desperately needed funds;

(2) calls on the Government to name the worthy causes that will qualify to receive 30% of the lottery’s revenue; and

(3) further calls on the Government to ensure that there is complete transparency in how the money raised by the lottery is spent, including how much is spent on - (a) salaries and payments to members of the company which runs the lottery;

   (b)  administration costs;


   (c)  marketing; and


   (d)  any other specified costs.

[Interjections.] [Applause.]

Dr R RABINOWITZ: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move: That the House -

(1) recognises the sterling work done by the Parkview community police forum in reducing crime in that neighbourhood, particularly in view of the Government’s repeated calls on communities to become partners in combating crime;

(2) notes that people work best when offered incentives and programmes work best when there is accountability; and

(3) calls on the Minister of Safety and Security to -

   (a)  reinstate the programme operated by the Parkview community
       police forum whereby residents pay reservists to be bobbies on
       the beat;


   (b)  promote such initiatives throughout the country; and


   (c)  demonstrate his commitment to community participation in
       combating crime in every way possible. Ms C C SEPTEMBER: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that 50 white families have been welcomed into the informal community in Borchards in the Southern Cape;

(2) recognises that the admission of white children into the local former DET school is an historical event;

(3) believes that such a community spirit is a shining example of ubuntu, the spirit on which the future of our country depends; and

(4) commends the people of Borchards in the Southern Cape for their humanity to welcome others who are facing adversity, setting aside divisions of race and culture.

[Applause.]

Mrs S M CAMERER: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes with horror and disgust that charges against six alleged rapists, among them a man accused of raping an 11-year old girl and an alleged murderer, were withdrawn last week in the Northern Cape because of the failure of the justice system to provide them timeously with legal aid-funded legal representation;

(2) notes that the reason for the withdrawal of legal representation in most of these cases was apparently the sudden reduction by the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development of legal aid fees;

(3) further notes that this action by the courts has outraged communities and reflects no credit on our criminal justice system; and

(4) calls on the National Director of Public Prosecutions to look into these cases and on the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development to start an urgent departmental probe into the consequences, countrywide, of the sudden reduction in legal aid fees.

Miss O N MNDENDE: Madam Speaker, I give notice that at the next sitting of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House -

(1) notes the recent incident in which Mrs Zoleka Dlodlo Maqungo of Umhlombo Wenene, formerly Radio Xhosa, was gunned down in the early morning, in front of her children, by her husband, who later shot himself, leaving the defenceless orphans traumatised for life;

(2) expresses its concern at the escalating rate of murders of wives by their husbands; and

(3) calls on Government immediately to address this shocking situation with a co-ordinated strategy which gives special attention to the inability of certain men to cope with their own frustrations and sense of failure.

                    DISASTER RELIEF IN MOZAMBIQUE

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes the positive contributions of the SANDF, the international community, business, the media and many other people of the world to the disaster relief operations in flood-ravaged Mozambique;

(2) hopes that the international community and relief agencies will continue in their efforts to ensure the long-term, sustainable socio- economic rebuilding of Mozambique;

(3) pays homage to all those who continue to play a role in helping the flood victims to secure some measure of stability and social rehabilitation;

(4) honours all the personnel of the SANDF who came to the aid of the victims who were left homeless, destitute and in dire straits; and

(5) identifies and invites all those individuals, especially Air Force pilots and crews who played an extremely courageous and noble role in saving thousands of babies, women and children to visit Parliament and receive our commendation.

Agreed to.

               VISIT BY FIFA TECHNICAL ASSESSMENT TEAM

                         (Draft Resolution)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes that the FIFA Technical Inspection Delegation, led by Mr Allan Rothenburg, is in South Africa to assess the country’s preparedness to host the prestigious Soccer World Cup in 2006; (2) recognises that a successful bid would signify an important advancement of the noble objectives of the African Renaissance;

(3) acknowledges the high standards of South African and African soccer, as well as the large number of Africans who are competing at international levels and that our soccer arenas are among some of the best in the world; and

(4) appeals to Mr Rothenburg and his team to strongly recommend to FIFA that South Africa be considered to host the World Cup 2006 on behalf of and for Africa.

[Applause.]

Agreed to.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 29 - Sport and Recreation:

The MINISTER OF SPORT AND RECREATION: Madam Speaker, hon Deputy President, colleagues, it is indeed an honour for me to address this august House in this my maiden budget speech at the end, almost, of my first year in office. I would like to reflect on what has been a very busy year in the Ministry and in the Department of Sport and Recreation. I would also like to give hon members some insight into the path ahead that I am contemplating for my area of responsibility.

The year 2000, as hon members are aware, is a watershed year for Sport and Recreation in South Africa, given the fact that the SA Sports Commission and the new, smaller organisational component for Sport and Recreation will assume their full-scale operations on 1 April. This represents a new dawn for Sport and Recreation that will, I am very confident, take the institution to new heights in our country. I shall return to this matter a little later on.

Allow me, first of all, to contextualise my approach to Sport and Recreation for my term of office. Hon members are aware of the approach of the Government of integrating its initiatives in striving to improve the quality of life for all South Africans. It is envisaged that by combining or integrating the efforts of various Government departments, we shall be able to make a greater impact on the lives of all.

Sport and recreation form part of the social and international relations, as well as of the governance and administration sectors. It is my intention to take sport and recreation to the centre stage of these domains. It is my view that sport and recreation have been trivialised, or have been considered to be a luxury, for too long. As a global phenomenon, sport has a significant impact on many spheres of social life, including the economy. Indeed, regarding the latter, I am proud to announce that the latest research shows that the contribution of sport and recreation to the GDP has increased from 1,9% in 1997 to 2% in 1999. It is estimated that it is worth R15 million. If capital expenditure is included, the contribution rises to R16 million or 2,1% of the GDP.

Sport and recreation provide employment for some 34 000 full-time and 6 000 part-time workers, as well as about 8 000 volunteers. We therefore sideline sport and recreation at our own peril. Sport has always been something of a stepchild, when it comes to the allocation of Government resources. We, however, understand why that has been, and still is, the case, for there are very many other areas that require Government’s urgent and immediate attention. Government, however, has been, and always will be, committed to ensuring access to sport and recreation for all South Africans and to create opportunities and eliminate backlogs in this regard in the disadvantaged sectors of our society. Impediments to such access are some of the legacies of apartheid and I shall strive tirelessly to eliminate them.

I am nevertheless dissatisfied with the budgetary allocation for Sport and Recreation. I am looking at the Minister of Safety and Security, and he is smiling at me because he knows what I am talking about. Our baseline allocation for the 2000-2001 financial year of R54 million constitutes 0,025% of the national Budget, and translates, from a national perspective, into a per capita annual expenditure of approximately R1,20. This can never be satisfactory. I shall continue to fight for a bigger piece of the cake and, believe me, we shall get it.

I believe that the merits of our case will in turn be based on the impact or the outputs of our endeavours on broader Government objectives that we strive to contribute to. We tend to pay lip service to the potential of sport and recreation to contribute to nation-building and the like. We shall, however, have to invest more substantially in the institution, if we are to realise such benefits.

We shall, however, not adopt a crybaby approach because of our budgetary allocation. Rather, we shall strive to unlock the additional resources required to meet the needs of sport and recreation ourselves. The fact that we are one of the five good causes that will benefit from the national lottery will go some way towards achieving that end. Moreover, the SA Sports Commission was also created with the aim of securing additional resources for sport and recreation to try to eliminate the shortfall. The White Paper on Sport and Recreation that was produced in 1998 is as relevant today as it was when it was launched.

While we are in the process of considering the next cycle, we are confident that this policy document will run the full course of the five-year life for which it was intended. My confidence is based on the consistently close relation between the priorities of Government today and those identified in our White Paper.

The social sector constitutes our core cluster in Government. We are committed to utilising the medium of sport and recreation to contribute to the establishment of a humane, caring, deracialised and nonsexist society. We shall therefore participate vigorously in the joint effort to, firstly, alleviate poverty; secondly, provide a safety net by targeting the most vulnerable in our society; and, thirdly, eliminate all forms of discrimination against women.

I have requested our Women in Sports programme to redirect their energies to ensuring that more women participate in sport and recreation, and that the level of their performance is raised at the same time. We are in the process of amending legislation that prohibits women from participating in certain sporting codes, so as to ensure that we are in sync with the Constitution of our country. [Applause.] I am referring, of course, to women’s involvement in boxing. Our Constitution is described as a model all over the world. If we fail to respect its provisions, however, we will render the supreme law of the country meaningless.

While speaking about the Constitution, I would like to warn sports administrators - and we have a lot of them - athletes and participants sitting in the gallery, that no constitution of any international sports organisation, including that of the International Olympic Committee, is above the supreme law of this country. [Applause.] I will definitely come back to this, because at the moment there are burning issues, that concern Athletics South Africa, hockey and the Gymnastics Federation of South Africa.

Fourthly, we will take immediate steps to look at the impact and slow down the rate of the spread of HIV/Aids within our country. Sport provides a captive audience for spreading messages about the dangers of HIV/Aids and for educating people to ensure that the spread of the pandemic is contained. Moreover, the status of role models in sport among the youth of our country provides us with a strong vehicle for getting that message across. We have been actively involved in the interdepartmental HIV/Aids forum and we will continue to do so.

We have drafted and revised our position statements on HIV/Aids and sport, and we have spread the message throughout Africa in this regard, through the recent All Africa Games that were held in Johannesburg, where we drove a very successful campaign amongst participating athletes. We regularly advise athletes who compete internally and abroad about the dangers of the disease and about appropriate preventative measures to avoid contamination.

Fifthly, with regard to integrated rural development and urban renewal strategies, our involvement in the creation of physical infrastructure and the provision of programmes both in the rural areas and inner cities is manifold. Our facility-creation project, addressed by means of RDP funds, was biased towards the rural areas. Sadly, however, this project has come to an end because funds have dried up. We are, however, proud of having built nine multipurpose indoor sports facilities and more than 300 multipurpose outdoor sports facilities across the country with the funds that were put at our disposal. This is one domain, however, in which we shall strive to find additional resources, as our project has only made a slight dent in the huge backlog that exists for sports and recreation facilities, especially in disadvantaged areas.

Our problem with regard to facilities in South Africa is not about how many facilities we have or the quality thereof, but rather about the distribution of these facilities. Provision is skewed to the urban advantaged and predominantly white areas. We are in the process of developing a national facility plan aimed at ensuring that the right facilities are built in the right places at the right time. It is also intended to ensure that the general community makes the numerous facilities that lie dormant for large parts of the day available for use. I am thinking here of school facilities, private clubs, facilities at military bases and the like.

We have dedicated programmes for establishing sustainable sport and recreation facilities in the rural areas, and a new project we have is aimed at rekindling indigenous sport. That programme is bound to promote increased participation and contribute to the restoration of the dignity of our people by reviving elements of culture that have been denigrated and, in many instances, crushed. We are targeting the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu- Natal and the Northern Province for pilot projects in this regard. To this effect, we have employed a person at director level to co-ordinate this. Indigenous sport is also very close to our President’s heart.

We are also looking at human resource development. We are committed to the development of the human resource base within my department and Ministry in order to ensure high levels of service delivery to all our clients. We will strive to invest in the development of those responsible for delivery at grass-roots level through the provision of training and refresher courses that will not only equip people to serve communities better, but will also equip them in such a way that their acquired skills are transferable to other domains, thereby increasing their employability rating.

We are also in the process of establishing a standards generating body, or SGB, that will relate to the SA Qualifications Authority’s National Qualifications Framework. This will provide national recognition for certification in the various fields of sport, including sports medicine, fitness, coaching, officiating, management and administration, outdoor recreation and adventure, and so forth.

We are also participating actively in the tourism and hospitality sector education and training authority in order to ensure that we derive the maximum benefit from opportunities that will be generated from this initiative. Of course, human resource development in sport and recreation does not relate to deliverers only. On the contrary, the beneficiaries benefit from their inputs and the athletes and participants develop themselves. We constantly strive towards the development of talent amongst our youth so that they can also have access to the huge economic benefits that can be derived from direct and indirect participation in sport. Our projects, in this regard, include, amongst others, the talent identification programmes of Sisa.

Our life skills programmes for athletes who excel in their sport strive to prepare them for the economic, social and other rigours that go along with the exposure to top-class international competition, and the high performance programme prepares our athletes physically, emotionally, nutritionally and otherwise for high level participation and numerous other development programmes. Once again, in all these programmes, our focus is biased towards vulnerable groups.

We would like to contribute also towards combating corruption. We believe that participation in sport, in whatever capacity, can contribute towards combating corruption. The demands that we place upon our national federations in terms of having to account for the public funds that we entrust to them provide ample evidence in this regard. While in many instances we are not even speaking about the misappropriation of funds, we regard deviations from contractual agreements in a serious light. I have not and will not, in future, hesitate to take action against individuals and federations that do not live up to public expectations in terms of the tasks that have been entrusted to them. We shall be doing more regular performance audits on our clients in future. Our clients, in this instance, are national federations. To date, I have already intervened in the unsatisfactory state of affairs in boxing, soccer and Sanrec during my short spell as Minister of Sport and Recreation, and we will do so in any sport where corruption or maladministration may rear its ugly head in future. I am not apologising for this to anybody.

We also want to strengthen social partnerships and community participation within sport. We are also looking at regional integration through the institutions of SADC as a platform for launching the African renaissance. Members will agree with me, I am sure, that the hosting of the 7th All Africa Games in September last year was a highlight of our sporting calendar and provided a launch pad, from a sporting perspective, for the African renaissance. The fact that it was the biggest All Africa Games, with 52 countries and a total of more than 6 000 athletes competing in some 21 different sports, provides ample proof of our reacceptance into the African family of nations. The quality of the event, from an organisational perspective, as well as the performances of our athletes, proved unequivocally that the African renaissance can indeed be realised.

Our membership of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa, Zone Six, the technical arm for sport of SADC, reflects our commitment to the region. Indeed, we have been requested by the SADC countries to assist them with hospitality facilities at the Sydney Olympic Games this year. I am considering this request. Moreover, our presidency of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa has provided us with the unique vantage point from which to drive the African renaissance, from a sports perspective, on the continent.

We have also been combating racism and addressed the question of representivity in sport. Last year my department held a conference to address the question of racism in sport. I was saddened by the realisation that where sport was once at the forefront of transformation and integration in our society, we have fallen behind in this regard. At the conference we developed a charter on no racism in sport that will be observed by the entire sports fraternity of this country. I hope to include the question of racism in sport in the national and international conferences on racism that are being planned for South Africa later this year.

On the question of the representivity of our sports teams, I have made my position absolutely clear. Our national representative teams will be chosen strictly on merit. I will, however, keep a close watch on developments in this regard, and trust that the federations will ensure that the best teams are indeed selected. The national federations are acutely aware that the country is keeping them responsible for ensuring that our teams are competitive internationally. However, at the same time, they should continually strive to ensure that they reflect the demographics of the South African society. This representivity and transformation within sport is non-negotiable. At the levels below the national representative teams, we will actively create opportunities for players from disadvantaged backgrounds to gain access to elite participation.

I am happy to announce that in the several meetings that I have held with major sports federations, I have received unanimous support in this regard. Indeed, national federations have signed performance agreements, or performance contracts, with me in which they undertake to make teams as representative as possible. I shall hold them to these contracts, and measure the extent to which they realise their targets within one year.

One of the priorities in the area of international co-operation concerns the marketing of South Africa globally. Given its pervasive nature, as well as the prominence of our sports teams in the international arenas of the world, sport provides us with one of the most unique opportunities for marketing our country abroad. Our sportspeople have over the years been our best ambassadors, and we shall strive to use that medium to expand the country’s profile.

Our bid to host the 2006 World Cup in soccer provides another opportunity to turn the eyes of the world on South Africa, as members have seen. We are happy to announce that the Government of President Mbeki is fully supportive of the bid, and that we hope for a positive outcome to the process. [Applause.] We wish the bid company well in its endeavours to secure this prestigious competition for South Africa, and we wish to place on record our sincere appreciation for their efforts thus far.

Our success in hosting major sporting events, such as the 1995 Rugby World Cup, the 1996 Africa Cup of Nations and the Seventh All Africa Games, confirms, unequivocally, our capacity to host sporting events of this magnitude. Here I also wish to thank the members, the colleagues, Cabinet members and all sports-loving people of this country, who today have shown where their passion lies with this particular World Cup bid. [Applause.] I think we will have quite a good team coming out of Parliament - a mixed team of both ladies and gentlemen, with Shenge as the captain. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

An HON MEMBER: Laduma! [Goal!]

The MINISTER: Allow me to focus on a number of sport-related issues that have arisen during my brief spell as Minister, and which I shall continue to deal with during the coming year. The House will recall that we have had to intervene in certain federations that were experiencing crises in one form or another. These include the SA National Boxing Control Commission and the SA Football Association as well as the professional league.

I am happy to announce that the boxing commission has appointed a committee to investigate the alleged misconduct of the CEO of the SANBCC, and the soccer authorities have provided me with a comprehensive report on their activities, in respect of the various matters that I raised with them during our several meetings. I am presently in contact with them to clarify some of the issues raised in the report, and I am very confident that the matter will be concluded very shortly.

In the same breath, I also should mention that the issue of the under-23s, Amaglug-glug, is also an issue that we are busy discussing, and I am hoping that by the time the team goes to Guinea, it will be a full strength team. [Applause.] I must stress, however, that we will strive to clean up sport, where there is corruption and where administrators have built their individual fiefdoms. If a particular sport does not move or budge, we will use all our persuasive powers to make them move. As a very handsome Minister, I will just smile at them and they will move. With regard to the SANBCC, boxing, we will host a one-day indaba this coming Friday. That should set that structure on a course that will see the sport returned to its previous, pre- eminent status. At that meeting, we will discuss the draft boxing control Bill, that I shall be introducing to Parliament later this year. The new Bill will replace the existing Act that was first introduced in 1954 - older even than some of the people here in Parliament.

Various internal problems that have affected unity within certain federations, and that I have managed to deal with, have emerged. These include life-saving and karate. I have also been in intense discussions with the National Olympic Committee of South Africa, Nocsa, with regard to our representation at the Olympic Games in Sydney later this year. I am very happy to announce that we have made substantial progress in this regard as well, and that a full team, Team South Africa, will be announced very soon.

At the risk of being repetitive, let me confirm that we stand a very good chance of winning the soccer bid for 2006.[Applause.] The report that we got from Robben Island just now is a glowing report of what has happened during the past five days in South Africa, and that seems to be very good for us. I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate, as I did, the CEO of the bid company, Mr Danny Jordaan, on the excellent work that he has done in putting South Africa’s case to the world. [Applause.] We, therefore, look forward to a positive outcome on 6 July.

On the question of physical education and sport, I am happy to announce that he minister of Education, Kader Asmal, and I have made considerable progress with regard to the issue of physical education and sport in our schools. We are committed ensuring that these activities are restored to their rightful places in the programme of all schools in South Africa. I am convinced that, for pupils from disadvantaged communities, physical education and school sport provide the one certain opportunity in their lives to gain access to sport and recreation.

We are planning a joint summit on physical education and school sport in June this year that will chart the course ahead. We shall be meeting with the representatives of teachers unions to get their buy-ion and commitment to the process. I call upon teachers to do their utmost to ensure that this initiative succeeds. It is in the interests of our youth and our country. It is no accident, I believe, that schools with an established culture of learning are also those schools with an established sporting culture. We have agreed to place competitive school sport and school leagues under the Department of Sport and Recreation, provincially and nationally. The curricular side of sport will be under provincial and national education.

As far as sport broadcasting is concerned, we often refer very glibly to the potential of sport to build the nation. If sport can in fact fulfil such a role - I believe that it can - then it is imperative that everybody should have access to at least those matches in which our national teams participate. Unfortunately, the recent trend has been for the pay TV channels in South Africa to acquire exclusive rights for broadcasting matches involving the national teams in certain sports. The majority of the people in our country are therefore excluded from seeing our teams play as they do not own decoders or satellite dishes. This is totally unacceptable. [Interjections.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Ms N R BHENGU: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, Ministers and hon members, the time for Africa to host the Soccer World Cup could not have been earlier than when the whole African continent was free from colonialism. [Applause.] The time for Africa can no longer be delayed. The lives of our youth who may perhaps have participated in sport and recreation, like their counterparts the world over, were cut short by apartheid-sponsored political violence. We are specifically referring here to the Solomon Mahlangus, Hector Petersens, Portia Ndwandwes and scores of our youth who might have participated in the favourite pastime. Yet others who are already making an imprint in their sports discipline, such as the respected Kaizer Chief captain, Pro Khongoane, had their lives made by apartheid state violence. Others, under threat of violence, harassment and detention, were forced to leave their homes and live as refugees in foreign lands. Yet others, such as Jomo Sono, Kaizer Motaung and Sugar Ray Xulu, to mention just a few, who might have been giants on the world stage, never had that opportunity.

It is to these that the world has an obligation. They must not fade from our memories. We dare not fail them. They should honour them by giving the World Cup to South Africa. [Applause.] The Fifa delegation has seen what South Africa can offer.

Babheme bakholwa kubhuquzisana ezikamagebhula neSundowns eKings Park ngeSonto, ebigcwele ichichima ingangoZulu eya emakheni. [They were satisfied with the match between Orlando Pirates and Sundowns at Kings Park Stadium, which was full on Sunday.]

If there were doubts about our people’s passion for soccer, those have been laid to rest. Our people love the game. The whole nation supports the Year 2006 Cup Bid. Our objective is to transform sport, which was structured along racial lines both at administrative and player levels. We have specific objectives of making facilities accessible to all, including the rural communities and the disabled people.

We also have the objective of making all sports codes accessible to all people, including women and the disabled of South Africa. We need to facilitate development programmes that will result in a wide pool from which we can select players to represent us in all sports codes. We also need to facilitate representivity in our national teams to reflect the true demographics of our country.

The ANC was voted into power mainly by the disadvantaged masses of our country as the only party that can provide them with a better life. The budget we are debating today is a commitment by the Government to the masses of South Africa for a better life. Sport is designed to make people feel happy and interact as equal counterparts, yet it so happened in South Africa that sport was structured along the racial divide. Sport should be seen as a vehicle for unity.

The Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation has undertaken two provincial study tours this year, one to the Free State and the other to the Eastern Cape. In the Eastern Cape we were exposed to the uneven level of facilities. The facilities of the coloured community are of a better quality and standard. Mdantsane has facilities of an inferior quality and standard. Facilities in the rural areas of Tsolo, Ngqeleni and Idutywa are also different from those of Mdantsane township. At Qwaqwa in the Free State, there are 230 schools, but only three have school facilities. This indicates that there was an uneven level of delivery by the previous government. This budget seeks to address these imbalances.

The Government is correct in adopting the ANC policy of making facilities accessible to all South Africans, regardless of their race, colour or creed. The Government is committed to providing facilities with a specific focus on the previously disadvantaged communities, as a way of bringing them to the level of other groupings. However, we want to mention the fact that the budget for sport has never been enough. We would urge the Government to seriously look at this and consider increasing the budget to meet the needs on the ground.

Ndithi mandibulele koomama nootata baseDebe Nek eMpuma Koloni. Inkundla yezemidlalo eyakhelwa abantu bala lali icoceke ngeyona ndlela. Icocwa ngoomama nootata ngezandla zabo bengajonge ukuba ibe ngurhulumente kuphela omakazise imali. [Kwaqhwatywa.] Aba mama naba tata bazi ngokupheleleyo ngephulo likaMasakhane. Kunga nezinye iindawo zingayibona le nto bayenzileyo abantu baseDebe Nek nazo ezo ndawo ziyenze kuba loo Rhulumente ngurhulumente owonyulwe luluntu. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.) [Let me thank the men and women of Debe Nek in the Eastern Cape. The sportsground that has been built for the people in the area is exceptionally clean. Men and women clean it with their own hands, without expecting Government alone to donate funds. [Applause.] These men and women have thorough knowledge of the Masakhane campaign. I hope that people from other areas take note of what the Debe Nek people have done and do the same, because this is a Government that has been elected by the people.]

In the Free State the Government has invested R3 million in Phuthaditjhaba Stadium. That stadium has been vandalised, indicating lack of community ownership of facilities that have been provided by the Government. Maintenance of facilities should not be seen as the responsibility of Government alone. Communities also have a role to play.

In conclusion, I would like to speak on indigenous sport. We find ourselves today in a situation where we are not able to quickly respond with clear explanations when confronted with the question of indigenous sport. This did not happen by mistake. It is a result of a system which was created for the purpose of taking away from African people their cultures, their African values and their African pride and replacing these with Western cultures. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! The next speaker is making his maiden speech. Please give him all the courtesy he deserves. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Mr N J CLELLAND: Mr Chair, 24 June 1995 was the day when I first comprehended the amazing transformation South Africa had undergone. We were one nation, a winning nation with one vision and identity. It was not the day of our first democratic election. It was the day we won the Rugby World Cup and South Africa was on top of the world. As I walked along the Durban beachfront, the electric vibe of joy, friendship and a common and proud South Africaness permeated the air. This is the power of sport: to unite people across the great divide of history as South Africans.

Today our country faces another opportunity to host a world cup, this time for the world’s most representative and democratic sport - soccer. I want to tell this House and the country that the DP proudly and enthusiastically endorses our bid and will do whatever it takes to ensure its success. [Interjections.] While this sort of event can go a long way towards developing South African sport, there is still much to be done. Sadly, the apartheid legacy has deprived children from many communities of participating in sport, at either a competitive or social level, and this needs to be addressed.

Schools must have adequate sporting facilities and the young people of all communities, black and white, Indian and coloured, rural and urban, must be afforded the opportunities to take part. Sports development must be prioritised. Furthermore, our most successful sportsmen and women must be recognised and promoted as a credit to our country. This has not been the situation with regard to the South African men’s hockey team and the decision not to send them to the Olympic Games.

I am keenly sensitive to the political pressures sporting federations now labour under. But I seldom comment, and do not feel that politicians should be involved in telling sportsmen or selectors what to do. But I have to comment on the refusal by Sam Ramsamy and the NOSC to send the hockey team to the Olympics, despite the fact that it has won the Africa Cup and is rated in the top seven in the world. In many other sports we are sending much weaker competitors to the Olympic Games. Mr Ramsamy said in his announcements that the problem was that, although the squad had seven members from previously disadvantaged groups, this was not enough and was not sufficiently demographically representative.

What he was saying is that race is what ought to count, not merit. Saying that the hockey team cannot go because too many people in it have the wrong sort of skins is racism. There is no other word for it. It is also saying that the only way that one could sent a team abroad is if one is willing to abandon the principle of merit selection and deliberately pick a weaker team, which would then guarantee that one loses because the rest of the world would definitely pick their team on merit. It will also guarantee that our talented sportsmen and women of the wrong colour start drifting abroad. Already, we can see this beginning to happen.

We want to host all manner of international events, from the Olympics to the soccer and cricket world cups. These bring in a lot of money for South Africa, but people like Mr Ramsamy will really have to be careful because this sort of apartheid-era racism is a straightforward denial of the Olympic Charter and the whole spirit of the Olympics, which says that one has to be completely colour-blind and that individual achievement is all that matters. No country that ever wants to host the Olympics games can afford to behave in this way.

The sporting world has never really got over the 1936 Nazi Olympics in Berlin. Even then, Hitler’s clearly racist policies led to pressure for the boycott of those games. The sporting world never got over the shame of the Olympics in the way that Jesse Owens, the world’s finest athlete was shunned by the Nazis because he was black or was the wrong colour. If we too start discriminating against our sportsmen because they are the wrong colour, like Verwoerd and Vorster used to do, we will be in real trouble. I could not care what colour our national sports teams are. I want them to be the best.

So, let us focus on sports development to ensure future success for South African sportsmen and women. Let us ensure the success of our national teams now by making sure that they are picked on merit. Their successes only serve to fuel the development of and interest in sport throughout the country. That is the vision of a common, liberal and colour-blind South Africaness all of us should have. I am looking ahead to the new liberal nation which we know has to come - a nation that puts both white and black racism behind it and which is proud of all its talented people, wants the best and wants to win. [Applause.]

Mr E T FERREIRA: Mr Chairperson, there is no adhesive in our country that can bond South Africans together as one nation as sports can do. Where politicians and churches have failed, sport has succeeded.

As a sport-mad nation, whether in large stadiums, pubs or their own homes, South Africans of different cultures, languages and persuasions feel as one when they watch our national sportsmen and women compete against other countries. Sport, as one of our premier national assets should be nursed and promoted in a much more serious and aggressive manner than what has been the case up to now.

Sport has obvious advantages to our country, and one of them is delivering tremendous tourism potential to South Africa. Can one imagine the tourism to this country in the next 10 years, should we get the 2006 World Cup Soccer Tournament? There is no reason why we should not get it. Our facilities, infrastructure, stadiums, hotel accommodation and whatever one wants compare very well to that of any of the European bidding countries.

The 1995 Rugby World Cup held in South Africa is generally regarded as the best Rugby World Cup ever. I would like to believe that there is no reason to believe that we cannot do the same for soccer in 2006. Government should not be shy to invest much more money in sport, as the returns on their investment will be tremendous.

We in the IFP will be supporting the national Sport and Recreation budget, although we are in no way convinced that the budget is sufficient. There are cities in the world with bigger sport budgets than what our national sport budget is. Munich is a classic example. We do, of course, understand that Government has a moral dilemma. Morally it could be very difficult to defend a budget of hundreds of millions of rands for sport, taking into account the demands on departments such as Education, Housing, Health and Welfare. We should not, however, allow a premier asset like sport to be neglected.

Given the shortage of funds and financial support for our sportsmen and sportswomen, it is quite incredible what a great sporting nation we are. We must really congratulate our sports federations and all our sportsmen and sportswomen on this feat. We are world class in the vast majority of sporting codes that we have in this country. I must admit, though, that the results from the past weekend do not quite reflect this.

As far as representivity in sport is concerned, there could be no dispute that we still have a very long way to go. Equally, we have come a long way since the days of window-dressing. People such as Breyten Paulse, Paul Adams, Hezekiel Sepeng and many others have proved that the majority of South Africans need no special favours to perform at the highest level. What they need are good facilities, proper training and equal opportunities. Our under 21 rugby world cup winning team from last year is a classic example of this.

The IFP policy on sport and recreation has always been that good facilities are the key to getting our nation to play. Good facilities, however, need to start at school level. Many young South Africans turn to drugs, crime and baby-making because of the limited availability of sporting and recreational activities. This does not justify their behaviour, but it does at least partially explain it.

Much more should be done by the Department of Education as far as school sport facilities are concerned. Our portfolio committee is currently in the process of visiting different provinces - as we have heard from the chairperson, Mrs Bhengu - and we are looking mainly at facilities. On a visit to the Free State recently, we saw some things that were very refreshing and some things that were very depressing.

It was very clear that the provincial government and national Government were doing plenty to supply and upgrade sports facilities in rural areas. At the same time though, local government then failed to maintain these facilities. In Botshabelo we saw a stadium good enough for international events, whereas in Qwaqwa we saw a very similar facility in such a state of ruin that the local people cannot make use of it. What is extremely disturbing about this particular facility is that it has a R2,3 million synthetic soccer pitch that is going to waste. It seems to be a general problem in our country that provincial governments play the game, but local governments do not arrive at the party. I would like to plead with our charismatic Minister of Sport and Recreation who I often think would make a good evangelist, to use his influence in getting local governments to do their share.

Much has been said lately about the broadcasting of major sporting events on the public broadcaster. It is indeed sad that the majority of South Africans very often cannot see their national sporting heroes take part in major events. The issue is very complex and certainly not as easy as many of us would like it to be. The IFP will, however, fully support the process that has been put in motion to ensure that, in the not too distant future, all South Africans can see major sporting events on their television sets.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! All members, please be seated, including Mr Aucamp. Please be seated. [Laughter.]

Mr C M MORKEL: Mr Chairperson, Mr Minister, Deputy Minister, Ministers, members of the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, I want to start off by saying: Viva, Fifa! [Laughter.] An HON MEMBER: Viva ANC!

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Electioneering should not start in the House. [Laughter.] Please continue, sir. Mr C M MORKEL: As a complete novice to the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation, I started out by asking myself the following questions: Has the Minister of Finance allocated enough of his Budget to Sport and Recreation? Has the Minister of Sport and Recreation prioritised the allocation of funding the sports codes and recreational sectors on the basis of an accurate needs analysis? Is the public funding … [Interjections.]   The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, please realise that this is the House in which debates are conducted, and decisions taken. There should be no laptop computers or any other such tops in this House. If you are busy, sir, please take it to your office … I am waiting for you. [Laughter.] Thank you! Please continue, sir.

Mr C M MORKEL: I also asked myself: Is the public funding that has been, and will be, allocated to Sport and Recreation administered in such a way that it would minimise any corruption or financial mismanagement, or maximise performance and excellence in the physical development of the people of our nation and facilitate the great sense of unity and national pride that we felt with the Rugby World Cup in 1995 and the Africa Cup of Nations in 1996?

At this stage, it would suffice to say that sport and recreation should be given a greater priority as an area of Government’s integrated development programme. The Minister should note that it is unacceptable that only 0,025% of our national Budget is spent on Sport and Recreation. It is unacceptable that this translates into R1,20 per capita spent. However, the hon Minister should note that too much funds are allocated already, but unspent by his department. We need to monitor this so that it does not happen again in future.

I realise that this is not necessarily the Minister’s fault. Yet, we need to recognise and acknowledge that sport and recreation teach us - especially in the absence of complete family units - the rules and skills of the game of community life, of national life and of our life in Africa. Respecting the rules of the game is the best form of developing a democratic culture and an appreciation of the rule of law that is apparently absent in the moral fibre of our nation.

We are a developing nation that is in the process of developing a democratic culture and an appreciation of the rule of law. Unfortunately, a democratic culture and the rule of law also seem to be lacking in the administration of many of our sporting codes, even, in certain cases, in the Department of Sport and Recreation itself. In the recent budget briefing by the Department of Sport and Recreation, and upon reflection on the Auditor-General’s Report on the financial statement of the department, the following emerged in terms of needs analysis.

We need to take into account the degree of private sector funding to Sport and Recreation, so that we can identify what needs still remain. Financial needs cannot therefore be analysed accurately, and I therefore do not believe that enough public funds could ever be allocated accurately to needs that have been identified and determined accurately. We need to have a clearer definition of what national interest is. Sporting codes of national interest need to be defined more clearly and we, as a portfolio committee, will be participating in that debate with the Minister.

History has taught us that where the process of excellence and development is flawed, the outcome is bound to be flawed. It is by participating in sport and recreation that we develop notions of excellence based on performance and merit - notions that we can apply in every avenue that we walk in life.

The New NP is committed to the development of the necessary skills to be a winning nation, and to performing at our peak in the pursuit of excellence. It is an acceptable principle that our sporting codes should represent and include administrators, coaches and players who reflect the diversity of our rainbow nation.

Yet, we are faced with the challenge of confusing excellence and merit with a legitimate need to develop representative national teams. It is a challenge. We therefore need to develop generic and quantifiable performance criteria that would establish the targets for selection on the basis of merit. Too often selection committees … [Time expired.]

Mr R D PIETERSE: Chairperson, hon Deputy President, hon members, colleagues and the DP, when we promised a better life for all a rightful expectation on the question of service delivery was created. We are talking about the delivery of houses, water, electricity, roads, safety and security, jobs, etc. But what about sport and recreation?

When we were accepted back into the fold of the world, we were literally caught with our pants down in terms of sport. We have to accept that sport has become an industry and that all our people must be exposed to this industry in terms of participating as athletes and as administrators. Sport, if properly governed and guided, must and will become another option for employment.

We pride ourselves on being a gender-sensitive nation, and I agree that it is true. However, there are certain areas of concern. Women athletes participating in the various sporting codes very seldom, if ever, get the recognition which they deserve. An example of this is our national women’s soccer team. Who can still remember them? Nobody talks about them. Is this the state of affairs only because they are women? Women athletes are often referred to as the Cinderellas of the sport industry. As the Minister said earlier, currently boxing for women is outlawed in terms of the Boxing and Wrestling Control Act of 1954 and this needs to be brought in line with the Constitution.

Ek glo absoluut dat vrouens beter atlete is of kan wees as mans. Die vroue soek net ‘n geleentheid om dit te bewys. [I absolutely believe that women are, or can be, better athletes than men. They are merely seeking an opportunity to prove it.]

We need to level the playing field in terms of women and sport. I think this budget starts to address that. We need to ensure that the present facilities are upgraded in order to allow women and disabled people to use the very same facilities as any able-bodied man.

Ek wil ‘n beroep doen op die media, sowel elektronies as geskrewe, om seker te maak dat almal wat aan sport deelneem gelykwaardige dekking ontvang. Die Minister verwys na die Afrika-Spele van verlede jaar, maar ek onthou dat ons ‘n gestremde atleet van die Wes-Kaap gehad het wat die wêreldrekord in borsslag geslaan het. Die Maandag het die nuus 30 sekondes daaraan bestee. Dinsdagoggend het ek verwag dat ‘n Kaapse koerant dit ten minste sou dek, maar nee. Tot my groot verbasing was die gesig van André Agassi op die voorblad, want hy het die Amerikaanse Ope tennistoernooi gewen. Nou vra ek myself weer die vraag af: was dit omdat die persoon gestremd is dat niemand van hom gepraat het nie? Nie een van die koerante het iets daaroor berig nie, selfs nie die Kaapse koerante nie. Waar is hulle lojaliteit teenoor ons vroulike en gestremde atlete? Ek glo en weet ons het gestremde wêreldkampioene in sport in dié land, maar niemand praat direk of indirek van hulle nie. Ek wil eintlik sê dat hulle dubbele kampioene is as ‘n mens in ag neem dat hulle eers persoonlike, strukturele en ander uitdagings moet oorkom voordat hulle hul sport kan beoefen en goed kan vaar in kompetisies.

Tydens my onlangse besoek aan die vloedgeteisterde en -beskadigde dorpe in die Klein Karoo, waar my kiesafdeling ook is, is ek blootgestel aan skade aan die strukture wat my baie na aan trane gehad het. Dit was die ergste wat ek nog gesien het. Die grootste pyn het ek egter later ondervind toe ek so deur die dorpsgebied van Bergsig en in Ladismith loop en sulke opgeskote kinders daar sien speel. Ek het eers gedink die vloed het daar deur ook gekom, maar toe ek met hulle praat, ontdek ek dat die kinders nog maar al die jare daar speel. Daardie plek was erger as wat die vloedskade kon aanrig, want niemand het voorsiening gemaak vir sport en ontspanning vir hulle nie.

‘n Week of twee gelede het die agb Maxwell Moss ‘n sokkerwedstryd bygewoon waar twee Kaapse sokkerspanne op Nuweland gespeel het. Omdat daar geen fasiliteite en geriewe vir gestremde mense is nie, moes hy alleen op die veld langs die kantlyn sit in sy rolstoel. Sy familie en vriende wat hom na die wedstryd vergesel het, moes ná baie oor en weer stryery op die paviljoen gaan sit, want hulle wou hulle nie toelaat daar langs hom nie. Hulle kon net met die rustyd afkom om vir hom koeldrank of kos te gee, maar toe moes hulle weer teruggaan paviljoen toe. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[I want to make an appeal to the media, electronic as well as written, to ensure that everyone participating in sport receives equal coverage. The Minister referred to last year’s All Africa Games, but I remember that we had a disabled athlete from the Western Cape who broke the world record in the breast stroke. On that Monday the news devoted 30 seconds to this fact. On the Tuesday morning I was expecting a Cape newspaper at least to cover it, but no. To my great amazement the face of André Agassi was on the front page, because he had won the American Open tennis tournament. Once more I now ask myself the question: Was it because the person was disabled that nobody mentioned him? Not one of the newspapers mentioned a thing about it, not even the Cape newspapers. Where is their loyalty towards our female and disabled athletes? I believe and I know that we have disabled world champions in sport in this country, but nobody is talking about them, either directly or indirectly. I would actually say that they are double champions if one considers that they first have to overcome personal, structural and other challenges before they can pursue their sport and do well in competitions.

During my recent visit to the flood-ravaged and damaged towns in the Little Karoo, where my constituency also lies, I was exposed to damage to structures which had me very close to tears. It was the worst I have ever seen. However, I later experienced the worst pain while just walking through the township of Bergsig and through Ladismith and watching adolescents at play. At first I thought that the flood had also reached there, but when I spoke to them I discovered that the children had always been playing there. That place was worse off than what the flood damage could have wrought, because nobody had made provision for their sport and recreation.

A week or two ago the hon Maxwell Moss attended a soccer match when two Cape clubs played at Newlands. Because there are no facilities for disabled people, he had to sit alone in his wheelchair on the field next to the touchline. After lengthy arguments to and fro, his family and friends who had accompanied him had to go and sit in the grandstand, because they were not allowed to stay with him. They were only allowed to come down during half-time to give him a cold drink or food, but then they had to return to the grandstand.]

I think there are thousands of Maxwell Mosses outside in our community. Thousands of Maxwell Mosses, as well as women, are facing the same challenges. We cannot and will not allow this situation to continue. The better life for all must reach all the people who have given a mandate to this Government. The better life, in particular, must address the challenges facing women and the disabled in sport and recreation.

I want to place on record that while there are challenges in sport and recreation, everything else is not doom and gloom. Again, this budget has started to address issues.

Die vroue en die gestremdes van Suid-Afrika, die plattelanders van hierdie land, die mense van Vanwyksdorp, Ladismith, Zoar, Calitzdorp, Bongolethu, Uniondale en die ander plekke in die Karoo sê hierdie Begroting begin nou om hulle probleme aan te pak sover dit sport en ontspanning aangaan.

Ek wil my volle steun uitspreek teenoor die Ministers van Sport en Ontspanning en van Finansies en hulle departemente. ‘n Beter lewe vir almal sover dit sport en ontspanning aangaan, met die klem op vroue en gestremdes, sal en moet verwesenlik word.

Ek wil ook my volle steun aan Danny Jordaan en sy span gee vir die uitstekende werk wat hulle doen met betrekking tot die bod om die Wêreldbeker-sokkertoernooi in 2006 in Suid-Afrika aan te bied. Afrika is gereed, Suid-Afrika is gereed en ons gereed.

Ons het saamgestem toe president Mbeki gesê het ons is op koers. Dié begroting bevestig dit, maar ons moet ook seker maak dat die lewering van sport- en ontspanningsgeriewe bespoedig word. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Women and the disabled of South Africa, the rural people of this country, the people of Vanwyksdorp, Ladismith, Zoar, Calitzdorp, Bongolethu, Uniondale and the other places in the Karoo are saying that this Budget has now started to address their problems as far as sport and recreation are concerned.

I would like to express my full support for the Ministers of Sport and Recreation and of Finance and their departments. A better life for all as far as sport and recreation are concerned, with the emphasis on women and the disabled, can and must be achieved.

I also want to pledge my full support to Danny Jordaan and his team for the excellent job they are doing with regard to the bid to host the Soccer World Cup tournament of 2006 in South Africa. Africa is ready, South Africa is ready and we are ready.

We agreed when President Mbeki said that we were on course. This Budget confirms that, but we must also ensure that the delivery of sport and recreational facilities is speeded up. [Applause.]]

Mr C T FROLICK: Mr Chairman and hon members, the Vote for Sport and Recreation seems minuscule, given the tremendous challenges facing the department. For the department to achieve its aim to improve the quality of life of all South Africans through the promotion of sport and recreation, it will need the assistance of all South Africans.

The provision in the budget for the SA Sports Commission to become fully operational is welcomed, given the tremendous role it should play in the advancement of sport in all sectors of society. Equally, the increase in the grant to the SA Institute for Drug-Free Sport is commendable, although we believe that funds must also be channelled, not only for policing the athletes through dope testing, but also for proper prior communication with athletes and coherent educational programmes at schools to prevent the occurrence of drug scandals amongst our athletes.

The increase in trial payments to macro bodies, federations and recreation providers should enhance their operations. However, the UDM believes that proper financial control mechanisms must be implemented and enforced to ensure that recipients are accountable for funds transferred to them. Audited financial statements must be submitted at national and especially at provincial level before new transfers are made.

The budget makes no provision for facilities as that is supposed to be the responsibility of local government authorities. Study tours to provinces have shown that although millions of rands were previously spent on building new facilities, local government authorities are often reluctant, and in certain instances bluntly unwilling, to maintain such facilities. The result is that these facilities are vandalised, and ultimately become white elephants.

The UDM believes that a partnership must be forged between all tiers of government, federations, and communities to ensure co-ordination in the planning, building, maintenance and utilisation of facilities. In so doing, communities will own the process. The Debe Nek Sports complex in the Eastern Cape is a good example of community ownership and the result is mass participation in all sports codes throughout the week. Sadly, this is lacking elsewhere. In conclusion, we as South Africans have been afforded the opportunity to unleash our unbridled passion for sport while hosting the Fifa technical committee for the past five days. The 2006 Bid Committee, under the leadership of Danny Jordaan - who is also, incidentally, from the Eastern Cape - has proved that our facilities, officials and administrators can hold their own with the very best in the world. By uniting as South Africans we have indeed demonstrated our preparedness, passion and ability to host the 2006 Soccer World Cup. [Applause.]

Mrs R M SOUTHGATE: Chairperson, South Africa is in the race to develop itself to compete at the highest levels. The nation has dedicated itself to developing initiatives. Our economic policies are boosting confidence in the South African way forward. The IMF recently intimated as much. South Africans have a great hunger to succeed and this has been shown in the sporting arena. South Africa has the capacity to support itself to host any event in this country.

The All Africa Games have come and gone, and although there were problems, ours were small compared to those of Atlanta in the last Olympics. To the Fifa delegation we say: We are ready. We have the necessary infrastructure in place to host the 2006 Soccer World Cup in South Africa. With South Africa having been admitted to the sports world, the formation of unified multiracial sports structures and management, as well as the introduction of development programmes, must be implemented down to the lowest levels. This must be one of the critical tasks of the SA Sports Commission, which must ensure that national, provincial and local teams reflect the demographics of South Africa.

Sport deserves a more equitable and workable budget from Government. The Department of Sport and Recreation must play a strong role in the way money is used and allocated to federations, and measures must be implemented against those who do not adhere to the criteria set out in the funding policy. Provincial departments of sport and recreation play a critical role in assisting communities in becoming active participants in sports, not only through funding and developing sport, but through taking pride in and ownership of their sports facilities. In the Free State town of Qwaqwa two sports facilities are in a bad condition. In 1994 President Mandela addressed the community at one of the stadiums. [Time expired.]

Mr G E BALOI: Chairperson, sport is an international phenomenon and is very important for every developing nation. It is important in our country, South Africa. Every nation is proud of its sport. In South Africa we have different kinds of sports, namely football, rugby, cricket, volleyball - you name them. Sport in the years of oppression was not inclusive at all and discriminated against people racially. South Africa plays an important role in developing sport internally and internationally.

The Department of Sport and Recreation in South Africa, led by the hon the Minister Ngconde Balfour, is structured into two programmes for the 2000-01 budget in order to perform its functions. Each programme has its budget. These programmes are administration, and sport and recreation. The aim of the administration part is to conduct the overall management of the department. The programme also has a staff complement of 38 posts. The aim of the sport and recreation part is to render support to the SA Sports Commission, the SA Institute for Drug-Free Sport, the National Olympic Committee of SA, the National Sport and Recreation Federation, and other service providers. This programme has a complement of 12 posts.

South Africa wants to host the 2006 World Cup and we are ready to do so. We have all the necessary requirements to qualify. The Fifa committee of six has seen for itself and must go back to tell Fifa that there is no doubt the 2006 World Cup is coming to South Africa. [Interjections.] God help South Africa in its attempt to host the 2006 World Cup!

Mr N B FIHLA: Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon MPs and comrades, on Sunday afternoon, 12 March, two great giants met at the Absa stadium. The soccer- loving people of South Africa voted overwhelmingly on their feet for the hosting of the 2006 soccer extravaganza. Today, the Sport and Recreation portfolio committee, on behalf of Parliament, as representative of the people of South Africa, is saying: Europe, you have had your many turns for hosting the soccer championships. It is now the turn of Africa, and South Africa is as ready as ever. [Applause.]

Coming back to the subject matter of today, sports have played a pivotal role in building bridges between the nations of the world since time immemorial. During the period of slavery and thereafter in the feudal system, sport was merely for entertaining slave owners and landlords respectively.

It was the Athenians and Spartans who came with a new philosophy for the youth of the day. They came up with the ideal of building a healthy nation and a principle of a sound mind in a healthy body. At this present era, sport has become all embracing. Sportspersons have become ambassadors of their countries, goodwill instruments for big businesses, role models of the youth of today. It creates lasting careers for our children. The policy of sports for all and ultimately of closing the huge gap caused by the great divide of the past regime, can only be brought about by effective concentration of our resources in our disadvantaged schools.

Since the introduction of the hateful Bantu Education system in 1954, in South Africa, school sports in our African schools has deteriorated to zero. Sport today has become the property of big business. Sportspersons today can become millionaires at a very young age. There are so many subtle ways in which children coming from the disadvantaged community can be discriminated against and are therefore not able to reach the top.

Lack of facilities in the disadvantaged areas is prevalent. We do not find specialist teachers in sports as trainers in our schools. As a result, very few teachers are having any serious commitment to sports. Also there is no compulsory period for sports activities in their daily timetable. In the plan for the building of new schools, various facilities must be in place, eg tennis courts, rugby fields, soccer fields, swimming pools, gymnasiums and table tennis facilities.

Sports facilities like swimming pools and gymnasiums ought to be in place in all primary schools, as top swimmers and gymnasts are produced at the very young age of between 11 to 14 years. That is a great handicap we have in the disadvantaged schools. Nevertheless, we do appreciate the introduction of sports academies in the various provinces. This will be a quicker way of identifying talent at an early age.

School sports, managed properly, will create mass production of talent from amongst the disadvantaged schools. We do not know whether Ussasa is in a position to tackle this huge challenge at schools. At present there are hardly 10 sporting codes that our disadvantaged schools are exposed to a country where there are more than 20 sporting codes. This is the challenge facing today’s sporting developers and that can only be tapped from the schools.

It is high time that sport and recreation are part of the school curriculum as they used to be in our days. We also congratulate the Department of Sport and Recreation on creating a special trust fund that is to aid those children from the disadvantaged communities who happened to be selected to national teams but do not have enough funds to travel to other countries.

Dr L LUYT: Mr Chairman, hon Minister and members, the FA has already expressed its support for South Africa’s bid for the 2006 World Cup in writing. But I do so again today, unequivocally. I have said it before and I say it again: We have everything, yes everything, it takes to host any event in this country, most of all, very enthusiastic people.

In 1994 I fought tooth and nail to keep the Rugby World Cup in South Africa. We were told of violence, a bloodbath and a lack of sophistication to host that event. Not only did we prove them wrong, but after four World Cups, South Africa still reigns supreme, both in administration and support. We shall demonstrate it again in 2006.

One thing I find very disturbing, though, is that there is a perception that a creeping regulatory tendency has started to rear its ugly head in our sport. If South Africa ever wants to become a major factor in world sport, it must allow the self-regulatory system to take its course.

The hon Minister Balfour is the epitome of enthusiasm. He must not stifle that. In fact, he should be supported and kept enthusiastic. One cannot, however, be regulator, manager, coach and selector of sporting teams at the same time. After all, we have a Bill of Rights which must be respected. I believe the hon the Minister, with his enthusiasm, should coax and cajole people in the right direction, not use a big stick.

We are a mere six years down the line, but we already expect miracles. In another eight years the six-year-old disadvantaged sportsperson of 1994 will be as skilled and gifted as his white counterpart, if not better.

We live in a professional era and sportsmen and women have to be paid for their services. Television payments are the single most important contributor towards funding the professional athletes. It is not simply a matter of outlawing pay TV and dismissing international contracts as if they did not exist. On the contrary, international law dictates our adherence to these agreements. Unless we have an alternative in place, I suggest we think again.

An area into which the Minister could inquire - and no commission of inquiry, please! - is the situation in which one company now has the de facto control over eight of the 14 unions in Sarfu. I had sight of two of these contracts, which not only fly in the face of the International Rugby Board regulations, but put rugby’s future and its control in great jeopardy. Rugby people must control rugby, and this is the same with any other sporting code.

The Minister certainly has shown that he loves his sport. Therefore he should allow normal sport to evolve normally. He has the personality to achieve this. For this direction he will receive the support of all sportsmen and sportswomen. The FA also gives him its support.

Mnr C AUCAMP: Mnr die Voorsitter, ek wil vandag begin met ‘n aanhaling en dit lui soos volg: Joe Slovo het ‘n paar jaar gelede gesê daar gaan twee revolusies in Suid- Afrika wees. Die tweede gaan onder die voorwendsel van transformasie geskied. Hy was so reg, want rassisme in ‘n graad wat ek myself nie kon indink nie, is besig om die Verenigde Krieketraad van Suid-Afrika oor te neem.

Aan die woord is nie die een of ander sogenaamde regse wat ``homesick’’ raak oor die goeie ou dae van apartheid nie, maar Mnr Ray White, voormalige voorsitter van Krieket Suid-Afrika. Miskien is sy van dalk verkeerd! Hy gaan verder:

Toe die nasionale span die mini-wêreldbekertoernooi in Bangladesj en die goue medalje by die Statebondspele gewen het, was daar geen woord van gelukwensing van die Regering nie. Al wat ek gehoor het toe die goue medaljes aan die spelers uitgedeel word, is hoe dit dan moontlik is dat die span so leliewit is.

Kom ons gaan verder. Die Suid-Afrikaanse manshokkiespan word deur die Ramsamy-mafia verhinder om aan die Olimpiese Spele deel te neem, terwyl hulle die Afrika-kampioene is en in alle opsigte kwalifiseer. Hulle het net een toets gedop, naamlik die pigmentasietoets. Nog ‘n voorbeeld is dr Louis Luyt hier in ons midde; ‘n man wie se organisasie van die Wêreldbeker-rugbytoernooi in 1995 dalk die enkele grootste pluspunt kan wees ten gunste van die huidige sokkerbod vir 2006. Daar is nie gerus voordat hy uit Suid-Afrikaanse rugby uitgeskuif is nie, met as sogenaamde rede sy verset teen die daarstelling van ‘n kommissie waarvan daar in elk geval niks gekom het nie.

Wat sê al dié dinge vir ons? Eenvoudig dat die ANC in sy totalitêre strewe nie die basiese fundamentele onderskeid tussen die burgerlike en die staatlike terrein eerbiedig nie. Elke enkele terrein van die lewe moet verstaatlik word. Rugby en krieket word onderwerp aan ‘n magdom kwotas ten gunste van spelers van kleur. Meriete word oorboord gegooi. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Ek het nog nooit van ‘n kleurkwota ten gunste van blankes in sokker gehoor nie. Is dit nie die doodnormaalste ding op aarde dat sekere bevolkingsgroepe ‘n historiese geneigdheid tot sekere sportsoorte het nie? Wanneer gaan ons regulasies kry dat elke boereorkes in die land minstens ‘n konsertinaspeler van kleur moet bevat?

Die sleutel tot die maksimale oopmaak van sportgeleenthede lê nie by kunsmatige ingrype deur die staat nie, maar as ‘t ware daarby dat die beginsels van die vryemark eerbiedig moet word. Kwotas druis daarteen in en het ‘n bose kringloop tot gevolg: swakker spanne lei tot swakker kompetisie, wat tot swakker toeskouergetalle lei, wat tot minder geld vir ontwikkeling lei.

Ja, ons is ten gunste van ontwikkeling, nuwe geleenthede en geriewe waar dit ontoereikend is. Die wyse waarop die ANC egter met ‘n Big Brother- gesindheid met hierdie basies kulturele uiting van die menslike gees en liggaam omgaan spel maar net die ou dwaling uit wat sê: ``Die staat is gans die land’’.

Is dit werklik die staat se taak om so in die burgerlike samelewing in te gryp? Daar moet in ‘n verantwoordelike regering onderskeid getref word tussen die staat- en die burgerlike sfeer. Die owerheid mag nie op die nie- staatlike terrein dikteer nie, anders word dit ‘n magstaat en nie ‘n liberaal-demokratiese regstaat nie.

Ek wil met ‘n verdere punt afsluit. Hier rig ek my tot ons sportsterre, ons administrateurs en ons media. Daar is nie ‘n enkele terrein waar Afrikaans so geminag word as juis rondom die sportveld nie. Afrikaanse rugby- of krieketkommentaar op televisie word beperk tot enkele anekdotes. [Tussenwerpsels.] Onderhoude met Afrikaanse sportmanne en -vroue geskied in Engels … [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr C AUCAMP: Mr Chairperson, I want to start today with a quote and it reads as follows:

Joe Slovo het ‘n paar jaar gelede gesê daar gaan twee revolusies in Suid- Afrika wees. Die tweede gaan onder die voorwendsel van transformasie geskied. Hy was so reg, want rassisme in ‘n graad wat ek myself nie kon indink nie, is besig om die Verenigde Krieketraad van Suid-Afrika oor te neem.

The person speaking is not some or other so-called right-winger who is homesick for the good old days of apartheid, but Mr Ray White, the former chairperson of Cricket South Africa. Perhaps he has the wrong surname! He goes on to say:

Toe die nasionale span die mini-wêreldbekertoernooi in Bangladesj en die gou medalje by die Statebondspele gewen het, was daar geen woord van gelukwensing van die Regering nie. Al wat ek gehoor het toe die goue medaljes aan die spelers uitgedeel word, is hoe dit dan moontlik is dat die span so leliewit is.

Let us go further. The South African men’s hockey team is being prevented from participating in the Olympic Games by the Ramsamy mafia, although they are the African champions and qualify in every respect. They only failed one test, namely the pigmentation test.

Another example is Dr Louis Luyt who is sitting here in our midst; a man whose organisation of the Rugby World Cup tournament in 1995 may be the single biggest plus in favour of the present soccer bid for 2006. Everything possible was done to get him out of South African rugby, the reason advanced being his opposition to the establishment of a commission of which nothing came in any event.

What does all this tell us? Simply that the ANC, in its pursuit of totalitarianism, does not respect the basic fundamental difference between the civil and the governmental spheres. Every single sphere of life must be governmentalised. Rugby and cricket are being subjected to a multitude of quotas in favour of players of colour. Merit is being thrown overboard. [Interjections.]

I have never heard of a colour quota in favour of whites in soccer. Is it not the most normal thing on earth that certain population groups have an historic inclination to play certain sports? When are we going to have regulations stipulating that every boereorkes in the country must at least have a concertina player of colour?

The solution to opening up sporting opportunities to the maximum does not lie in artificial interference by the state, but, in actual fact, in honouring the principles of the free market. Quotas run counter to this and a vicious circle is created: weaker teams lead to weaker competition, which leads to lower numbers of spectators, which leads to less money for development.

Yes, we are in favour of development, new opportunities and facilities where these are inadequate. However, the way in which the ANC is, with a Big Brother attitude, dealing with this basic cultural expression of the human spirit and body, merely spells out the old misconception: ``Die staat is gans die land’’. [The state is the entire country.]

Is it really the task of the state to interfere in civil society in this way? In a responsible government a distinction must be drawn between the governmental and the civil spheres. The state may not dictate in the nongovernmental sphere, otherwise it becomes an authoritarian state and not a liberal democratic nation under law.

I want to conclude with a further point. Here I am addressing myself to our sports stars, our administrators and our media. There is not a single sphere in which Afrikaans is held in such contempt as on the sports field. Afrikaans rugby or cricket commentaries on television are limited to a few anecdotes. [Interjections.] Interviews with Afrikaans sportsmen and women take place in English … [Interjections.]]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member Joe Nash, allow the member to have his say at the podium. Everybody needs to play sport and everybody needs to speak about it. Please allow him the opportunity. Please continue. Mr C AUCAMP: Mr Chairperson,I like the applause.

Ons boerseuns het nou skielik Stormers, Cats en Bulls geword. Ons rugbykaptein stel hom teen dié tyd seker al aan sy eie skoonma voor as ``Van der Westhousen’’.

Sport kan ‘n magtige katalisator wees tot beter verhoudings, ook in ‘n multikulturele samelewing. Ons moet net pasop dat die teenoorgestelde nie vandag gebeur nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Our Afrikaner boys have now suddenly become Stormers, Cats and Bulls. By this time our rugby captain is probably introducing himself to his own mother-in-law as ``Van der Westhousen’’.

Sport can be a powerful catalyst for better relations, in a multicultural society too. We must just be careful that the opposite does not happen today. [Interjections.] [Time expired.]]

Mnu I Z NCINANE: Mhlalingaphambili, abaphathiswa namalungu ale Ndlu yoWiso- mthetho, le nto kuthiwa kukuphatha iyaphazamisa, ngoba kudala abamhlophe bangenelela kwimicimbi enxulumene nezemidlalo, kuba le ndoda isuka apha icinga ukuba yinto entsha le. Into ekuyiyo kukuba babengenelela phantsi kwekhwapha.

Olu hlahlo lwabiwo-mali lwalo nyaka lwahlukile kwamanye kuba indili yemali isetyenziswe kunqontsonqa kanye wezomdlalo. Akukho bumenye-menye nabuqhekre- qhekre obuchithwe eziofisini nakwezinye iindawo zokonwaba. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows).

[Mr I C NCINANA: Mr Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon members of the National Assembly, this thing called power corrupts. Whites interfered in sport- related matters for quite some time, but the man who has just left the podium things it is something new. What happened is that they interfered in an underhand manner.

This year’s budget is different from other budgets in that the bulk of the funds is used for the essence of sport. No funds have been spent on luxurious offices and glitzy ceremonies.]

[Mr I Z NCINANE: Mr Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon members of the National Assembly, this thing called power corrupts. Whites interfered in sport- related matters for quite some time, but the man who has just left the podium thinks it is something new. What happened is that they interfered in an underhand manner.

This year’s budget is different from other budgets in that the bulk of the funds is used for the essence of sport. No funds have been spent on luxurious offices and glitzy ceremonies.]

The debate today makes history as it is the first of its kind in the new millennium, with a new Minister in this department. Prior to the dawn of the African century this House converged specifically to promulgate the law that began to redress the imbalances of the past, ie the South African Sports Commission Act. Since then our country has come on a par with the international community in terms of sports, especially the top countries that are leading the world rating, that is America, Canada, New Zealand, Australia etc.

As we enter the 21st century and the new millennium, we must take the centre stage in term of the realisation of the African century. As the writer Amilcar Cabral says, and I quote:

When the 20th century has been completed, we come to the conclusion that there is little doubt that we will fail in describing it as the century of revolution.

Therefore, as hon members of this House, it is incumbent on us to drive forward the struggle for a national democratic revolution in which we say: A better life for all.'' This is linked to the Freedom Charter's statement thatThe people shall share’’ - even facilities.

The SA Sports Commission will be able to generate funds on its own and actually assist the Department of Finance in terms of revenue generation, thereby giving a financial boost to disadvantaged smaller sporting codes, such as judo, karate, aquatic fishing, netball, fencing and stick fighting. [Laughter.] On the other hand, we as the ANC Government will legislate checks and balances and measures for prominent codes that are generating millions of rands from business partners and stop them getting away with murder.

I therefore call on companies and businesspeople to support the Sports Commission the same way they supported over the past few years the Sports Trust led by Bruce Fordyce in Johanessburg. Through the SA Sports Commission our department will be able to take care of twinning arrangements, which are part of international relations. This will help in mass mobilisation of our sports and help fulfil the theme of our current White Paper: ``Let the nation play.’’

The time has come for us as Government to monitor and regulate all phases of delivery in favour of our people, who need administrative skills to run their own rural sports clubs, and to empower coaches and referees in order to realise our efforts that started in the dark and bitter days of Sacos and the NSC. Because we could unify various sporting codes across racial lines, the Sports Commission will get fertile ground.

Prophets of doom and mischief-makers camouflaged their secret agendas in sport in order to achieve their dirty political goals. As a result, ever since the wolf in sheep’s clothing, in the name of Dr Louis Luyt … [Interjections] … was pushed out of rugby by the scruff of his neck, through the window, rugby has normalised. Now it is beginning to take good shape. I thank Dr Louis Luyt for going. [Interjections.] So we congratulate the NSC … The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, please withdraw the words ``wolf in sheep’s clothing’’.

Mr I Z NCINANE: I withdraw them. [Laughter.]

We congratulate the NSC on bringing Dr Louis Luyt into open politics, which is better than what he was involved in - secret politics, which he practised in the name of rugby under the dirty blanket of full nepotism at Ellis Park and in Newlands. [Interjections.]

I call on the hon the Minister to legislate and impose quota systems on all national teams. I hear the Minister say that the national teams are selected on merit. There is a lot of resistance to change and transformation.

An HON MEMBER: Speak louder, we cannot hear you!

Mr I Z NCINANE: Master of ceremonies … [Laughter] … the system of merit is biased … [Interjections.]

The quota system should be forced on cricket with immediate effect as cricket is now an embarrassment to this country, because the way they lost to India recently clearly shows that they would rather lose with a hopeless lily-white team than have black Makhaya Ntini, Mpitsang or Tsolekile in the squad. The team has suffered many injuries but they will not call up black cricketers. [Interjections.] Their bad attitude needs to be dumped, because the legacy of Ray White must be stopped. He, together with the cricket management, was suffering from political malnutrition. [Laughter.]

I must congratulate the hon the Minister for sometimes quietly jumping into controversies in some of the sports codes and settling disputes that would have done a lot of damage to sport in this country. But I also call on the hon the Minister to jump with his heavy stomach and kick the Comrades Marathon Association on their cheeks to stop them from privatising the sport to the benefit of their white supremacy in Pietermaritzburg. [Laughter.]

I must bring to the attention of this House that the Comrades Marathon Association has been clinging to the old order of discrimination for the past several years. The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, your time has expired. However, remain at the podium. Sir, it is not parliamentary to accuse any member of nepotism, unless you have absolute proof of that. So, please withdraw the words with which you directly accused members of the House of nepotism. Alleging it is something different.

Mr I Z NCINANE: I gladly withdraw. Chairperson …

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Your time has also expired, sir.

Mr I Z NCINANE: Oh! Thank you, very much. [Applause.] May God bless you!

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Chairperson, on a point of order: The expression a wolf in a sheepskin'' in Xhosa isingcuka eyambethe ufele lwegusha’’. Sisaci eso neqhalo lesiXhosa. Ndicela ukwazi ukuba ingaba ilungu eli linelungelo lokuyisebenzisa? [This is a Xhosa idiom or proverb. I would like to know whether this member has a right to use it.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon Minister, that is not a point of order and the hon member was speaking in English, which has a different connotation entirely. [Laughter.] Please be seated.

Adv P S SWART: Chair, Minister, I hope the sound system is still working after that! This is a debate about a Vote and it is, therefore, only fitting and proper that the emphasis should be on the financial aspects of this specific department.

Hiermee impliseer ek nie vir ‘n oomblik dat ons uit die oog moet verloor die belangrike rol wat sport en ontspanning in hierdie land speel in die heropbou van ‘n nasie, die bevordering van nie-rassigheid en die spesifieke klem op die welvaart van al die mense van ons pragtige land nie. Geen suksesvolle program van nasiebou kan egter in isolasie gesien word nie. Die finansiële implikasies en koste aan die belastingbetaler moet altyd in oorweging geneem word.

Ons leef in ‘n land waar een slagspreuk bo alle ander uitstaan as gevolg van die agterstande van die verlede, naamlik dié van lewering. Dit veroorsaak dat die koek dikwels te klein is vir al die snye. Besondere klem moet dus gelê word om die beperkte toedeling wat ‘n spesifieke departement ontvang optimaal te benut en te bestuur. Dit is ongelukkig juis hier waar die probleem lê. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[With this I am not implying for one moment that we should lose sight of the very important role which sport and recreation play in this country in the reconstruction of a nation, the promotion of nonracialism and the specific emphasis on the prosperity of all the people of our beautiful country. No successful programme of nation-building can, however, be seen in isolation. The financial implications and cost to the taxpayer should always be taken into consideration.

We live in a country where one slogan stands out above the rest as a result of the backlogs of the past, namely that of delivery. The consequence of this is that the cake is often too small for all the slices. Specific emphasis should therefore be placed on utilising and managing the limited allocation which a specific department receives to the optimum. It is unfortunately precisely here that the problem lies.]

Last week the Public Accounts Committee discussed the report on the financial statements of Sport and Recreation by the Auditor-General for the year ended 31 March 1999. I shall only highlight certain problems that were noted and which clearly indicate a lack of proper financial control. The Minister asked for a bigger slice of the cake. This report reflects on his predecessor, but there are valuable lessons to be learnt.

With limited funds available, surely the most disturbing is that for the past three financial years the department surrendered annual unspent funds, which indicates inaccurate financial planning or the failure to achieve objectives. For the 1998-99 financial year 13,4% of the appropriation was surrendered by the department, which amounts to more than R13 million not spent on the objectives it was intended for. This translates into nondelivery to our people. Furthermore, apart from unauthorised expenditure in excess of R36 000, in five instances amounts were paid out to sporting bodies without their financial statements for the previous year being in order.

Die gemelde sake dui op ‘n spesifieke probleem met die interne ouditering van die departement. Om dit te bevestig, moes die betrokke komitee verlede week verneem dat hoewel die departement ‘n interne ouditafdeling het, funksioneer hierdie afdeling nie as gevolg van die vakante status van die twee goedgekeurde poste.

Verskeie antwoorde is aangebied, maar uiteindelik is erken dat indien die beskikbare gekwalifiseerde persone aangestel sou word, dit tot gevolg sou hê dat die rassekwota van die departement nie bereik word nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The matters mentioned point to a specific problem with the internal auditing of the department. To confirm this, the particular committee learnt last week that although the department has an internal audit section, this section is not functioning as a result of the fact that the two approved posts are vacant. Various answers were given, but eventually it was admitted that if the available qualified people were appointed it would result in the racial quota of the department not being reached.]

Although we as the DP believe in transformation and rectifying the injustices of the past, we can never support certain primary positions not being filled owing to quotas, especially an important function such as the internal audit section of a department. This should not be dysfunctional for more than a year.

Die finansiële bestuur van die betrokke departement is nie na wense nie. Die DP versoek die Minister om onmiddellik toe te sien dat die nodige poste gevul word en kontroles in plek gestel word om behoorlike, deursigtige finansiële bestuur te verseker. [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The financial management of the particular department is not as it should be. The DP is requesting the Minister immediately to see to it that the necessary posts are filled and that controls are put in place to ensure proper, transparent financial management. [Time expired.]]

Mr H P CHAUKE: Mr Chairperson, firstly, I would like to congratulate the Minister on his appointment and say that it took the DP and the NP six years to understand the ANC’s policy on sport and recreation. But I am quite happy that the young blood that has just joined the DP and the NP is, in fact, able to come forward and support the ANC in its cause of making sure that the nation will play. My participation today in this debate marks the beginning of our call on all members of Parliament, as they go to their constituencies, to mobilise the masses based on the campaign that we have just started in Parliament today, and to build on this momentum that we have created. The Chief Whip and I have agreed that we will be meeting with the leaders of other parties to arrange a programme whereby members of Parliament will participate in sports on what we are going to call a parliamentary sports day.

Firstly, this Vote is about increasing the level of participation of South Africans in sport and recreation and, secondly, about maximising the probability of the success of our sportspersons in major sporting events. I think I need to raise one point that was raised by Cassie Aucamp. The problem is that he is alone in his party. If there were somebody with him to attend sport and recreation portfolio committee meetings, he would be able to understand that all these parties are not supporting just for the sake of supporting, but because they understand the vision, aims and objective of where we want to go. [Interjections.]

It is important that we address the question of sport development and the role of federations. There are very few federations that are taking this matter seriously. We still have a problem of transformation with some of them, for example those for cricket, netball and hockey. [Interjections.] In the case of a federation such as the soccer body, which is doing quite well, it is not a question of not having black people or white people playing soccer, but, clearly, it is because they are integrated. There is a lot of integration by that federation within the white community.

The only one we are struggling with at present is rugby, and, as Comrade Ncinane correctly said, one has to push some of these federations. It is our duty as members of Parliament. We have to push some of these federations, because at the end of the day we understand the objective of a sporting nation. If they themselves are involved in making sure that everybody participates in the federation, they, at the same time, are building the nation. So we need to play that role as a portfolio committee and that is why we have been calling on them. For the past six years we have been calling on federations to come to us and tell us what they are doing, but, clearly, one could see that there is resistance and it is our duty to make sure that we break down those walls.

I would like to commend the department, because of the portion of the Vote that goes to the SA Sports Commission. There have been complaints that Government is interfering in sports federation programmes and all that, but now we are going to put in place the SA Sports Commission, which will be accountable to Parliament. We will be able to call them, as neutral as they are, to come and account for the programmes that they are actually monitoring within the federations.

Sports democratisation will be in line with our Constitution and Bill of Rights, and there is no way in which we will turn a blind eye to colour disparities, as Clelland said we should. Clearly, we have to fight these things. The hon Clelland knows it himself, from our experience in the Parliamentary rugby team, that when we go overseas the team does represent the majority of the people and the relationship that we have developed. We were supported even in Europe when we went there, because it was the first time that they had seen this kind of achievement. So I think we are slowly beginning to understand that we are going somewhere. Clearly, the UDM supports the Vote because of the young chap who has just joined them now, and I wish them well. But one of the things that I think they need to do is that when we develop the programme of the portfolio committee, all of us need to come together so that, at the end of the day, we do not have questions such as the one raised by the UCDP that the ANC used the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation tour in the Free State for constituency work. I think we need to understand some of these things.

However, all in all, we are going somewhere. All of us can realise the achievement that we have made in the past six years. The role that is played by Government and, in particular, the President of this country in supporting the bid by calling on all South Africans to support this bid shows this nation-building that we are talking about.

The other point that I want to raise is very much about the youth. Our youth are not being engaged in sport because of the problems of facilities. The partnership that we are talking about is that when Government builds a facility, it is the responsibility of local government to maintain that facility. We are talking about a partnership between the community and Government, so that when a facility is put in place, the community take the responsibility of maintaining that facility.

I think this is one of the areas on which we need to engage our local councillors. As we go back to our constituencies, we must make sure that we talk to them and that they understand that sport has a role to play in taking the youth out of the streets and out of crime.

The last question I want to raise is that recently we went to a demonstration of female boxing. One of the challenges that we have to openly accept is that the law that is currently operational is unconstitutional, and we need to amend it. But we have to do that very carefully so that we do not end up doing things that will hamper the whole process of sports development, which is a very sensitive thing.

I would like to praise the former chairperson of the portfolio committee on the role that she has played in building and maintaining the foundation that we are working on today, and the former Minister of Sport, Mr Fix-it, on the role that he has played. The foundation that we are building on today is a foundation that was laid about six years ago. We are building on that foundation gradually, and, at the end of the day, we are realising the objective. Our sportspersons all over the country … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF SPORT AND RECREATION: Chairperson, allow me, first of all, to thank the portfolio committee under the very able leadership of umama uRuth Bhengu. I want to thank her, together with the members of that committee. The kind of leadership they have given me, having been a member of that committee myself for some time, has been tremendous. [Applause.]

Allow me also to thank the MECs who were here with us this afternoon. They have just left, and are trying to get back to their respective bases. Within the Minmec, the support they have given to a rookie Minister has been very good.

I also want to thank the acting director-general in my department. I have a new ``from-the-box’’, as Nxe would put it, director-general, Prof Denver Hendricks, who is sitting over there with a lovely tie. [Applause.] He is the acting director-general, because the contract of the previous director- general terminated last year. I wish him good luck. He has gone off to greener pastures.

I would also like to thank the Ministry staff and the departmental staff who are sitting next to Prof Hendricks, for the support that they have given. [Applause.] I would also like to thank the members who have contributed to the debate on my Vote today. For those members who have made constructive contributions in particular, I am very thankful. I welcome all the comments that they have made this afternoon.

I just wish to say a few things in response. I do not think I want to comment on the issue of Ray White, because he is no longer the president of the United Cricket Board of South Africa. He can holler, he can make a noise and he can do whatever he likes. He is not the president of the United Cricket Board of South Africa. I do not intend wasting my time talking about a sheep in a wolf’s skin. [Laughter.] I am not going to apologise for that, because it is a Xhosa expression. I do not apologise for interfering with federations. They are my clients. I will interfere with them and give them guidance when they need guidance, and if the DP does not like that - too bad. [Laughter.]

Hon Mr Ferreira is quite right when he says I look and sound like an evangelist. I am a lay preacher in the United Presbyterian Church of South Africa. If he could hear me ndihlabela ingoma [starting a song], he would sit down and want to listen, because I do sing beautifully. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] Unyanisile. [You are telling the truth.]

Napcosa is doing a wonderful job regarding the disabled sportspeople. We are giving all the assistance we can to Amakrokokroko, our disabled sportspeople. They did well in the last Games, which was the Atlanta Games. [Applause.] Now we will be going with them to Sydney. They bring back medals all the time.

We are very serious about doping, that is, the use of illegal and banned substances, in sports. To that effect we are a leading member of Wada, the World Antidoping Agency. The African continent has two more members, Nigeria and Egypt, on that body.

We undertake talent identification with the help of all our national federations. They do it themselves. I must say that one of the federations which is very good at talent identification is the SAGF, the SA Gymnastics Federation. They started a programme which will end in 2004. Some of their programmes have produced athletes who now are on the verge of selection for the Sydney Games this year. I would want to commend them for that. I hope we will be able to assist them with the problem that they are having in dealing with Nocsa. We are taking the internal audit we had seriously, and we are looking at it. We hope that it is going to take us further.

Lastly, if I have a few minutes, I would like to congratulate a few sportspeople and federations which have done very well last year: Amanda Coetzer and Wayne Ferreira, and of course we did remark on Amanda’s hairstyle. Comrade Priscilla Jana would know where it comes from. They won the Hopman Cup in Australia at the beginning of this year.

Our lovely queen, Penny Heyns, has broken a number of swimming records in our country, and we hope she will do that in the Olympic Games in Sydney later this year. [Applause.] There is a lovely youngster called Terence Parkin. Terence cannot speak or hear, but he is one of our best swimmers in the country. He cannot even hear the gun when it goes off, but has to see a light going off and then jump into the water. He is one of our best athletes at the moment, and we will get a medal through Terence. [Applause.]

The South African cricket team has won the series against India. We have won the series but we have one-day internationals that we are battling with at the moment. I do tend to agree that if we have some injuries, we should get some players from back home to reinforce the team.

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: What about the Stormers?

The MINISTER: Stormers, Stormers, Stormers. We really congratulate Bafana Bafana on their bronze medal in the African Cup of Nations. They played very well. [Applause.] We also have to congratulate the Springbok team, also on the bronze from the World Cup in Wales. [Applause.] The men’s hockey team has just come back from Egypt, and they also have a slight problem which we are looking into. Hezekiel Sepeng has been very consistent in his performances.

We have a new sensation, Dikeledi Moropane. She is very young. She is one of the sprinters that we have in this country, and we are hoping to take her with us to Sydney. [Applause.] We congratulate Baby Jake - the old man

• and Hawk Makepula on the lovely fight they gave us a few weeks ago. They fought very well and Hawk won. We have to say: ``Come back home,’’ to the rhamncwa [beast], Vuyani Bhungu. Do you know a ramncwa [beast], Mr Chairperson? He tried his best and gave his all. He should come back home; we still love him. [Applause.]

We also salute those tireless warriors who give so much of their time and energy, sometimes without any reward - the coaches, the officials, the technical assistants and the volunteers. With their dedication and Sport and Recreation, we will really reach great heights. We also have to say, clearly, that we still need the likes of coaches like Trott Moloto and others to continue with the work that they are doing. [Applause.] I am not talking about the provincial games, the Stormers, the Cats, and others. We did not do well last weekend. Amaglug-glug did us very proud, but we hope that the other teams, over the coming few months before the Olympic Games, will really reach the highest levels of participation in our country.

I want to thank everyone for loving sport and loving all of us in sport. [Applause.]

An HON MEMBER: Laduma! [Goal!]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon Minister, your reference to a sheep in a wolf’s skin is an isiXhosa expression, and in many other languages in the world too, there is an expression for that. You are not referring to a particular individual in this House, that he or she is a sheep in a wolf’s skin, which has an odious connotation. Therefore, you are ruled not out of order. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

An HON MEMBER: Laduma! [Goal!]

Debate concluded.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 11 - Foreign Affairs:

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Chairperson and hon members, it is a great pleasure and privilege for me to stand before this esteemed House and present my first budget as Minister of Foreign Affairs. I do so with great humility, as someone stepping into the shoes of that great son of Africa, the veteran of our liberation movement and the architect of our foreign policy, the late hon Alfred Nzo. I pay tribute to his relentless efforts to lay a foundation upon which I am challenged to build.

I stand before the House at the dawn of the African century, a time in our history when we as the people of the continent are resolutely turning our backs on the ugly past of colonialism, apartheid and oppression, on ignorance, hunger, disease and poverty, on war and violence, on intolerance of one another’s differences, disregard of human rights, and absence of democracy. We are turning our backs on underdevelopment and economic dependency and poverty. This is our past, which we intend not to lament, but to convincingly conquer in order to make real the dream of the African renaissance.

We are under no illusion that its vestiges and legacies often affront us as obstacles in our resolute cause for a better future. In doing this, we shall build on the foundation laid by our forebears, those great revolutionaries who conquered colonial and apartheid oppression. Our far- sighted leaders of today have declared the year 2000 the year of peace in Africa.

They have set themselves the daunting challenge of ending all wars on the continent. They have unambiguously rejected military and unconstitutional regimes. As economic development is central to the African renaissance, they are implementing the Abuja treaty, whose regional economic blocs will lead to the formation of the African economic community. They have mandated our President, together with the current chairperson of the Organisation for African Unity, President Bouteflika of Algeria, to champion the continent’s cause for debt cancellation. Through these and numerous other similar efforts, our leaders and people are showing not only their impatience with the legacy of the past, but their determination to overcome it.

The agenda of the African century will inform the programmes of the Ministry during my term of office. In pursuit of these, our policy and programme will rest on four broad pillars: those of development, peace and security, governance and transformation of related institutions. Economic development is at the centre of our strategy. At the centre of our strategy must be the integration of not only our economy, but also those of other countries in the African continent, into the world system. Such an integration must advance the interests of our continent. For this reason, we play a leadership role to ensure that the new international trade protocols of the WTO enhance the development agenda of the south.

Establishing co-operation with the various emerging economic blocs is one of the central features of South African foreign policy. Hence the conclusion of the trade, development and co-operation agreement with the EU. We also played a leading role in 1999 in the negotiations with the EU for a successor agreement to the Lomé Convention. We will continue to make important contributions as a respected member of the African-Caribbean and Pacific group. Afro-Arab co-operation and relations between the region and the Gulf Co-operation Council will receive further attention. In this regard, we are a founder member of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for regional co-operation. The relations with the states of the Caribbean community and common market Carricom will be improved. In pursuit of this, a mission has been opened in Kingston, Jamaica.

Most countries in our region have successful economic reform programmes in place. The process of regional integration has many opportunities for the citizens of our respective countries. The ratification of the Southern African Development Community Trade Protocol in January 2000 concerned our common commitment to establishing a free trade area.

We are about to start negotiations for a trade agreement with Mercosur. This will strengthen our links with South America. We have just returned from Chile, where we were part of a historic event, the inauguration of the socialist President, Ricardo Lagos, the first socialist President since the coup d’etat against the Allende government.

We also intend to use various fora to articulate positions of Africa and the developing world in dialogue with the industrialised world. These will, among others, include the EU/Africa Summit of April 2000 in Cairo, the South African/Nordic Summit in June, the G8 meeting in July, the China-Afro Co-operation Forum to be held in Beijing in October, the 13th NAM Ministerial Conference in Cartagena and the Summit of Heads of State and Government in Havana, both in April. Our embassies and high commissions abroad spend more than 60% of their time on trade and investment-related matters, such as sustaining our market share, exploring and opening new markets, facilitating joint ventures and negotiating bilateral economic co-operation agreements. We have to strengthen trade and investment relations with Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean in order to diversify. An increasing number of our top-20 trading partners now hail from these regions. In a few days’ time I will be visiting China in order to further strengthen and expand our relations with that country, and also to prepare for the first state visit by the Chinese President to South Africa in April.

With regard to social development, an exclusive focus on economic dimension of development will be extremely limited and unwise. Culturally, we are in a global village. Innovations in communication and information technology make it possible to disseminate ideas, images and symbols at the blink of an eye. Unfortunately, much of the developing world, particularly Africa, does not have access to and cannot share this wealth of information and knowledge. In an age of increasing global secularism there is, however, also a need to provide space for cultural identity and to accommodate those who feel threatened by this phenomenon.

The impact of HIV/Aids echoes through every facet of our societies, crippling workforces and leading to unmanageable demands on our health care systems. The African renaissance remains threatened, unless the people of our continent - who should deliver this vision - are free from the scourge of this terrible disease. South Africa is also committed to the promotion of human rights internationally. In the light of this, South Africa has accepted a request by the UN to host the World Conference on Racism in the second half of the year 2001. We are uniquely positioned to contribute to the international community’s quest to combat racism in all its manifestations. The United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Women 2000 and on social development will enable us to place on the world agenda the concerns we have about the continued marginalisation of women in our societies.

In relation to peace and security, the regional conflicts wreaking havoc across the continent cast a dark shadow over the prospects of the success of the vision of the African renaissance. We shall continue to be an honest and neutral broker in these conflicts. We believe that these wars cause human misery and pain, and reverse whatever little gains we have made in socioeconomic development.

The ratio of military to civilian casualties in these wars is thought to have been 8:1 at the start of the century, but now it stands at 1:8, the civilian casualties being the largest. It is wrong to think that all conflicts should be solved through the barrel of the gun. Political solutions should be explored at all times. For this reason, we are committed to participating in peace missions wherever our contribution is required and a legitimate international mandate exists. In the DRC there can be no alternative to a peaceful resolution of that country’s conflict.

We are happy to have played our small part in the development of the Lusaka Peace Agreement which enjoys the support of all parties involved in that conflict. This framework also enjoys the support of the OAU and the UN. In this context we welcome the deployment of the UN Peacekeeping Force to implement the ceasefire agreement and we support the former President of Botswana, Sir Ketumile Masire, in his role as facilitator for the internal process in that country. We are committed to stand by the people of the Congo as they make this difficult journey, and we will support and encourage them wherever we can. For this reason, I will be visiting the DRC, Kinshasa, at the end of this week.

During my visit to Burundi early this month, I was struck by the desperation of those people for peace and for reconstruction of their society. They count on our support to encourage the world not to forget their plight and to urge those involved in the violent conflict to give peace a chance. I therefore wish to assure former President Mandela, the facilitator of the Burundi peace process, of our fullest support in this endeavour.

The 26-year conflict in Angola is of great concern as it spreads and affects other countries in our region. We support all the UN sanctions against Unita and shall continue to work closely with the UN for the success of these measures in order to secure a peaceful solution. We are aware that some of our citizens have been involved in efforts aimed at undermining the UN sanctions. We shall take firm action against those involved. South Africa will continue to advocate for a political solution to the conflict in Angola, as we remain convinced that there can be no lasting military solution. We urge Unita once again to abandon war and embrace peace. With regard to the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, progress has been made towards the implementation of the OAU peace plan. We support the ongoing IGAD process in Sudan and hope that both parties, namely the Sudanese government and the SPLA, will reach an early settlement.

Human security is a foreign policy idea and a political imperative. It is a responsibility placed on our agenda by the weight of public opinion. The public is often shocked by live television broadcasts of the impact of natural disasters. Our High Commissioner, Ms Jessie Duarte, acted with a sense of urgency and alerted us in a manner which enabled the Government through Foreign Affairs to act swiftly, resulting in thousands of lives being saved. It is in this context that we applaud the heroic efforts of our Defence Force who rescued about 13 000 desperate Mozambicans and formed part of the international effort to distribute humanitarian aid. [Applause.]

The support extended to Mozambique from fellow African countries with meagre resources is a true sign of African solidarity. It is with a sense of pride that we saw Africa take the lead in this time of crisis. We welcome the humanitarian support that has since flowed from other countries. We hope that the international community will assist in the major task of the reconstruction and development of Mozambique.

Mozambique, of course, was not the only country affected by the disaster. Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa, as well as Madagascar, were affected. The challenge that faces us is to develop early warning capacity, and to generate sufficient resources to prevent such human catastrophe and, where we can, an ability to minimise the threat to the lives of our citizens. We can only do this through co-operation in Africa and support from others.

At this moment 29 South African experts are assisting to put out a fire that has been raging for almost a month. South Africa has keenly supported the initiative in respect of the conference on security, stability, development and co-operation in Africa. We serve on the steering committee to further this process on the African continent. We believe that this initiative represents a much-needed process and in Africa constitutes a catalyst which will enhance and speed up the OAU politically, as well as African economic integration processes. South Africa is looking forward to hosting the OAU summit in the year 2002.

On governments, the past decades has seen a wave of democratisation sweep the continent with three elected leaders coming to power. Unconstitutional changes in government were unequivocally condemned by member states at the OAU summit of 1999 in Algiers. African governments are generally embracing the values of good governance and respect for human rights, and these are becoming entrenched in their actions.

Our President has been asked to lead the process of settling the unconstitutional cessation of the Anjuan regime and military takeover of the government in the Comores. Good progress has been made to put pressure on the Anjuan regime to maintain the integrity of the Comores as a unified sovereign state. The OAU also endorsed efforts of the committee to return the Comores to constitutional order and begin an end to the military regime.

As a country, we stand prepared to support these initiatives, using the wealth of experience and expertise that our people have in this regard, or provide the requisite logistical assistance to ensure that the electoral system reaches all the eligible voters. We provided such logistical support in the form of helicopters for the Mozambican election.

South Africa is also actively participating in the proceedings of the international criminal tribunal for Rwanda. The judge president, Navir Pillay, is one of our judges, and I am also proud that she is a woman. This tribunal is part of the process aimed at prosecuting persons responsible for the genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda in 1994.

In order for us to play our new role meaningfully and effectively within our modest means, I will be tabling the African renaissance and international co-operation Bill in the second quarter of this session of Parliament. This law will enable us to co-ordinate, plan and direct our efforts in this regard in a better way. Apart from participating in various international fora, South Africa will this year be involved in initiatives aimed at improving the security of Africa’s citizens. These include negotiations on the international convention against transnational organised crime and the 10th UN crime congress that will take place in April 2000 in Vienna.

I now come to institutional transformation. The creation of a better world is imperative. But we have to have support of organisational and other institutional mechanisms. Immense trust and confidence is placed in South Africa, particularly by the developing world, resulting in our election to leadership roles of various multilateral organisations, including NAM and the Commonwealth. Yesterday, Monday, 13 March, was Commonwealth Day. As we reflect on the unique role that it has played in helping to shape South Africa’s peaceful transition to democracy, we are also aware of the special responsibility placed on South Africa whose President Thabo Mbeki is the first-ever chair in office of the Commonwealth, and chairman of its high- level group which will be examining the future role of the Commonwealth.

We continue to advocate the reform and renewal of multilateral institutions, particularly the United Nations, the World Bank and the IMF. The UN Security Council remains the paramount global instrument to safeguard peace and security. Capacity must be built to enable it to address new, nontraditional threats to security such as ethnic conflict, mass refugee flows, illicit small arms trafficking, gross human rights violations, and failures of governance and the rule of law, and to address abject human deprivation.

I have mentioned all the challenges that face us, but do we have a department that can live up to these challenges? Clearly the challenges that confront us in the pursuit of these policy objectives require that the Department of Foreign Affairs should itself undergo a thoroughgoing transformation.

In this regard, measures are in place to develop a comprehensive departmental strategy plan for transformation. This plan will span a three to five-year period and it will be finalised before the end of this year. The plan will cover such issues as programme and policy orientation, fundamental organisational reform and the repositioning of missions. The objective will be to ensure that we have efficient and effective capacity to deliver on our mandate. These processes are already under way as we recognise the urgency of enhancing our efficiency. Clearly the present scope of the challenges ahead of us would require the utilisation of a range of resources available to the state, including the support of other departments and Ministries. We would also consult broadly with the various organs of civil society to ensure their participation in a manner that will not impinge on their independence and autonomy.

Effective communication of our policies and programmes, and indeed the agenda of the African renaissance, will form an important part of our strategy. In this regard, a co-ordinated approach that brings together the various agencies in our international work, such as various Government departments, ISA, Satour and other similar organisations, will be important. The Cabinet decision to establish a programme called ``Imaging and Branding South Africa’,’ which will be implemented with the assistance of the Government Communication and Information System, GCIS, under the guidance of an international committee that will be chaired by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is a welcome development.

As I conclude, I want to place on record my appreciation for the guidance from the President and the support from the Deputy President. My appreciation also goes to the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Aziz Pahad, for his support and counsel, and to the DG, the DDGs and the entire staff in the Department of Foreign Affairs, who have worked so hard. I hope that the new year will witness an even greater measure of co-ordination of our efforts to realise common objectives. The newly formed Cabinet committee and cluster committee system on international relations, peace and security will lay a firm basis for this.

I would also like to thank all my colleagues, who have given me their support and understanding, as Foreign Affairs impinges on the work of all other departments. We remain on course and ready to face the challenges of the African century. [Applause.]

Mr E I EBRAHIM: Mr Chairperson, and hon members, I would like to thank the hon Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma for her very comprehensive and thought- provoking comments on South Africa’s role and priorities in foreign affairs for the coming year. I would also like to extend a warm welcome to our new Director-General of Foreign Affairs, Mr Sipho Pityana, whose visionary leadership will help to guide the department into the new millennium. The 21st century has been declared by our President as an African century. In order to drive forward the notion of the African renaissance, and operationalise the many strategic objectives which have been identified as necessary to ensure Africa’s renewal, we will have to commit substantial resources to the pursuit of this goal. Similarly, to promote South Africa as a competitive player and a valuable partner in the community of nations, we will have to dedicate the requisite resources to marketing our strengths overseas.

The concern shared by the members of the Foreign Affairs committee is that the resources allocated to the Department of Foreign Affairs for the current fiscal year are not sufficient to meet our foreign affairs objectives. We are mindful of the demands made by the various Government departments on the limited resources available to the state. The department has, however, tried to manage, with increasing difficulty, a trend which has seen its budget consistently reduced over the past three years, while the foreign policy agenda has expanded, and more commitments have been made in the international arena.

If we are to move beyond rhetoric and pronouncement, and actively engage in multilateral fora, strengthen trading partnerships, attract direct foreign investments, address conflicts on the continent and heighten human security, we need a budget which reflects these priorities, and provides the necessary capacity to fulfil these goals. What we are witnessing is resource allocation which has hampered our efforts, as a result of the Foreign Affairs budget being cut by R90 million. The budget now stands at 50% of what it was in 1993.

We lack capacity to seriously strategise on our involvement in places like Asia and Latin America, which puts us at a significant disadvantage on trade opportunities of a vast potential. There are no available funds to open new strategic missions abroad in places that are growing points such as Vietnam, the Philippines, and Shanghai, and we continue to close missions in places like Bulgaria and Romania. A total of 221 foreign service posts remain unfilled owing to financial constraints, and 14 head- of-mission posts remain vacant even in Namibia, Tanzania, Mumbai and Cuba.

In Africa, where we are seeking to expand economic co-operation, we have merely 25 missions, out of a total of 53 countries - a visible presence in only half of the continent. The much-needed missions in Kigali, Lubumbashi and Tripoli would enable us to more effectively pursue a number of our economic and political objectives on the continent.

An additional constraint for the department in managing its current budget is that before the beginning of the financial year, the budget has already been reduced owing to the currency fluctuations of the past week. We would like to recommend that the Department of Finance should make, at least, part of the budget allocation to Foreign Affairs in foreign currency.

Within the confines of the current budget, South Africa will need to be strategic in addressing the urgent issues of conflict resolution on the continent which threatens the very potential for an African renaissance. We cannot be peacemakers and reconcilers in every troubled spot throughout the arc of crisis that runs from Angola in the south, all the way to the Upper Nile Basin. But we do have a special responsibility to share our experience and skill in reconciliation and mediation where such efforts are likely to bear the most fruit. Over the past years we have actively sought a peaceful resolution to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and continue to pledge our support to the Lusaka peace process. As parliamentarians, we must repeatedly express our support for the work of Robert Fowler and the UN- sanctioned regime which hopes to minimise the revenues of Jonas Savimbi. We call on our Government to expose and prosecute any South African guilty of sanction-busting. Creative thinking on all our parts will be required to encourage and negotiate a political settlement and viable political process in Angola.

In addition to concerted efforts in dealing with traditional security issues on the continent, it is imperative that we increasingly look at human security concerns. While traditional statecentric notions of security are important, the security of individuals needs to garner renewed attention. Peace cannot be seen as merely the absence of war or the containment of conflict. Peace must entail efficient state services where the basic needs of the people are met, sustainable economic development takes place and good governance is made a priority. Without these fundamental concerns being addressed, the underlying cause of state collapse and conflict will not be challenged. Part of heightening human security will necessitate genuine ethnic reconciliation and grass-roots peace-building across Africa to bring hostile communities together and facilitate meaningful dialogue processes.

In addressing human security issues we may want to examine the controversial concept of humanitarian intervention in order to formalise our approach to situations that involve gross violations of human rights, starvation or genocide. Is the UN or the OAU prepared to intervene on humanitarian grounds in the future when such tragedies unfold, or will it adhere to the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity? Are we prepared to accept that there are exceptional circumstances in which this principle can be violated? A serious debate needs to take place on such issues.

One of the greatest human security concerns which confronts us today is the scourge of HIV/Aids. The urgency of the crisis has made it necessary to view HIV/Aids as a foreign policy issue if the African renaissance is to be more than a dream. South Africa needs to forge partnerships with both the North and South and civil society organisations to mobilise the necessary resources, medication and awareness campaigns to reduce the devastating spread of the pandemic.

South Africa should play a leadership role within the Nonaligned Movement to push for faster and more extensive debt reduction so that resources in the developing world can be freed up for programmes in education and health care. If unity can be forged throughout the South as an extension of Jubilee 2000, the North will find it harder to resist southern demands.

Similarly, we must push for UN reforms, and reform of the UN Security Council in particular. Our influence in such world bodies does not reflect the extent of our contribution. We currently contribute R46 million to the UN and R40 million from South Africa went towards paying for peace operations worldwide. Africa needs permanent representation on the UN Security Council in order to place African issues and conflicts more firmly on the international agenda. Such reform will not likely take place without southern consensus behind a common reform platform.

Although our foreign policy is Africa driven, our internationalism demands that we express solidarity with and support genuine national liberation movements, and support those struggling for human rights throughout the world. In this respect we welcome the process of granting full independence to the people of East Timor and condemn the brutal violence perpetrated against the entire civilian population.

We express concern about the intransingency of the Israeli government and fully support the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for their human dignity, for freedom and self-determination. We must also express condemnation of the abduction and the flawed trial of the Kurdish leader, Abdullah Ocalan, and we support the call for his release and for a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey. We also note with concern the continued Turkish military occupation of parts of Cyprus and urge the United Nations to take the necessary steps to end this occupation.

In conclusion, South Africa does not lack the political will to operationalise its varied foreign policy objectives. But the department cannot operate on a shoestring budget. If we are to pursue the visionary goal espoused by our President, we will need to ensure that we have the real capacity to do so. I have no doubt that South Africa, under the leadership of our President and under the able leadership of the Minister, the Deputy Minister and the officials of the department, will continue to play a significant role among the nations of Africa and the world. [Applause.]

Mr C W EGLIN: Mr Chairperson, the hon Minister Zuma gave us an impressive catalogue of the activities, past and future, of her department. It really is very impressive. I look forward to tomorrow to hear not Minister Zuma but the magician Zuma explaining how the department is going to achieve all this on a very limited budget that her colleague has provided her with.

The only one point I want to touch on is that the hon the Minister mentioned the issue of being an honest broker in dispute situations rather than being a combatant. We, in the DP, support that attitude 100%. We believe that very often there are complex factors surrounding disputes and wars. But, in the main, the wars and the disputes within countries will never be resolved unless it is on the basis of inclusive representative democratic government. If one looks around Africa, that is the key problem in many of the areas where the conflict is taking place. I, like many other people in this country, were taken by surprise when the President announced that Dr Zuma was going to be the Minister of Foreign Affairs. We had always thought of her as stubbing out cigarettes rather than stubbing out civil wars. But, we want to say that we commend her for her enthusiasm and energy, and the way she has tackled the responsibilities of her portfolio.

Reports from around Africa, in particular, indicate that she has made an impact. Let me say to the Minister that it is too early for us to come to final conclusions on the extent of her success. We wish her well. We, the DP, will support her wherever it is possible. But let me say that we reserve the right to criticise her whenever we deem it necessary.

This is also the occasion to welcome the new director-general, Mr Pityana. I think we have had two directors-general in the course of the past year. While the Minister’s responsibility is in the field of policy and diplomacy, the essential responsibility for the director-general is in the field of management. I want to stress the importance of effective management in the field of foreign affairs at this stage of South Africa’s international relationships.

We believe that proper management of a small department with a very limited budget, operating in the international field, is of critical importance. There are four reasons for this - expanded responsibilities; and yet confronted with the reduced budget. We believe that the budget reduction of R19 million will be much greater when taken in real money terms and is short-sighted. We do not believe that it will be possible for the Department of Foreign Affairs to play the full and appropriate part in promoting South Africa’s interest in the international field. I know they are going to try their best, but we believe that there is not enough money for us to cover the international field, and South Africa’s increased international status, and South Africa’s increased international opportunities. So we shall do what we can to persuade the hon the Minister of Finance to increase the department’s budget to a much more realistic figure.

The second reason for good management is to meet the challenge and opportunities presented by the developments of modern information technology. The world of communication - and a big part of that is foreign affairs - is changing dramatically before our eyes. We want to see that, through good management, we keep abreast with the newest techniques in the field of information technology.

The third reason for good management is the changing nature of international relationships. What may have been good management five years ago is probably going to be poor management this year and bad management in a year’s time, as national boundaries become less important and a regional bloc, multinational agencies, international politics and global economics become more important. We see the world as a kaleidoscope rather than as a set pattern.

Finally, giving increased impetus to South Africa’s effort in the fields of international trade, finance and technology would not only require greater effort, but, I believe and we believe, would also require much greater co- operation and shared responsibility among the Department of Foreign Affairs, the Department of Trade and Industry and the private sector. They are three essential members of a team if we are going to expand our trade. I would like to say to Mr Pityana that he has a tough mission ahead of him and I wish him good luck.

I can only deal with one other matter in the short time available to me, and that is our dealings with the Southern African region. The region, we believe, is of critical importance to South Africa and the South African people. What is more, the Southern African region is a part of the world where, because of South Africa’s location and because of its relative strength and its human and material resources, South Africa can make a real difference. It can make a very real difference, not only to the lives of South Africans, but to the lives of millions of fellow Africans living here within the southern region. We in the DP believe that we have to assist in bringing peace, stability and development to this region.

And so the countries of this region have formed SADC, which is designed to co-ordinate and facilitate agreements, protocols, and co-operation in obtaining these objectives. We believe that SADC is a critically important instrument in the whole question not just of the African renaissance, but of the security, the peace and the development of our southern region. It should be supported and it should be strengthened.

SADC, in its current form, is a relatively new institution, and in its formative years it has not been able to meet all the challenges which have confronted it. It has made good progress in a number of fields, such as the technical fields of power generation and communication. It has brought countries closer and closer together. The trade protocol, which in many ways stands at the centre of our regional co-operation, while not yet ratified, is well on the way to becoming a regional agreement.

However, it has had its shortcomings. It has not been able to deal with the issue of conflict resolution. It might have been said that this is because the conflicts in the countries, particularly Angola and the DRC, were intractable. The fact is that SADC itself did not have the instrument within it to cope with this conflict situation. I refer, in particular, to the fact that over the past three years SADC’s Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, which should have been the body for creating a mutual and a common attitude towards the conflict, in essence, did not exist because of the disputes both over the question of the chairmanship and over the question of where its authority lay. We believe that had they had that organ, one might not have had SADC torn apart as to how one should handle the conflict situation in the DRC. We are pleased that at the meeting in Swaziland this matter appeared to have been resolved.

Secondly, there is no doubt that as SADC becomes a more important instrument, consideration has to be given to the restructuring and the revamping of the executive and the way in which various portfolios are handed out. Finally, SADC, particularly, has to move towards having free trading areas. We have economies which are becoming interlocked and more and more interdependent. There must be clear and binding commitment amongst the countries of SADC as to what kind of governance and what kind of economy is going to prevail in that region. The countries and the governments cannot and should not be clones of one another. Rather there should be an unambiguous commitment to four features: first, to the peaceful resolution of conflict and, second, to democracy and respect for human rights and upholding the rule of law. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Miss M N MAGAZI: Chairperson, hon Minister, hon members, comrades and friends, the world we are living in is changing very fast. The change is necessary, though the very nature of human beings, especially those who are privileged, is not to want to give away the old and familiar, while those who are not privileged want to bring something new and in most cases, progressive. One author once described this contradiction as nothing but a struggle between what is old and what is dying, but is refusing to die, and what is new and struggling to be born.

The focus of my speech will be on the restructuring or reform of the United Nations Security Council, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The very nature of the United Nations Organisation was modelled along the lines of the victorious forces after the Second World War. Also important was that the world was divided into two - the socialist block dominated by the former Soviet Union and the capitalist world dominated by USA. Many developments have taken place since the world of 1945, as it was envisaged by the United Nations Organisation.

There were 54 countries who signed the United Nations Charter in 1945, and today the organisation consists of 185 member states. We are no longer living in a bipolar world. The socialist bloc, which was once dominated by the former Soviet Union, is no longer there. Technology and communication have made our world much smaller than it was before. We all have a common destiny as humanity. Our future as humanity is in our hands. No part of the world has been left untouched by the changes that have taken place.

The UNO itself has not been left out in the process of change. Today one is able to know what is happening thousands of kilometres away from one’s country, just by the push of a button. In all these changes that I have stated above, the Security Council of the UN has not changed. Though there is general agreement among the permanent members of the Security Council that change is necessary and that they have to change, the question they still entertain is to what extent they should change.

They are prepared to accommodate new members in the Security Council if those members do not have veto powers. This is not acceptable to the potential members and to those who campaign for this change to happen. New members would not want to have a second class membership of the Security Council.

Our position as a country is the position of the OAU which says that every member, old or new, must be accorded the same status and privileges, and that Africa must be accorded two seats. These seats must be rotational and mandated seats. Those countries will have the backing, and they will be expressing the aspirations, of the continent as a whole through the OAU.

We also concur with the view that regions like Latin America and Asia must have representation in the Security Council. Owing to the reluctance of the current permanent members of the council, the changes will take a long time to come, but we are determined to have those changes. We know for a fact that they will come.

Let me turn my attention to the financial institutions which play a significant role in many lives - the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Those two institutions have not lived up to our expectations and, to a large extent, they have caused havoc in the national economies of many countries of the South. Let us first examine the main objectives of these institutions that justify their existence. Among the objectives of these institutions one will find the following: Firstly, to combat poverty in all its manifestations; secondly, to protect the environment; and thirdly, economic reconstruction and recovery. In many instances these objectives have been neglected. The conditions that are attached to loans granted to countries have literally killed the economies of these countries. Among these conditions is the structural adjustment programme. This programme has literally caused havoc with the countries of the south.

Countries have surrendered their sovereignty to these institutions. These institutions have created in many cases parallel structures to those of the governments. These programmes have denied millions of children their right to basic education, thus keeping the bulk of the population of the countries in ignorance. How are we supposed to achieve development if we do not build human resources? Many people have been denied access to health care, and clinics have been closed down. These loans have caused civil strife. In one sentence, this has been the globalisation of poverty.

Despite massive evidence of the negative impact of this programme available to these institutions, no policy shift is in sight. Perhaps they need to be reminded that people are the greatest asset of any country. These financial institutions must be persuaded that when they provide loans, they must do so with a human heart. Their loans must ensure democracy, a human rights culture and human progress. Anything short of that will not guarantee peace in this world of ours. [Applause.]

Rev K M ZONDI: Chairperson, I must begin by thanking the President, His Excellency Mr T M Mbeki, for the confidence he has shown in the women of our country by appointing the hon Dr Zuma as Minister in this important portfolio of Foreign Affairs. [Applause.] The strides with which the hon the Minister set out to tackle one of the most difficult and complicated problems of conflict on the African continent shortly after her appointment, namely the problem of the Democratic Republic of Congo, proves that the hon the Minister is well endowed with talent and ability to take over the immense task that was ably executed before her by that quiet diplomat who has since passed on from us, the late Mr Alfred Nzo, whose soul should rest in peace.

The R1,3 billion allocated to the Department of Foreign Affairs for the 2000-2001 financial year is far from enough, if one takes into account the daunting challenges that face us as a country, as we continue with the important programme of being reintegrated into the international community after decades of isolation which was brought about by our apartheid past. Like any self-respecting country, we must continue to conduct our affairs in a manner that will make us respectable and principled members of the international community. We must, from time to time, take positions in multilateral organisations that will help promote our image as that of a good citizen of the world.

While it is important for us as a country to forge good relations with the rest of the world community, it is, however, a matter of exceeding importance that our foreign policy becomes Afrocentric in nature. It must be biased towards Africa and her special circumstances. We must as a country utilise the advantage of our connections with influential countries to champion the cause of Africa. We cannot allow Africa to be shoved around as an unimportant part of the world.

The Department of Foreign Affairs has a responsibility also to help make this 21st century the African century. In fact, I was delighted when the hon the Minister indicated that intention as a central part of the policy. In order to help realise this, I would suggest that our foreign policy with regards to Africa should be dominated by the following issues, among others: Firstly, it should be based on the democratisation of African governments, that is, all governments should be based on the will of the governed. South Africa must play a pivotal role to help encourage this positive development on the continent. Secondly, we should strive for the end of all wars and conflicts leading to the return of stability and peace. Thirdly, we should step up programmes that will help entrench a culture of respect for human rights. Fourthly, we should stimulate economic development in order to help reduce the unacceptably high levels of gruelling poverty on the continent.

Our policy also needs to continue to focus on our immediate neighbourhood, Southern Africa. While we have definite responsibilities towards our continent, we should have even more responsibilities in Southern Africa. In Southern Africa we have two situations which pose a very serious challenge to us as a country. These are the conflicts in Angola and the DRC. While it is commendable that we have supported resolutions taken by multilateral organisations such as the UN, the OAU and SADC on the conflict in Angola, such as taking stern measures against those who flout sanctions imposed on organisations such as Unita, we should nevertheless not lose sight of what should be our cardinal policy objective, that of ensuring that the decades- long war comes to an end.

Perhaps we need to adopt a two-pronged approach, which should make it possible that while we act in concert with the international community we also are able to take initiatives which will ensure that we leave no stone unturned in search for a solution. We need to take initiatives that are designed to ensure that both President Dos Santos and Dr Savimbi find a way to make peace possible in Angola, for the sake of millions of ordinary Angolans who, on a daily basis, bear the brunt of the decades-long war.

One must also commend the stirling initiatives of the hon the Minister in helping to bring together most parties to the conflict in the DRC. These initiatives led to the signing of the cease-fire agreement by most of the important role-players in that conflict. However, we do feel that more work still has to be done by our Minister, and perhaps even by our President, to persuade President Kabila to play a role that would be helpful to the situation. The political parties in the DRC must be assisted to work towards a programme that will eventually lead to the establishment of a fully fledged democracy in the DRC.

Lastly, I would also like to add to the words commending our security forces for doing a stirling and commendable job in helping out in the situation of disaster in Mozambique. As a country it did us very proud.

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Mr Chairman, I agree with the previous speaker that the 21st century should belong to Africa, but I will come back to that point.

It is only a privilege to serve on a committee that is chaired by the hon Ebrahim Ebrahim. It is only a pleasure to interact with the able officials of the Department of Foreign Affairs. It is only a pleasure to work with Deputy Minister Aziz Pahad. And if there is truth in the saying ``absence makes the heart grow fonder’’ it will only become a pleasure to work with the hon the Minister of Foreign Affairs as well. [Laughter.]

In the limited time at my disposal I would like to deal basically with only one issue: The protection of minority rights as a mechanism for conflict prevention on the continent of Africa. I will also raise a question relating to the so-called ``China no motion’’ issue that will arise later this month in Geneva.

If the twenty-first century is to belong to Africa, as envisaged by President Mbeki, if the concept of the African renaissance is to become a reality, Africa will have to get its act in order. The senseless civil wars which have been plaguing Africa for decades, destroying its natural resources, emptying its state coffers, blocking foreign investment and hampering economic development, will have to be stopped once and for all. If this does not happen, the 21st century will not belong to Africa and an African renaissance will remain a pipe dream.

How could these conflicts be brought to an end? Quite simply, really, by implementing the contents of this document, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious or Linguistic Minorities. The root cause of virtually every prevailing conflict on the continent is the violation of the rights of persons belonging to ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities by majority governments. This is the case in the Sudan, in Nigeria, in the Great Lakes area - especially Burundi, from where the Minister has just returned - in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where the Minister is off to at the end of the week, in the Caprivi, and, to a certain extent, in Angola.

Once people belonging to minorities have the right to enjoy their own culture, to practise their own religion, to use their own language, to participate effectively in decisions at national and regional level concerning the minority to which they belong, as specifically required by article 2 of the declaration, the conflicts will wither away until they finally stop.

Die tyd het aangebreek dat die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap die toepassing van hierdie VN-deklarasie oor die regte van persone wat aan nasionale of etniese, religieuse of taalminderhede behoort, as ‘n saak van dringende belang op hulle agenda plaas. Die tyd het ook aangebreek dat die Organisasie vir Eenheid in Afrika dieselfde doen. Ek versoek die Minister om die bespreking van hierdie deklarasie in genoemde forums, die SAOG en die OEA, so gou moontlik te fasiliteer. Die toepassing van die bepalings van die VN-deklarasie oor die regte van persone wat aan minderhede behoort, is ‘n baie doeltreffender en goedkoper manier om vrede te bewerkstellig as wat enige militêre ingryping ooit kan droom om te wees. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The time has come for the Southern African Development Community to place on their agenda, as a matter of urgency, the implementation of this UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious or Linguistic Minorities. The time has also come for the Organisation for African Unity to do the same. I request that the Minister facilitate as quickly as possible the discussion of this declaration in the said forums, SADC and the OAU as soon as possible. The implementation of the provisions of the UN declaration on the rights of persons belonging to minorities, is a far more effective and inexpensive way to achieve peace than any military intervention could ever dream to be.]

In conclusion, can the hon the Minister tell the House whether South Africa will support the motion condemning human rights violations in the People’s Republic of China that will possibly be considered by the UN Human Rights Commission later this month in Geneva? The New NP believes that such a motion should be tabled and that the People’s Republic of China should be condemned for human rights violations in Tibet, in Xinjiang province, and for suppressing freedom of worship and jailing political dissidents.

Die Nuwe NP steun die begrotingspos, maar wys daarop dat as die begroting elke jaar in reële terme krimp, bo en behalwe onvermydelike dalings as gevolg van die wisselkoers, die departement naderhand al sy buitelandse missies sal moet sluit. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The New NP supports the Vote, but wishes to point out that if the budget shrinks in real terms every year, over and above the inevitable downswings as a result of the exchange rate, the department will eventually have to close down all its foreign missions.]

The New NP - and this is my last point - endorses the idea of an African parliament. This world, at least, guarantee opposition parties a say in African affairs, something which is nonexistent at the moment.

Mr M RAMGOBIN: Mr Chairperson, hon Deputy President, Madam Minister, ladies and gentlemen, since 1994 our country’s foreign relations have moved from a defensive position to a creative interventionist one, and our primary focus is the promotion of the African renaissance at domestic, regional and international levels.

On the basis of an assessment of the expenditure trends in the department, in relation to its strategic objectives, I believe that the Budget allocation is far from adequate. For the regeneration of Africa, we are committed to playing a critical role in several fields. As a background, after World War 2, we in Africa fought for and got our political emancipation. This emancipation coincided with the reconstruction of war- devastated Europe under the Marshall Plan. Rather ironically, this was deficit spending, but the culmination of which, within 50 years, became the European Union. This union ensures that there will be no wars ever again in Europe, but a very large part of Africa remains a theatre of war.

All former colonising powers of Africa are members of the European Union. In other words, Europe has demonstrated that there should be no rigid boundaries separating the interconnected dimensions of security, be they of a political, economic or environmental nature. Even a common currency was found to be essential for its unity. Today the European Union is so well organised that farmers in the member states are paid not to grow food, not to breed sheep and not to breed cattle, whilst we in Africa, once a continent of colonies in broad terms, remain hungry.

The Marshall Plan was excellent for Europe, but what about Africa? Did not the war occur in Africa? Were not the human and material resources of Africa used to fight the war? In 1947 the Truman administration granted a $17 billion aid programme for Europe, but I say not one dollar for Africa.

Today for us in Africa, the renaissance is a compelling call. For far too long we have been subjected to the political and economic caprices of the western world. And for our regeneration to become a reality, we need to engage in several projects and programmes. We have to enhance our integration by economic investment and institutional arrangements. There has to be an intensification of more bilateral, subregional, regional and continental co-operation. The sharing of developmental skills and experiences and the transfer of technology must be important components for our growth and accelerated development. Our technikons and universities must play a lead in this, and I believe that the DFA must lead the co- ordination.

Whether we receive support from the UNDP, UNCTAD, or the Commonwealth, we need to build our own food production capacity. We need modalities and mechanisms for this and, therefore, the question of developmental planning. This must lead us to the role of the interventionist state versus the free- market system or liberalisation as antecedent to globalisation. This should be part of the agenda of the OAU as an urgent matter. The DFA again must lead us and co-ordinate with others.

The technological needs of Africa are urgent and immense. Both the EU and the United States cannot shirk their responsibilities. Both benefited from colonialism and the slave trade. We do not want to accept hand-outs, but the exercise of a moral responsibility towards Africa is imperative.

We need to persuade civil society in the West to pressure Western governments to get involved in the reconstruction and the regeneration of Africa. The EU and the United States must lead the process again, and I believe that the DFA has to play a lead in this. There has to be co- ordination in our communication systems and transport. Our states have to intervene in the questions of education, land reform and health, with an emphasis on Aids.

Centres for consultation and planning are essential. We can set an example. The management and control of the environment is an absolute need. Water conservation and soil conservation and additions to them are essential. Toxic waste dumping and land mines in Africa are serious impediments and obstacles to our regeneration.

I come to the question of wars and civil strife. The question to be asked is: Whose wars are these? Who benefits from these wars? Internecine wars, genocide and banditry characterise parts of the African continent. Who are the beneficiaries of these? All these are possible because of the lack, in my view, of one major component - the lack of democratic practice and the lack of human-rights culture; because people can intervene to benefit from the lack of a democratic practice and the lack of a human rights culture. We have enough examples to go by - the Tshombes, Savimbis and Sani Abachas. What I am saying is that we need to initiate a revolutionary ethic among the states of the continent, and this must be our new cry. We need to build this ethic, an ethic worthy of Africa, and the role of the DFA, again, is paramount in this.

I now want to come to the question of economics and beneficiation. I want to ask a question here and to those outside. Why is the magnitude of industrialisation that must lead to cohesion, cultural homogeneity, interdependence and co-existence not present in Africa? If we were to go by the example of Ghana, it is significant that the cocoa cartels in Europe were instrumental in bringing down Kwama Nkrumah. The gold in South Africa is controlled by a cartel based here and in the Western world. Copper in Zambia is managed by a cartel which is not indigenous to Zambia. Oil in Nigeria and Angola are not processed for the benefit of the African continent. Diamonds in South Africa, the DRC and Angola are, in fact, part of our problem today in the region.

One major ancient field in which we are involved is quinine. Is there any factory in Africa that has transformed quinine into a drug to fight malaria? And yet that quinine was and still is available in Africa. Where is this processed? Have we built industries around quinine? Are there any collective enterprises between the African continent and the recipients or beneficiaries of these? Instead the cartels of the West have, in fact, controlled the prices and the markets. We want to ask the overlords of Africa some questions. [Time expired.]

Debate suspended.

The House adjourned at 18:04. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                        FRIDAY, 10 MARCH 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The following Bill was introduced in the National Assembly on 10
     March 2000 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
     classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:


     (i)     National House of Traditional Leaders Amendment Bill [B 15
          - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 76(1)) - (Portfolio Committee
          on Provincial and Local Government - National Assembly)
          [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior notice of its
          introduction published in Government Gazette No 20973 of 10
          March 2000.]

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Home Affairs:

 Report and Financial Statements of the Film and Publication Board for
 1998-99.

1. The Minister of Minerals and Energy:

 Report and Financial Statements of the Nuclear Safety Council for 1998-
 99.

1. The Minister of Health:

 (1)    Report of the Medical Bureau for Occupational Diseases for 1998-
     99.


 (2)    Government Notice No 344 published in the Government Gazette No
     20848 dated 4 February 2000, Mental Health Care Bill published for
     comment.

 (3)    Government Notice No 93 published in the Government Gazette No
     20837 dated 4 February 2000, Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied
     Health Service Professions Amendment Bill published to inform the
     public that the Minister of Health intends to table the Bill in
     Parliament during 2000.

 (4)    Government Notice No 105 published in the Government Gazette No
     20855 dated 11 February 2000, Correction Notice to Government
     Notice No 10 of 7 January 2000 made in terms of the Choice of
     Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1996 (Act No 92 of 1996).

 (5)    Government Notice No R.137 published in the Government Gazette
     No 20880 dated 18 February 2000, Regulations regarding performance
     of community service by dentists made in terms of the Medical,
     Dental and Supplementary Health Service Professions Act, 1974 (Act
     No 56 of 1974).

                        MONDAY, 13 MARCH 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Minister of Housing on 9 March 2000 submitted a draft of the
     Home Loan and Mortgage Disclosure Bill, 2000, and the memorandum
     explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, to the Speaker
     and the Chairperson in terms of Joint Rule 159. The draft has been
     referred by the Speaker and the Chairperson to the Portfolio
     Committee on Housing and the Select Committee on Public Services,
     respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule 159(2).

 (2)    The following papers have been tabled and are referred to the
     relevant committees as mentioned below:


     (i)     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
          Committee on Health and the Select Committee on Social
          Services:


          (a) Report of the Medical Bureau for Occupational Diseases for
              1998-99.

          (b) Government Notice No 344 published in the Government
              Gazette No 20848 dated 4 February 2000, Mental Health
              Care Bill published for comment.

          (c) Government Notice No 93 published in the Government
              Gazette No 20837 dated 4 February 2000, Chiropractors,
              Homeopaths and Allied Health Service Professions
              Amendment Bill published to inform the public that the
              Minister of Health intends to table the Bill in
              Parliament during 2000.

          (d) Government Notice No R.137 published in the Government
              Gazette No 20880 dated 18 February 2000, Regulations
              regarding performance of community service by dentists
              made in terms of the Medical, Dental and Supplementary
              Service Health Professions Act, 1974 (Act No 56 of 1974).


     (ii)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
              on Health, the Select Committee on Social Services and
              the Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality
              of Life and Status of Women:


          Government Notice No 105 published in the Government Gazette
          No 20855 dated 11 February 2000, Correction notice to
          Government Notice No 10 of 7 January 2000 made in terms of the
          Choice of termination of Pregnancy Act, 1996 (Act No 92 of
          1996).
     (iii)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
              on Minerals and Energy and the Select Committee on
              Economic Affairs:


          Report and Financial Statements of the Nuclear Safety Council
          for 1998-99.

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    The following private member's legislative proposal was
     submitted to the Speaker on 1 March 2000, in accordance with Rule
     234:


     (i)     Fund for the Victims of Crime Bill (Mr D H M Gibson).


     The legislative proposal has been referred to the Standing
     Committee on Private Members' Legislative Proposals and Special
     Petitions by the Speaker, in accordance with Rule 235.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The Report of the Department of Education for 1998-99 [RP 62-2000].

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Chairperson and the Deputy Speaker, as co-chairpersons of the Joint Rules Committee, present the First Report of the Joint Rules Committee, dated 10 March 2000, as follows:

 The Joint Rules Committee, having considered proposals for the
 amendment of the Joint Rules, recommends the following amendments to
 the Joint Rules:


 Joint Rule 71:

 To amend Joint Rule 71 (dealing with the Joint Subcommittee on Support
for Members) by the addition of the underlined words and the deletion
of the words in bold brackets:

 Chairpersons
 71.    The [Deputy Speaker and the permanent Deputy Chairperson of the
          Council] chairperson of the Assembly Subcommittee and the
          chairperson of the Council Subcommittee are the co-
          chairpersons of the Joint Subcommittee.

G N M PANDOR B MBETE Co-chairperson Co-chairperson Joint Rules Committee Joint Rules Committee Parliament Parliament

10 March 2000

Report to be considered.

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the Competition Amendment Bill [B 10 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 10 March 2000:

   The Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having considered the subject of the Competition Amendment Bill [B 10 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the JTM as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 10A

   • 2000].

2. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Communications on Auditor- General’s Satra Report, dated 13 March 2000:

   The Portfolio Committee on Communications, having considered the Special Report of the Auditor-General on an investigation at the South African Telecommunications Regulatory Authority [RP 47- 2000], referred to it, reports -

   1. that it has noted the contents of the Auditor-General’s report;

   2. that it has noted that other matters raised in the Committee’s Report, dated 9 November 1999, may be subjected to further investigation by the Auditor-General during the normal course of the regularity audit; and

   3. that, on the basis of the Auditor-General’s report, it cannot take the matter any further, and consequently regards the matter as closed.

                 TUESDAY, 14 MARCH 2000
      

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following paper was tabled on 10 March 2000 and is now referred to
 the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs and the Select Committee on
 Social Services:

 Report and Financial Statements of the Film and Publication Board for
 1998-99.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Minister of Education:

 (1)    Government Notice No 1398 published in Government Gazette No
     20650 dated 19 November 1999, Notification that the President has
     assented to the Education Laws Amendment Act, 1999 (Act No 48 of
     1999).

 (2)    Government Notice No 1399 published in Government Gazette No
     20651 dated 19 November 1999, Notification that the President has
     assented to the Higher Education Amendment Act, 1999 (Act No 55 of
     1999).

 (3)    Government Notice No 1400 published in Government Gazette No
     20652 dated 19 November 1999, Notification that the President has
     assented to the National Student Financial Aid Scheme Act, 1999
     (Act No 56 of 1999).

 (4)    Government Notice No 1422 published in Government Gazette No
     20666 dated 25 November 1999, Appointment of persons to serve as
     members of the South African Qualifications Authority made in
     terms of the South African Qualifications Authority Act, 1995 (Act
     No 58 of 1995).


 (5)    Government Notice No 1423 published in Government Gazette No
     20669 dated 10 December 1999, Transfer of funds and other moveable
     assets of the State to the public schools made in terms of the
     South African Schools Act, 1996 (Act No 84 of 1996).

 (6)    Government Notice No 1473 published in Government Gazette No
     20692 dated 10 December 1999, National policy regarding
     instructional time for school instructional offerings made in
     terms of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of
     1996).

 (7)    Government Notice No 82 published in Government Gazette No 20844
     dated 4 February 1999, Norms and standards for educators made in
     terms of the National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of
     1996).