National Assembly - 06 March 2001
TUESDAY, 6 MARCH 2001
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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
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The House met at 14:01.
The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
NEW MEMBER
(Announcement)
The Speaker announced that the vacancy caused by the resignation of Mr B H Vilakazi had been filled, in accordance with item 6(3) of Schedule 6 to the Constitution, 1996, by the nomination of Mrs R A Ndzanga with effect from 28 February 2001.
OATH
Mrs R A Ndzanga, accompanied by Ms E Thabethe and Mr S D Montsitsi, made and subscribed the oath and took her seat.
NOTICES OF MOTION
Mr M S BOOI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes that South African Muslims celebrated Eid-ul-Adhu Gaa on Monday 5 and Tuesday 6 March 2001, marking the end of the hadj, or Islamic holy pilgrimage to Makkah, undertaken by millions of Muslims worldwide, including many thousands of South Africans;
(2) congratulates all pilgrims on completing their religious obligations dutifully, and wishes them a hadj makbul [may Allah grant them all acceptance of their hadj]; and
(3) wishes all Muslims across the world and in South Africa,/ in particular, a happy and joyous Eid.
[Applause.]
Mr N J CLELLAND: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move:
That the House -
(1) notes outrageous and laughable claims by Zimbabwe’s Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa that -
(a) the Leader of the Opposition, the hon Tony Leon, travelled to
Zimbabwe to ``drive a wedge'' between Zimbabweans;
(b) the DA was ``linking up'' with white commercial farmers to
encourage them to resist ``lawful government'' action; and
(c) the DP was even offering to pay to bring down the government
...
[Interjections.]
(2) notes that the Zimbabwean Justice Minister obviously has the same regard for the truth that he has for his own judiciary;
(3) further notes that the South African Government has still done nothing tangible to assist the people of Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean civil society; and
(4) resolves that President Mbeki make a more visible effort to encourage President Mugabe and his government to maintain democracy, the rule of law and basic human rights in Zimbabwe.
[Interjections.]
Mr J H SLABBERT: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:
That the House -
(1) mourns the death of seven commuters, including children, who were caught up in the stampede at Johannesburg Park Station;
(2) is amazed to learn that security guards locked the gates at the Park Station 10 minutes before departure time, which was uncalled for, and did not open the gates even when the stampede was noticeable; and
(3) calls upon the Department of Transport to conduct a full investigation into the matter.
Dr S C CWELE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes that the Chief Whip of the ANC, Comrade Tony Yengeni, met a delegation from Zanu-PF yesterday;
(2) believes that this provides an opportunity for this House to encourage a peaceful dialogue, co-operation and common purpose between the Zanu-PF, the MDC and other political parties; and
(3) commends the Chief Whip of the ANC for meeting with these parties, and encourages further dialogue with these parties to find a peaceful and sustainable solution which will strengthen democracy and human rights in Zimbabwe.
[Applause.]
Mrs S M CAMERER: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:
That the House -
(1) notes the irresponsible and sexist comments made by Minister Steve Tshwete in the Eastern Cape last weekend that most criminals are women;
(2) further notes that this is the second time the Minister, in his recent statements, has unjustifiably degraded women, as occurred last year at the Women’s Day celebrations when the Minister accused white women of using the day to relax and shop rather than attend celebrations;
(3) points out that, according to the latest available statistics, women make up only approximately 12% of all convicted criminals and less than 1% of violent criminals, and only 2,5% of the total prison population comprises women;
(4) calls on the Minister to motivate his remarks with concrete evidence;
(5) notes that since the Minister recently stated that the current moratorium on crime statistics was due to incorrect data analysis, one wonders whether the Minister has access to new statistics or information which he would like to share with the House; and
(6) urges the Minister to apologise and to stop making wild, inaccurate statements, targeting sections of the community, unless he can prove their validity.
[Applause.]
Ms N G W BOTHA: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes that -
(a) the DA-controlled Cape Town City Council cut the water supply of
many families in Macassar on the Cape Flats;
(b) in the rest of democratic South Africa, access to clean water is
recognised as a priority basic human right; and
(c) Macassar, Tafelsig, Guguletu, Langa, etc, are mainly poor areas
which must benefit most from the provision of free basic
services;
(2) believes that the DA is deliberately targeting the poor, particularly those in areas which voted for the ANC;
(3) condemns this brutal act; and
(4) calls on the DA to honour the promises it made to provide free services to all the people of Cape Town.
[Applause.]
Mr S N SWART: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the ACDP:
That the House notes that -
(1) for the first time a vote was taken in the Standing Committee on Public Accounts last week where the majority party proposed a motion stating that nowhere had the committee’s original report provided for the definite inclusion of the Heath Special Investigating Unit in the investigation into arms procurement; and
(2) by voting in favour of this motion, the ANC has made it clear that it will use its majority to defend the executive even where an alternative reasonable interpretation of the facts was possible and, in so doing, has compromised the independence and oversight role of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts and Parliament itself.
[Interjections.]
Dr P W A MULDER: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die VF sal voorstel:
Dat die Huis -
(1) kennis neem van die Minister van Onderwys, mnr Kader Asmal, se aankondiging gister van ‘n nasionale plan vir hoër onderwys;
(2) saamstem met die voorstel dat tersiêre instellings elkeen sy eie nismark moet bepaal ten einde onnodige duplisering uit te skakel;
(3) meen dat hierdie bepaling van nismarkte ook voorsiening daarvoor moet maak dat daar ‘n besliste behoefte aan universiteite is wat as hoofsaaklik Afrikaanse instansies gesien moet word; (4) erken dat die keuse om hoofsaaklik Afrikaans te wees nie beteken dat sodanige universiteite op enige wyse teen ander mense op grond van ras of geslag mag diskrimineer nie; en
(5) van mening is dat daar so gou moontlik duidelikheid oor hierdie sake moet kom omdat dit tans by alle tersiêre instellings groot onsekerheid oor hulle voortbestaan skep. (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)
[Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the FF:
That the House -
(1) notes yesterday’s announcement by the Minister of Education, Mr Kader Asmal, about a national plan for higher education;
(2) agrees with the proposal that each tertiary institution should determine its own niche market in order to eliminate unnecessary duplication;
(3) is of the opinion that such a determination of niche markets should also make provision for a definite need for universities that are to be regarded as predominantly Afrikaans institutions;
(4) concedes that the option of being predominantly Afrikaans does not imply that such universities may discriminate in any way against other people on the grounds of race or gender; and
(5) is of the opinion that clarity on these matters should be reached as soon as possible, because it is currently creating a great deal of uncertainty at all tertiary institutions as regards their continued existence.]
Mr D V BLOEM: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes that Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism held a working meeting in Guguletu;
(2) further notes that the Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, Mr Valli Moosa, announced at this meeting that his department had set aside R66 million to establish 200 black-owned enterprises in the tourism industry;
(3) believes that the portfolio committee, together with the Minister, has set an important example of holding meetings and events of national importance in historically disadvantaged areas; and
(4) commends the Minister and the committee for spearheading this initiative, and calls on other Ministers and committees to emulate their example.
[Applause.]
Mr C W EGLIN: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:
That the House -
(1) notes former President Mandela’s statesmanly contributions towards a national consensus and common nationhood in his interviews with two South African newspapers last week;
(2) endorses Mr Mandela’s observation that opposition voices criticise because of their legitimate concerns for and their pride in South Africa, and that these criticisms are often motivated by patriotism; and
(3) calls on the ANC and the Government to accept the advice given by Mr Mandela when he called for open debate and tolerance of political differences as a major challenge and focus for 2001.
[Interjections.] [Applause.]
Dr R RABINOWITZ: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:
That the House - (1) notes -
(a) the importance of clarity for purposes of financial
accountability;
(b) the provision of Aids funding via conditional grants to
provinces; and
(c) the lack of local capacity and the failure of several provinces
to fully distribute their Aids grants; and
(2) calls on the Ministers of Finance, of Education, of Health and of Welfare to supply us, the Members of Parliament, and the members of the public with clear strategies concerning -
(a) the way in which conditional grants are disbursed at local
level;
(b) whom they can be accessed from in each province; and
(c) exactly what requirements must be met before they can be
accessed, and to supply a model of business plans that must be
submitted so that we can immediately improve access to poverty
relief funds and supportive programmes for the poorest of the
poor.
Mr F BHENGU: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes that another American teenager has gone on the rampage and used a gun to shoot at fellow pupils;
(2) further notes that the DP, the New NP and others have consistently opposed attempts by this Government to free South Africa of guns; and
(3) calls on the DP and its partners to admit their mistake and to stop their opposition to gun control.
[Interjections.] [Applause.] Mr J SCHIPPERS: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move:
That the House -
(1) notes that -
(a) entrepreneurship is South Africa's only solution to sustainable
long-term job creation; and
(b) South Africa's most successful young entrepreneur and
distinguished member of President Mbeki's International Task
Force, Mark Shuttleworth, has left SA for the UK; and
(2) urges the Government to undertake a serious reassessment of its policies and to commit itself to ensuring the safety and security of all South Africans, because South Africa can ill-afford to lose more and more of its young entrepreneurs.
Prof L M MBADI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM: That the House -
(1) notes with dismay the fact that schools catering for approximately 10 000 school children in the Mount Ayliff region have not yet received their textbooks and learning material;
(2) condemns this unacceptable state of affairs in the strongest possible terms as an injustice perpetrated against our children and their future; and
(3) calls on the Minister of Education and the MEC for education in the Eastern Cape to attend to the matter as a matter of extreme urgency.
Ms B O DLAMINI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:
That the House -
(1) notes that -
(a) masses of people in South Africa and abroad have held massive
demonstrations supporting the Government's stance on the
importation of affordable drugs; and;
(b) this deadly disease is a scourge which afflicts the poorest of
the poor;
(2) believes that -
(a) pharmaceutical companies are putting profits ahead of people's
wellbeing; and
(b) this immorality will induce a permanent struggle between the
people and the pharmaceutical companies, which can only be won
by the people; and
(3) commends our people and the international community for embarking on actions which support the Government’s efforts to make drugs cheaper and accessible to the poor.
[Applause.] Mr M N RAMODIKE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:
That the House -
(1) notes with keen interest that, according to the South African Yearbook Report for 2000-01, the agricultural sector contributes only 4% to the gross domestic product of the South African economy;
(2) notes, however, with shock and dismay, the collapse of agricultural and rural development agencies in this country, with specific reference to the Northern Province Agricultural and Rural Development Corporation, which are on the brink of ruin;
(3) is concerned about the collapse of large agricultural projects, forestry plantations, and citrus estates such as the Zebediela citrus estate in the Northern Province, which is one of the largest citrus estates in the world and which contributes to the economic growth of South Africa;
(4) is alarmed at the attitude of some provincial governments, in particular that of the Northern Province, which ignores concerns expressed over issues which involve the people and the economic development of the country; and
(5) calls on the Northern Province MEC for agriculture and the Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs to address the concerns raised by political parties in the Northern Province legislature concerning the collapse of the agricultural and rural development corporation …
[Time expired.]
TRAGIC STAMPEDE IN MECCA
(Draft Resolution)
Mr G Q M DOIDGE: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes that 35 people were killed in a tragic stampede which occurred in Mecca when Muslim pilgrims came down from Mount Arafat for the symbolic stoning of the devil or “jamarat”;
(2) notes that this incident comes as the latest tragedy in a series of fatal accidents year after year during the hajj season;
(3) further notes that the Saudi government has put in place a number of preventative measures and interventions to try to curb and minimise the annual loss of life in Mecca;
(4) expresses its heartfelt condolences to the friends, families and loved ones of those who died in the stampede; and
(5) calls on the Saudi government to strengthen its efforts to prevent any future loss of life during the annual hajj in the holy city of Mecca.
Agreed to.
CELEBRATION OF EID-UL-ADHA
(Draft Resolution)
Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes that Muslims in South Africa and all over the world are celebrating Eid-ul-Adha or the Festival of Sacrifice;
(2) notes that Eid-ul-Adha is a major religious event for Muslims and the pilgrimage to Mecca is part of this celebration;
(3) wishes all South African Muslims well on their pilgrimage; and
(4) wishes all Muslims celebrating Eid-ul-Adha over the next few days “Eid Mubarak”.
Agreed to.
CAR ACCIDENT INVOLVING NATALIE DU TOIT
(Draft Resolution)
Mnr C H F GREYLING: Mev die Speaker, ek stel sonder kennisgewing voor:
Dat die Huis-
(1) kennis neem van die tragiese motorongeluk waarin die jong en belowende swemmer, Natalie du Toit, wenner van 10 goue medaljes by die Westelike Provinsie Kampioenskapsbyeenkoms, haar linkerbeen verloor het;
(2) haar die versekering gee dat ons aan haar en haar gesin dink in hierdie moeilike tydperk; en
(3) die jong atleet vir haar dapperheid en positiewe ingesteldheid loof, en haar alle sterkte toewens vir die toekoms. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)
[Mr C H F GREYLING: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes the tragic car accident in which the promising young swimmer Natalie du Toit, winner of 10 gold medals at the Western Province Championships, lost her left leg;
(2) assures her that we are thinking of her and her family at this difficult time; and
(3) praises this young athlete for her courage and positive attitude, and wishes her everything of the best for the future.]
Agreed to.
FIRES ON TABLE MOUNTAIN
(Draft Resolution)
Mnr J P I BLANCHÉ: Mev die Speaker, ek stel sonder kennisgewing voor:
Dat die Huis- (1) kennis neem van die verwoestende brande wat weer eens oor hierdie naweek sporadies uitgebreek het teen die hange van Tafelberg en Duiwelspiek;
(2) sy dank betuig aan die helikopterpersoneel, die personeel van die Kaapse Skiereilandse Nasionale Park, bosboupersoneel en brandweerspanne wat die brande onder beheer gebring het;
(3) sy opregte dank betuig aan alle instansies wat sonder huiwering ingegryp het, onder soms lewensgevaarlike omstandighede, om hierdie brande te bestry; en
(4) sy volle ondersteuning bied aan alle stappe wat ingestel word om sulke brande te voorkom en ook om die oorsake daarvan vas te stel. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)
[Mr J P I BLANCHé: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes the devastating fires that broke out sporadically on the slopes of Table Mountain and Devils Peak over the weekend;
(2) expresses its gratitude to the helicopter pilots, staff of the Cape Peninsula National Park, forestry personnel and fire brigade members who brought the fires under control;
(3) expresses its heartfelt gratitude to all institutions that acted without hesitation, often in life-threatening circumstances, to fight these fires; and
(4) offers its full support as regards all steps taken to prevent such fires and also to determine their cause.]
Agreed to.
ADVISORY BOARD ON SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT BILL
(Second Reading debate)
The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Madam Speaker, I thank you for the opportunity to address the National Assembly on the occasion of the Second Reading of the Advisory Board on Social Development Bill.
The Bill is another milestone in our effort to institutionalise the partnership between civil society and Government. This partnership is focused on eradicating poverty and ensuring people-centred, sustainable development in our country.
With regard to the social development sector, the Bill has two key objectives: Firstly, to create an authentic partnership between civil society and Government in policy development, service delivery and programme monitoring. Secondly, to ensure that this partnership enhances co- operative governance by working with local government to address social development needs. The Bill is evidence of our commitment to eradicating the painful common legacy of our past and building unity in action for change.
In outlining to Parliament Government’s programme of action for the year 2001, President Mbeki stated:
… the success of these plans (the rural development strategy and the urban renewal programme) will also depend on the extent to which the people can be mobilised so that they become active participants in the processes targeted at the upliftment of their own communities.
The partnership between civil society and Government in the social development sector is not an end in itself. This Bill seeks to create a permanent mechanism for social mobilisation and constituency building in poverty eradication and welfare service provision.
The Bill is fundamentally about entrenching participation and ensuring accountability, by creating a representative board to advise the Minister and acting as a consultative forum on social policy. It is, however, noteworthy that the Bill assigns a proactive role to the board and requires clear lines of communication with the parliamentary committees on social development in the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces.
Today, as the National Assembly debates the Advisory Board on Social Development Bill, we should take pride in the fact that the principles of participation and accountability informed the entire process of formulating the Bill. In this regard, I would like to acknowledge the early work done by the National Interim Consultative Committee on Developmental Social Services.
I would also like to thank the Portfolio Committee on Social Development in the National Assembly and the organisations that made presentations during the public hearings of the Bill. Throughout the process of drafting and amending the Bill, we have all kept uppermost in our minds, our constituents, the poor, marginalised and vulnerable people in our society. This single-mindedness and our efforts at consensus building are reflected in the widespread support that exists for the Bill.
I would like to appeal to the members of the civil society that are appointed to the Advisory Board on Social Development to emulate this single-mindedness. They will be appointed to represent our constituents, the poor, marginalised and vulnerable people in our society, not particular sectors of the social development practice.
The objectives of the Bill are, in the first instance, to advise the Minister on measures to promote the transformation and continuous improvement of social development services, measures to promote social development initiatives, measures to include local government in the provision of welfare services, measures to enhance the provision of integrated service delivery at local government level, proposals for new legislative frameworks for the social development sector and amendments to existing legislation, and, finally, the entrenching of local and international good practices in social development services.
In the second instance, the objectives of the board are to function as a consultative forum for the Minister. It will discuss matters that will include ways of improving the quality of provincial and national social development activities. Secondly, it will introduce new policy requirements and regimes in the governmental and nongovernmental spheres of social development work.
Thirdly, it will seek ways of facilitating consultation between stakeholders and Government on the implementation of social development programmes. Fourthly, it will seek ways of ensuring the effective review and evaluation of social development policies, programmes and legislation as informed by the needs and priorities of society. Finally, it will seek ways of collating inputs from the social development sector for the international forums and protocols.
As is the case with other statutory boards, the board will be required to adhere to and deliver on the objectives set out in the legislation. The Minister of Social Development will be responsible for ensuring that the board has sufficient resources to effectively perform its duties.
As I stated at the beginning of my address, the Advisory Board on Social Development Bill is another milestone in institutionalising the partnership between NGOs and Government. However, determining the vitality of this partnership requires that we examine three other sets of issues. Firstly, the existence of an enabling legislative environment and the funding of NGOs. Secondly, the establishment of targets, standards and indicators and, thirdly, Government’s expectation of NGOs in the context of constructive regionalism.
Significant progress has been made in reforming the policy and legislative environment in which nonprofit organisations operate. There is now also better co-ordination between the initiatives of various Government departments. The Nonprofit Organisations Act is in its second year of implementation. To date, more than 4 800 new organisations not previously in receipt of fundraising authority have applied for registration.
The Taxation Laws Amendment Act of 2000 makes it easier for a wider range of NGOs to benefit from a preferential tax status and NPO registration is included in the qualifying criteria for both tax and national lottery benefits. The increasing number of applications for registration, in terms of the Nonprofit Organisations Act, seems to vindicate the current policy of self-regulation and optional registration.
There are, however, a number of outstanding issues that still need to be addressed. These include improving the marketing of the registration process, the provision of increased incentives for registered organisations, programmes to enable community-based organisations to meet NPO reporting requirements, the generation of better information on the NGO sector and securing the funding of nonprofit causes. With respect to both the funding of NGOs and the promotion of a dialogue between civil society and Government, the experience of the National Development Agency will be instructive. Much rides on its success. The success of the poverty eradication programme, particularly in the rural areas, will depend to a large extent on the active participation and involvement of traditional leaders, churches and local authorities.
Another key issue is the targets and norms with which we measure social programmes. At the international level, efforts are under way to codify the principles of good practice in social policy. This has to be complemented by the active participation of civil society in the development of indicators and standards that are appropriate to the South African context.
The Government, as part of its commitment to an outcomes-based and cost- sensitive budgeting regime, is setting standards and costing the norms in the delivery of social services. In the coming years, these various efforts will converge and constitute a vital component of any form of antipoverty pact.
I am convinced that in order to be successful the focus of all these efforts has to be broader than South Africa. The Government is committed to constructive regionalism and supports efforts to increase the involvement of NGOs in social development issues in the Southern Africa Development Community. The assigning of the memorandum of understanding between the SADC and the SADC Council of NGOs will be an important milestone in this effort.
The basic twin expectations of Government are that NGOs will, firstly, continue to act as monitors of the public good and safeguard the interests of the disadvantaged sections of society. This performance of this social watching role requires both transparency and accountability on the part of the NGOs.
The Government’s second expectation is that NGOs will assist in expanding access to social and economic services that create jobs and eradicate poverty among the poorest of the poor. This requires cost-effective and sustainable service delivery.
I would like to conclude my comments on the Advisory Board of Social Development Bill by thanking all stakeholders, partners and parliamentary committees who continue to work with my Ministry in eradicating poverty and ensuring people-centred, sustainable development. Special mention among these should be the religious groups, especially the churches: the Methodist, Catholic, Presbyterian, independent churches and, more importantly, the Muslim community, specifically in the Western Cape.
I assure the House of the Government’s commitment to an ongoing dialogue and partnership with civil society. [Applause.]
Mr E SALOOJEE: Madam Speaker and hon members, South Africa inherited, from our past, a situation of social instability. This manifests in dysfunctional families which in turn results in children being abused and neglected, human beings subjected to violence and degradation and older persons with disabilities being marginalised. The ability of communities to maintain cohesion has been seriously eroded, and this is the result of the devastating policies of the past.
As the economy gains momentum, the challenges ahead of us are also increasingly shifting towards a social sphere. We need to come up with innovative strategies to deal with such social challenges. That the ANC is willing to face such challenges cannot be doubted. But, in order to succeed, we need the full co-operation and support of participants in the social development sector to assist in analysing the challenges in their full contexts and to find lasting solutions.
This is the importance of the Bill before the House today. The Bill deals precisely with the relationship between Government and civil society and, in essence, sets out the formalisation of a basis for a very real partnership and real dialogue between the Minister and stakeholders in the sector. As the Minister has already pointed out, it aims to establish a body that will advise him on crucial social development matters. The board will also provide a forum for consultation between the Government and civil society on the progress we are making as a nation in realising the goals of a better life for all.
The objective of the Advisory Board on Social Development is not to replace partnerships already in existence. It aims to bring together a group of people whose work and experiences with a whole range of communities, marginalised by decades of underdevelopment and neglect, are of such a nature that the Minister is able to draw on that insight in an effective and concentrated way.
More importantly, the Bill provides for the establishment of an advisory body that will be the opposite of many statutory and regulatory bodies from the past, bodies concerned only with the welfare of the minority. From our side, we are proud to say that the Bill represents yet another small but critical step in the transformation process that the ANC began during the first Parliament.
While establishing an advisory board, the Bill seeks to abolish the now- defunct South African Welfare Council. We should remember that that council still exists, and that it would have to be removed. Allow me to reflect briefly on where we come from in order to highlight to members how important this new body will be. The SA Welfare Council served as an organ of the old apartheid system’s policies and its role was essentially to carry out programmes that entrenched racial inequalities. In fact, it has often been suggested that elements of the Broederbond deeply influenced the work of that council.
The council provided strategic advice to the government on key social issues that were central to the advancement of the apartheid plan, to the disadvantage of the majority. One needs only to think of the plainly racist population control programmes of the 1970’s and 80’s that emanated as a direct result of this council’s influence on the welfare sector. Such policies focused on demographics rather than human development, and we are still living with the legacy of that approach.
What is also important to remember about the council is that many of its policy recommendations were based on estimations of population size and incorrect assumptions about the nature of families and communities in which African people lived. It is clear that the SA Welfare Council was not in touch with civil society. In fact, it was comprised of a highly isolated and yet highly influential group of people.
This is not the ANC’s way of doing things. We have actively been pursuing partnerships with nongovernmental, community-based and faith-based organisations, not only to deliver services, but also to contribute to the formulation of policy that is responsive to our people’s needs. This is not a coincidence. For the first time, we have a Government that is really interested in listening to people.
We are not listening only to people in the cities, but we are deliberately reaching out to the rural communities. The Bill is quite specific about ensuring a geographic spread of members appointed to the board. The passing of this Bill therefore forms a further part of the setting into operation of the integrated rural development strategy.
The approach to be followed with the advisory board needs to be framed within the shift that has taken place under the leadership of the ANC, away from providing welfare services that engender dependency, to delivering services that are focused in a much more holistic manner on developmental needs. We do not intend for our people to remain dependent. We are committed to providing the policy framework and critical services that will enable and empower individuals and communities to become self-reliant.
Earlier I referred to the old SA Welfare Council. Despite the democratic changes that have taken place in South Africa and the transformation impetus we have created, many of the formal welfare sector organisations have also not fundamentally transformed themselves.
In this country, we have 26 national councils - national councils for the blind, mental health, the aged, etc - all of whom have powerful formal positions in the sector. As the ANC, we must ensure that the consultation that takes place through the board does not merely reflect the interests of the formal social development sector, but that it provides the myriad of smaller organisations with an avenue for real dialogue with the decision- makers. We shall now reach out to a range of organisations, especially in the rural areas, to get a deeper understanding of social development needs.
Our Minister has taken the very important step to ensure that the partnership between his department and the social development sector is strengthened, and we congratulate the Minister on his initiatives. We trust that the new Advisory Board on Social Development will further enhance the dialogue and spirit of partnership between Government and the social development sector.
Finally, I wish to thank those members of the committee who have contributed to the shaping of the amending Bill we have before the House today. I trust that they will, when asked by the Minister to do so, make recommendations regarding the appointment of members to the board, and apply themselves with the same commitment to ensuring that the board represents the real interests of all South Africans. [Applause.]
Mev P W CUPIDO: Mevrou die Speaker, agb lede van hierdie Huis en kiesers wat elke middag getrou voor die televisie sit om te luister hoe politici ons land se sake bestuur, die Departement van Maatskaplike Ontwikkeling, wat voorheen die Departement van Welsyn was, is sekerlik die afdeling wat moet toesien dat die armste van die armes, ja, werkloses, bejaardes, weerlose en verwaarloosde kinders en gestremdes, voedsel op hulle tafels het. Miljoene wag ook nog vir die uitvoering van die belofte van ‘n dak oor hul kop.
Vandag praat ons oor ‘n adviesraad van maatskaplike ontwikkeling, ‘n raad wat die Minister oor verskillende aspekte gaan adviseer, en ook as bemiddelaar of as kanaal sal dien tussen die publiek en die Minister. Die land word gekniehalter deur ‘n regeringstelsel waar wanadministrasie, bedrog, korrupsie en onvermoë aan die orde van die dag is. Ou mense en gestremde persone se toelaes word in baie gevalle gekanselleer, aansoekdokumente verdwyn sonder goeie rede, of sommige amptenare tree moedswillig onredelik en onmenslik op teenoor mense, en plaas hulle so onder onnodige spanning in hul reeds moeilike omstandighede.
Hierdie adviesraad sal moet toesien dat die Minister luister na die stem van die mense en welsynsorganisasies daar buite. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Mrs P W CUPIDO: Madam Speaker, hon members of this House and voters who faithfully sit in front of the television every afternoon to listen to how politicians manage our country’s affairs, the Department of Social Development, which was previously the Department of Welfare, is certainly the department which has to see to it that the poorest of the poor, yes, the unemployed, the aged, defenceless and neglected children and the disabled, have food on their tables. Millions are also still waiting for the fulfilment of the promise of a roof over their heads.
Today we are talking about an advisory board on social development, a board which is going to advise the Minister on various aspects, and also serve as a mediator or a channel between the public and the Minister. The country is being hampered by a government system in which maladministration, fraud, corruption and inability are the order of the day. The grants for the aged and the disabled are cancelled in many cases, application documents disappear without good reason, or some officials deliberately behave unreasonably and inhumanely towards people, and in this way place them under unnecessary pressure in their already difficult circumstances.
This advisory board will have to see to it that the Minister listens to the voice of the people and welfare organisations out there.]
This board will also have to ensure that transparency and accountability exist. It must promote stakeholder and, in particular, consumer and grass- roots participation. It must facilitate dialogue between Government and civil society on social development issues.
The Democratic Alliance demands that this board investigate the collapse of delivery services to the poorest of the poor. This must be the first and most important assignment of this board. They must identify, promote, monitor and evaluate policy, legislation and programmes with regard to social development and its impact on the quality of life of the people. I would like to emphasise that they must ensure delivery at grass-roots level.
The taxpayers of this country and the voters out there have voted for, and agreed to, the appointment of civil servants, a department that is supposed to function well, a Ministry entrusted to the ANC Government, several committees and forums, and now an advisory board to advise the Minister. However, my question is: Do all these appointments bring relief to poverty in this country? If I should sit in a shack today, or if I sleep in the bush or am retrenched because of the increase in unemployment, do I really enjoy a better life for all since the ANC took over this Government?
If this Government cannot feed the nation, if it cannot create jobs, if it cannot create foreign investment, if it cannot change the crime statistics of this country, if it cannot make public appointments on merit, if it cannot accept active participation, and if it cannot institute the Constitution of this country …
… het dit tyd geword dat die kiesers wakker skrik, en ernstig en indringend kyk na ‘n alternatiewe regering. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die mense van hierdie land wil immers gesond leef, hulle wil werk, hulle wil ‘n dak oor hul koppe hê, hulle soek gesonde investering en hulle wil veilig beweeg. Beveiliging van elke individu moet ‘n prioriteit van die Regering wees. Hulle wil misdadigers agter tralies sien. Met ander woorde, die publiek daar buite moet besef, en agb lede wat vandag hier sit, kan dit maar glo, die publiek besef wel dat ‘n alternatiewe regering, dit wil sê ‘n absolute nuwe regering, die antwoord vir ons land en sy probleme is, en beslis nie die ANC soos hy vandag hier sit nie. [Tussenwerpsels.]
Die DA het begrip vir ons land se mense, ons ken die mense se lyding, ons vertrou saam met die mense dat die nuwe adviesraad sal help om te sorg vir dienslewering aan die armes, dit te bevorder en te verbeter. Hulle gaan dit beslis nie by die ANC-regering kry soos hulle nou hier sit nie. Die DA steun hierdie wetgewing. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[… the time has come for the voters to wake up and take a serious and penetrating look at an alternative government. [Interjections.] After all, the people of this country want to live healthily, they want to work, they want a roof over their heads, they want sound investments and they want to move around safely. The safeguarding of each individual must be a priority of the Government. They want to see criminals behind bars. In other words, the public out there must realise, and hon members sitting here today can believe it, the public does realise, that an alternative government, that is to say an absolutely new government, is the solution for our country and its problems, and certainly not the ANC as it is sitting here today. [Interjections.]
The DA understands our country’s people, we know the people’s suffering, we trust, together with the people, that the new advisory board will help to ensure service delivery for the poor, to promote it and improve it. They are certainly not going to get it from the ANC Government as they are sitting here now. The DA supports this legislation.]
Mrs I MARS: Madam Speaker and hon members, the hon the Minister gave us an extensive briefing on the ultimate benefit of this Bill as part of our efforts to eradicate poverty and social disparities. On behalf of the IFP I have great pleasure in supporting the Bill before the House today, and I will just discuss it as such. We had very fruitful discussions to determine the exact function of what is now called the Advisory Board on Social Development. The discussion culminated in the Bill, which finally determined a close relationship between civil society and Parliament - an ideal that many members of this House always considered of utmost importance.
The composition of the board allows for at least eight persons who have knowledge of or experience in developmental social welfare and are actively involved in the sector, to act in an advisory capacity to the Minister. This, in effect, means that civil society, through this board, is able to respond to and advise the Minister on issues identified by or referred to the board and to promote stakeholders’ participation in social development from the consumer and the stakeholder sectors. The participation on the board by the department with a maximum of three members is also satisfactory, as it means that through its regular interaction with the provinces, problems experienced at provincial and local levels needing intervention can also be brought to the board speedily. The important dialogue between the Ministry, the department and civil society signifies to us as the IFP, or is tangible evidence, that the process of transforming the social development sector is indeed well on its way.
One of the most pleasing aspects of the debates and discussions between the different parties, as portfolio committee members, the director-general and a member of her department, and finally the state law advisors, was the determination to meet the deadline without compromising the Bill. In fact, during the last few weeks in which the Bill was processed, several clauses were objected to in their original form, reformulated, debated and unanimously adopted. This says much for the genuine concern of all involved to achieve what civil society, namely our voters, demand of us as public representatives.
The Bill requires the Minister to invite nomination to the board by publishing notices in the media and the Gazette, thus ensuring that nominations are representative of the broader sectors of the social development community and civil society as a whole. From this pool of nominations, the parliamentary committee on social development will make recommendations to the Minister for appointment as members of the board. This, in turn, will ensure that skills, knowledge and experience - in the best interest of those affected - will determine the representation on the board.
What in its original form was a somewhat vague document has been sharpened and defined in an exemplary manner into a useful tool to advance the needs of social society at the monitoring and recipient levels. We hope that this Bill will make a difference, and we believe it can.
Mr A Z A VAN JAARSVELD: Madam Speaker, in an attempt to address the past inadequacies of welfare governance, section 26 of Chapter 3 of the White Paper on Social Welfare stresses the need for appropriate, legitimate, transparent and, above all, effective governance mechanisms. In the interest of the people of South Africa, we fully endorse this statement. As a party and as the new growing movement of all the people, the New NP and the DA are committed to any genuine process that will contribute towards the improvement of the quality of life of all the people of South Africa.
The importance of and the need for opportunities to convey the message from the people to the Government is stressed by the fact that more than 70 submissions from organisations and provincial governments were received by the Portfolio Committee on Social Development. However, it is significant to note that the only provincial department that did not make an input was the Eastern Cape. Why? This, of course, is further proof of its ignorance and incompetence in the field of social development and the area of service delivery. We want to thank them for their honesty in showing their lack of interest and knowledge of the needs of the people.
The primary function of the board will be to act as an advisory body to the Minister and Government through the inputs by civil society. We trust that the Minister will acknowledge the broad participation and commitment of all the people of South Africa in his appointment of the members of the board. South Africa possesses a wealth of knowledge with a lot of experience which is not limited to ANC NGOs and cronies only. The envisaged board must be able to advise the Minister on measures to promote the transformation and continuous improvement on policy and social development services. This should include important matters such as poverty relief programmes and the role of local government in the delivery of welfare services to all the sectors of civil society. It will also advise on service delivery at provincial level.
The board will investigate international best practices in social development and report to the Minister, in an attempt to empower him and the department to keep in touch with global social development issues and solutions. In order for the board to fulfil its real purpose, it will continuously have to interact with, take cognisance of the needs of, and accept advice from all organisations and individuals outside Government. This must include trade unions, consumer organisations, the formal and the informal social development sector, NGOs, CBOs, religious organisations and many other organisations involved in the delivery of social development services.
The New NP and the DA are in touch with the needs and the suffering of the people on a daily basis. [Interjections.] We are being approached by more and more people and organisations who are adversely affected by the inability of the Government to deal with the challenges in the social development sector. For those people in South Africa who are suffering as a result of bad governance and bad decision-making, the establishment of the Advisory Board on Social Development will provide a body through which those who have practical knowledge in the social development field will be able to transfer their expertise to the Government.
We trust that this board will help to enable the Government to understand the needs of the abused child, the old-age pensioner, the mentally disabled and the blind, and all those other organisations that are involved in the social development sector who need to be heard in their cry for understanding and support. In the interests of the people of Zwide, Kwazakele New Brighton, Helenvale and Algoa Park … [Interjections.] Yes, I represent those people in Zwide and Kwazakele - the New NP and the Democratic Alliance will support this Bill. [Applause.]
Prof L M MBADI: Madam Speaker, hon Minister of Social Development, hon Deputy Minister, other hon Ministers and hon colleagues, the Bill before us is a finished product of transformation in the true semantic sense of the word. We in the Portfolio Committee on Social Development had to transform the Bill so that it conforms to the new name of the department, namely the Department of Social Development. We also had to panel beat it by removing certain clauses, recasting others and re-ordering the sections to the satisfaction of all the parties involved.
The Bill before hon members is no longer the Developmental Welfare Governance Bill, but the Advisory Board on Social Development Bill. The definition of the phrase ``social development’’, namely the process of planned institutional or structural change to maintain a balance between human needs and social policies and programmes including empowering individuals and communities to become self-reliant, touches the hearts of the target groups.
A partnership between Government and civil society is adequately addressed under the composition of the board in clause 5(1)(b), which reads:
At least eight are persons who have knowledge or experience of social development and are actively involved in the social development sector. Oku kuya kwenza okokuba wonke umntu osemaphandleni akwazi ukuthumela oyena mntu acinga ukuba unokummela kulo mbutho uza kucebisa uMphathiswa wezeNtlalo-ntle. [This will enable everybody who lives in the rural areas to send a person that they think will represent their interests in the advisory board of the Minister of Social Development.]
We in the committee have deliberately avoided the word ``representative’’, as there are so many groupings within civil society. It should be emphasised that the intention of the Bill is to provide the Minister with an appropriate source for purposes of advice and consultation.
The duties of the board are of great significance. Clause 4(3) states: Any advice or recommendation to the Minister must include the minority views of one or more members of the board.
Sijonge kuMphathiswa wezeNtlalo-ntle okokuba eli qumrhu liza kucebisana naye liza kusebenzisana kakuhle naye. Aze angakhethi ezidolophini kuphela, acinge nge intsukaphi yakhe. [Kwaqhwatywa.] [We hope that the hon the Minister and this committee will co-operate. He should not think only about the urban areas, but he should remember where he comes from. [Applause.]]
Mrs R M SOUTHGATE: Madam Speaker, the establishment of the Advisory Board on Social Development is, in some respects, a good indication of the recognition given to the great heritage of civil activity in this country. We hope that the creation of this board will help enhance the national legacy built up over the years by our civil organisations.
The ACDP has no immediate objection to the idea of establishing this advisory board. We do encourage all organisations, wherever possible, to forge partnerships with the state if this will assist to harness better delivery of social services.
The ACDP has always held the view that there are certain distinguishable parameters that separate the operations of the state from those of civil society. These are, however, not necessarily mutually exclusive. The analogy of one body, many parts, fits this explanation very well. We believe the objectives and duties of the advisory board ought to be understood in a similar fashion.
The ACDP is of the opinion that should the board seek to base its operational principles on promoting the general wellbeing of the South African family, the relationship between civil society and the state will be much closer and both will be better able to alleviate some of the social problems of our society. The object of the Bill is to advise the Minister and to act as a consultative forum for the Minister as regards developmental social welfare issues and to promote stakeholder participation, particularly from the grass-roots sector.
We must guard against the tendency of Government officials to overload the board. This will defeat the purpose of having broad representation of civil society, for which this Bill is intended. Increasing the board from nine to eleven members should not undermine its work, but should enhance it.
If there is to be improvement in the quality of provincial and national social development, then the need to have provincial structures in place is critical, in order to review the formulation, implementation and evaluation of programmes in provinces. This gives greater accountability and efficiency. Local government has a definite role to play by providing integrated delivery of services, and this includes measures aimed at poverty alleviation, the administration of grants-in-aid and housing for the poor and impoverished. Owing to the transformation of local government itself, there are, however, concerns as to whether local government has the capacity to deliver at all.
Fiscal prudence and effective management are required to ensure that the board can perform its duties in an efficient manner. The department must keep a watchful eye on how the moneys are spent.
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Madam Speaker, for the nation to succeed, it is necessary that bridges and linkages are put in place between Government and civil society. The envisaged Advisory Board on Social Development will serve as one such bridge between Government and civil society.
The board, among others, will advise the Minister on measures to promote poverty relief, poverty reduction and poverty elimination. The board will declare unconditional war on poverty in this country. It is this board that will propose new funding criteria for developmental welfare. We hope that the board will not comprise of bureaucrats who will depend on what they have read in making their decisions. Members of the board should be passionate about their tasks and go out into the country and see how people eke out a living.
There are poor people in this country to whom everything that has been said about change or transformation, whatever one calls it, is something unheard of. To many, conditions are worse than before 1994. The proliferation of boards and councils set up to streamline development leaves them destitute. All they need is food in order to live. The envisaged Advisory Board on Social Development will serve as a watchdog for those who are destitute and will speak on their behalf.
It is unfortunate that the composition of the board appears to be limited to department officials, institutions dealing with social development and one representative from organisations representing persons who use social development services. The extent to which the board will be representative has to take into account the rural-urban dichotomy. The hon the Minister said that consideration would be given to institutions such as churches to assist in the distribution of social development materials.
We believe that other structures, such as travel authorities at the local government level, can be helpful in outlying rural areas. Their effectiveness will, of course, depend on their being trained and prepared for the purpose. The UCDP supports the Bill.
Muf T J TSHIVHASE: Mulangadzulo na miraḓo ya Phalamennde i huliseaho, ndi lwa u thoma ri tshi vha na Mulayotibe une wa ita uri hu vhe na maitele a u vhudzisana na vhadzulapo malugana na mvelaphanḓa yavho. Uyu Mulayotibe u vhekanya Khoro i eletshedzaho na ine vha ḓo posa maipfi khayo nga ha zwi vha kwamaho zwa mvelaphanḓa yavho vhuponi havho. Muvhuso washu u khou isa tshanḓa kha vhadzulapo uri, zwino, vha fanela u shumisa ayo maitele uri vha dzhenelele khazwo. Vha songo thetshelesa miḽoro yo ḓalaho i si na bono kha ḽihoro ḽihanedza ḽa DA.
Phanḓa ha ṅwaha wa 1994, ho lavhelesiwa vha re dziḓoroboni kha thuso ya uri vha bvele phanḓa. Huno vha mahayani, zwihulwane vharema a vho ngo dzhielwa nzhele ya uri vha wane tshumelo, tshelede i thusaho na ya phesheni. Zwenezwo, muvhuso washu muswa u khou lusa nga nungo dzoṱhe uri vha mahayani vha wane-vho zwi fanaho. Hu vhe na ndinganyo ya u ṋewa mavu o nyoreaho, thuso kha vhalimi, zwishumiswa zwa ndondolo ya mutakalo, dzinnḓu, maḓi, zwikolo, dzibada na zwiṅwe.
Hu na ṱhoḓea ya u fhaṱa nga huswa zwifhaṱo zwa u shumela hone ngauri zwa kale a zwi tsha ḓivhalea. Uyo mushumo u khou iswa phanḓa nga u ongolowa vhunga hu na thaidzo dzino na dziḽa. Dziṅwe ndi dza uri, u swika zwino, mveledziso ya vhupo yo imiswa dziḓoroboni. Vhunzhi ha madzangano o ḓiimisaho nga oṱhe a muvhuso a kha ḓi wanala dziḓoroboni. Ngei mahanyani a tou vha a sigathi kana ha wanali.
Mulayotibe uyu u ita uri vhadzulapo vha eletshedze Minista na Muhasho wawe malugana na zwi vha kwamaho. Vhadzulapo vha ḓo swikisa mbilaelo dzavho na u sumbedza hune ha ṱoḓea tshumelo nkene. Bodo ine ya ḓo vhumbiwa i ḓo ḓivhadza na u eletshedza Minista nga ha tshumelo dzi ṱoḓeaho na uri dzi shumiwe hani. Bodo i ḓo bvelela kha zwine ya fanela u ita arali vhadzulapo vha ita khaedu kha uyu mushumo.
Ṅwaha uno wa 2001 ndi wa uri muṅwe na muṅwe a vhe maḓilonga na u vha na vhuḓifhinduleli kha u ḓiitela. Ri vhidzelela vhathu vhoṱhe, nga maanḓa vha re mahayani uri vha takutshedze vha dzhenelele kha mveledziso dzavho. Vha vhe na madzangano ane a ḓo lavhelesa uri ṱhahelelo ya dzitshumelo i ngafhi vhuponi havho. Ayo madzangano a ḓilangaho a ḓo shela mulenzhe kha dzithandela dzo fhambanaho na kha mbekanyamushumo dza u fhelisa vhushai.
Kha uyu mushumo, vhadzulapo vha nga wana vhaimeleli vhane vha ḓo shuma kha Bodo ya vhaeletshedzi. Hezwi zwi ḓo vha ṋea tshifhinga tsha u kwamea vhukuma kha mushumo wa mveledziso ya muvhuso uri u dzhie sia ḽifhio. Dzangano ḽa vhadzulapo ḽi dovha hafhu ḽa kwamiwa nga Bodo ya Ngeletshedzo nga ha tshumelo. Hezwo zwi ḓo konadzea arali hu na vhaimeleli vha madzangano.
Mulayotibe uyu u dovha hafhu wa ṱuṱuwedza vhathu uri vha shele mulenzhe kha u pulana vhumatshelo havho. Zwo ralo, vhathu kha vha takutshedze uri vha songo fhirwa nga vhaṅwe, zwihulwane avho vha kwameaho. Ndi khou ita khumbelo ya tshihaḓu uri vhathu vha takutshedze, zwihulwane avho vhe kale vha si dzhielwe nṱha kana vho litshedzwavho. Kha vha rambane vhuponi havho uri vha dzhenelele uyo mushumo muhulwane.
Mveledziso ya matshilele i nga vha hone arali ha vha na u farana vhukati ha vhathu na muvhuso. Muvhuso u woṱhe u nga si kone u shumana na ṱhoḓea dza vhadzulapo vhoṱhe. Huno, zwigwada zwa vhahura, madzangano a matshilele, vha tshumelo na vhashumeli vha fanela u kuvhangana uri vha ḓiṋee maanḓa ane a ḓo itisa uri vha shume vhukuma vhuponi havho.
Mulayotibe uyu u vhetshela uri hu vhe na tshifhinga tsha uri vha ḓiitele. Ndi hone hu tshi ḓo vha na phambano kha vhutshilo havho. Riṋe vha dzangano ḽa ANC, samusi ri tshi londa kutshilele kwa vhadzulapo, ri ṱoḓa demokirasi yashu i shume musi vhathu vha tshi khou shela mulenzhe. Hu na vhathu vho vhoniwaho kha thelevishini vha tshi khou kuvhanganya masheleni a u londota vhana vha zwisiwana vha lwalaho vhulwadze ha HIV-Aids. Masheleni ayo o shumiswa u fhaṱa senthara ya avho vhana. Hezwo zwi itisa uri avho vhana vha takale na u ḓihudza nga u vha na haya havho. ANC i tikedza Mulayotibe uyu uri u shumele vhathu vha Afrika Tshipembe. [U vhanda zwanḓa.] (Translation of Tsivenḓa speech follows.)
[Mrs T J TSHIVHASE: Madam Speaker, hon members of Parliament, this is the first time that we have a Bill that gives citizens an opportunity to comment about their own development. The Bill establishes an advisory board which people report to about matters concerning development in their own areas. Our Government is reaching out to its citizens so that they use those procedures to participate. They must not listen to the empty dreams of the opposition parties such as the DA.
Before 1994 attention was only paid to urban people as far as development was concerned. Those people in rural areas, especially blacks, were not considered when providing services, financial assistance and pension payouts. Therefore, the new Government is making an effort to provide those services to rural people. There is also equal distribution of fertile and, assistance to farmers, health-care facilities, housing, water, schools and so on.
There is a need for new buildings in which to render services because the old ones are dilapidated. This task is slow because of various problems. So far, development in rural areas has somehow stopped because most NGOs are concentrating on the urban areas. There are few if any NGOs in the rural areas.
This Bill makes it possible for citizens to advise the Minister and his department about issues concerning them. Citizens have to forward their grievances, including the services they require. The function of the board will be to inform the Minister of the services required and how they should be rendered. The success of the board will depend on the participation of all citizens.
The year 2001 is one in which everyone is encouraged to participate and be responsible for doing things for the benefit of all. We call upon all people, especially in the rural areas, to stand up and get involved in their own development. They must form organisations which will see to it that lack of services in their areas is addressed. The NGOs will get involved in various projects and programmes to eliminate poverty.
In this task, citizens should nominate representatives who will work in the advisory board. This is an opportunity to advise the Government on which developments to tackle and prioritise. As far as the rendering of services is concerned, community organisations will also influence the advisory board. The facilitation of this process will be made possible by the participation of representatives of the different community organisations.
This Bill also encourages people to participate in planning their own future. Therefore, people and all stakeholders are required to participate for the sake of progress. I am making an urgent appeal for all people, including the previously disadvantaged, to be active in the development of their areas. Their coming together in various programmes will be beneficial.
Developing the standard of living depends on the unity of people and the Government. The Government alone cannot deal with all the requirements of its citizens. Neighbourhood groups, social workers, service providers and all workers must unite and strengthen themselves in working for the improvement of their areas.
This Bill also allows time for self-reliance. This will bring about change in the lives of all people. We as the ANC care about a better life for all our citizens. The participation of all people will make our democracy work. The other day, people were seen on television collecting funds for the care of poor children and those infected with HIV/Aids. The money collected was used to build a centre for those children. That was something that brought happiness to those children because they have a place they can call home.
In conclusion, the ANC supports this Bill and urges all South Africans to participate in this great task. [Applause.]]
Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and members, the power of development is the heart of transformation. The Advisory Board on Social Development Bill is designed to facilitate the integrated economic and social action plans at the local, provincial and national levels of government.
The Bill makes provision for the overall transformation of the welfare system from a purely residual to a developmental one. The sensitive representation of race, gender and disability in the composition of the board is intended to mobilise a collective partnership between society, stakeholders and the Government so that the decision-making process is executed with significant understanding of the needs and desires of the people. Section 8(1) of the Bill indicates that the chairperson will be appointed by the Minister before the first meeting of a newly constituted board. However, from the MF point of view, in order to strengthen the visibility of transparency and accountability, it is advised that the chairperson be elected at the first meeting of the board. In rehabilitating the differences that currently exist, the board’s welfare structure will depend on its productiveness in guiding the principles of equity, sustainability, access and co-operative governance. The MF supports the Advisory Board on Social Development Bill. [Applause.]
Ms C M P RAMOTSAMAI: Madam Speaker, I am quite disappointed by the hon member Cupido. I do not know why she normally uses this podium to politicise everything. This Bill is not about politics at all. I do not know whether she received instructions during caucus from her leaders to politicise this. She does not realise that we are here to rectify the mess that was made by her party and to transform this country. If she is not ready for transformation, she must just leave this country. We are here to transform and we are not moving back.
She participated in this Bill and we gave her her due for doing quite well. But I think she must have taken instructions from somewhere and that is not acceptable. We are going to deal with her behaviour. This Bill goes a long way towards addressing the inadequacies of the past that are acknowledged by the White Paper on Social Welfare of 1996. These inadequacies include, amongst others, a lack of legitimacy for social development services, exclusivity of services, perpetuated disparities and selective delivery of services.
The Minister and the chairperson of the portfolio committee … [Interjections.] Could that hon member shut up, please!
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, will you take your seat, please. There is a point of order.
Mrs P W CUPIDO: Madam Speaker, is it in order for the hon member to threaten me in Parliament and in public? [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Order! It is out of order to threaten someone. But I am not sure what was meant by ``I will deal with you later’’. [Laughter.] Could you proceed, please. Ms C P M RAMOTSAMAI: Madam Speaker, the hon Minister and the chairperson of the portfolio committee … [Interjections.]
Mr R S SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: In the light of the matter raised by the hon member, would you, perhaps, not consider asking that hon member what exactly she meant by that statement.
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I will rule. I am assuming that nobody is threatening anyone. If the hon member did make a threat, could she please withdraw that threat.
Ms C P M RAMOTSAMAI: Madam Speaker, what I meant was that I would deal with the hon member politically in the portfolio committee. [Laughter.] [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Thank you very much.
Ms C P M RAMOTSAMAI: Madam Speaker, I am going to focus my attention on the amendments the committee made to the Bill, and the leadership role played by the ANC in the portfolio committee.
Firstly, the title was changed from Developmental Welfare Governance Bill to Advisory Board on Social Development Bill. This indicates the shift in emphasis both in the objectives of the Bill and in the work of the department. The Bill does not only concern itself with the issues of social development governance, but also really seeks to establish an advisory and consultative body that will enable the hon Minister to be in direct dialogue with the social development sector.
The committee requested the department to insert in clause 1 of the Bill the definition ``social development’’, moving away from welfare which, in many instances, is interpreted as handouts. The most important principle followed in setting out the objectives of the Bill is that the board must be in a position to advise the hon Minister on decisions that will directly affect social development initiatives and that the board must provide the linking forum where discussions between Government and civil society can take place. Crucial to this is that no national welfare will bring mandates, as members of the board will not only represent the formal social development organisations, but will also be drawn in because of their work pertaining to the development needs of rural and neglected communities.
The committee spent considerable time refining the objectives and duties of the board. The original clause 4, which dealt with the powers of the board, was scrapped and some of its elements were incorporated under the objectives of the board. In this regard, the comments received from a wide range of civil society stakeholders were incorporated, especially concerns that the original Bill did not make provision for a broad representation of civil society.
As the Bill stands, the Minister has the discretion to decide how many Government representatives he wants on the board, while the Bill clearly puts forward eight persons as the minimum number of civil society representatives. Concerns were raised about the fact that members of the board would be remunerated, and the ANC position was that board members should, where possible, receive compensation if their attendance of a meeting meant a loss of income to them. At the same time, the principle accepted was that membership of the board would be an honour for the organisation that nominated their member and that membership would not become a paid occupation. The ANC provided leadership in this regard.
To avoid members of the board serving on the board for the next 20 years …
Mrs P W CUPIDO: You are lying!
Ms C P M RAMOTSAMAI: Madam Speaker, is the hon member allowed to say that I am lying?
The SPEAKER: Order! Could you please withdraw that statement, hon Mrs Cupido.
Ms C P M RAMOTSAMAI: I want that hon member to stand up and apologise. [Laughter.]
The SPEAKER: Order! I did hear a reference to lying. Could you please withdraw that statement. I heard you making it. If I misheard you, please clarify.
Mrs P W CUPIDO: Madam Speaker, I withdraw the statement. [Interjections.]
The SPEAKER: Thank you very much. Please proceed, hon member.
Ms C P M RAMOTSAMAI: Madam Speaker, to avoid members of the board serving on it for the next 20 years, as has been the case before, the Bill now provides that members are eligible for reappointment to the board for no more than one consecutive term.
The parliamentary committee will play an important role in the process of appointing members of the board, by making recommendations to the Minister in this regard. The Bill specifies that in appointing members, special attention must be given regarding depth of knowledge and insight into social development, as well as the representativeness of the board. Of course, the Minister will have the final say.
In this way, the committee will ensure that the Minister has at his disposal the talents of as wide as possible a spectrum of representatives from civil society. The committee also intends using this role to open up for itself the possibility of critically watching over the kinds of bodies established through legislation. In this regard, we have proposed that the board table annual reports to Parliament. We believe that such reports would enhance the commitment of members appointed to the board in fulfilling the objectives set out in the Bill.
Lastly, I want to thank our chairperson for playing a leadership and a guiding role during this process. [Applause.]
The MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Madam Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to thank all the hon members who spoke here for the support that they have given the department and me during this whole process. We hope we will continue to work in this manner, cooperating with each other and ensuring that we achieve what we came here for, and that is the betterment of the lives of our people, and the poorest of the poor, and generally working very closely with the nongovernmental sector and, more importantly, with the churches and all other religious groups. I stand here to recognise them for the work that they have been doing with the department and the whole sector in ensuring that the voice of the poor and the poorest of the poor is heard, and that Government and the private sector work together.
More importantly, I would also like to thank the private sector for the assistance that they are giving the department. The challenges that we basically face as a Department and as Government are not only to recognise the role that is always played by the private sector in the welfare sector and the social development sector, but also to work with them in a more unified and more systematic way to ensure that whatever we do has an impact on the lives of our people. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
Bill read a second time.
PAN-AFRICANISM IS THE COMPASS FOR RESTORING AFRICA’S DIGNITY, PROSPERITY AND POWER
(Subject for Discussion)
Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, Africa is the epicentre of this planet. She has impeccable credentials to occupy a prominent place in the world. Africans own a continent three times the size of China and the United States of America combined, and twenty times the size of the European Economic Community.
Historically, Africa has had a privileged role in world affairs. Africa is holy land. It is where man was born. She is the cradle of man’s civilisation. Africa provided leadership in various spheres of endeavour to this world for 600 000 years. Africa has immense wealth. Almost every mineral is found in Africa, including oil. Almost every agricultural product can be grown in Africa.
That great Pan-Africanist, Kwame Nkrumah, hit the nail on the head when he said, and I quote:
If Africa’s multiple resources were used in her own development, they could place Africa among the most modernised continents of the world. But Africa’s resources are used for the development of overseas interests.
Pan-Africanists hold that only Pan-Africanism can rescue Africa from this quagmire. Pan-Africanism has over a period of 100 years shown its resilience and demonstrated its tenacity against the machinations of emperialist forces by destroying classical colonialism in Africa. Current Pan-African efforts, such as the establishment of the Pan-African Parliament, are further evidence of Pan-Africanists’ persistence in the protracted struggle for the ultimate realisation of a united states of Africa, which the PAC leader Zephania Mothopeng called ``the Giant Monolithic state of Africa’’.
Pan-Africanism is the compass for restoring Africa’s dignity, power and prosperity. Pan-Africanism is not an imported political philosophy. Pan- Africanism was conceived in the womb of Africa. Pan-Africanism is not a European imitation. As a political philosophy, Pan-Africanism was developed and nourished by great African political scientists, scholars, historians, philosophers and revolutionaries such as Sylvester Williams, Garvey, Duboise, George Padmore, Azikiwe, Nkrumah, Anta Diop, Sobukwe and Lembede.
Pan-Africanism demands that the riches of Africa be used for the benefit and development of the African people. Pan-Africanism seeks to achieve genuine African independence, economic emancipation, eradication of poverty and technological advancement. It is a set of principles containing social, cultural, economic, spiritual, moral and material aspects of life. It is a system of equitable sharing of food, clothing, homes, education, skills, top health care, work, land, employment, wealth, security of life and happiness for the people of Africa and of African descent.
Pan-Africanism can empower Africans to stop destroying themselves in internal strife, such as has been the case in Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, DRC, Burundi and Angola. A leading Pan-Africanist leader put it succinctly 40 years ago when he said:
If we do not formulate plans for unity and take active steps to form a political union, we will soon be fighting and warring among ourselves, with imperialists and colonialists standing behind the scenes and pulling vicious wires to make us cut each others throat for the sake of their diabolic purposes for Africa.
The Pan-African struggle is to stop the state of economic servitude and exploitation in which Africans live, with consequences of poverty, diseases, ignorance, and a shorter life expectancy and the highest child mortality. Pan-Africanism is a political philosophy which accentuates the uniformity of an African destiny and can enable its people to preserve a collective action in facing challenges of imperialist domination.
The brutal rape of Africa by imperialists demands Pan-Africanism. [Interjections.] This is the historical necessity of building the destroyed walls of Africa and consolidating her as a united, prosperous continent. The strength of Pan-Africanism lies in its inherent reality and revolutionary insight and foresight. All that Africans need to do is to meet the high but achievable standards of Pan-Africanism. Even the most hostile forces against Pan-Africanism in Africa today can no longer slander Pan-Africanism. In the face of profound distress, Africa continues to suffer.
What is happening in Africa today with regard to the Pan-African Parliament did not fall from the sky. Pan-Africanists have been working hard for the realisation of these goals at a time when others were ideologically hijacked and were even ashamed of calling themselves Africans, equating Africanisms and Pan-Africanism with racism. In this country the founding president of the PAC, Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, wrote about the African union and how to bring it about as early as January 1960. That was at a time when Pan-Africanism was a swearword to some who are today compelled by the realities of Africa to join the African Union. [Interjections.]
Pan-Africanists admit that the Pan-African task is colossal, but that it is not impossible. Yes, the sworn enemies of Pan-Africanism who overthrew Nkrumah, assassinated Murtala Muhammad, Patrice Lumumba, Thomas Sankara, Maurice Bishop and poisoned Sobukwe on Robben Island for their commitment to the cause of Pan-Africanism will continue to assassinate all those who are committed to Pan-Africanism and the restoration to Africa of her lost power. However, the PAC calls on Africa never to deviate from the tested Pan-African path, which has been a beacon of light in the stormy sea, for the survival and security of Africa.
The truth of the matter is that it is impossible to reconstruct and develop a divided Africa without a common position towards external forces. The problems of Africa, such as foreign debt, trade, devaluation of African currencies, low prices for African exports, blackmail with aid by forces wanting to bully Africa, IMF structural adjustments, foreign wars by proxy in Africa, reparations, etc are Africa’s problems which demand a Pan- African solution.
Pan-Africanism is an imperative response to globalisation. Difficulties on the Pan-African road will discourage cowards only. Men and women who stand boldly in the defence of Africa in the sea of political falsehood and confusion are not made of tender fibre. They are not women and men with lily fingers. They are sons and daughters of Africa whom historical necessity has called upon to contend with the stern realities of life with its vicissitudes. A smooth sea never made a skilful mariner.
Moreover, the tragedy of life does not lie in not reaching our goals, but in having no goals to reach. It is not a calamity to die with ideals unfulfilled, but it is a calamity to have no ideals to fulfil. It is not a disgrace not to reach the stars, but it is a disgrace to have no stars to reach. Pan-Africanists have stars to reach.
Let me remind hon members of the words of that Pan-Africanist visionary, Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, in his 1959 state-of-the- nation address. He said:
Sons and daughters of Africa, we are standing on the threshold of an historic era. We are blazing a new trail, and we invite you to be with us creators of history … March with us to freedom and independence. Tomorrow the United States of Africa.
UMvelinqangi abusise i-Afrika, amadodana namadodakazi ayo. [God bless Africa, its sons and its daughters.] Tiko ra hina! Shango lashu! Lefatshe la rona! Ilizwe lethu! [The land is ours!] [Applause.]
Prof B TUROK: Madam Speaker, my contribution to this debate is to set out the context in which Pan-Africanism continues to be influential.
A week ago London’s The Economist published a remarkable editorial. It was so remarkable that I wish to read two paragraphs for the record, for the enlightenment of the House and others. It says:
… for many years the rich world has made it hard for Africa to earn an honest living through trade … if North America, Europe and Japan were to eliminate all barriers to imports from sub-Saharan Africa, the region’s exports would rise by 14%, an annual increase worth about $2,5 billion. Another calculation shows that developed countries’ farm subsidies amount to over $360 billion a year, some $30 billion more than Africa’s entire GDP. And while the prices of rich countries’ exports have been rising, Africa’s primary products have … been falling (by 25% in 1997-99).
That means that the terms of trade have been moving against Africa in the last two years that these countries have been talking about poverty reduction. It’s a story that the continent has been familiar with for decades.
The editorial goes on to say:
During the Cold War, it was happy to fight its wars through African proxies, to prop up corrupt regimes and sell them weapons with which to suppress their subjects and swell their foreign debt … that debt has been crushing for Africa: several countries have been spending more on service payments than on education and health … aid … has often been tied to western exports … official aid has been dwindling - from $32 per African in 1990 to $19 in 1998.
This is a remarkable editorial in a very conservative newspaper and not some radical outfit in the UK.
I want to make one or two personal remarks about my own conversion to Pan- Africanism. As a young boy in Cape Town, I was told that I was a European, and that, far to the North, there was some continent called Africa with which we in South Africa had nothing to do. I was told that we belonged to Europe.
My understanding was changed completely when I was in exile, in East
Africa. In 1966, I was travelling by car with my family from Kenya to
Tanzania. When we arrived at the border post, the Tanzanian official said I
must fill in a form. On the form there were three boxes. One box had
European'' written on it, the secondAfrican’’ and the third Other.''
The immigration officer said I must tick the European box, and I refused. I
told him that I was not a European, but a South African refugee, and that I
had never been to Europe and was not going to tick the European box. He
asked me what I was going to do. I told him that I was going to tick the
African box because I am an African. We negotiated, I was surrounded by my
children who were cheering - they loved the altercation. Finally, we
reached a compromise and settled forwhite African.’’
So, in the following years, when we lived in Tanzania and elsewhere in
Africa, my children, at school, were sometimes called Kaburu'' meaning
Boers’’ because we were from South Africa. I always said: No, no! We
arewhite Africans.’’ So, my conversion to Pan-Africanism was
instantaneous at that moment, and I realised psychologically that I
belonged to Africa, and it has been like that ever since.
I was fortunate to live under Kenyatta, Nyerere and Kaunda. So, I can faithfully say that I have an intense familiarity with the continent and a great love for it. It has been pointed out many times that Pan-Africanism started under Nkrumah. He had the view that: ``You seek first the political kingdom and then the economics will follow you.’’ It is extraordinary that, at that time, so long ago, he advocated an African political union, and it is today and now that we are talking about an African parliament, which shows that vision is not lost and history remembers.
However, as Africa began to consolidate its independence, the realisation came that African economies were monocrop-economies, and that all the countries were dependent on primary commodity export. The worst of all is that these primary exports commodity industries were under foreign control. So, in the succeeding years, Nkrumah, later followed by other leaders such as Nyerere and Kaunda, began to try and seize control of their own economies and of their own wealth.
I want to give two or three statistics concerning Africa’s wealth. It has 97% of the world’s chrome, 85% of the world’s platinum, 64% of the world’s manganese, 70% of the world’s cocoa and so on. Africa is rich in resources and yet poor in the quality of life for its people. This is why, under the vigilant eyes of people such as the economists and others, Nyerere and Kaunda began a process which was also happening in Latin America, of import substitution industrialisation. In other words, it was a kind of nationalisation to seize control of their own resources. It was an attempt to make real the independence that they had achieved, and to try and transcend the colonialism and the neocolonialism that they were subjected to. Fortunately, the Economic Commission of Africa came up with a plan, the Lagos Plan of Action, which was intended to transcend the inherited Balkanisation of Africa.
I come to the present time where the ANC is reviving the notion of a Pan- Africanism which is real, concrete and not based on some mysticism, but based on the economic unification of Africa, firstm, within nations, second, at regional level and third, at continental level. We are celebrating the existence of Ecowas, PTA, SADC and other regional institutions which are going to establish and reinforce Africa’s wealth.
I say with some pride that my early notions that I was a European have been transcended by the notion that I belong to Africa, and that this House belongs to Africa. So we can celebrate Pan-Africanism in the context of a new situation and a new environment where the African Renaissance begins to take on a real existence and where the Millennium African Recovery Programme is a blueprint, and which, by the way, is worth looking at. It revives some of the very concepts that Nkrumah raised and which were raised at the Lagos Plan of Action and by the Economic Commission for Africa. I have no time to deal with those, but, once again, those ideas live on and we must celebrate that fact. [Applause.]
Mr N S BRUCE: Madam Speaker, the magnificence of Rabbi Turok’s pyjama top and his instant conversion on the road to Lagos compels me to tell members a Christian story. In sharp contrast to some parts, the Christian Gospel was received, in the 3rd century, with eagerness on the burning sands of Africa. It was animated by the zeal of its converts, adorned by the eloquence of its bishops and enriched by the spirituality of its philosophers.
St Augustine was then, and is now, the most important of the African
philosopher bishops. In his confessions, he recorded his exhortation to God
to give him chastity and continence,but, Lord'', he pleaded,not just
yet’’. I am sorry that President Mbeki is not here, for according to a
magazine called Nosegay, always fearless in its inaccuracy, …
[Interjections] … the President would have appreciated this irony, if not
the bishop’s episcopal profundity.
What St Augustine was pleading for was for the elevation of his soul through mortification by God, before God granted him the grace we all need to eschew temptation. But, it seems to me, that this is a plea that still rings in some 21st century Pan-African ears: ``Give us dignity, prosperity and power, but, Lord, not just yet.’’
Dignity, prosperity and power are universally acknowledged virtues, the only question being how to set the process of achievement going to speed it along and ensure its success. It is neither a novel endeavour nor one that can boast past success. Pan-Africanism was enshrined by Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana in the ’50s, and was expressed in the capturing of the political kingdom and the politicisation of the economy through collectivisation.
The colonial powers had already allowed the partial politicisation of some economies, moving away from the efficiencies of the free market and introducing race-based social engineering. This process was started by Rhodes, extended by Smuts, legitimised by Verwoerd, entrenched by Vorster and exploited by Smith. In the end, it just bowled Botha over.
Aspirant black leaders were quick to consolidate political control and their own racism as tribal conflicts emerged. They introduced the concept of heroic or charismatic leadership implied in Leninism. This process unleashed the greatest scourge of the 20th century - the professional politician, fired by social engineering, inspired by collectivism and deluded by the messianic leadership.
Nkrumah became the redeemer. Joseph Mobutu became Monutu Sese Seko Kuku Nghendu Wa Za Banga (the cock that leaves no hens alone). Bokassa became an emperor, Idi Amin became a general. With all the submarines we are buying, President Mbeki will, no doubt, become an admiral with a Cabinet Minister in every port.
By the ’60s, absolute power - members should remember Lord Acton - had begun to corrupt absolutely, and had perverted liberation into vote- manipulating dictatorships. In 1961, Nkrumah said: All Africans know that I represent Africa, and that I speak in her name. Therefore, no African can have an opinion that differs from mine.’’ [Interjections.] The one-party state followed and the protection of the rule of law gave way to a democratically dubious right to vote. In the process, many economies failed and social engineering gave way to totalitarianism. Pan-Africanism proved a costly and ghastly failure. [Interjections.]
Noble though the piety of St Augustine was, it did not and could not create the conditions that introduced the Renaissance and later the Industrial Revolution which improved the brutish lot of mankind throughout the world beyond recognition. The Protestant revolution and secularisation of the West introduced the modern capitalist system which even Marx acknowledged was capable, through the enhancement of entrepreneurial pursuit, of rapid wealth creation. The Industrial Revolution brought suppliers and customers into increasingly convenient contact. The process was continued with each new revolution such as technological, biological and information and so it goes on.
Thus, today we have choices. One is to seek prosperity and success through engagement in the global market by adhering to our traditional trading partners. But, in that event, we have to engage in the unfortunate politics of the trade bloc. We will have to seek out allies, however, wherever we can find the synergies and successes needed to trade and engage with the world’s most prosperous markets. We need their support to assault, for instance, fortress Europe in two important areas: their agricultural and textile policies that remain protected and the notion that foreign aid helps the poor when it preserves inequality and entrenches poverty.
To those countries that are struggling to pay for excessive social security, aid is a cheap way of avoiding the removal of politically sensitive protectionist policies. The thrust of our diplomacy should be to persuade our traditional trading partners that the greatest benefit they can bestow on the developing nations is the acceptance of them as competitive partners in the global market, or we can forsake globalisation and choose to join the indigent, whose only cry is debt relief and whose recognisable initiative is a begging bowl. They may deserve our sympathy and possibly our charity, but their cause is better served by our example than the delusion that they are our natural allies.
Our leadership of SADC is a case in point. We are leading reluctant democrats who too often deny their citizens the freedom to spend the money as they see fit. We have made all the trade concessions for little in return. We are leading reluctant horses to drink and not even the hon ``Sarafina’’ Zuma can give them water. If we were to choose Pan-Africanism, we would prolong our mortification indefinitely and be rather like the old lady who said that if God had intended us to get to the moon, he would not have given us the SA Railways. [Applause.]
Mr A M MPONTSHANE: Madam Speaker, the definition of concepts can be a very vexatious exercise indeed. We have, on occasion, witnessed people coming to blows over the definition of terms.
Whereas there is no dispute over the geographic location of Africa as a continent, there are, however, divergent views on who the African is. Some have defined an African on the basis of colour only, where, if one is black, one is an African. We cannot accept this. It is too exclusive. Moreover, it goes against the African idiom. The African idiom does not define a person on his or her accidental characteristic of colour. I know that in the recent past people’s noses were measured very meticulously in order to define them. This is unacceptable in our African idiom. Others have defined an African on the basis of both colour and geographic location, where by virtue of being born in Africa, one calls oneself African. This confirms my earlier assertion that the definition of terms can be very problematic indeed.
The concept of Africanism, like all isms, does embody a system of ideas, or a philosophy of life if one likes. I know that some people may argue - and they have, indeed, argued - that the talk about an African philosophy is the talk about anachronism and is something that has outlived its suitability. Yes, I agree that various habits of thought and practices can become archaic and therefore must be discarded and modified. But what cannot be discarded is the whole society. One cannot just jettison the whole society on the basis that it has become archaic and old-fashioned. It is for this reason that politicians have sometimes been referred to as modernisers.
I am arguing, therefore, that Africanism must be seen as a philosophy of life and a system of ideas which is particular and peculiar to Africa. My second argument is that these African ideas have, over the years, formed a guide to the living of life itself and to argue otherwise is to deny that our forefathers ever lived a life at all because to live, as they say, is to name. In a multicultural society like ours, meaningful racial interaction must take place on the basis of one’s inner strengths, otherwise the price for this racial interaction is assimilation into some dominant foreign culture. One need only refer, in this case, to the assimilados of the former French colonies and the exempted of South Africa. Members will remember that we used to talk of ``amazemtidi’’, which means those who were exempted. There were times when, for Africans, it was not a right and they had to be exempted just to buy utshwala besilungu, ugologo nje [liquor]. [Laughter.] Some people, on the basis of their colour, were not allowed even to drink that water. It is accidental that I am looking at those members.
These Africans were denied the right to define themselves in their own
terms, which are African terms. They carried labels on them like Made in
England'' orMade in France’’. Ours has been a story of shame and
promise. We were made to feel ashamed of our forms of governance and we
were promised true citizenship once we had undergone total assimilation.
This was not to be.
Therefore, our first challenge is to regain the right to define ourselves in our own terms, thereby regaining that inner strength which is a necessary condition in the process of restoring our dignity. Let me just quote a strange person here. Joseph Stalin realised long ago how important both physical and moral strength were if one wanted to be taken seriously. We are told that after the war, three leaders met at the meeting in Yalta. They were Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill. Roosevelt expressed the desire of the Pope to have peace in the world. Stalin turned around and asked the question ``But how many troops does the Pope have?’’ [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr J DURAND: Madam Speaker, it is a shame that this has been the same theme for all the Pan-Africanist conferences since 1900. It has continued to be the theme of countless meetings and conferences organised by the Organisation for African Unity and other bodies. Yet, Africa and Africans are very far from this goal in spite of thousands of pledges and declarations, and the adoption of countless charters. Not only is Africa very far from unity on any other front, it is today the most marginalised, most oppressed, most exploited, most poverty-stricken, most debt-ridden, most unstable and most denigrated continent in the world. [Interjections.]
Africa has more than half the world’s refugees and it is the least industrialised of all the developing regions. Thus, we are not just disunited, but we also have nothing to show for our abundant resources. Oppression, criminal human rights abuses, lack of opportunity, discrimination on the basis of ethnic, racial, regional and religious considerations, ruthless exploitation of the already impoverished, wars, instability, corruption, maniacal leadership, illiteracy, roads full of potholes, hunger and disease, and disillusionment characterise the African sicio-political landscape.
We have too many pressing issues to address and we need to move forward. For our purpose today, suffice it to note that since the first Pan-African congress organised by a Trinidadian lawyer, Sylvester Williams, in 1900, six other Pan-African congresses have been held. The seventh congress was held in Kampala, Uganda, in April 1994. The themes of all these congresses were the same: African Unity, African Liberation from Western Imperialism, African Development, Peace and Progress.
What needs to be done? It is well known that Africa is one of the richest regions of the world. Before the Gulf War more oil had been exported to the USA than from Kuwait and Iraq. The southern African region contains all known space-age minerals. Africa, which is the most central of all continents, contains a fifth of the world’s land mass, with 54 nations and a population of 600 million.
Why have African leaders been unable to capitalise on their advantages to change the African reality as presently constituted? In fact the insult to Africa and Africans can be seen, not only in some of the wishy washy books and expert opinions that non-Africans produce about us, but also in the fact that African political leaders have declared war on researchers, academics and young people with merit. The African brain drain must be turned around. Our own experts, black and white, must be allowed to come back and apply their knowledge to build Africa. We must stop the brain drain.
I could count thousands of top minds who have fled the continent, voluntarily or otherwise, because of the corruption, repression and mindless policies of our so-called leaders. There are millions of young Africans scattered all over Europe and America, roaming the streets or engaged in menial and degrading jobs, all in an effort to survive.
What Africa needs is a spark of the new agenda. It is not only multiparty elections but a total democratisation of the political, social and economic landscape of Africa. From schools through households to governments, there must be a new spirit of enthusiasm for democracy, empowerment, accountability, social justice, equality, respect for human rights, popular participation and a guarantee of freedom and liberties.
How much confidence does the President engender if he governs from the seat of a R300 000 jet high above the earth? [Time expired.] [Applause.]
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I would like to take this opportunity, in case I miss it, to recognise Aunt Sophie de Bruin, who is sitting in the gallery. She is the only survivor of the four leaders of the women who led the march to the Union Buildings on 9 August 1956. [Applause.]
Mr M E MABETA: Madam Speaker, Deputy President and hon members of Parliament, an African vision is beginning to dominate the lexicon of African politics. President Mbeki has been religiously preaching the concept of an African Renaissance. Our own Speaker, Dr Frene Ginwala, has played a leading role in the development of the Constitutive Act of the African Union! Some African political leaders are reviving Nkrumah’s idea of a united states of Africa, and the world is focusing on the African problems of economic and political collapse and the consequent tragic conflicts plaguing an ever-increasing number of regions.
The UDM is happy to join the hon member Dr Pheko in debating one of the strategies for addressing these conditions, so eloquently described by the hon member Mr Feinstein last week in his speech. These conditions involve poverty, misery, disease and political instability.
Referring to these, the late President of Tanzania, President Nyerere, commented that together, or even in groups, we are much less weak. We have the capability to help each other in many ways, each gaining in the process. As a combined group, we can meet the wealthy nations on very different terms for, though they may not need any one of us to help their economies, they cannot cut themselves off from all of us.
However, the success of all our Pan-African strategies must ultimately depend on our ability to level the playing fields at home. We must, for example, deal with the problem of emigration by developing economic strategies that will enhance the economic growth of our neighbours and, thus, structure a balanced economic environment capable of sustaining political, regional communities such as SADC. This is the true spirit of Pan-Africanism. This is the comparative moral basis of Pan-African solidarity.
Our country must develop African policies that will avoid partisan positions in dealing with foreign conflicts. We must develop clear policies on such issues as arms trade, so that our arms do not end up being in the very theatres in which we attempt to broker peace or promote the African Renaissance, African interests or vice versa, the interests of those who have, in the first place, been responsible for the imperialist domination of African countries. The basis for our intervention, for example, in regional conflicts must not undermine our capacity to play peacekeeping roles in our own continent. Iyaziwa nje into yokuba umfo wenu ngumfo wenu, umhlobo wakho ngumhlobo wakho, yaye xa kuxatyenwe, kusiliwa, ayisokuze ibe ngulo mntu oza kuqala akuqubule ngasemva. Ngoko ke ukuba unomkhwa wokwenza loo nto asinguye umhlobo wakho lowo, anilwi caleni linye. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[It is generally known that your brother is your brother and your friend is your friend, and these people will never attack you behind your back. If one does that, then both of you know that you are no longer friends. You are opponents.]
It is the moral responsibility of all African states to act in a manner that, in every way, promotes and uplifts the idea of Pan-African responsibility and Pan-African collective survival. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mrs M A A NJOBE: Madam Speaker, the role of Pan-Africanism as a compass for the restoration of Africa’s dignity, prosperity and power was first recognised during the very formative years of the movement by the leaders of the African diaspora. Dr W E Dubois, for example, identified the Pan- African movement as an aid to the promotion of national self-determination among Africans under African leadership, for the benefit of Africans themselves.
We of this country have no doubt who an African is. In his I-am-an-African speech, President Thabo Mbeki clearly identified an African as he or she whose home is Africa, and he or she who identifies with the African continent. He reminded us that the South African Constitution is an unequivocal statement that, as South Africans, we refuse to accept that our Africanness should be defined by our race, colour, gender or historical origins.
Founded in 1912, the ANC preceded all other liberation movements in Africa in adopting and promoting the ideas of Pan-Africanism. Recognition of this fact is illustrated by the adoption of the then ANC’s national anthem Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrica by countries such as Ghana, Tanzania, Zambia and others at the attainment of their independence. Charlotte Maxeke, who had studied at Ohio University in the USA, was one of the champions of Pan-Africanism, in particular among the women of South Africa. The Freedom Charter’s last clause recognises the right of all the peoples of Africa to independence and self-government, and that this shall be the basis of close co-operation. In the 1940s, as the Pan-Africanist movement passed to African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah and others, the ANC was not found lacking in promoting Pan- Africanism. The ANC Youth League at that time, under the leadership of Anton Lembede, helped to spread Africanist ideas among the youth of countries such as Uganda, Kenya and others, who happened to be studying at educational institutions in South Africa at the time.
A Pan-African Congress held in 1945 - and in which the ANC Youth League was represented, though not by its top leadership, who were refused passports by the South African government - demanded a vote for all men and women over the age of 21. It demanded universal free education and full civil rights for everyone, regardless of colour. Their resolution ended with the slogan ``Mayibuye iAfrika’’ [May Africa return].
The problem of the colour line, as a problem of the 20th century, was also identified by earlier Pan-Africanists. The statement of the ANC on 8 January 2000 goes further and argues that the challege of the 21st century is the resolution of the problem of the colour line. Yet, the problem of patriarchal gender relations transcends the historical epoch of the development of societies. It is a problem that remains unsolved.
The relationship between race, class and gender in colonial and postcolonial Africa is well documented. The social formation imposed on African societies by imperialist powers took away even the limited sphere of influence and power women had. Colonialism led to a situation where women were marginalised from social production. Women were perceived to play the role of reproduction and maintaining households, where resources were increasingly diminishing. Men, on the other hand, were drawn into wage slavery as cheap labour.
The perpetuation of oppressive gender relations continues even in postcolonial Africa. Although there is progressive legislation in place in a number of African states, legislation which improves the role and status of women in society, in many cases still has to translate itself into sustainable programmes to eradicate gender oppression.
Let me, however, quickly acknowledge that work is being done to improve the status of women. Such efforts are contributing positively to the situation of women and children. South Africa provides a very good example of this, under the leadership of an ANC-led Government.
However, advances made are being undermined by the wars that are endemic on our continent. The military coups and violent conflicts on the continent result in the disempowerment of women. Illiteracy, violence against women and abuse of children do not make the situation any better. Many women and children have lost their limbs in strife-torn countries.
The danger posed by antipersonnel landmines is threatening the very basis of existence of many households and productive land. This affects many women-led households. However, current efforts to ensure that peace prevails on the African continent is, therefore, an important step in improving the situation of women in postcolonial Africa.
In his address to the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs in Abuja, in the year 2000, President Thabo Mbeki observed, and I quote:
An important and critical element of the African Renaissance is that in the last few years we have witnessed a widespread awakening in all parts of our continent.
He further observed, and I quote:
Critical to this democratic renaissance in many parts of Africa, has been the role of the masses of our people acting through their formations, who have fought to end destructive and undemocratic systems.
The point the President is emphasising here is that this noble idea of the awakening of the continent must be driven by the masses of the people on the continent.
The women of the ANC, led by the ANC Women’s League, have always responded to this challenge. Currently, they are actively involved in the process of rebuilding the Pan-African Women’s Congress. Pawo was founded on 31 July 1962 in Dar-es-Salaam, following recommendations made at the All Africa Women’s Congress in 1961. ANC women were represented at this first congress by Mrs Adelaide Tambo. Later Mrs Resha was posted to Pawo headquarters in Algeria as our representative.
There were, of course, other representatives from other liberation movements such as the PAC, Swapo, PLO and so on. Later, Lindiwe Zulu was to be our representative when the Pawo headquarters were moved to Angola. Pawo’s constitution, in its preamble, recognises that the liberation and development of Africa is the duty of all the people of the continent. It also states that the African integration constitutes an irreversible way for the survival of the continent.
Pawo’s objectives support the notion of Pan-Africanism. The ANC believes that these objectives can be realised if Pawo transforms itself into a powerful women’s movement on the continent. It has the potential to put the women’s agenda at the centre of the African Renaissance. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Adv Z L MADASA: Madam Speaker, as commonly used, the philosophy of Pan- Africanism does not denote racial exclusion, but is a positive call for a movement to foster collaboration among all Africans to resist external domination and control.
In all its manifest forms, it is a recognition that the whole continent belongs to people of the same descent, namely Africans, who are faced with a common problem, colonialism, and who need the same remedy to fight together in unity. The philosophy also recognises that the colonialisation of Africa has taken various forms, overt and covert. It is a call, therefore, for the rejection of all forms of political, cultural and economic hegemony imposed on the continent by external forces.
However, it is important to note that some African leaders, even during slave trading times, connived with the colonialists through greed, to oppress their own people. Indeed, post independence, the number of such leaders has increased. Today, colonialism and foreign domination have taken more sophisticated forms, largely economic, for example through the WTO, World Bank, IMF and media. Most African leaders are looting national resources and storing them away in foreign countries. Indeed, greed is at the root of all conflicts on the continent, whether foreigners have collaborated or not.
Key points to consider if the continent is to be restored are: The development of independent African thought, for example schools and universities that develop African genius; addressing landlessness among rural Africans, including the introduction of title deeds; releasing genuine African entrepreneurship; strengthening African union through denouncing dictators’ undemocratic governance and promoting multiparty democracy; education and training to develop leadership, and freedom of religion.
Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, the motion reads: ``To restore Africa’s dignity.’’ How do we restore Africa’s dignity? We restore Africa’s dignity by restoring the dignity of the people of Africa.
To be in time for this debate, I started out very early this morning in the North West province. The Setswana-speaking people of the North West would say, in their own language: ``Go tsoga le dinaledi’’, ie to start with the stars. What a beautiful way to say I started out early. A small African child is taught this language as he goes to school, singing Setswana songs. Then, in Grade 4, this child is told that his African language is not good enough to become educated in. His education must be in English, a European language. What is this child told? He is told that his language is not good enough. He is told that he is not good enough. How is his dignity restored with such a message?
Afrikaners verstaan hierdie probleem. Jare lank is Afrikaans ‘n kombuistaal genoem. As ‘n mens geleerd wou wees, moes ‘n mens Engels of Hooghollands kon skryf en praat. As ‘n mens durf Afrikaans praat in die skool, het ‘n mens ‘n bord om die nek gekry met `donkie’ daarop geskryf, want ‘n mens het dan die taal gepraat wat in Afrika gebore en na Afrika genoem is.
Die Vryheidsfront glo dat mense nie vry is as hulle nie ook kultureel vry is nie. Waarom kan ons nie rekenaars bou in isiZulu nie? Waarom kan ons nie atome splyt in Setswana nie? Solank Afrika nie hierdie probleme aanpak nie, sal die ``dignity’’, die waardigheid, nie terugkeer nie.
Afrika, wat ‘n pragtige vasteland; Afrika, ‘n vasteland met meer as genoeg natuurlike hulpbronne soos water, grond en goeie klimaat; Afrika, geseënd met meer as genoeg minerale; Afrika, met al die potensiaal om ‘n internasionale rolspeler te kan wees, tog raak Afrika agter.
Hoekom? Omdat Afrika polities onstabiel bly. Kom ons los Afrika se probleme op met Afrika se eie oplossings - oplossings wat voorsiening maak vir die eiesoortige probleme van Afrika en wat al die tale, al die kulture en al die etniese groepe ook in eiesoortige oplossings kan saamsnoer en daardeur die ``dignity’’, die waardigheid, en die eer van mense kan herstel.(Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Afrikaners understand this problem. For years Afrikaans was called a kitchen language. If one wished to be educated, one had to be able to write and speak English or High Dutch. If one dared to speak Afrikaans at school, one had to wear a board round one’s neck with the word ``dunce’’ written on it, because one had spoken the language which was born in Africa and named after Africa.
The Freedom Front believes that people are not free unless they are also free culturally. Why can we not manufacture computers in isiZulu? Why can we not split atoms in Setswana? For as long as Africa does not deal with these problems, the dignity will not return.
Africa, what a beautiful continent; Africa, a continent with more than enough natural resources such as water, land and a good climate; Africa, blessed with more than enough minerals; Africa, with all the potential to be an international role-player; and yet Africa is lagging behind.
Why? Because Africa remains politically unstable. Let us resolve Africa’s problems with Africa’s own solutions - solutions that make provision for the unique problems of Africa and that can also unite all the languages, all the cultures and all the ethnic groups in unique solutions and in this way restore the dignity and the honour of people.]
Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Madam Speaker, the desire and passion to integrate Africa and undo the damage done to her for the past century finally paid off with the advent of the establishment of Pan-Africanism. For the first time, Africa would be able to determine her own future as a united continent bounded by a common desire to find a long-lasting solution to her seemingly unending problems without any interference from outsiders.
However, there is much that still needs to be done, if we are to make the proposed institution effective. We also need the involvement and participation of ordinary citizens and structures of civil society in influencing and shaping the nature and form of the proposed Pan-Africanism. It would be a grave mistake if we created institutions that would be Western in format as a result of neglecting views and opinions of ordinary Africans. It would be ideal and realistic to embark on public education throughout the continent about the proposed Pan-Africanism. The time has come for Africa to take its rightful place in global politics, and there is no doubt about. We must forge ahead in restoring Africa’s past glory.
Pan-Africanism will be an advantage to the African agenda globally in terms of being aware of the socioeconomic and political situation of member states, and as to how we are perceived as a continent. It is indeed a formidable challenge to establish an institution of this magnitude. The Pan- Africanism proposal has to clarify its role unambiguously, taking into account the sovereignty and circumstances of member states - the issues commonly raised during the summit in Libya.
Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, Pan-Africanism was founded by Sylvester Williams, a Trinidad-born barrister, in July 1900. He stated that he wanted to bring into closer touch with each other the peoples of African descent throughout the world.
Pan-Africanism is a people’s movement, a struggle against the unjust and unlawful oppression of black people. Oppressed and exploited as slaves, these people survived the horror of the plantations and kept alive important elements of the African culture through the generations. From this experience of oppression and humiliation emerged a new generation of African leaders. Such leaders dreamed of seeing the nation freed of outside rule and of restoring a sense of pride in the people’s African identity.
Pan-Africanism should not be seen as a protest by the continent against colonisation. It should be seen as Africa taking responsibility for its own unique problems, many of which resulted from the colonisation of the early years. It is part of a broader economic developmental agenda which stresses African solutions to African problems. Pan-Africanism is an authentic search for the roots of African heritage emerging in its modernised form in the third millennium.
The MF supports the African Renaissance programme and the current Millennium African Recovery Programme, Marp, announced recently by President Mbeki, which aims to give substance to the strategic organisation of Africa’s recovery programme. Pan-Africanism should strive to achieve movement towards liberty, consolidation of unity, for example South-South consolidation; people-centred socioeconomic systems, and mass organisation for empowerment.
In order to achieve a maturing goal of economic empowerment of South Africa, the fundamental building blocks of democracy, peace and security, and an economic policy should be in place. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, the seventh Pan-African congress which was held in April 1994 in Kampala, Uganda, managed to bring together Africans from all corners of our continent and the diaspora. They came from governments, academia and other forms of civil organisations. It was, indeed, an impressive gathering of Africans that assessed the damage done to us as a race and continent by slavery and colonisation. The damage done to us was psychological, physical, economic and cultural.
Our forced labour as slaves or as poorly paid labourers, coupled with the plundering of the natural resources of our continent, played a big role in the development and enrichment of Europe and North America, hence the call by that Pan-African congress for reparations to be paid to us. But, above all, it was recognised by all of us that it is only through solidarity, unity and collective action that we can restore our dignity, personality and pride. To do that effectively requires that we banish the colonial mentality from our midst. And that, in turn, requires that we swallow generous doses of Pan-Africanism.
We are fortunate that, throughout the history of our continent, we always had a good crop of leaders imbued with the spirit of Pan-Africanism. The formation of the OAU and its commitment to the liberation of every corner of Africa testify to this. The recent decision by the OAU to move towards the formation of an African Union, complete with its own parliament and underpinned by an African economic union, tells us that Pan-Africanism is on the rise. We are pleased that our own country is in the thick of things, participating fully in these events that are bound to improve our lives and raise our profile and status in the world. [Applause.]
Mr E M SIGWELA: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, comrades and hon members, the idea of Pan-Africanism cannot be understood from the context of a particular political party or organisation. It is not encapsulated in any specific political formation. Of course, various parties can give it their own slant and understand it from their world view or perspective.
Pan-Africanism is a movement that has its origin, growth and character in the historical experiences of the African people. It is an anticolonialist and anti-imperialist movement that sprouted from the ground of the bitter experiences of slavery, colonialism and imperialism by Africans. It is a direct reaction to, and the antithesis of, the systems of brutality such as slavery, colonialist conquests and imperialist exploitation.
It is not a paradox, therefore, that the gestation and birth of the idea of Pan-Africanism took place in the Americas, particularly in the United States, amongst leaders of the African slaves who had been liberated in the latter half of the 19th century. It was there that the idea of going back to Africa was hatched to free it from European colonialists, developing it to be a giant among continents.
It was in the Back to Africa Movement led by Marcus Garvey that the slogan ``Africa for Africans’’ became a rallying call. It is significant to note that this movement by African Americans was anticolonialist and anti- imperialist in nature and content. Equally significant was a developmental approach in its main objectives, that is, it aimed to use whatever skills had been acquired in America for the development of Africa.
This was the motivation of those African-American leaders such as Mr Williams, Dr Dubois and others who called the first Pan-African Conference in London in 1900, where the main emphasis was anti-imperialism. Even though this conference and others after it, were held either in Paris or London, it is significant that several African students from African soil were exposed to the ideas of Pan-Africanism. By 1945, there was already a large crop of African leaders who were able to participate in the 5th Pan- African Congress in Manchester, Britain. This was also the congress where the ANC’s own Prof Z K Mathews participated. That is where great African leaders such as Dr Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, Leopold Senghor and Houphouet-Boigny also participated.
After this congress, it was clear that the idea of Pan-Africanism had been effectively planted on African soil. At this congress, the following resolution was taken:
We are determined to be free, we want education, we want the right to earn a decent living, the right to express our thoughts and emotions, to adopt and create forms of beauty. We demand for black Africa autonomy and independence. We will fight in every way we can for freedom, democracy and social betterment.
Lest I be guilty of an omission, I want to state that the 1945 conference was not the first time that the ANC had come into contact with the Pan- African movement. During the last decade of the 19th century and the first decade of the 20th century, the founding fathers and mothers of the ANC spent some time in centres of the USA such as Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Ohio and others, where they encountered this movement. This was the time also - if we know our own South African history - when the first corps of mission-educated Africans were beginning to challenge the system of government that existed in our own country, leading to the establishment of the ANC. In fact, the development of our history during this period shows that the ANC was fuelled by contact with this movement.
We in the ANC are also proud of having been part of the various endeavours towards African unity. After the independence of Ghana in 1957, when Dr Nkrumah called the first Pan-African Conference on African soil in Accra - in December 1958 - the ANC participated. It was heartening to find our representative - before Comrade Tennyson became a renegade - participating in the steering committee for Pan-African Unity, established in Casablanca in 1959. By means of this little history, I am trying to show that, even though our slant and our interpretation of Africanism may have been misunderstood by others to mean that we rejected a narrow Africanist outlook, we were part of this movement because we understood clearly what its objectives were.
At this juncture I must also state that the Pan-Africanist movement enjoyed the broad support of the progressive forces in the socialist countries, as well as that of the International Communist movement and the Nonaligned Movement. This was not a mistake or something that just happened by chance. One of the fundamental principles of the Communist Internationale in 1919 was that, to succeed in the struggle against imperialism - which Lenin said was at a higher stage of capitalism - there had to be a strengthening of national liberation movements in the countries where they existed and the founding of those movements where they did not exist, thus consolidating the whole anticolonialist and anti-imperialist movement.
It is therefore not surprising that our own party, the SACP, has always stood by the ANC in its support for the Pan-Africanist movement. The African Renaissance should also be seen in this context of developing and freeing Africa from the vestiges of colonialism and imperialism, and rallying all of us to deliver on what we have always promised, ie the realisation of development for Africa. [Applause.]
Dr M S MOGOBA: Madam Speaker, the Berlin Conference on Africa brought together the main powers of the time. They disagreed on many points, but they were agreed on the balkanisation of our continent. Now, more than 100 years after that event, Africa - weakened, impoverished and exploited - is still arguing about how we can recover our dignity and reverse this unfortunate situation.
I want to say that, on the whole, the positiveness of this debate today has encouraged us. I think it is a sign of hope that we may be getting somewhere and very soon. The problem that we face is the question of an identity crisis. There are far too many Africans who do not know who they are and what they are, and that is a problem. One cannot be an African and be a non-African at the same time.
I salute the hon Turok, who has converted to Africanism. Nobody can tell him that he is an African or committed to it - it burns in his bones. If it is there, nobody can stop it. One must go and ask Dr Costa Gazi, Dr Van Zyl Slabbert and Breyten Breytenbach. They say it burns in their bones. It is high time that this identity crisis ended. People who are black and white Africans must become Africans, and it should begin to burn in their bones. Nobody will label them, because they know who they are.
I want to say, as clearly as I can, that we need to call a summit to clarify the concepts that are being mentioned here. What is Pan-Africanism? What is the African Renaissance? What are we talking about? What are the commonalities? Where are the differences? We have to interrogate that. I believe that we have to call to account some of the things that the hon Sikwela says he has believed in for a long time, particularly about the narrow and the broad understanding of Africanism. These concepts have to be interrogated.
Finally, I just want to say that our success in Africa depends on our success here at home. If there is no unity here at home, we cannot go anywhere else and talk about African unity. We have to begin to have African unity here at home. We have to practise it. It has got to be real. If it is not real here, it will not be real anywhere else. One can attend a thousand conferences, but if, indeed, one does not believe in unity and one does not practise it where one lives, nobody is going to believe it. They will just be empty words. I just wanted to say that we honour Lembede and Nyerere - I attended his funeral, and it was pleasing to find that all the people were praising Nyerere because of his Pan-African outlook and his commitment to Pan- Africanism. That, I believe, is the way forward, and all of us must know that if we go that way, we are likely to get somewhere.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!
Dr M S MOGOBA: Yes?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I regret your time has long expired. [Laughter.]
Dr M S MOGOBA: I wanted to preach a little bit!
Debate concluded.
The House adjourned at 16:40. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
FRIDAY, 2 MARCH 2001 ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 2 March 2001 in terms of
Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bills as section 75
Bills:
(i) Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals
Amendment Bill [B 9 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75)
- (Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
Development - National Assembly).
(ii) Security Industry Regulation Bill [B 12 - 2001] (National
Assembly - sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Safety and
Security - National Assembly).
(2) The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 2 March 2001 in terms of
Joint Rule 160(6), classified the following Bill as a money Bill:
(i) Appropriation Bill [B 10 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec
77) - (Portfolio Committee on Finance - National Assembly).
National Assembly:
The Speaker:
-
The vacancies which occurred owing to the resignation of Ms R Z N Capa and the death of Mr F Mbongo have been filled with effect from 16 February 2001 by the nomination of Ms N Mahlawe and Mr G C Oosthuizen, respectively.
-
The vacancies which occurred owing to the resignations of Mr S Naidoo and Mr S J de Beer have been filled with effect from 20 February 2001 by the nomination of Mr L C Mothiba and Mr J T Maseka, respectively.
-
The vacancy which occurred owing to the resignation of Mr B H Vilakazi has been filled with effect from 28 February 2001 by the nomination of Ms R Ndzanga.
-
The following member vacated her seat with effect from 1 March 2001:
Verwoerd, M.
COMMITTEE REPORTS:
National Council of Provinces:
-
Report of the Select Committee on Education and Recreation on the Protection of Cultural Property Convention, dated 27 February 2001:
The Select Committee on Education and Recreation, having considered the request for approval by Parliament of the Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the event of Armed Conflict (the Hague Convention) with regulations for the execution and the coverence resolutions, 14 May 1954, referred to it, recommends that the Council, in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said Convention.
Report to be considered. 2. Report of the Select Committee on Education and Recreation on the
Cultural Property (Illicit Transfer) Convention, dated 27 February
2001:
The Select Committee on Education and Recreation, having
considered the request for approval by Parliament of the
Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit
Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, 14
November 1970, referred to it, recommends that the Council, in
terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said
Convention.
Report to be considered.
- Report of the Select Committee on Education and Recreation on the ICCROM Statutes, dated 27 February 2001: The Select Committee on Education and Recreation, having considered the request for approval by Parliament of the Statutes of the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM), referred to it, recommends that the Council, in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said Statutes.
Report to be considered.
MONDAY, 5 MARCH 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The following Bill was introduced in the National Assembly on 5
March 2001 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:
(i) South African Boxing Bill [B 13 - 2001] (National Assembly
- sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation -
National Assembly) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
21456 of 14 August 2000.]
TUESDAY, 6 MARCH 2001
ANNOUNCEMENTS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
(1) The Minister of Finance withdrew the following Bill on 6 March
2001:
(i) Financial Institutions (Investment of Funds) Bill [B 6 -
2000] (National Assembly - sec 75).
- The Speaker and the Chairperson:
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration
and to the Select Committee on Local Government and Administration
for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
28 - South African Management Development Institute [RP 137-2000].
(2) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation and to the
Select Committee on Education and Recreation for information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
30 - Sport and Recreation for 1999-2000.
(3) The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
to the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security and to the
Select Committee on Security and Constitutional Affairs for
information:
Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
19 - Independent Complaints Directorate for 1999-2000 [RP 128-
2000].
(4) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee
on Security and Constitutional Affairs for consideration:
(a) Explanatory Memorandum on the designation of Ireland in
terms of section 2(1)(b) of the Extradition Act, 1962 (Act No
67 of 1962).
(b) Treaty between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of Canada on Extradition, tabled in
terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(c) Treaty between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of Canada on Mutual Legal Assistance
in Criminal Matters, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
Constitution, 1996.
(d) Explanatory Memorandum to the treaties.
(5) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Trade and Industry and to the Select Committee on Economic
Affairs:
Report of the Registrar of Companies for 1998 [RP 195-2000].
National Assembly:
- The Speaker:
The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees,
viz:
Provincial and Local Government:
Appointed: Van Deventer, F J.
Discharged: Beukman, F.
TABLINGS:
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:
Papers:
- The Minister of Foreign Affairs:
(a) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil to
establish a Joint Commission, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil on
Technical Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
- The Minister of Finance:
(a) Government Notice No R.164 published in the Government Gazette
No 22084 dated 23 February 2001, Policy Holder protection rules
under the Short-Term Insurance Act, 1998, made in terms of section
55 of the Short-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 53 of 1998).
(b) Government Notice No R.165 published in the Government Gazette
No 22085 dated 23 February 2001, Policy Holder protection rules
under the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998, made in terms of section
62 of the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 52 of 1998).
- The Minister of Health:
(a) Government Notice No R.44 published in the Government Gazette No
21983 dated 19 January 2001, Regulations relating to registration
as a Dental Technician and related matters, made in terms of
section 50 of the Dental Technicians Act, 1979 (Act No 19 of
1979).
(b) Government Notice No R.43 published in the Government Gazette No
21983 dated 19 January 2001, Regulations regarding processed
foodstuffs, made in terms of section 15(1) of the Foodstuffs,
Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act, 1972 (Act No 54 of 1972).
(c) Government Notice No R.127 published in the Government Gazette
No 22052 dated 12 February 2001, Regulations in terms of the
Allied Health Professions Act, 1982, made in terms of section 38
of the Allied Health Professions Act, 1982 (Act No 63 of 1982).
(d) Government Notice No R.16 published in the Government Gazette No
22052 dated 12 February 2001, Commencement of the Chiropractors,
Homeopaths and Allied Health Service Professions Second Amendment
Act, 2000 (Act No 50 of 2000) on 12 February 2001, made in terms
of section 41 of the Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health
Service Professions Second Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 50 of
2000).
(e) Government Notice No R.156 published in the Government Gazette
No 22076 dated 23 February 2001, Regulations regarding the
registration and training of Student Dental Technicians and
Student Dental Technologists, made in terms of section 50 of the
Dental Technicians Act, 1979 (Act No 19 of 1979).