TUESDAY, 6 MARCH 2001 __

          PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
                                ____

The Council met at 14:10.

The Chairperson took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

              EXTENSION OF TIME ALLOCATED FOR QUESTIONS

                         (Draft Resolution)

Ms M P THEMBA: Chairperson, on behalf of the Chief Whip of the Council, I move the draft resolution printed in his name on the Order Paper, as follows:

That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 237, the maximum time allocated for questions be extended to one (1) hour.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Mr P A MATTHEE: Chairperson, I give notice that I shall move at the next sitting of the Council:

That the Council -

(1) requests the Minister of Safety and Security immediately to lift the moratorium on crime statistics because the moratorium -

   (a)  is unconstitutional as it is a violation of the people's right
       of access to information held by the state, as provided in
       section 32(1)(c) of the Constitution;


   (b)  makes it impossible to evaluate the Government's performance in
       respect of one of its most fundamental obligations towards its
       citizens, namely the protection of their safety and security,
       and therefore makes it impossible for Parliament to exercise its
       oversight role provided for in section 92(2) of the
       Constitution, in terms of which members of the Cabinet are
       accountable collectively and individually to Parliament for the
       exercise of their powers and the performance of their functions;
       and


   (c)  further compromises the safety and security of the people in
       that in terms thereof crime information is withheld from the
       public, which could have otherwise led them to take
       precautionary and preventative measures in protection of their
       safety and security;

(2) notes that -

   (a)  by the Minister's own admission the police are in possession of
       crime statistics which are reliable enough for them to base
       their strategies and projects on, the publication of which can
       therefore not lead to the public being misled;


   (b)  the crime statistics in respect of those geographical areas
       and/or specific categories of crime which are so unreliable that
       they would mislead the public can be qualified; and


   (c)  in terms of section 92(3) of the Constitution, members of the
       Cabinet must -


       (i)   act in accordance with the Constitution; and


       (ii)  provide Parliament with full and regular reports
              concerning matters under their control;

(3) is of the opinion that by keeping the moratorium on crime statistics in force since 20 July 2000 and by refusing to provide crime statistics to the Council in reply to questions from members of the Council, the Minister of Safety and Security is clearly contravening this section of our Constitution. Dr P J C NEL: Voorsitter, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek by die volgende sitting sal voorstel:

Dat die Raad -

(1) kennis neem van die onsensitiewe besluit wat onlangs deur die Maatskaplike Ontwikkelingsdepartement van die Vrystaat geneem is, naamlik dat alle aansoeke om welsynstoelaes voortaan in Engels gerig mag word, welke besluit eensydig geneem is sonder om belanghebbende instansies, veral dié wat finansieel deur die besluit geraak word, te ken;

(2) kennis neem dat die gemeenskap - veral die armstes van armes - met skok en verslaenheid kennis geneem het van die besluit omdat hulle voel hulle word daardeur ontmagtig;

(3) meen dat dit ‘n onsinnige besluit is, as in aanmerking geneem word dat -

   (a)  volgens die 1996-sensusopname 62% van die mense wat in die
       Vrystaat woon se huistaal Sesotho is en die huistale van die res
       van die Vrystaat se bevolking 14% Afrikaans, 9% isiXhosa, 7%
       Setswana, 5% isiZulu en 3% die ander amptelike tale is, terwyl
       Engels nie eens as 'n taal genoem word nie; en


   (b)  die vorige agbare Voorsitter van hierdie Raad, mnr M Lekota, op
       rekord is dat hy in sy ampstermyn as Premier van die Vrystaat by
       'n geleentheid gesê het dat die twee amptelike tale van Vrystaat
       Sesotho en Afrikaans is, omdat Sesotho deur die meeste mense
       gepraat word, en Afrikaans deur die meeste mense verstaan word;

(4) die agbare Minister van Maatskaplike Ontwikkeling versoek om die Vrystaatse departement te versoek om hierdie ondeurdagte besluit te heroorweeg;

(5) kennis neem dat die betrokke geval by Pansat aangemeld is as ‘n skending van taalregte soos uiteengesit in die Grondwet van Suid- Afrika. (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Dr P J C NEL: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move: That the Council -

(1) notes the insensitive decision recently taken by the Department of Social Development in the Free State, namely that in future all applications for welfare grants must be submitted in English only, such decision having been taken unilaterally without consulting interested institutions, particularly those affected financially by the decision;

(2) notes that the community - particularly the poorest of the poor - noted the decision with shock and dismay, as they feel that they are disempowered by it;

(3) is of the opinion that this is a senseless decision, taking into account that -

     (a)     according to the 1996 census survey, 62% of the people who
          live in the Free State have Sesotho as their home language and
          the home languages of the rest of the Free State's population
          are 14% Afrikaans, 9% isiXhosa, 7% Setswana, 5% isiZulu and 3%
          the other official languages, while English is not even
          mentioned as a language; and


     (b)     the former honourable Chairperson of this honourable
          Council, Mr M Lekota, is on record as having once said during
          his term of office as Premier of the Free State that the two
          official languages of the Free State are Sesotho and
          Afrikaans, because Sesotho is spoken by most of the people,
          and Afrikaans is understood by most of the people;

(4) requests the honourable Minister of Social Development to request the Free State department to reconsider this ill-considered decision; and

(5) notes that the incident in question has been reported to PanSALB as a violation of language rights, as set out in the Constitution of South Africa.]

            VISIT OF LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION TO ZIMBABWE

                         (Draft Resolution) Mrs E N LUBIDLA: Madam Chair, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes -

   (a)  with concern the conduct of the Leader of the Opposition, Mr
       Tony Leon, who is reported to have allegedly instigated
       Zimbabwean farmers;


   (b)  that Mr Leon in his ``mission'' to Zimbabwe is also reported to
       have only met with the opposition party, rather than meeting
       with all parties in Zimbabwe;


   (c)  that this is not constructive to the peaceful resolution of any
       hostilities in Zimbabwe; and


   (d)  that this is not the first time that Mr Leon gives a bad name to
       our country - even last year when he went to the United States
       his improper conduct was reported; and

(2) calls upon Mr Leon and his party to stop giving bad publicity to our country abroad and to join us in the crusade of good and sound international relations.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection to the motion? [Interjections.] There is an objection. The motion will therefore become notice of a motion.

 CALL BY THE LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION FOR SANCTIONS AGAINST ZIMBABWE

                         (Draft Resolution)

Ms P C P MAJODINA: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes with concern the irresponsible call by the DA for our Government to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe;

(2) also notes that the DA is the very same party which in the 1980s (when there were calls for sanctions against South Africa), supported the former American president, Mr Ronald Reagan, in his call for constructive engagement with the apartheid regime;

(3) further notes that the Opposition, which now calls for sanctions, branded those calls then as irresponsible calls which would hurt poor people …

Mr A E VAN NIEKERK: Chairperson, on a point of order: This is a repetition of the previous motion. [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: The Chair will deal with that when she has understood the substance of what is being tabled. Thus far I understood the first motion, though on the same subject, namely, the Leader of the Opposition and Zimbabwe, as dealing with the international relations of South Africa and their nature. The motion being tabled now, it would seem from my hearing, is looking at another aspect. I will rule once the member has completed the motion.

Ms P C P MAJODINA: Thank you, Chairperson. I continue:

(4) realises that Mr Reagan’s constructive engagement is no different from the Government’s policy of encouraging a dialogue with all parties involved in Zimbabwe; and

(5) therefore calls upon the DA to stop using the Zimbabwean problem for cheap political personal gains.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection to that motion? [Interjections.] There are objections. It therefore becomes notice of a motion. Both motions, as Mr Van Niekerk has indicated, deal with the same subject, virtually. They take a different approach to it, but they do deal with the same subject, and I think members must certainly co-ordinate their motions so that we do not have this kind of abuse of the Rules. I have allowed us to decide on this, but I would ask that members act appropriately in future.

                INTRODUCTION OF WESTERN CAPE'S BUDGET

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr C ACKERMANN: Voorsitter, ek stel voor sonder kennisgewing: Dat die Raad kennis neem -

(1) van die Wes-Kaap Provinsiale Regering se uitstekende begroting wat gister ter tafel gelê is;

(2) dat kapitaal uitgawes wat uiters nodig is vir werkverskaffing in die Wes-Kaap in die besonder deur die begroting beklemtoon word;

(3) dat die begroting die noodsaaklikheid van AZT/Nevaripine-verskaffing aan verwagtende moeders met Vigs in die Wes-Kaap aanspreek;

(4) dat die begroting nougeset die sosio-ekonomiese behoeftes van die Wes- Kaap se inwoners met sorg aanspreek; en

(5) dat die begroting van die Wes-Kaap allermins dié begroting van ‘n piesang-provinsie is en diegene wat sulke onbesonne twak kwytraak, sal kennis neem dat die Voorsitster van die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies ook die Wes-Kaap verteenwoordig in die Raad. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Mr C ACKERMANN: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the House notes-

(1) the excellent budget tabled yesterday by the Western Cape Provincial Government;

(2) that capital expenditure, which is extremely necessary for job creation in the Western Cape, receives particular emphasis in the budget;

(3) that the budget addresses the necessity of the provision of AZT/Nevaripine to expecting mothers with Aids in the Western Cape;

(4) that the budget conscientiously and attentively addresses the socioeconomic needs of the inhabitants of the Western Cape; and

(5) that the budget of the Western Cape is not in the least that of a banana province and those who utter such misguided nonsense will note that the Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces also represents the Western Cape in the Council.] The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection to that motion?

Mr J L MAHLANGU: Yes, Chairperson.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: There is an objection. The motion therefore becomes notice of a motion.

                     DEATH OF SIR DONALD BRADMAN

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr N M RAJU: Madam Chair, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes with sadness the demise of the world’s greatest batsman in cricket, Sir Donald Bradman of Australia;

(2) acknowledges the great joy that this venerable maestro brought to millions of cricket-lovers the world over …

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Mr Raju, I am advised that a motion on this subject was moved at the last sitting of the NCOP, a day after the event occurred. I was not present in the House, but the procedural staff have advised me that such a motion was indeed moved.

Mr N M RAJU: Thank you, Madam, but may I then move another motion? [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: No, you can indicate and we shall see if we still have time.

                     GOOD WISHES FOR EID-UL-ADHA

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mnr A E VAN NIEKERK: Voorsitter, ek het ‘n versoenende mosie wat ek wil stel. Ek stel voor sonder kennisgewing:

Dat die Raad kennis neem van die Moslem-gemeenskap se Eid van Opoffering en hulle ‘n geseënde tyd toewens. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Mr A E VAN NIEKERK: Chairperson, I want to move a conciliatory motion. I move without notice:

That the Council takes note of the Muslim community’s Eid-ul-Adha and wishes them a blessed time.]

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

CONGRATULATIONS TO DR BUTHELEZI ON RECEIVING CHARLTON HESTON COURAGE UNDER FIRE AWARD

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mrs J N VILAKAZI: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) congratulates the Minister of Home Affairs and president of the IFP, Dr M G Buthelezi, for being awarded the Charlton Heston Courage under Fire Award by the American Conservative Union (ACU);

(2) expresses its appreciation for the role played by the ACU in honouring and recognising Dr Buthelezi as one of the few international figures it looks up to; and

(3) calls on Dr Buthelezi to continue with his excellent efforts to bring peace and stability to South Africa.

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

             SALARY INCREASES TO POLICE SERVICE MEMBERS

                         (Draft Resolution)

Me E C GOUWS: Voorsitter, ek stel voor sonder kennisgewing:

Dat die Raad sy dank uitspreek dat-

(1) verhogings aan lede van die SA Polisiediens toegestaan is, in besonder dat verhogings aan die laagste range toegestaan is, en dat dit reeds op 1 April geïmplementeer sal word; en

(2) die polisiebestuur en vakbonde ooreenkoms bereik het oor dié verhogings, wat bo en behalwe die jaarlikse verhoging van 1 Julie geskied. (Translation of Afrikaans draft resolution follows.)

[Ms E C GOUWS: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council expresses its gratitude that -

(1) increases have been approved for members of the SA Police Service, in particular increases for the lowest ranks, and that these increases will already be implemented as from 1 April; and

(2) police management and the trade unions could come to an agreement on these increases, which are over and above the annual increases of 1 July.]

Motion agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

CALL OF MINISTER OF EDUCATION TO RECRUIT TERTIARY EDUCATION STAFF FROM THE REST OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr K D S DURR: Madam Chair, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  the Minister of Education, as part of his announcements on the
       restructuring of tertiary education, requests these institutions
       to announce equity targets; and


   (b)  inter alia, as a short-term answer to the unavailability of
       sufficiently suitable talent of colour, the Minister advises
       institutions ``to recruit black and women staff from the rest of
       the African continent''; and

(2) given the complaints of South African Government Ministers referring to New Zealand, Britain and Canada poaching professional South Africans, including medical doctors, nurses and teachers, calls upon the Minister of Education and the Government to desist from poaching professional black Africans from African educational institutions to staff South African institutions when there are unemployed South Africans available and once and for all to end perpetuating ``obsessive racism’’, as referred to in the recent Economist survey on the performance of the South African Government, particularly when it means pirating scarce talent from African institutions.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Order! Is there any objection?

Mr J L MAHLANGU: Yes, Chairperson.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: There is an objection. The motion therefore becomes notice of a motion.

                 CONGRATULATIONS TO SPORTS ACHIEVERS

                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr N M RAJU: Chairperson, I move without notice:

That the Council -

(1) notes that all South Africans seem to have an insatiable appetite for sports participation and sports watching;

(2) expresses its congratulations to our queen of the courts, Amanda Coetzer, for her victory over the Russian, Elena Dementieva, in the final of the Mexican Open;

(3) notes with high expectation the solid performances in the Super 12 Rugby Tournament by the South African teams the Cats of Gauteng and the Sharks of KwaZulu-Natal, who have both won their early fixtures away from home; and

(4) relishes with exuberance the delicious prospect of Bafana-Bafana qualifying for the World Cup Finals in Korea in 2002.

Mr A E VAN NIEKERK: Chairperson, I move as an amendment:

That, in paragraph (3), and the Free State'' be inserted after Gauteng’’.

Amendment agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution.

Motion, as amended, agreed to in accordance with section 65 of the Constitution, namely:

That the Council -

 (1)    notes that all South Africans seem to have such an insatiable
     appetite for sports participation and sports watching;


 (2)    expresses its congratulations to our queen of the courts, Amanda
     Coetzer, for her victory over the Russian, Elena Dementieva, in
     the final of the Mexican Open;


 (3)    notes with high expectation the solid performances in the Super
     12 Rugby Tournament by the South African teams the Cats of Gauteng
     and the Free State and the Sharks of KwaZulu-Natal, who have both
     won their early fixtures away from home; and


 (4)    relishes with exuberance the delicious prospect of Bafana-Bafana
     qualifying for the World Cup Finals in Korea in 2002.

PROGRESS AND CHALLENGES WITH REGARD TO THE IMPROVEMENT IN THE QUALITY OF LIFE AND STATUS OF WOMEN

                      (Subject for Discussion)

The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Madam Chairperson, this is something that I should have done much earlier. I notice that some of our Muslim colleagues are not here, but I want to take this opportunity of wishing you a happy Eid. I do not know why you came to work on this day either. But I came to work because of this debate, otherwise I would have had a happy day with my family in Johannesburg.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Same here.

The MINISTER: Let me start by saying how particularly pleased I am to have both the opportunity and the privilege of addressing the NCOP on this very critical matter. I also want to express my own thanks, as the Minister responsible for the Office on the Status of Women, to the NCOP for taking this initiative a day before we celebrate International Women’s Day.

Women have been the objects of systematic discrimination at the hands of men for thousands of years. Now their time has come, particularly in democratic South Africa. For the first time in our history this is the beginning of a real season of development and progress for women’s rights in our land. This cause must be pursued not as a mere formality, as some sort of add-on extra to the body politic and to the business and professional world where women seek to make their way into the bright sunlight of success and plenty. It is an absolute requirement of our Constitution. It is a building block of our nation, it is a common thread running through the mosaic of our national life.

There are men who give eloquent lip service to women’s rights. There are developed countries which do this too. Yet many of them fall down badly when one looks at the actual degree of involvement of women in government, legislatures, councils, professions, business and other avenues of life in many parts of the world.

Frequently women are effectively locked out of power and positions of influence. There are countries such as the democratic South Africa which, as a matter of systematic practice, carved a structured place in society for women to claim justice and break out of the dreary, drab conformity and poverty of mind and body, to break out of what has been a permanent form of slavery to men.

We must seek to empower both rural and urban women. We must empower those who go to work and those who prefer to stay at home. We must throw the full force of the state behind their right to live precisely the lives they wish and to do with their bodies and futures what they will without deferring to men. For instance we have it from the President in his state-of-the-nation address that we are in deadly earnest when we say that the cause of women will be resolutely advanced in our land.

We have made much progress particularly in national and provincial governments and legislatures, though the constituency-based aspects of local government elections have tended not to produce enough women at that level. This should be attended to in future, particularly by political parties. We rank very high on the list of countries where women enjoy real power, but we can do better. It is gratifying that this House has found it worthwhile to debate the cause and to ensure that it receives a boost in the great march to justice for women. On the eve of International Women’s Day it is appropriate for South Africa, as a member of the world community of nations, to take stock of its accomplishments as a member of this collective and as a nation nurturing an evolving democracy.

In both capacities it can be said that there have been significant accomplishments. We acknowledge that much remains to be done, because much of the success we will continue to reap will be based on attitudes of both men and women in advancing gender equality.

As members of the global community we are heartened by the recent judgment by the International War Crimes Tribunal. This is the first time that a case before this International Tribunal has focused entirely on crimes of sexual violence and the first to enter a conviction for enslavement as a crime against humanity. This is a significant finding since it establishes rape as a war crime. Up until this decision, rape has not been prosecuted in the general rubric of war crimes. As a result, rape, when used as an instrument of war, is a crime against humanity.

This is a significant moment. Whilst many may say it has taken long to even get to this point, and that there are many similar cases in conflicts in our region which have yet to be tried, we believe that the judgment in itself will put more impetus into our efforts to prevent war and conflicts. But when these do occur, those who commit such crimes and are proven to have done so will face very serious charges which carry appropriate sentences. It seems to me that it is also appropriate at this point to emphasise again that our Government and Parliament have declared that violence against women must continue to receive our top priority and attention. South Africa can point to many accomplishments.

During the recent Beijing Plus 5 review process, South Africa stood out as one of the few countries where nonsexism and nonracism are enshrined in the Constitution. This action by the people of South Africa establishes an enabling environment for advancing the status of women. The international instruments to which South Africa is a signatory further enhance this national goal. To this end, Cabinet approved the establishment of gender machinery spanning Parliament, all Government structures, civil society and section 9 institutions.

Thus it is a constitutional requirement in this country that all Government systems and processes, structures and outputs have to be gender-sensitive. Simply put, this means we are a Government made up of women and men, serving a society made up of women and men, both young and old and those with disabilities. All members of this society are to benefit equally.

As a member of a global community we have recently taken part in the Beijing Plus 5 Review Committee, assessing with other United Nations member states what progress has been made in the situation of women in our respective countries and in the world. We also assessed the challenges we continue to face.

Growing out of the Beijing process and other international conferences, we shared the following targets: a reduction by one half in the proportion of people living in extreme poverty; demonstrated progress towards gender equality and the empowerment of women by eliminating gender disparity in primary and secondary education; a reduction by two thirds in the mortality rates for infants and children under the age of five and a reduction by three fourths in maternal mortality - all by 2015; access through the primary health care system to reproductive health care services for all individuals of appropriate ages as soon as possible, and no later than 2015; and the implementation of national strategies for sustainable development in all countries by 2005 so as to ensure that current trends in the loss of environmental resources are effectively reversed at both global and national levels by 2015.

In the first South African report on the implementation of the Beijing Platform of Action, we reported on our progress in complying with this platform of action. Given that South Africa participated for the first time in the UN series of conferences on women at the Fourth World Conference held in Beijing China in 1995, we have gone a great way in establishing mechanisms and systems to enable delivery on our commitments made in Beijing.

We undertook a national gender audit to assess systems in place to support gender mainstreaming within Government. The audit had the following objectives: to determine the sustainability of the institutional environment within which gender was to be mainstreamed; to understand the operational dynamics of the institutional environment; to ascertain the mechanisms and processes that could be instituted to enhance successful implementation of a gender mainstreaming strategy; and to assist Government to establish initial benchmarks against which targets could be defined and progress measured over time.

The audit found that there is a strong political will and a legislative framework in place which would enable gender mainstreaming.

Since 1994 the number of senior women managers has increased as opposed to what the situation was in 1994. There is a need to work on these numbers as they do not meet the targets established by this Government. May I add that this is not only the responsibility of Government. It would seem to me that Parliament and the legislatures have a very critical responsibility in monitoring the extent to which Government departments themselves are complying with our decisions, in terms of the percentage in the numbers of women holding senior management positions. I think that we should regard this as one of our very important tasks that we certainly have to carry out over the next few years.

With the assistance of the OSW - the Office on the Status of Women - national Ministries will undertake to review their infrastructures in order to enhance their capacities in order for them to undertake gender mainstreaming in a meaningful way. Yet, let me add, what seems critical for the NCOP specifically - and I am reminded by the hon member’s response to Mr Van Niekerk earlier - and is one of the things that the NCOP may want to do, I hope, is to actually examine the provincial departments themselves to see to what extent they are in line and consistent with our policies about the empowerment of women, certainly with regard to senior management positions, and to arrive at a common understanding about the role, functions and accountability of gender focal points.

In summary, the audit found that between 1994 and 1998, there was a concerted effort to develop a strong gender management system in the national and provincial government departments. I am proud to announce that the South African Policy Framework for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality was approved by Cabinet in December 2000. Implicit in the policy is our commitment to embed gender equality within Government practice by mainstreaming gender within our structures and functions, and also to use our prerogative and the powerful role which government plays within our nation to influence the engendering of other parts of society.

The focus of the policy document is on basic needs. The approach adopted in the document recognises that the majority of South Africans live in abject poverty or in fear of becoming poor. Hence the focus of the policy document points to the strong need to empower women as a means to gender equality, as the focus is on women living in rural areas. This is especially so given the fact that a high percentage of these women are African women. It is for this reason that three programmes in the Presidency are effecting a proactive approach to ensure the integration of gender, children and disability issues in the rural strategy soon to be launched.

It is in the focus on such projects as the rural strategy and urban renewal strategy that the OSW will begin to implement gender mainstreaming, and hereby begin an active process of women’s empowerment, for the majority of the South Africans are women living in periurban and rural areas. The document identifies some of the key challenges facing South African women, amongst them poverty, globalisation, HIV/Aids, violence, access to basic resources, making rights accessible, to mention a few.

Importantly, the document lists the enhancement of the gender machinery amongst our key challenges. To this end, the emphasis in the policy document is on mechanisms which would enable attainment of the broad visions espoused in the Constitution and various international instruments to be translated into programmes with measurable outputs.

There are no separate goals for the gender programme separate from the national priorities outlined by the President in his address at the opening of Parliament. The principal goal of the gender programme is to engender national priorities. After four years of operation, we know the skills base required to facilitate the achievement of this goal within Government. The national policy framework thus outlines the skills required for gender focal points in departments. It assigns roles and job descriptions to key role-players, including Cabinet Ministers, premiers, directors-general and the Office on the Status of Women, with respect to gender mainstreaming. The policy framework also spells out the co-ordinated framework that would enable gender mainstreaming.

To date, much effort has been put into the development of systems within Government. There is now an urgency to look at deliverables to assess the extent to which these are being gender mainstreamed. The current focus is on poverty eradication and the rural development strategy. To this end, much work is at hand to ensure that the national development strategy incorporates gender considerations. The focus of the presidential programmes in this regard is to ensure that, at the nodule points, issues of gender, disability and children’s rights are infused. We seek to ensure that from the very outset the rural development strategy addresses these issues.

Welcome, Chairperson. May I conclude by saying that we have a great deal to be proud of in this country. Yet much remains to be done. Looking at legislatures, we are probably fourth in the world. I think there are only three Scandinavian countries that have more women representatives in their legislatures than we do. I think that members will find that in the provincial governments we are not doing too badly, though I do not think they are doing as well as we are at national Government level. One will find with all our weaknesses, that as far as government departments are concerned, we rate very highly in the world with regard to women in senior management positions. Even within the private sector, although the percentage is small, relative to most other countries in the world South Africa ranks higher.

Within the past six years we have achieved a great deal. We have moved a great distance on the road to gender equality, but we still have to travel another great distance. It is my hope that all of us - all of our legislatures, the Government, civil society and the private sector and all of the political parties - can at least agree that, working together, we can reach consensus on the fundamental importance of realising the objectives of the Constitution, which is the creation of a nonsexist society in South Africa. [Applause.]

Ms M P THEMBA: Chairperson, hon members, hon Minister in the Presidency, it has become quite fashionable these days to start off a speech with a quote. Well, I have decided to do the same. [Applause.] However, I found it very difficult to find an appropriate quote by a woman. After a lengthy search, I came across this one, and I quote:

If you have any doubts that we live in a society controlled by men, try reading down the index of contributors to a volume of quotations, looking for a woman’s name.

The difficulty I had in finding an appropriate quote by a woman is indicative of the inequalities that still characterise the relationship between men and women. These inequalities continue to exist despite the number of international conferences and commitments which sought to reshape a new vision of women’s rights during the past decade. In Vienna in 1993 the World Conference on Human Rights asserted that women’s rights are human rights.

In Cairo in 1994 the International Conference on Population and Development built on this assertion and placed women’s rights at the centre of population and sustainable development policies and programmes. At the Beijing conference the world governments reached a consensus on a Platform for Action that seeks to promote and protect the full enjoyment of all human rights and the fundamental freedoms of women throughout their life cycle.

Yet, if one measures the progress women have made since then, it is not surprising not to find the name of a single woman in the index of contributors to a volume of quotations, not even to speak of boards of directors or other positions of authority.

The progress that has been made internationally with regard to the promotion and protection of women’s rights has been very slow indeed. In fact, in some instances, the little progress that was made has been reversed through internationally imposed economic reform policies that have led some states to withdraw from their role as primary providers of social and health services.

In other instances, the international gains women have made have been reversed by, firstly, the imposition of religious purity doctrines such as in Afghanistan, where women are forced to cover their bodies from head to toe or face retribution; secondly, by the continuation of traditional customs such as female circumcision and mutilation in some African countries; thirdly, through the retention of archaic practices such as honour killing in Pakistan, whereby women are killed in public for dishonouring their families and husbands; and fourthly, through the unregulated expansion of the sex tourism industry, where tourist clients travel abroad solely to satisfy their sexual perversities with females, who, in many cases, are very young girls.

These are just some of the many problems women are still facing in countries across the world.

However, to be fair to those who are really committed and determined to advance the goals of gender equality, development and peace for all women everywhere, a number of positive developments have also taken place following on the Beijing conference.

One of the most important of these developments is the pronouncement by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia that rape and sexual enslavements are crimes against humanity. This is an enormous victory for the international women’s movement. The decision of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia provides a precedent which will strongly persuade member states to prosecute those who use rape and sexual enslavement of women as weapons of war.

The decision could not have come at a better time. It comes shortly after the adoption of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The protocol, which was adopted in response to the recognition that international instruments dealing with women’s rights do not have the enforcement mechanisms which other international human rights instruments have, was opened for signing on International Human Rights Day in 1999.

The absence of enforcement mechanisms meant that women had to rely on the goodwill of member states to give substance to women’s rights.

This Optional Protocol is a legal instrument which creates an inquiry procedure which will enable the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women to initiate inquiries into situations of grave or systematic violations of women’s rights.

Another positive development is the recognition by the United Nations that the composition of its organisations is biased in favour of males and that there are too few women in key decision-making positions. The organisation has undertaken to correct the gender imbalances and to appoint more women to its organisations. This will ensure that women will have a greater opportunity to impact on the work of the various organisations of the United Nations.

Greater interaction is also taking place at regional level such as SADC, where participating countries are implementing their respective gender equality programmes in broader regional development initiatives.

Although we should warmly embrace the changes that have occurred, we are still far from achieving the commitments made in Beijing. What is worrying is that most of the progress that has been made is in the developed countries. In the developing world, particularly Africa, very little progress has been made, partly because of the number of conflicts that are raging in parts of the continent and the occurrence of natural disasters such as droughts.

These conflicts and disasters have the effect of diverting scarce development resources away from programmes to address poverty and gender equality on the continent.

If this trend continues we might later find ourselves in a situation where inequality no longer exists between men and women, but among women themselves, with women in developed countries enjoying greater benefits and freedoms than women in the developing world.

It is important, therefore, that much of our efforts should be directed at ensuring uniformity in the development of gender equality across the world. We should ensure that the changes which the United Nations seeks to bring about in terms of increasing participation by women in all its organisations should be biased in favour of women in the developing world.

We should also support the Africa Millennium Recovery Programme initiated by South Africa because the struggle for gender equality can only benefit from an overall African economic recovery. [Applause.]

Ms C BOTHA: Mr Chairperson, may I particularly note that we appreciate your presence here during this particular debate. I am aware of the absence of a number of our male colleagues.

I cannot improve on this summary of global process which was given by Dr Najma Heptulla, President of the Inter-Parliamentary Council of the Inter- Parliamentary Union, on this subject. It says:

The past hundred years have witnessed the emergence of revolutionary ideas that have changed the course of human civilisation. A singular development that changed the agenda for governance was the emergence of women as active political players. Ever since, women’s issues have figured prominently on the global agenda for human development. With the spread of parliamentary democracy and the universal adult franchise, particularly among the developing countries during the second half of the previous century, even men should have come to accept women as equal partners in the process of civilisation.

In legislative bodies in 1995, women were 10%. Today they are 12,7%. Women in ministerial positions remain at 14%, and largely concentrated in social areas. Those holding executive positions are fewer than 5%. If we look at the advisory bodies appointed by the President on HIV/Aids, on investment, on IT, where he selected from the best in the world, women are scarcely featured.

But I do not hold it against him, for I think we must be very careful not to sacrifice our causes on the altar of statistics, but to work within the social reality of our time. Until such time as we get the basics right, we must not waste our energies on academic pursuits of mythical targets. In the process we might hit the target and miss the mark.

Madame Suzanne Mubarak, Egypt’s first lady, who has worked tirelessly for women’s rights against a background of Islamic militancy, wisely says: ``We do not need to be pulled into all controversies. We have too many problems as it is. This makes people who are not extremists, become ones!’’

Alongside the achievements on a global scale, we have also run into new problems. An independent study released at the UN last year told us that women understand the wellbeing of their families, themselves and their communities to be increasingly intimately connected with the wellbeing and stability of other countries. This implies that foreign policy requires new conceptualisation.

It is no longer good enough for women to make decisions only with regard to the domestic domain. They must be increasingly involved in decision-making on a regional and international level. The UN itself, according to Angela King, who is now the UN Deputy Secretary-General, and well-known to many South Africans from her presence here during the first general election, has many bodies with few or no women on them, but we have to move beyond numbers to influence. If we cannot get it right one way, we will get it right another.

World disasters on TV show us how women are affected. But where are the women making decisions in the rescue processes? Where are the women with regard to the rescue operations in Mozambique? Where are the women when South Africa is asked to share her negotiating skills with Ireland? Where are the women in peace-keeping forces? I am not referring to women in combat zones, but to women making decisions on actions such as the stationing of UN forces in areas of conflict.

Trafficking in women is a direct result of ethnic conflict which is spreading around the globe. Together with slavery, child prostitution and xenophobia, these are global challenges which we have hardly begun to address.

Nationally, as the Minister said, there have been significant accomplishments. The frameworks which we considered necessary are more or less in place - some more than others - and legislation is well in line with international norms. But I do not know whether we made the right decision to go for integrated women’s desks rather than opt for a women’s Ministry. Many countries which have chosen the latter route have gained a high profile for women’s issues, in Africa in particular. We were concerned that women’s issues would not be seen as part of the mainstream if we created a special Ministry. I am afraid that we may have achieved the opposite, diffusing the issue and getting it lost amongst the myriad of other ministerial priorities. It is an issue which we have to evaluate in our oversight role.

Provincially and locally, the problem of Aids is going to absorb all women’s resources and ingenuity. This morning the MEC for health in the Free State is reported as saying that all hospital beds in the Free State are going to be occupied by Aids patients in three years. While we may theorise about many other aspects of women’s rights and plights at a provincial and local level, reality calls. I am convinced that we should be putting all our efforts into ensuring that all allocated money and effort reach their targets, and, in particular, that NGOs are empowered to assist.

However well we have fared, I am disappointed in the lack of independence among women politicians. I would have liked to see a poll on the percentage of women who prioritised the arms deal or the President’s new jet in budget discussions. Can we go out to our rural roots and justify this? I certainly cannot. And until we are seen to be influential in prioritising expenditure, our influence will be limited.

There is another perspective which we have to re-evaluate. I do not believe that feminism is gender-specific. We are talking about universal values. And while women bring a very specific perspective to certain issues, so do men. So on the eve of International Women’s Day, I have to say about men that they have to be involved at all levels in the gender debate. Not only are they half the problem, they are also half the solution.

Mr J L MAHLANGU: Chairperson, let me tell Ms Botha that here is a man. Perhaps I should also inform Ms Botha that when we started this Council or the predecessor to this Council, the Senate, it was only the ANC that had women representing it. All the other parties that were part of that structure did not have a single woman representative. It was the ANC that called upon those parties, the DP, the NNP, the IFP, etc, to make sure that they had women representing them on this forum. Therefore she has the ANC to thank for her presence and for the presence of other women here. It was only a men’s choir, umzi wezinsizwa [a men’s hostel]. She must watch another episode of Emzini Wezinsizwa on SABC 1.

South Africa is, in many respects, way ahead of some of its contemporaries and even further ahead of some developed countries when it comes to the advancement and protection of women’s rights. I think the Minister has alluded to that. There are two reasons for this.

The first reason, and the most important one, is the fact that our Government is led by a movement that realises that transformation will only have real meaning if it addresses the plight of the oppressed women of South Africa. It is a movement that has traditionally championed the aspirations of a section of our society which, over decades, has been oppressed on the basis of nationality, class and gender.

The second reason is the fact that our transition to democracy occurred at a time when the international struggle for women’s rights was intensified. We held our first democratic elections in the same year as the Beijing conference took place, where an urgent call for action was made to advance women’s rights. Both of these factors played an important role in the quick progress we have made with regard to gender equality in a very short period of time.

It is a common fact that we have one of the most progressive constitutions in the world. It is also a Constitution which not only realises that men and women are equal, but also places positive obligations on the Government to create mechanisms through which the equal status must be given substantive content. The two obvious examples are the creation of the Commission on Gender Equality and the enactment of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, which outlaws gender discrimination.

In the field of labour we have enacted equity legislation and changed most labour law provisions which impacted negatively on women, such as the short duration of maternity leave.

We have also adopted a White Paper on affirmative action in the Public Service which expresses the need for affirmative action to be applied to women in the public sector.

All present and past pieces of legislation are meticulously scrutinised to assess their potential impact on women and to remove any potential gender preferences from them.

Our customary laws are also being changed to bring them in line with the constitutional protection offered by the equality clause. If one looks at these legislative mechanisms individually, they may not appear to be earth-shattering interventions by the Government. But if one looks at the whole picture, one gets the impression that the interventions are snowballing and grow bigger as time progresses.

Our criminal justice system has also not remained untouched by this growing avalanche of gender equality interventions. Some practices in our criminal courts have been changed to make them more woman-friendly, such as the introduction of special courts for sexual offenders; the classification of rape as a Schedule 6 offence, which makes it more difficult for offenders to get bail; gender-sensitivity training for judicial officers; revisiting the cautionary rule with regard to rape victims; and the appointment of more female judicial officers.

I think members of this forum who serve on the Judicial Service Commission and those serving on the Magistrates Commission, among whom we have the chairs of both bodies, as part of those processes, bear witness to what is happening in those forums. More women are being appointed to the Judicial Service Commission. These are some of the achievements of which we as an African country can feel tremendously proud.

Although we have achieved more in terms of gender equality than many other countries at a similar stage of development, we should guard against a feeling of complacency. A number of areas still need focused attention as well as critical intervention. The most important of these is the patriarchal culture which sees women as less equal than men.

This patriarchal culture has been internalised in most of us and it permeates in all spheres of life. It is also to be found in the very institutions which are supposed to protect us, such as the police. We should not make it possible for policemen who cling to archaic perceptions of women as being subservient to display a dismissive attitude towards women who want to lay domestic violence charges. Such policemen should themselves be charged with dereliction of duty and should be overlooked for promotion. This is a recommendation that I submit.

If victims of domestic violence cannot depend on the protection of police services or courts, who else can they depend on for protection?

In conclusion, women form an important part of our society and have made an invaluable contribution to our struggle for liberation. As men we should recognise this. The contribution and role that the women have played is important. We must be honest with ourselves and not only claim to believe in women’s equality, but practise it too.

Mev J WITBOOI: Geagte Voorsitter, agb Minister en agb lede, Internasionale Vrouedag plaas jaarliks die fokus op die nasies se vroue en dogters. Aanhalings en opmerkings wat tydens hierdie Vrouedagvieringe gemaak word, is, in die eerste plek, daarop gemik om die onregte wat steeds in alle sfere van die samelewing teenoor vroue gepleeg word, na die oppervlak te bring. Ten tweede, het Vrouedagvieringe dit ten doel om ‘n boodskap van hoop te vestig. Daar is hoop vir vroue, wêreldwyd en in Suid-Afrika, en een van die redes hiervoor is dat daar eenvoudig genoeg vroue is om genoeg druk uit te oefen ten einde verandering teweeg te bring.

In ons eie land is daar al baie bereik op die gebied van verbetering van lewensgehalte en status van vroue. Algehele gelykheid met mans word in die Grondwet aan vroue gewaarborg, nasionale meganismes het in werking getree om te help om die algehele gelykheid wat vir die vroue gewaarborg word, ‘n werklikheid te laat word, soos die Menseregtekommissie, die Kommissie vir Geslagsgelykheid, die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue in die President se Kantoor, en die gesamentlike parlementêre komitee oor die lewensgehalte en status van vroue. Wetgewing is goedgekeur wat goedkoop kitshofoplossings vir huishoudelike geweld bied. Verkragting binne die huwelik word as verkragting erken, terwyl seksuele teistering verbied word.

Voorts is wetgewing vir beter onderhoudsbetaling deur lewensmaats en vaders goedgekeur, alhoewel daar nog veel gedoen kan word aan die toepassing daarvan. Vele ander voorbeelde kan genoem word; so daar is hoop vir vroue. My persoonlike ervaring is dat die een kwessie wat vroue in hierdie Parlement oor partygrense heen verenig, is die bewustheid van ‘n lang pad wat nog voorlê na algehele geslagsgelykheid.

Vroue is steeds die armstes onder die armes, en hoewel vroue die grootste bydraers tot voedselverskaffing is, besit vroue reg oor die wêreld slegs twee persent van die totale grond, en kry hulle feitlik geen of weinig krediet vir hulle reuse bydraes onder moeilike omstandighede nie. Twee- derdes van al die ongeletterdes wêreldwyd is vroue.

Ons roep vandag luid, sodat die hele wêreld kan hoor: enige beleid of program wat nie die behoeftes van vroue prioritiseer nie, gaan net ‘n volgende en ‘n volgende generasie van verarmde en verwaarloosde vroue teweegbring. Daar is hoop. Dit is in die aard van vrouwees om moue op te rol, en om van elke geleentheid aan hulle gebied om hul lewensomstandighede te verbeter, gebruik te maak. Vroue gaan ook altyd die ekstra myl om ander te inspireer om dieselfde te doen. Vroue besit wat elke organisasie en elke samelewing nodig het, naamlik daardie emosionele intelligensie, daardie volgehoue motivering, koershou, aanhou, uithou en moedhou.

Hoeveel van ons sit vandag hier as gevolg van die emosionele intelligensie van ‘n vrou? Die vroue in ons land is gereed. Op parlementêre-, provinsiale- en plaaslike owerheidsvlak het hulle begin om hul plekke in te neem as beleidmakers. Laat ons almal in die regering mekaar help om nog die oorblywende struikelblokke te verwyder, sodat dit vir alle vroue moontlik sal wees om ten volle bemagtig te word. Saam is daar hoop. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mrs J WITBOOI: Hon Chairperson, hon Minister and hon members, International Women’s Day annually places its focus on the women and daughters of the nation. Quotations and remarks made during the Women’s Day celebrations are firstly aimed at bringing to the surface the injustices which are still committed against women in all spheres of society. Secondly, Women’s Day celebrations aim to establish a message of hope. There is hope for women, worldwide and in South Africa, and one of the reasons for this is that there are simply enough women to exercise enough pressure in order to bring about change.

In our own country a lot has been achieved in the area of the improvement of the quality of life and status of women. The Constitution guarantees women total equality with men, national mechanisms have been put in place to help make the total equality which has been guaranteed to women a reality, for example the Human Rights Commission, the Commission for Gender Equality, the Office for the Status of Women in the President’s Office, and the joint monitoring committee on the improvement of the quality of life and status of women. Legislation has been approved which offers inexpensive, speedy court resolutions for domestic violence. Rape within marriage is being recognised as rape, while sexual harassment is prohibited.

Legislation has furthermore been approved for better maintenance payments by marriage partners and fathers, although a lot could still be done for the implementation thereof. Many other examples can be cited; so there is hope for women. My personal experience is that the one issue which unites women across party lines in this Parliament is the consciousness of a long road which still lies ahead to total gender equality.

Women are still the poorest among the poor, and although women are still the greatest contributors to the provision of food, women across the globe only own about 2% of the total land, and they actually receive little or no credit for their enormous contributions under difficult circumstances. Two thirds of all the illiterate worldwide are women. We are calling loudly today so that the whole world can hear: any policy or programme which does not prioritise the needs of women will only bring about generations of impoverished and neglected women. There is hope. It is in the nature of women to roll up their sleeves and to use every opportunity offered to them to improve their living conditions. Women also go the extra mile to inspire others to do the same. Women have what every organisation and every society needs, namely that emotional intelligence and that continued motivation, keeping to the course, perseverance, endurance and courage.

How many of us are sitting here today as a result of the emotional intelligence of women? The women in our country are ready. At parliamentary, provincial and local government level they have started taking their places as policy-makers. Let all of us in this Government help one another to remove the remaining obstacles, so that it will be possible for all women to become fully empowered. Together there is hope. [Applause.]]

Mrs J N VILAKAZI: Hon Chairperson and hon members, it is a privilege for me to address you once more on challenges and progress with regard to the equality of life and status of women. Major breakthroughs were made in the 1990s for women’s advancement owing largely to women’s advocacy worldwide. The declarations that came out of the United Nations Conference on Human Rights in Vienna and the Beijing conference unequivocally established women’s rights and equality as essential preconditions for women’s participation in development as agents and beneficiaries.

As women gain conviction on the legitimacy of their rights, they can make demands for national and international mechanisms through which they can claim rights. In this context, the convention takes on a significance as it is a principal legal instrument which addresses women’s rights and equality.

Acknowledging this, the Beijing Platform had developed an action plan to guide our Government on implementing the convention by reviewing all national laws, policies, practices and procedures to ensure that they meet the obligations set out in the convention.

It is important to acknowledge the efforts our national Government has made in ensuring the advancement of women’s rights in South Africa. The development of national machineries, policies and programmes which have been put in place have all had some impact on changing the environment of women. The impact of these changes is visible in some areas such as the increased participation of women in Government. However, very little change is taking place for the majority of women, especially in rural areas. Legislative reform has been extensive, but implementation remains a huge stumbling block.

Our challenges include, firstly, creating clarity on concepts pertaining to women’s rights and equality both nationally and provincially; secondly, creating a sociopolitical environment that provides conditions for women to access their rights; and thirdly, women forming a constituency with a stronger voice to invoke their rights and push for political action and create the necessary political will, and so on. This implies a need for capacity-building and gender sensitisation for women, especially those in rural areas.

I want to conclude by saying that the existence of programmes on paper is not enough. It is imperative that the extent of implementation be fully researched. We understand that the Government has a primary duty of implementation, but there are others involved in the implementation process, such as family units, NGOs, communities and individuals.

It is the Government’s responsibility to provide an enabling environment where these actors could play an effective role.

Sengithe ukuwela ngolwaphesheya, manje ake ngithi qaphuqaphu ngolwami lomdabu. Inqubekela-phambili ekwakheni isithunzi somuntu wesifazane ikhona kodwa kuningi kakhulu okusasilele emuva kokuphelelisa lo mgomo esikhuluma ngawo namhlanje. Mayelana nenqubekela-phambili nezinselelo ezibhekene nokwakha isithunzi namalungelo afanayo kumuntu wesifazane emhlabeni wonke jikelele, ukhiye okuyiwonawona ekufikeni kulelo zinga yimfundo. Imfundo kufanele ibe phambili. Konke lokhu okunye kuyozizela, kuye ngokuzimisela komuntu ngomuntu emsebenzini awenzayo.

Umsebenzi ufuna imfundo. Endleleni eya kuleli zinga esikhuluma ngalo, lenqubekela-phambili nezinselelo ezibhekene nokwakha nokuthuthukisa isithunzi somuntu wesifazane, sidinga lokhu okulandelayo okuyikhona okubalulekile empilweni yomuntu. Okokuqala, yimfundo nolwazi. Okwesibili, ngumsebenzi. Okwesithathu, yimali. Okwesine, yimpilo enhle. Okwesihlanu, yintuthuko egcina ngokusibeka emazingeni aphakeme futhi ahlukahlukene kanjalo kanjalo, ikakhulu kithina bantu besifazane. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[All along I was speaking English, but now I will speak Zulu. There is an improvement in creating women’s dignity. However, there is still a lot to be done to make the policy we are discussing today a success. Regarding the improvement and challenges facing the dignity and equal rights for women all over the world, the key to achieve this is education. Education must come first. Other things will then follow. It will all depend on how determined an individual is at his or her work.

Jobs need educated people. To achieve improvements and challenges that are facing women, we need the following as they are important in a person’s life. The first is education and information. The second is work. The third is money. The fourth is health. The fifth is women’s improvement that will take us to various higher levels. [Applause.]]

Ms B THOMSON: Chairperson, hon Minister Pahad, hon members, the greatest challenge to an orderly, stable South Africa lies in sweeping up the poverty levels, which differ not only across the nine provinces, but also across the different race groups and between men and women.

The coming into power of the ANC government in 1994 necessitated the extension of the international discussions and agreements to matters previously undreamt of in this country, such as the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women in December 1995.

Poverty suffered by women in South Africa is considered the most common and serious violation of their human rights. Poor women understand implicitly and without knowledge of sophisticated statistics that poverty is closely linked with high levels of unemployment, hunger and malnutrition, a lack of basic services, an inability to pay for or access health care, disintegration of families, vulnerability, homelessness, hopelessness and a direct cause of social ills such as crime, prostitution and substance abuse. These women also know that they bear a greater poverty burden than men and that invariably their children become the victims.

I choose to devote the time at my disposal to a few observations on innovations introduced by this present Government in order to place women in their proper perspective, locally, provincially and nationally.

In many parts of South Africa, women living in rural areas bear a disproportionate amount of the burden of labour. Moreover, they often receive little or no recognition for their participation, nor are they allowed to enjoy the fruits of their work or share in the benefits of development. The South African Government has since 1994 placed poverty and inequality at the centre of its development agenda. It has prioritised the lack of access to basic social services, particularly of the rural poor. Four and a half million people have gained access to potable water and 600 000 houses are under construction.

Education is now compulsory for 10 years and free medical care is provided for pregnant women and for children under six years of age. There has been progress in providing secure land tenure to labour tenants, who were previously subjected to unfair evictions.

Much discrimination against women takes place in their own homes by their husbands, their families and their communities. In some communities women are not permitted to participate equally in deciding how many children they will bear, how these children will be brought up, and when, and whether or not, they themselves should work.

This area of discrimination is usually based on a long-standing cultural or religious practice. It is thus one of the most difficult areas resistant to change. Yet the Government’s response to this form of discrimination was the enactment of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act of 1998, which abolished the minority status of women married under customary law. It repealed specific sections of the Black Administration Act of 1927. It also abolished marital power as provided for in the KwaZulu-Natal Code and the Transkei Marriage Act.

The Act provides that the wife in a customary marriage has, on the basis of equality with her husband and subject to the matrimonial property system governing the marriage, full status and capacity, including the capacity to acquire assets and to dispose of them, to enter into contracts and to litigate.

Equality in access to health facilities is a problem affecting rural women and children in many areas of South Africa. However, women in particular, by virtue of their unequal status and their special vulnerabilities, encounter a great many obstacles in obtaining adequate health care. After 1994 a move towards access to primary health care, with its focus on prevention rather than cure, was designed. The South African Constitution enshrines reproductive rights and legislation has been reviewed or formulated to benefit women. Some examples in this regard are the Domestic Violence Act, the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1997, the notification of maternal mortality, free prescreening for cervical cancer for women over 40 and the Sterilisation Act of 1998, which allows for anyone over 18 years to decide on sterilisation without requiring a partner’s consent.

In conclusion, to truly effect social transformation it is essential that women’s position in the labour market be improved. Women have been greatly hindered from full participation in the labour market by the gender division of labour and the exclusion from mainstream economic activities. The statistics show that almost one half of African women are unemployed, compared to about one third of African men. It is agreed that the ultimate gender equity must be seen as an essential component in government policy formulation and in activities of trade unions, businesses and civic institutions.

It is recognised that women have gained less from opportunities generated through special employment programmes than men. Yet a greater proportion of women are unemployed, and in particular rural and disabled women require these opportunities. The special employment programmes aim to identify the poorest of the poor and therefore must ensure that they are the primary beneficiaries.

Sengicela ukuhleba-ke. Ngithi kumhlonishwa uPahad sengikhuluma ngesiZulu ngoba sengiyahleba. Ngithi okunanamanje, asikalivuli ihhovisi elibhekene nesimo somama KwaZulu-Natal. Ngikhuluma ngalolu limi ngoba sengiyahleba. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[I would like to gossip. I would like to say to the hon Pahad that I am speaking Zulu now, because I am gossiping. Even today we have not yet opened an office that deals with women’s issues in KwaZulu-Natal. I am speaking Zulu because I am gossiping. [Applause.]]

Ms S N NTLABATI: Chairperson, my heart is very sore because the members of the press gallery are not present, because as far as I am concerned, they are the people who also stand accused when it comes to the issues of women, especially the way in which they portray us. It is a pity that they are not present.

I must first thank the Minister for what he said. He mapped out what has been done and he said that the Government can do better. I will speak in particular in relation to the OSWs in the provinces.

Did the Minister know that all the staff members working in gender focal points have their own job descriptions and are dealing with gender issues as add-on tasks? They have been told to deal with gender issues as add-on tasks. As members of committees responsible for oversight, we have tried, but we have failed. Staff members dealing with OSWs will find that there is only a deputy director and her secretary, and no-one else. I want to thank the Minister for saying that the affirmation of women will also depend upon where a woman decides to be, even those who decide to stay at home. I am thankful for this statement, because it sends the message that people should stop calling some women ``ordinary housewives’’. In my opinion those women themselves should abandon the notion of calling themselves ordinary housewives. They must walk tall and call themselves housewives who are bringing up children, washing the linen and everything else, and who are supporting their very tired husbands when they return from work.

I want to say to the hon the Minister that I am happy that we have a gender policy in South Africa at last. By the end of this month, I will be participating in the SADC parliamentary forum, and I will be walking tall. At least I can say that South Africa is among the few countries that have a gender policy. [Interjections.] [Laughter.]

I am standing.

Then there is the question of how we, as Parliamentarians, popularise this gender policy. This is the challenge that I am putting to all the members here, in particular my male counterparts.

Since time immemorial we, as women, have come from the worst of times. Sometimes I wonder about biblical times when history was not yet recorded - the history of the Garden of Eden. I think it was a very lonely place, until a woman came up with an idea and all the loneliness disappeared. Why does society then need to oppress women? Were we oppressed for being clever? [Laughter.] I really have a problem and I want an answer. The religious people who study this book, the Bible, must come up with answers.

After hearing about all the progress, I think there is a light at the end of the tunnel for all women. I think there will come a time, no matter how many centuries hence, when, as we speak of gender oppression, we shall say ``Once upon a time there was gender oppression’’. We shall be able to do this, unless we as women, together with men who are gender-sensitive, become lax along the way. But, at this pace, I think we are getting somewhere for the benefit of generations to come. Our Constitution has complied with quite a number of things which have been demanded and decided upon internationally by declarations and the UN. However, have these things been popularised enough? That is the challenge that I am once again putting to my colleagues.

We are speaking in the context of the African century, as South Africans. I am taking up only one issue. In the African context of very long ago, when a woman was raped, it was an offence against the whole family. It was not really regarded as an offence against the victim, but her father was degraded. When such a girl wished to get married, she was no longer a virgin and even stood the chance that when the elderly women examined her, they would declare, ``No, no marriage for you.’’

At the moment the situation in the whole world, and particularly in our own country, is that when a woman is raped she is the victim, as well as her family also being traumatised. We have to thank our Constitution and our laws.

I want to remove the despair and add to what those members said when they said that there is hope. We only have to recall the progress made over the last six years since the Beijing platform. The progress has been swift because, in 1975, a document was published after a meeting of women in Mexico. In 1985 there was a meeting in Nairobi. From 1975 to 1985 no debate ever took place in Parliament about empowering women. However, within the last six years, the pace has really been satisfactory. I still say that we are getting somewhere, and I am mapping the progress.

The one issue which remains big and which is sometimes controversial is the economic impact on women of globalisation, and we need to discuss this issue. Personally, I am positive about it, but other people come with very negative notions in that it has come about through structural adjustments. It is true that some women have suffered, but let us remember that globalisation has had a positive effect on us as women.

There arises a question when one speaks of true equality and the term affirmative action''. I ask those people who are against affirmative action to use the Afrikaans version of the expression, namely regstellende aksie’’, meaning to put right what has been wrong. Perhaps everybody will be for affirmative action if we move away from the English term and use the Afrikaans one. That is the challenge I put to every one of us. We are, after all, multilingual. Let us use the Afrikaans version.

Regarding the term married'', I am happy that everybody here, irrespective of province or political party, will see the gains - that there are some gains - and the problems. However, the termmarried’’ has not really been unpacked. The opposition parties are more concerned with this matter. I say no. The moment one looks at the term married'' one is looking at an already affirmed woman, because she already has matric, or one who has a degree and then marries. But what about that woman who has the potential which needs to be taken up? If one only puts certain women in high positions because they are married, it means that other women will forever remain behind. This needs to be unpacked by those parties who still believe in the termmarried’’.

As a South African, I am happy that we did not take the route of a women’s Ministry, because when we looked at other countries, we found that there was a tendency to dump everything on it. If one wanted maintenance, one went to the women’s Ministry. Justice would never take any steps about gender issues. As before, I am therefore still very sceptical about the question of a women’s Ministry. I am pleased with things as they are.

Feminism means something about gender to our children. We do not know it exactly here in South Africa. We still think about those women taking off their bras and burning them. Let us not be too concerned with the term ``feminism’’, otherwise we shall get lost.

Finally, I want to give my message to the women out there and to those who support them, which is that women must verbalise - come out - whenever they have been traumatised. It becomes therapeutic. This is the case with the world court, where women are talking. One will find that the moment one comes out with the truth, one has broken the silence. There will already be a little bit of healing, even before someone goes for counselling.

The other message on this gender and equality issue is that we forget to prioritise health. Health is a priority; without it no other priorities could ever be accomplished.

During the gender equality debate we need to emphasise now and again gender and health, in particular gender and Aids, otherwise the nation will perish. We thank our Department of Health for making an effort to address this issue. However, the challenge is: How much is being done at local government level?

My last challenge is to the religious people who are here, such as Rev Moatshe: Let us start to contextualise the Bible, because that is one book behind which people are hiding. They are always saying: ``The Bible says … the Bible says … ‘’. Rev Moatshe takes the challenge of contextualising the Bible, because sometimes it confuses people. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr M L Mushwana): Order! Hon Minister, you had better respond before women burn their bras. [Laughter.]

The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Chairperson, may I, first of all, thank all the members who participated in this debate for the many constructive suggestions and proposals that have been made.

But, as a member of the National Assembly, allow me to say something about the NCOP, and I would like to apologise beforehand for my impertinence. I think we have 54 permanent members here, and I am sure tomorrow the debate will be in the National Assembly and we should look at the attendance there. Contrary to what Ms Botha said, it is not only the attendance of men that is worrying. We need to ask ourselves whether our institutions will ever be taken seriously by our people if we ourselves, the elected representatives, do not take seriously some of the most important debates we have ever had.

In the course of the debate people were going out. Some people who were here have left. I am sure they have other important work to do. I am sure that others have very good reasons for not being here. But for me this is quite worrying when the NCOP has taken a very correct decision to pay very special attention to this question. It does seem to me that, perhaps, some of our members - and I am not referring to any particular party; I am saying it in general - should pay more attention. I would like to say to Ms Ntlabati that, perhaps, that tells us how much more work we might have to do amongst ourselves. It is a bit impertinent of me to say this, but I really thought I should make that comment because I do believe that for such an important debate we should have had - I think - at least a fuller representation of members here.

Let me try to address some of the issues that have been raised in the course of this debate. Again, I thank all the members for raising them in the constructive spirit that I think some of the issues have been raised.

I would like to begin by responding to Ms Botha’s remarks. Of course, it is a subject for debate whether our targets are mythical or not. However, I do not think they are mythical at all. But the issue is that if we take the number of women Ministers and Deputy Ministers that we have here in South Africa - I do not have the exact figures, but I am quite sure of my facts - there might only be two or three other countries in the world that have as many. One could go around the world, and would probably find that the same pattern only exists in the Scandinavian countries.

There was a deliberate decision taken, first by former President Mandela and later by President Mbeki, that when Ministers and Deputy Ministers were appointed, specific attention would be paid to targeting women. When some of us were not appointed after 1994, we did not like it, because we also wanted to be appointed and, instead, women were appointed. But that was a very correct decision to take. It is still a correct decision to take now when we are, for example, appointing senior management in the Public Service. I sit in interview panels for directors-general and DDGs, and I can tell hon members that for me one of the most important criteria to start with is the gender criterion.

When one looks at the issues of what the relative strengths are, it may be that by some criteria a man might be the stronger candidate. But one should ask oneself the following question: How, then, do we improve the qualitative nature of our services if we do not make sure that we have a greater number of women occupying senior positions? That must happen. It is important to have targets. We might not reach them, but as an institution, the Government can give us a target of, say, 30% of senior women managers. If we do not reach our target, then surely it becomes a responsibility of Parliament to say to the executive: But you yourselves set this target. Come and explain why you have not been able to fulfil the target that you yourselves have set. One cannot have measurables unless one has targets. I agree with Ms Botha that if one has unrealistic targets, that could lead to disillusionment because one cannot reach unrealistic targets.

May I also point out that the figure is growing, and one hopes that it will grow even more. Our ambassadors in Washington and Paris and our high commissioner in London, which are just about the three most coveted posts in the world of diplomacy, are women. The President has appointed two of the hon members’ colleagues to be ambassadors - one in the Netherlands and the other one in Ireland. They are members’ colleagues because they were MPs, even if they are from the other House.

Because we have set ourselves specific objectives and, I believe, also specific targets, the executive itself, starting with the President, has to move and implement policies in order to achieve those objectives and targets.

Ms Botha raised an interesting question of why we do not create a women’s Ministry, and said that there are some countries in Africa that have women’s Ministries that are very successful. That is an interesting question, and perhaps we can debate it, but let me explain why there is not one here.

In the view of the two democratic Presidents that we have had, it was accepted that issues such as the rights of women, the rights people with disabilities and the rights of the child are very critical crosscutting issues. They cut across every sphere of life, every department’s and Minister’s work. If one had a specific Minister for women’s rights, one could possibly create a situation in which that particular Ministry could be ghettoised, if you like. Instead of mainstreaming, everybody would pass on issues of gender equality. If one said anything about gender, they would say: Go to the Minister for women’s rights.

The issue of gender equality can only, in my view, be really effectively dealt with if we look at it as being inherent in every programme and plan that we want to have. It is no use that at the end of a process we have an add-on and say: Now, what are we going to do about women and the empowerment of women?

Therefore, I think we took the right decision in South Africa. Other countries must take decisions on the basis of their own understanding of what the requirements are. I think we took a correct decision in South Africa at this moment in time. It might change in the future. One should take the issue of the empowerment of women, gender equality and the Office on the Status of Women and put it in the highest office of the land. It is not true to say that there is no Minister. There is a Minister. He is standing in front of hon members. It happens to be a he, but tomorrow it could be a she.

The point I am making is that there is a Minister who is responsible for this. But he is responsible for this on behalf of the President. The ultimate head of the Office on the Status of Women is the President himself. Therefore, what hon members can do in the course of their work is, in view of the authority and status of the President and the Deputy President, to move things if it is necessary to do so, because we do not have any senior Minister in our Government. We are all of equal rank. So the only ones who have authority over all of us are the President and the Deputy President.

Therefore, the fact that one locates the Office on the Status of Women in the Presidency gives one the possibility of utilising the authority and indeed the power of the President and the Deputy President to get things done, if the need arises. Therefore, I think it is quite important that, in the South African context, we have the Office on the Status of Women, the Office on the Status of the Disabled and the Office on the Rights of the Child located in the Presidency, in terms of its responsibilities and tasks.

Ms Botha has again raised a very interesting idea - the lack of independence of women politicians. I suppose she was talking about herself too. It is a very interesting question, philosophically, ideologically and theoretically. For instance, the question is what the Constitution says. We put that in the Constitution, and she knows that Mr Matthee and I have discussed this for a long time - that ours is a multiparty political system. We put that in the Constitution because we wanted to send the message to everybody that we do not want a one-party state in South Africa. We then put that in the Constitution. To change some of those, we will need a 75% majority, not a two-thirds majority.

If one has a multiparty political system one cannot represent oneself. Presumably, one represents a political party. Presumably, in representing a political party, one has to represent the values of that political party. But what I think is important, if I understand Ms Botha there, is that nevertheless there are issues that transcend party-political boundaries. The issue of the empowerment of women and gender equality transcends party- political boundaries. Therefore, it is necessary for us, if we are to achieve those objectives, sometimes, if it is necessary, to get out of that kind of stranglehold and achieve a national objective. If that is what she meant, I will certainly not argue with that. That is what I was calling for.

How do we operate on the basis of getting a national consensus on this question, and not get bogged down permanently in party-political debates, however healthy that may be? Ms Botha should note that I am not sure that it helps to throw in things like presidential jet and say: How do we explain that to rural women? Why does she not ask these ANC women who go and work in rural areas how they will explain that? They will tell her how to explain that. It does not help because it trivialises the debate.

What the presidential jet has to do with the empowerment of women, I do not understand, nor the arms debate. If one wants to argue, again philosophically, intellectually, theoretically and ideologically, that money spent on strengthening a country’s defence could perhaps be better spent doing something else, let us have that discussion. Let us discuss whether, in the long-term interests of the women of this country, we should not be able to have the capacity to defend ourselves. Or whether in the interests of women in the rest of the continent we, as South Africa, should not have the capacity to be able to participate in the peace-keeping forces.

It is very important. So I think it might be important for us not to trivialise these matters by drawing lines which I do not think are helpful in the least. Hon members may want to invite the Minister of Defence to explain about the presidential jet. I am sure he will be very happy to answer their question.

I also want to say something about the question of the Office on the Status of Women and the gender focal points. It is true that we have identified as a weakness in the structural and institutional arrangements that in a number of places where gender focal points were established there were not very clear frameworks and guidelines for work, as a result of which some of these officials were given more work to do or given work that does not relate directly to what they have to do.

What we have said, as the Office on the Status of Women, is that that is an issue we are going to address, and we are going to address it with all the nine provinces, to see how we can get into a situation in which firstly, with these gender focal points or the Office on the Status of Women, the people are employed in positions where they may occupy slightly more senior positions within the bureaucratic structure, and secondly, where they may be given the opportunity to be able to pay a great deal more attention to their work.

I think that it is not a Government issue only. It is surely an issue for the legislature to address. It is surely an issue not only for the Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women to address. Surely all the hon members, including all members of the National Assembly who sit on all these parliamentary committees, every single one without exception, should address these questions.

I am not sure that in Parliament we are addressing these questions in that manner, which then will allow, in my view, for the parliamentary committees to fulfil in a much better way the monitoring role. It is more than monitoring; it is also a role that Parliament, in my view, needs to play to be able to clearly indicate to the executive where it thinks the executive can improve upon its performances. So I would rather say that we take that kind of an approach, which then helps all of us to achieve the same objectives that we are setting ourselves.

I want to agree with Ms Witbooi. I did notice that her speech is in her handwriting, and her handwriting looks quite good, on the screen, that is. [Laughter.] If one could see my handwriting, I cannot read it myself. I want to agree fully that women in this country are ready, and I want to agree that we should assist one another. I think that is the message that must go out of the debate we are having here.

Ms Vilakazi said that in her view very little has changed for women in rural areas. I hope I am quoting her correctly. That is true and not true. There has been a great deal of change for women in rural areas: certainly a great deal of change for African women in rural areas. First of all there has been a great deal of change in their lives. They never had a vote before, but now they have a vote.

Secondly, they have never been as empowered as they are today to stand up and demand the rights that are due to them. But I would agree with Ms Vilakazi that essentially we cannot talk about the empowerment of women in South Africa if we do not address fundamentally the question of the empowerment of African women in rural areas. We cannot.

Then, in the end, it is important, but it cannot be the answer, that we have so many women Ministers, so many women Deputy Ministers, so many women MPs and so many managing directors who are women, etc, if we do not fundamentally empower African women in rural areas to have control over their own lives and over their own bodies. So I think we need to do a lot of work. But I think in addressing the question we should not underestimate the advances that we have made up to now. So we need to do a great deal more.

The Constitution - it is there in front of Ms Thompson - will tell one about the powers of provinces. She likes the powers of provinces. We cannot tell the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal, we cannot compel them, to have or not to have an office on the status of women. Incidentally, they do not have one in Gauteng either, as such. What they do is that they try to find a different way to address the same issue. But that should not stop members from KwaZulu-Natal, all of them across the political parties, from pressurising the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal if it is their feeling that not enough is being done.

An issue was raised about the popularisation of the gender policy document and the international instrument. I want to fully agree with that decision. We have ourselves been discussing this in the Office on the Status of Women. As hon members know, part of my responsibility is also to be the political head of the Government Communication and Information System. So the document is in English, and very deep English words also, and contains concepts used within the gender debate which have evolved over a period of time.

What we are looking at, and I direct this to Ellen and I hope I am right - that is Ellen Kornegay, by the way, who is the director in the Office on the Status of Women - is how we can translate this policy document into a number of languages, and translate it in such a way that people could respond to it and not get chased away. Sometimes our policy documents are written in languages which satisfy us, and not always in ways in which they would satisfy the people that they are designed for. So I would agree vehemently that we certainly would want to look at that, and certainly we would want to look at how we can have the widest possible distribution of the gender policy document.

Whilst I am at it, let me please appeal to all members of all committees. I am aware that the Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of the Quality of Life and Status of Women is going to specifically give attention to this policy document. I believe that it would be a great shame if that were the only parliamentary committee that dealt with this document. I would like, and I do not know what they are going to decide in the National Assembly tomorrow, every single parliamentary committee to take the gender policy document, discuss it, analyse it and see how it can integrate that policy into its work, firstly, and, secondly, how it will use the policy document in terms of the responsibilities that fall upon the legislatures with regard to the monitoring of the executive.

But I am interested in more than monitoring. What I am fundamentally interested in is how, then, we in the Presidency, the President, the Deputy President, the Minister, the Office on the Status of Women, all of us, really work together to achieve this wonderful objective of the empowerment of women. As I said in the slogan - and that is where I am going to end - without the emancipation of women there can be no African Renaissance. No emancipation of women, no African Renaissance. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP (Mr M L Mushwana): Order! Thank you, hon Minister, for engaging this House in such a lively debate. The challenge is there for all of us to tackle.

Debate concluded.

The Council adjourned at 16:57. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                     WEDNESDAY, 28 FEBRUARY 2001

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Finance:

 Government Notice No R.130 published in the Government Gazette No 22050
 dated 16 February 2001, Cancellation of appointment of authorised
 dealers in foreign exchange.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry:

 Report of the Registrar of Companies for 1998 [RP 195-2000].
                       THURSDAY, 1 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Council of Provinces:

1. The Chairperson:

 Message from National Assembly to National Council of Provinces:


 Bill passed by National Assembly on 1 March 2001 and transmitted for
 concurrence:


 (1)    Division of Revenue Bill [B 11B - 2001] (National Assembly - sec
     76).


     The Bill has been referred to the Select Committee on Finance of
     the National Council of Provinces.

                        FRIDAY, 2 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 2 March 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(3), classified the following Bills as section 75
     Bills:


     (i)     Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals
              Amendment Bill [B 9 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75)
              - (Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
              Development - National Assembly).


     (ii)    Security Industry Regulation Bill [B 12 - 2001] (National
              Assembly - sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Safety and
              Security - National Assembly).


 (2)    The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 2 March 2001 in terms of
     Joint Rule 160(6), classified the following Bill as a money Bill:


     (i)     Appropriation Bill [B 10 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec
              77) - (Portfolio Committee on Finance - National
              Assembly).

COMMITTEE REPORTS: National Council of Provinces:

1. Report of the Select Committee on Education and Recreation on the Protection of Cultural Property Convention, dated 27 February 2001:

   The Select Committee on Education and Recreation, having considered the request for approval by Parliament of the Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the event of Armed Conflict (the Hague Convention) with regulations for the execution and the coverence resolutions, 14 May 1954, referred to it, recommends that the Council, in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said Convention.

 Report to be considered.

1. Report of the Select Committee on Education and Recreation on the Cultural Property (Illicit Transfer) Convention, dated 27 February 2001:

   The Select Committee on Education and Recreation, having considered the request for approval by Parliament of the Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, 14 November 1970, referred to it, recommends that the Council, in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said Convention.

 Report to be considered.

1. Report of the Select Committee on Education and Recreation on the ICCROM Statutes, dated 27 February 2001:

   The Select Committee on Education and Recreation, having considered the request for approval by Parliament of the Statutes of the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM), referred to it, recommends that the Council, in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, approve the said Statutes.

Report to be considered.

                        MONDAY, 5 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The following Bill was introduced in the National Assembly on 5
     March 2001 and referred to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
     classification in terms of Joint Rule 160:


     (i)     South African Boxing Bill [B 13 - 2001] (National Assembly
          - sec 75) - (Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation -
          National Assembly) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
          notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
          21456 of 14 August 2000.]

                        TUESDAY, 6 MARCH 2001

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Minister of Finance withdrew the following Bill on 6 March
     2001:


     (i)     Financial Institutions (Investment of Funds) Bill [B 6 -
          2000] (National Assembly - sec 75).

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Public Service and Administration
     and to the Select Committee on Local Government and Administration
     for information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
     28 - South African Management Development Institute [RP 137-2000].


 (2)    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation and to the
     Select Committee on Education and Recreation for information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
     30 - Sport and Recreation for 1999-2000.


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Safety and Security and to the
     Select Committee on Security and Constitutional Affairs for
     information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote
     19 - Independent Complaints Directorate for 1999-2000 [RP 128-
     2000].


 (4)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Justice and Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee
     on Security and Constitutional Affairs for consideration:


     (a)     Explanatory Memorandum on the designation of Ireland in
          terms of section 2(1)(b) of the Extradition Act, 1962 (Act No
          67 of 1962).


     (b)     Treaty between the Government of the Republic of South
          Africa and the Government of Canada on Extradition, tabled in
          terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.


     (c)     Treaty between the Government of the Republic of South
          Africa and the Government of Canada on Mutual Legal Assistance
          in Criminal Matters, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
          Constitution, 1996.


     (d)     Explanatory Memorandum to the treaties.


 (5)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Trade and Industry and to the Select Committee on Economic
     Affairs:


     Report of the Registrar of Companies for 1998 [RP 195-2000].

National Council of Provinces:

1. The Chairperson:

 Message from National Assembly to National Council of Provinces:


 Bill passed by National Assembly on 6 March 2001 and transmitted for
 concurrence:


 (1)    Advisory Board on Social Development Bill [B 43B - 2000]
     (National Assembly - sec 75) (introduced as Developmental Welfare
     Governance Bill [B 43 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75)).


 The Bill has been referred to the Select Committee on Social Services.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Foreign Affairs:

 (a)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
     and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil to
     establish a Joint Commission, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of
     the Constitution, 1996.


 (b)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
     and the Government of the Federative Republic of Brazil on
     Technical Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
     Constitution, 1996.

1. The Minister of Finance:

 (a)    Government Notice No R.164 published in the Government Gazette
     No 22084 dated 23 February 2001, Policy Holder protection rules
     under the Short-Term Insurance Act, 1998, made in terms of section
     55 of the Short-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 53 of 1998).


 (b)    Government Notice No R.165 published in the Government Gazette
     No 22085 dated 23 February 2001, Policy Holder protection rules
     under the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998, made in terms of section
     62 of the Long-Term Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 52 of 1998).

1. The Minister of Health:

 (a)    Government Notice No R.44 published in the Government Gazette No
     21983 dated 19 January 2001, Regulations relating to registration
     as a Dental Technician and related matters, made in terms of
     section 50 of the Dental Technicians Act, 1979 (Act No 19 of
     1979).


 (b)    Government Notice No R.43 published in the Government Gazette No
     21983 dated 19 January 2001, Regulations regarding processed
     foodstuffs, made in terms of section 15(1) of the Foodstuffs,
     Cosmetics and Disinfectants Act, 1972 (Act No 54 of 1972).


 (c)    Government Notice No R.127 published in the Government Gazette
     No 22052 dated 12 February 2001, Regulations in terms of the
     Allied Health Professions Act, 1982, made in terms of section 38
     of the Allied Health Professions Act, 1982 (Act No 63 of 1982).


 (d)    Government Notice No R.16 published in the Government Gazette No
     22052 dated 12 February 2001, Commencement of the Chiropractors,
     Homeopaths and Allied Health Service Professions Second Amendment
     Act, 2000 (Act No 50 of 2000) on 12 February 2001, made in terms
     of section 41 of the Chiropractors, Homeopaths and Allied Health
     Service Professions Second Amendment Act, 2000 (Act No 50 of
     2000).


(e)     Government Notice No R.156 published in the Government Gazette
    No 22076 dated 23 February 2001, Regulations regarding the
    registration and training of Student Dental Technicians and Student
    Dental Technologists, made in terms of section 50 of the Dental
    Technicians Act, 1979 (Act No 19 of 1979).