THURSDAY, 21 JUNE 2001 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 14:01.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS see col 000.

APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 1 - Presidency:

The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, hon members and fellow South Africans, I understand that today is Minister Essop Pahad’s birthday. [Applause.] Today is also the day of the eclipse of the sun. [Laughter.] But, I was also told earlier today that when the battle of Isandlwana was fought, in 1879, there was an eclipse of the sun.

A few days ago, our people joined together in their thousands, solemnly to mark the 25th anniversary of the Soweto uprising; to pay tribute to the thousands of young people who died and were maimed so that all of us should be free; to commit our country to the development, upliftment and happiness of the young; and to reaffirm our resolve to defend our democratic gains.

As we marched down the streets of Soweto to commemorate the fateful march of June 16, 1976, we saw a young white girl in her early teens standing together and holding hands with young black girls in the streets of Soweto, a happy smile on her face and an enthusiastic wave to the marchers, safe and relaxed in the company of her friends. Our observance of the 25th anniversary of the Soweto uprising was, therefore, also a celebration. We gathered in many parts of our country, including Soweto, to celebrate our historic achievement that the children of our country across the colour line can, today, walk together hand in hand as friends.

We celebrated the fact that our people can march down our streets without fear of being shot and killed, regardless of the cause that they seek to advance. We celebrated the achievement that we could gather together as South Africans and set ourselves common national tasks focused on ensuring that the society that we are building presents a much happier future for the young, than that our children faced 25 ago.

We gathered to celebrate the fact that we could, together, salute the victories of both Andrew Kelehe, this year’s Comrades Marathon male winner, and Retief Goosen, victor of the 2001 US Golf Open. [Applause.]

It would be correct to say that, as South Africans, we could not but observe the 25th anniversary of the Soweto uprising. After all, June 16 was proclaimed our National Youth Day precisely to pay permanent tribute to the youth who died for our liberation. But, of great importance, we were also joined in the commemorations by the peoples of the world. For example, to mention only three countries, two events took place in Mozambique, one involving the government of that country and another that entailed a visit to a cemetery where many of our country’s liberation fighters are buried.

Rallies and public meetings were held in various parts of the Republic of Congo, including the capital city, Brazzaville. Thirty-five thousand people participated in the mass rally in Amsterdam in the Netherlands. In all of these instances, the countries that held June 16 meetings last week had been active participants in the protracted global struggle against apartheid. Perhaps it was, therefore, to be expected that they would, once again, express solidarity with us as we commemorated the Soweto uprising.

But, I believe that if we were to conclude that this was the only or even the principal reason that these other peoples remembered June 16, we would be wrong. There is another and larger reason for the renewed expressions of solidarity that we saw last week. Our country contains, within it, in a concentrated form, many of the major and interconnected challenges that face a global community. Similarly it has, within it, the potential for the successful resolution of these challenges.

As a country, we represent the great divide that separates and distinguishes the countries of the North from those of the South. Accordingly, we must succeed within our own borders to bridge the structural gaps that exist between the developed South Africa and the underdeveloped South Africa, ending the poverty and underdevelopment typical of the countries of the South.

As an African country, affected by both conscious and subconscious negative and pessimistic views about the role, the place and the future of Africa and Africans, we are also faced with the challenge practically to disprove this negativity and pessimism. What we do must also succeed in bridging the structural gaps that exist between South Africa as a country of the South and the countries of the North.

We stand out as a country that must succeed in creating a nonracial society and thus address the important issue of the defeat of racism globally. This must be expressed both in the defeat of racist consciousness and in the reconstruction of our country to end the racial disparities we have all inherited.

The relationship between race, gender and poverty dictates that we also succeed in the effort to achieve the emancipation of women. Neither the internal North-South divide nor the racial imbalances can be solved if the disempowerment of and discrimination against women are not brought to an end.

The poverty that affects millions of our people is yet another feature of our reality. Once more, we will not succeed in overcoming the internal and external North-South divide, racism and sexism unless we eradicate poverty among all our people.

The world community of nations is aware of the fact that our young democracy is confronted by the task to achieve forward movement towards the simultaneous resolution of all these problems. Of course, these problems are not exclusive to us, but they do find a particular expression in our country that highlights the historic and global importance of our national project for reconstruction and development.

Since 1994, this Parliament has considered various White Papers and other policy initiatives and approved hundreds of laws focused on the creation of the policy guidelines and the legislative framework that would guide us as a government in carrying through our process of reconstruction and development. Consistent with our Constitution and law, our judiciary, and especially the Constitutional Court, has also helped to establish the legal framework to which we have referred.

Only yesterday, correct reference was made in this House to the fact that our democratic Parliament has sought to ensure that it opens itself up to access by all our people. The people have therefore been important actors in the determination of the policies and the legislation to which we have referred. I am certain that the House will agree that we need to review this public participation continuously, to improve access by the public to the determination of the destiny of our country.

As a result of the serious work that the Government, Parliament, the general public and the judiciary have done since 1994 to place our country on a path of fundamental social transformation, the Government is firmly of the view that, substantially, we have elaborated the policy, legislative and constitutional base that will enable us to achieve the transformation of South Africa.

This base encompasses a wide variety of challenges that our country faces, including the creation of a nonracial and nonsexist society; the eradication of poverty; economic growth and development; the protection and development of children, the young and the disabled; human resource development; the modernisation of our country consistent with advances in science and technology; popular participation in the process of governance, especially at the local level; and the assumption by our country of its rightful place within the international community.

Of course, there are a number of areas that continue to receive attention as we seek to finalise our policy and other positions. These include youth policy, the role and place of our traditional leaders, the establishment of the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities and the policy framework relating to information and communication technology. Work on these and other issues will proceed apace. However, this does not gainsay the fact that, as we have said, substantially, we have established the policy and legislative base that enables us to effect the social transformation that our country needs. Accordingly, the central challenge we face as the Government is the task of implementation. The order of the day is that we take all necessary measures to ensure that the policy and legislative measures for the reconstruction and development of our country that have already been adopted are further translated into an actual process of the transformation of our society.

To summarise the message we seek to communicate to this House and to the country today, it is simply this: Let us get down to the serious business of work - working together to create a new South Africa; working together to build a country free of racism and sexism; working together to end poverty, unemployment and the social marginalisation of many of our people; working together to give an example to the whole world that, as a people, we have the capacity to succeed, however difficult the challenges we face. The order of the day is to get down to the serious business of working together for change.

As a people, we have the capacity and the obligation to transform our noble vision of what we want into reality. We have the possibility and the responsibility to ensure that no black South African feels that our liberation means nothing to him or her, and that our liberty is nothing more than a means for the legitimisation of the old order against which so many fought and sacrificed their lives.

We have the possibility and the responsibility to ensure that no white South African feels that the emancipation of our country means for him or her marginalisation, disempowerment, exclusion and having to live forever under a threat of violence, dispossession and the destruction of everything he or she holds dear, including language, culture and religion.

We have the policies and the mechanisms, actually, to move forward towards the emancipation of the women of our country so that we give real effect to the equality clause in our Constitution. Thereby would we throw off our shoulders the accumulated burden of the millennium, according to which true freedom has been denied to half of our population on the basis of entrenched prejudices that constitute an insult and an injury to other human beings.

We have taken the necessary decisions to end the poverty and dehumanisation that continue to afflict millions of our people, who cannot lead lives of dignity because they have no jobs, no houses, no land, no capital and no means to prevent themselves from falling ill from avoidable diseases. These are fellow South Africans who are forced to beg and to depend on the charity of others because, whatever they do, they cannot break out of the whirlpool of poverty. The challenge we face is to get down to work practically to accelerate the impact of our policies on these and other matters.

For the Government, this brings into sharp focus the two matters to which we must constantly return. These are the effectiveness and efficiency of the personnel in our Public Service, and the institutions of state which need to translate our policies into state programmes of action for change. Among these, is the Presidency itself.

As hon members are aware, the Presidential Review Commission on the Reform and Transformation of the Public Service in South Africa made various comments on and suggestions relating to the Presidency. Among other things, it noted that concerns about weaknesses at the centre of Government were a recurring theme during the public hearings that were conducted by the commission. It argued that a unified Presidency ought to be the core and apex of the whole system of governance in South Africa, as it is elsewhere.

It further argued that the Presidency needs to have the capacity to ensure that issues and policies, requiring consideration by the President, and the Deputy President and the Cabinet, are identified; that the groundwork for their presentation is thoroughly prepared, with all of the relevant departments involved; that there is comprehensive and comprehensible briefing; that policies and outcomes are properly and promptly secured and recorded; that implementation follows and that progress is effectively monitored. To realise these objectives, the Presidency has focused on a number of areas.

We have worked and are working to build capacity in the Presidency to ensure that there is proper co-ordination and monitoring of Government work. To this end, work is continuing to strengthen the Policy Co- ordination and Advisory Services Unit in order to provide especially analytical and policy support to the Presidency.

In this regard we have been faced with the challenge of finding the appropriate additional high calibre people to staff this unit, bearing in mind the budget of the Presidency and the salary levels in the Public Service. In addition to the support it lends to the Presidency, this unit also supports and works with the clusters of Directors-General.

In order to effectively monitor Government performance and to ensure the integrated delivery of services, we are developing an electronic information management system. The system will enable the Presidency to manage and monitor the performance of Government on a more systematic and continuous basis. The Cabinet Office has also been restructured in a manner that seeks to respond to the recommendations of the review commission. The Cabinet Office will manage the information system that we have just mentioned.

In the past, we have reported in this House, that the Presidency has established four consultative groups in the economic sphere encompassing the trade unions, black business, big business and agriculture. These consultative groups, which meet regularly, ensure that the Presidency remains in touch with the representative spectrum of sentiment and wisdom in our country. They also create the necessary climate within which Government and the people can act in the economy, in a manner that frankly addresses issues that affect us, as we advance the project of the reconstruction and development of our country.

The importance of the mentioned interaction was demonstrated recently, with the agreement between the Chamber of Mines and the Department of Minerals and Energy, in respect of the important Mineral Development Bill that Parliament will consider later this year.

We are in the process of setting up another working group with representatives of our religious communities. We are certain that this working group will contribute to the important issues of the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment, as well as the critical challenge of the moral renewal of our country.

We have also completed the process of setting up the Presidential International Advisory Council on Information and Communication Technology, and we will draw on the experience and knowledge of the members of this council in the same way as we do with regard to the Presidential Investment Advisory Council.

The new integrated system of Cabinet committees and Cabinet clusters is now fully operational. The system has contributed to the fluency of decision- making, the efficiency of the conduct of Cabinet business, as well as co- ordinated and integrated planning and implementation at the level of the national Government.

The committees have reduced the fragmentation of governance to which the Presidential Review Commission referred, and are well placed to ensure that concerted action is taken towards speedy policy implementation. Obviously, this integrated Cabinet system is managed by the Presidency.

At the initiative of the Presidency, the directors-general have also been grouped into clusters. Two Ministers per Cabinet Committee are responsible for facilitating the work of Cabinet clusters, as well as for liaising with the clusters of directors-general.

The Government has also developed an integrated planning framework and planning cycle system. The system will ensure that proper trade-offs are made in the use of state resources. In the absence of an explicit integrated planning framework and cycle, the planning cycle of a single department may very well skew policy implementation as has happened, and we want to avoid this. Naturally, the Presidency has facilitated the development of this framework.

The President’s Co-ordination Council, where the President and the Deputy President meet with the premiers from all of the provinces, continues to function effectively to address matters affecting provincial and national Government. As our various policies enter the implementation stage, the Council will act both as a consultative forum and a critical point for the monitoring of the implementation of programmes that fall within the responsibility of both national and provincial governments. The Deputy President and the Minister in the Presidency will refer to some of the work done in the Presidency in the past year.

Nevertheless, I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere thanks to the Minister and Deputy Minister of Finance and the Treasury for the work they have done to respond to the needs of the blind. I refer to the publication in Braille of 18 volumes of this year’s Estimates of National Expenditure to ensure that our blind compatriots are fully able to participate in the debate about the socioeconomic transformation of our country. [Applause.]

I have here volume 4 of those Estimates of the 18 volumes in Braille. And, I would really like to say many thanks to the people in the Treasury. [Applause.] For it to succeed in its work, the Presidency needs to have the necessary capacity, both in respect of the numbers of people and also the nature and levels of skills necessary to discharge its responsibilities.

The need to ensure that we have appropriate capacity at the centre of Government will be balanced with the rightsizing process of Government. It is not only the Presidency that needs to be strengthened. In order to meet the challenges of poverty and underdevelopment in our country, we need properly trained people to ensure the proper implementation of the very policies that this House has approved.

One of the main challenges of Government, therefore, is to improve the skills of our public servants and ensure that there is appropriate capacity for relevant Government duties and responsibilities. To cite some examples, it is, therefore, important that we should ensure that the initial training of 10 000 public servants on information technology skills and 5 000 on financial management, is urgently and successfully completed. Furthermore, the training of 10 000 police officers through the Adult Basic Education and Training programme, and 5 000 Home Affairs workers that will undergo further training in administration, must be treated as an urgent task.

As the House is aware, the intensive training of Government employees so that they can discharge their responsibility efficiently will also take place at the level of local government. To this end, national Government has set aside R550 million as a transitional fund to assist municipalities to establish core systems that are central to the delivery of services to our people.

At the same time, I think all of us would agree that for our country to produce the well-trained and sufficiently skilled workers that are fundamental to the efficient administration of Government, as well as business in our country, appropriate and relevant measures have to be taken early in our education system to ensure that, indeed, we produce such workers.

It is in this context that the three-year programme for professional upgrading of 30 000 teachers, that will begin in July this year, has great significance. It is important because our teachers are crucial to the all- round efforts to ensure that young people are suitably trained to position our country to face a myriad of challenges within the environment of rapid advances in science and technology. It is also urgent that the technical colleges and technikons refocus their curricula in a manner that is in tune with our human resources development strategy. The responsibility to create an informed and skilled workforce in our country, however, does not rest only with Government.

Seven years since freedom we have many individuals and companies that are taking extraordinary measures to end the marginalisation and disempowerment of the majority of our people. For example, the Tongaat Hulett group, one of the largest investors in manufacturing in our country, is, like many other companies that understand the challenges our country faces, making a valuable contribution to black economic empowerment and employment equity.

The company contributes to black economic empowerment through outsourcing some of its activities and stimulating investment in small and medium-scale businesses, which either supply the company with goods and services or add value to the group’s products for onward sale. In the year 2000, the group spent R400 million on initiatives in this area, including contracts worth more than R80 million awarded to black-owned companies supplying services to the aluminium rolled products plant.

In the sugar division, approximately 4 000 hectares of sugar cane land were sold to 54 black farmers in units of 70 to 100 hectares, and plans are under way for a second phase. This is over and above the important training that the group has given blacks, with the result that 60% of its skilled workers are black.

IBM South Africa, through a programme called ``Writing to Read’’, used its computer-supported instruction system to introduce 20 000 black primary school children to English reading and writing. In addition, IBM’s KidSmart program goes beyond the donation of computers to classrooms. This program helps children with their school work and removes technological barriers by, for example, giving them access to the Internet.

Other capacity-building programmes of the company include Reinventing Education in South Africa; the Marang Project, which offers the unemployed technical training; and the Andisa programme that provides an environment for the incubation of start-up companies until they are self-sufficient. In this regard, we are talking about start-up black companies.

Furthermore, there are many individuals that are selflessly contributing to the development of many of our fellow South Africans and, through their innovation and creative approaches, are giving us much-desired leadership. Once such leader is Taddy Blecher, an actuary and management consultant, who, together with other professionals, started the CIDA City Campus in Johannesburg.

This campus has 1 200 students from disadvantaged backgrounds from all the provinces of our country. Students are on tuition scholarship for a four- year Bachelor of Business Administration degree. The institution and the campus are run by the students, who are empowered to do all of the administration work, computer maintenance and software, admissions and registration, marketing and the market research, computer training, and even cooking for themselves. All of this reduces the cost of tuition.

The education offered is designed to make these students relevant, truly empowered, integrated citizens and leaders that are skilled and equipped to build the South African economy and society. Taking advantage of modern technology, this particular school carries out tuition through the use of multimedia technology, including television, CCTV, video projectors and so on.

We are also grateful to the many commercial farmers that are working together with us to grapple with the many challenges of the transformation of our society. In the Free State province, Afrikaner farmers such as Messrs Pieter van Vuuren, Gert du Plessis, Alwyn Pletzen, Koot Pienaar, Koot van Heerden and Willem Troon have done us proud with their work of training and developing black commercial farmers. [Applause.] In the Eastern Cape around the Elliot district, farmers such as Messrs Kleinboetie van Zyl, Mark Dobrowsky and Selby and Johan Vorster have become partners in the development of new black farmers who are beneficiaries of the Government’s land reform process. The same has happened in other provinces of our country. [Applause.] In this context, the Government unreservedly condemns the continued attacks on and murder of farmers … [Applause] … and, acting together with the farmers and their organisations, will continue to ensure that these attacks and murders come to an end.

We have given these examples to make the point that all of us as South Africans have a responsibility to get down to the detailed work of changing our country for the better, consistent with the policies and the laws that this House has adopted. Let us, indeed, unite in action for change.

As we opened Parliament earlier this year, we said that whereas we had succeeded in our task of ensuring the necessary balances with regard to our macroeconomy, what we now have to do is to attend to the detailed microeconomic questions to achieve the necessary economic advances. In this regard I have already said that we will interact with our major companies, in the first instance, to assist in ensuring that they succeed in the work of further contributing to employment, economic growth and development. Naturally, this will include the state corporations.

In this regard I would like to express my deep concern at the unseemly squabble that has broken out on issues concerning South African Airways. This matter has to be brought to a close as soon as possible. The board of Transnet will meet the Minister of Public Enterprises this Saturday. As the House knows, in terms of our system of co-operative governance, the Minister represents the shareholder in our relations with Transnet. The Government will await the outcome of this meeting before making any further statements on this matter.

Once again, I urge all our people to co-operate with Statistics South Africa as it conducts the population census later this year. The availability of accurate information about our country is of critical importance as we accelerate the process of change. The Government will therefore continue to pay close attention to this matter so that we base our actions on concrete reality, rather than faulty information and distorted perceptions of reality.

We stand at an historic moment in the evolution of the African continent. We have entered the new century ready and prepared as a country, I think, to help to set the continent on an unprecedented developmental road. Many among our brothers and sisters on the continent have, on numerous occasions, articulated the fact that the time has come for us Africans, for ourselves, to end the senseless wars, the conflicts, the corruption, the poverty, the disease and underdevelopment that had for so long characterised the African experience.

From every country and among the mass of all our people throughout the length and breadth of this vast African land mass, there is a pervasive determination to participate in deciding the pace and direction of the renewal of the continent. Through the Millennium Partnership for the African Recovery Programme-MAP, we have enunciated our guiding plan to respond to the various African challenges.

Some of the key elements of this programme are peace, security and good governance. All of us agree that this is very important for all of us, as Africans, because the restoration of peace and stability is in the interest of the people of this continent. Similarly, it is to the benefit of Africans to ensure that we establish and consolidate systems of democratic governance.

We have to attract the much-needed flow of investments into the continent. As we all know very well, for us to make a visible impact on underdevelopment and poverty, we have to get sufficient levels of investment into the African economies. At the same time, as Africans, we should, ourselves, do things in a manner that assists in lowering the risk, real or perceived, that is associated with investing in Africa.

For Africa to revive domestic economic activities and begin to compete internationally, there is an urgent need to diversify our production and improve access to the markets of the developed countries. In a world where every activity, be it social, economic, political or cultural, is predicated on communication and information technology, it is urgent that we should ensure that there is adequate investment in the communication and information technology sector as well as other basic infrastructure.

Further, we are faced with the challenge of developing and improving the financial systems of all our countries. We must also attend to the urgent matter of infectious diseases, including Aids. Similarly, the debt question has to be addressed with a greater sense of urgency as a necessary condition for us to end poverty and underdevelopment on our continent.

Thus, the Millennium Partnership for the African Recovery Programme begins with a pledge by us, as Africans, to end conflicts that have ravaged our countries for a very long time. The programme contains a political commitment to democracy, respect for human rights, the creation of conditions for peace and stability as well as the strengthening of the mechanisms for the prevention and solution of conflicts. It seeks to entrench systems of governance that will ensure the creation of sufficient capacity for the African states to govern effectively. It is based on a firm commitment to end the poverty and underdevelopment that all of us experience, and to place Africa on the road to sustainable development and renewal to ensure the active participation of the countries of our continent in the world economy.

A specific feature of MAP will be practical and implementable programmes to achieve the defined objectives and to ensure that we move beyond the general to the specific. Necessarily, the Presidency has paid a lot of attention to the elaboration of MAP and will continue to be involved in this work, to make our own contribution as a country to the historic task of the renewal of the African continent.

On 7 July, it is planned that we shall launch the Integrated and Sustainable Rural Development Strategy, to apply to all of the nodal areas that the Government had identified. This comes at the end of detailed work that has been done to ensure that we translate policy into a practical programme for the radical improvement of the lives of poor people who live in our rural areas. [Applause.]

To begin the implementation of our Urban Renewal Strategy, we have already launched the renewal process for Alexandra Township in Johannesburg. Work has already started in this township, once again, based on very detailed work that has been done to elaborate a concrete programme of action. During the course of the year, we will bring other urban areas on-stream, again, as part of our effort to make a decisive impact on such questions as unemployment, poverty and crime in our urban areas.

When we say that we should all get down to work to change our country for the better, we are urging everyone to unite in action to end poverty and underdevelopment, to end racism and sexism, to reduce and contain violence and crime in our society, to reduce ignorance and disease, and to create the humane society for which the children of our country laid down their lives on 16 June 1976.

The Presidency and the Government as a whole are committed to sparing no effort in ensuring that, in a real sense, we accelerate the process towards the realisation of the goal of a better life for all. We are inviting all our people to join hands in achieving this noble and urgent objective. [Applause.]

Ms B MBETE: Madam Speaker:

We all constitute one human family. This truth has now become self- evident because of the first mapping of the human genome, an extraordinary achievement which not only reaffirms our common humanity but promises transformations in scientific thought and practice, as well as in the visions which our species can entertain for itself. It encourages us toward the full exercise of our human spirit, the reawakening of all its inventive, creative and moral capacities, enhanced by the participation of men and women. And it could make the twenty-first century an era of genuine fulfilment and peace.

These words come from a declaration which was signed by President Thabo Mbeki on 5 September 2000 entitled ``Tolerance and Diversity: A Vision for the 21st Century’’. This declaration, which was also signed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Mary Robinson, promotes a forward-looking thrust towards and beyond the United Nations World Conference on Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance which will take place in Durban from the end of August to the beginning of September 2001.

This declaration goes on to say:

We must strive to remind ourselves of this great possibility. Instead of allowing diversity of race and culture to become a limiting factor in human exchange and development, we must refocus our understanding, discern in such diversity the potential for mutual enrichment, and realise that it is the interchange between great traditions of human spirituality that offers the best prospect for the persistence of the human spirit itself. For too long such diversity has been treated as a threat rather than a gift. And too often that threat has been expressed in racial contempt and conflict, in exclusion, discrimination and intolerance.

This debate offers us an opportunity to look responsibly at the issues on the agenda of the upcoming world conference in the context of our own national challenge to build a nonracial society, a matter on which our President has given consistent and firm leadership.

I wish to link our own debates to the preparatory debates towards the conference. After all, we are part of humanity. Our experience here is part of the bigger human experience. I will do so not looking at the conference as an event but seeing it as giving the world in general, and South Africa in particular, a window of opportunity for introspection.

On 29 May 1998 the National Assembly had a debate on the important matter of reconciliation and nation-building. We remembered what we had enshrined in the preamble to our Constitution:

We, the people of South Africa, Recognise the injustices of our past … Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity.

We went on to say that we wanted to -

Heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights …

In the first and second chapters of the Constitution, we go on to spell out these values, rights and fundamental principles that must underpin the democratic and nonracial society we are building. Although I specifically mention these two chapters, the whole Constitution elaborates and encapsulates a framework within which we should move in our daunting task of building a transformed South Africa.

In his challenging speech, the then Deputy President correctly pointed out that the reality of everyday life in South African society is that the material conditions on the ground have divided us into two nations, one black and the other white. This is a painful truth we must grapple with.

Mr G B D McINTOSH: Nonsense!

Ms B MBETE: Not verbalising it will not make it go away. The bigger challenge, however, is how we who have been charged with the responsibility by the electorate propose and proceed to tackle the mammoth task to change the miserable conditions of the masses of poor people, especially in the rural areas, and the squalid, overcrowded urban areas.

In this task I must remind hon members of the President’s call on the occasion of his state of the nation address in February 2001, when he said:

We call on all people across the colour line to dedicate this year to building unity in action for change.

That unity in action for change is something we need especially in the fight against racism in our society. If we fail in this, we will fail our people and fail our supporters and future generations, whom we owe a legacy that should ensure that our divided past is never revisited in this country.

The most lasting way of moving away from the past into a nonracial future is through the formulation of policies and implementation of programmes to attack the many problems in our people’s lives. It is through the transformatory legislation passed by this Parliament to enable our people and ourselves to do the things that need to be done all over this country at different levels and in diverse aspects of social life.

It is through being vigilant when discriminatory practices continue in any state or public body, so the necessary steps can be taken to correct that. It is also through continuing to talk about racism and not hiding our heads in the sand and wishing it away. It is only if we acknowledge the challenge of its continuation in our midst that we will find the courage to deal with it, however painful it might be.

The Durban conference will be the third such conference organised by the UN to focus on racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerances. Because it has been with humanity for many centuries and is so deeply entrenched, the legacy of racism has not been overcome by any country anywhere in the world. [Interjections.] In fact, there is a resurgence of racial discrimination and xenophobia, especially in the developed world. It is still a problem here in our country.

Only yesterday, refugees were taking stock of their lot in this country. The truth is that the worst hostility and bad treatment is mainly suffered even within African communities by other Africans. There are many foreigners with enough resources for them to fly to this country from all over the globe, some of them bringing organised crime. Many of them do not suffer the daily humiliation suffered by people who flee poverty and the wars of our continent. This means that we have a lot of work to do to raise public awareness on these matters. We must use this occasion to look at what we have done to enable ourselves to build a nonracial society.

One of the most important constitutional provisions which requires a 75% majority to amend is section 1, which lists nonracialism as one of the fundamental principles on which the foundation of our democracy is built. Making it difficult to amend was a deliberate move to secure our commitment to protect future generations from the possibilities of the evils of the the past.

This is the provision which captures the aspirations that were the driving force of the struggle for liberation over the decades. It echoes the spirit of the Freedom Charter which says:

All national groups shall have equal rights! The people shall share in the country’s wealth! The land shall be shared among those who work it! All shall be equal before the law! All shall enjoy equal human rights! There shall be peace and friendship!

[Applause.] Section 9 of the Bill of Rights is, specifically, focused on equality, and lists the basis on which it is not permissible to discriminate against other people. This section also enjoins us to practise affirmative action and to promote the achievement of equality. This is referred to as measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair discrimination. On the basis of the equality clause in the Bill of Rights, this Parliament has since passed a law to help us grapple with - amongst others - the challenges of building nonracialism in our society. This is what is now called the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act.

In a schedule attached to it are ten sectors in which there is a high rate of unfair practices that need us all to pay special attention to. These are: labour and employment; education; health care services and benefits; housing, accommodation, land and property; insurance services; pensions; partnerships, professions and bodies; provision of goods, services, and facilities; and clubs, sports, and associations.

An Equality Review Committee has since been formed to advise the Minister of Justice about the operation of this equality law. Its membership includes two MPs, gender and human rights experts and civil society. In order to truly exercise our oversight function on behalf of our people, as members of this House, I challenge hon members to monitor the progress or otherwise that this society is benefiting from these efforts that we have made so far to address this problem. Other laws that have a bearing on this subject are: the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995, the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995, Chapter VIII and the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998.

On 20 March 2001, this House adopted a motion that declared the period 2001 to 2010, as a Decade for National Mobilisation against Racism. There are many among us who fear dealing with this problem and feel that we are harping on it unnecessarily. They take every gap to try to dilute the issue by raising other problems to divert attention from it. [Interjections.]

Looking at the draft documents before the Durban conference, one realises that the whole world is admitting that this is a complex and deeply entrenched problem, but also that it has to be faced head on in order for there to be hope for peace and stability in the world and in our respective countries. [Interjections.] Under the section dealing with sources, causes, forms and contemporary manifestations of racism, the Draft Declaration and Programme of Action of the World Conference against Racism says:

We recognise and admit that slavery and the slave trade, other forms of servitude, conquest and colonialism were the primary sources and manifestations of racism, especially against Africans; recall the historical fact that among the most hideous manifestations of racial discrimination the African continent and diaspora have suffered, namely the slave trade, all forms of exploitation, colonialism and apartheid, were essentially motivated by economic objectives and competition between colonial powers for strategic territorial gains, appropriation, and control over and pillage of natural and cultural resources.

This draft declaration is an outcome of international deliberations. We the South African public representatives, have a particular role to play in that we cannot, on the one hand, be talking about the African Renaissance and, on the other, tolerating all sorts of dehumanisation of other human beings within our borders. The internal community looks upon this country as a shining example because of our successful transition from the past to the democratic dispensation.

Njengoba sizoba nengqungquthela yomhlaba wonke eThekwini kusukela ekupheleni kuka-Agasti kuya esontweni lokuqala likaSepthemba, esikushoyo ngukuthi ukubukelwa phansi kwabantu nokubandlululwa kwabo ngokobuhlanga, akuphele. Sonke singabantu, Akusho ukuthi ngoba abanye bethu bemnyama abanye bemhlophe, abanye bexubile futhi abanye benokhokho ababesuka kwamanye amazwe njengaseNdiya, bayizilwane. Le nkinga yobuhlanga yinkinga iNhlangano yeziZwe ekade ibhekene nayo, yikho kuzoba khona le ngqungquthela ezoba seThekwini. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[As we are going to host a world conference in Durban from the end of August to the first week in September, what we are saying is that looking down upon other people and racism should be abolished. We are all human beings. It does not mean that some of us, just because they are black, white, of mixed race, have ancestors who originated in India, are animals. This racial issue is a problem that the United Nations has faced, that is why we are going to have this conference in Durban.]

I see that my time is up. However, in closing I want to say:

Inga le nkomfa iza kuba seThekwini ingahamba kakuhle, kuba iza konganyelwa nguMphathiswa wethu wezaNgaphandle, uQabane uNkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.

Kambe ke kufuneka singapheleli nje ekubeni sithethe enkomfeni, kufuneka sibuye size ekuhlaleni nasebomini babantu, sibone ukuba baphathwa njani xa besezibhedlele, ezivenkileni, emisebenzini, ezifama nasezibhankini.

Iingqondo zakudala maziphele. Umntu olibeleyo ukuba nguMzantsi Afrika omtsha lo, makavalelwe - ndibhekisa kuThangana, uMphathiswa wezokhusa noKhuseleko. [Uwelewele.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[I hope that the coming conference to be held in Durban goes very smoothly, as it is going to be presided over by our own Minister of Foreign Affairs, Comrade Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.

However, we will need to go beyond the conference deliberations by coming back to the people on the ground to see how they are treated at the hospitals, in the shops, at the workplace, on the farms and at the banks.

Old attitudes should be dispensed with. Anyone who forgets that this is a new South Africa - and I am directing this to the hon the Minister for Safety and Security - should be locked up. [Interjections.]]

Finally, the Draft Programme of Action of the World Conference …

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, you are well over time.

Ms MBETE: … calls on Parliaments and our Parliament to monitor the implementation of the resolutions of the Durban conference. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President and colleagues, I am sorry that we do not have an eclipse of the sun or Dr Pahad’s birthday more often. We might have more pleasant presidential speeches, such as today. Perhaps we can also use the occasion today to have real debates and not just read speeches to one another.

Let me start by saying this, that there is much in what the President said today that I agree with. I think that most sane and forward-looking people would agree with his speech and his sentiments.

The problem is that I have been in this movie before - been there; done that; got the t-shirt - and for seven years we have basically said the right things in this Parliament. For seven years, with some unhappy exceptions, there has been a general acceptance of what the problems are and there have been very severe disagreements about how to resolve them. But for seven years as well, we have literally incapacitated the machinery of state, at the very moment that we expect the most of it. Then we are surprised, and that is the reason the President has to say today: “The real task that lies ahead is implementation.”

Actually if one tells the truth, oppositions are here to say, and governments are here to do. [Interjections.] And for the Government to simply project forward and say we should do this and we will do that, is simply not good enough. The hon member can say: ``Shame’’ as much as she likes, but it is a great shame actually that we have not done more for more people in the position that they are in.

Let me say something as well, before I get on with my job that I am paid to do, which is to head the opposition, not to praise the Government. I take full responsibility for what the DA and the DP do and say. If there is a racist act or a corrupt instance, where there are allegations against my party or any of its representatives, then it is my job as the leader to ensure that it is investigated and, if proven, that action is taken against the perpetrators.

In the DA, as, I believe, in most organisations, the buck must stop with the person at the top. That is the position of the opposition. I am not at all sure whether that is the position at all times with the Government. I say this frankly and with candour because too often, in too many instances and on too many occasions, the President - it is his budget of the entire year that is being judged today and not that of a single afternoon, extraordinary though this afternoon might be for the reasons mentioned - has to take responsibility for acts of governance and misgovernance.

There is a tendency in the Presidency with the President himself to claim that his critics are out to get him, that legitimate, lawful and constitutional opponents have an agenda, that there is something untoward about the agenda. Let me quote a recent example. On 8 February 2001, in an interview the President gave with Anthony Sampson, he said, and I quote:

Those South Africans think it is their duty to go around the world to paint the bleakest possible picture of our country, to see themselves as the opposition to the Government. They want to demonstrate that the Government is failing, and is useless and corrupt, with thugs, thieves and incompetent …

I have never used such strong language but the President did -

… and having done all that, they say: Why is this Government failing to attract foreign investment?

Before I answer that question, let me say I actually think, with respect to the Deputy Speaker, Ms Mbete, that it is not throwing R100 million at a conference on racism or denouncing the self-evident evils of slavery which is going to attract investment to this country, which is going to change and alter the lives of people and build ladders out of poverty.

I believe that the very disjuncture of this Government is illustrated by the difference between the speech of the President this afternoon and the first ANC speaker afterwards. The President looks forward; the Deputy Speaker looks backwards. [Interjections.] I would challenge the President to take the Deputy Speaker’s speech and have a discussion with President Bush when he meets him next month, and see how he responds to that sort of sentiment, and whether that, in fact, engages the kind of countries of the world that we want to be involved with. [Applause.]

If one sees one’s critics as racists and counter-revolutionaries and unpatriotic hypocrites, as the Deputy Chief Whip did yesterday in Parliament, then, of course, they have no moral standing. They are actuated by bad faith and they have no case that needs to be answered. But I put it to Parliament, I put it to the hon the President, that it is precisely when one does that that one actually shrugs off responsibility. And when one does that it compounds rather than resolves the many crises and challenges that we face as a nation, because the President, self-evidently, is President of the whole of South Africa.

I believe that if we want the people of South Africa to take responsibility for their own lives then we need to lead by example, and, instead of attacking everyone and everything, the Government should get on and do its own job.

The persistent theme from the Government benches - and I regret to say from the President from time to time - is that the opposition is guilty of bad- mouthing and unpatriotic behaviour. [Interjections.] Yeah! Yeah!'' they say. Will, I suggest that the Government ought to look in the mirror sometimes. Let us only look at the events in this House and around this House last week, while the hon the President was on a very successful visit to Britain. We had theMutt and Jeff’’ show in Parliament on Tuesday, or more properly the Saki and Jeff'' show. On Wednesday the Minister of Health, Dr Doolittle as she is becoming known, announced yet again a non- Aids treatment policy for the nation. Then on Friday we had Smart Alec’’ from London directly contradicting what the Minister for Public Enterprises had said, and just to round off the week we had some tomfoolery on Saturday. [Laughter.]

The Government can surround itself with loyalists and it can find enemies wherever it looks; it can look for people to blame and scapegoats to pillory. That might be good politics, but I put it to the hon the President that it makes for very bad governance. Let me say, while the complaints that are made by the people are, basically, that the Government has failed on the ground, it looks as though, in many ways, Nemesis has flown in from above in the form of the debacle at South African Airways.

Let me say immediately that I appreciate the courtesy and the very prompt response I had from the President in response to questions I raised yesterday with him about South African Airways. I would say that his response, which he no doubt will elaborate upon tomorrow, that he was not involved in any discussion with Mr Andrews or in any discussion about the remuneration or other elements of his contract, completely contradicts what Mr Saki Macozoma said in Business Day yesterday, but perhaps that will be resolved in the fullness of time.

I would also say that the goings-on at South African Airways and Transnet almost make an opposition’s role completely superfluous. I am not sure who I should give my salary cheque to this month, Mr Radebe or Mr Macozoma, because both of them have done more damage to this Government and its reputation than anything that I could do in all the conspiracies I am meant to be engaged in.

But let me immediately deal with that. Mr Macozoma defends his actions or his inactions on a very simple basis. He says: I am a patriot.'' And presumably in the name of patriotism, Mr Macozoma circumvented the tender procedures with which every Government department has to comply. He turned Transnet into a poster pin-up of how not to run a business, of how not to privatise an enterprise. At every turn he has invoked the name of the President, and yet the origins of this debacle lie with the previous Minister, Ms Sigcau, who announced in Parliament on 6 September 1995 that she was going to turn parastatals into engine rooms for affirmative action’’.

In those same heady days Mr Macozoma announced that his main task was to transform Transnet and rid it of what he called, its ``Broederbond culture’’. Well, he certainly did that. He did that by importing the worst aspects of cowboy capitalism and robber baron corporate ethics - all done in the name of transformation and with a splendid disregard for the very Constitution this Government claims to champion.

I mention this because when, at critical stages - going back to the former minister’s policy at Transnet, in respect of the appointment of Mr Macozoma and his fitness to lead the organisation, in respect of Mrs Louise Tager’s corporate governance - those issues were raised and hon members such as the hon Taljaard asked for details of Mr Andrews’s salary, we were met with a denial, abuse and a stonewall. [Interjections.]

But I believe that if the Government had engaged the opposition in 1995 and 1996, we might not be sitting with the situation in 2001. [Interjections.] I believe that, going from the SAA to another instance of corporate governance, we can look at the arm deal, about which the President had a lot to say earlier this year but was completely silent this afternoon, because I think this symbolises the Government’s failure to deal with corruption and to grow the economy.

Both instances and both factors are centre stage here. It is quite true that the President might care to deal with this, that, as he reminded us, he chaired the Cabinet’s subcommittee which signed off South Africa’s now R50 billion and rising arms deal. Apparently the same arms subcommittee was warned of serious repercussions for the country’s economy by going ahead with the deal in the form it was signed off in. [Interjections.]

Well, if I am distorting the facts, the hon Minister must come and present the facts, because he keeps changing the story. [Interjections.] That is the problem. [Interjections.] Smart Alec keeps changing the story because he is very smart. We see that the Government was told, apparently, that there was a severe economic impact from this, and that there were going to be all kinds of questions raised about the offset. The hon Minister who came before this Parliament was very selective and very distorting, to use Mr Erwin’s felicitous phrase about those facts at the time.

It is strange, with nothing to hide about this arms deal to quote Mr Andrew Feinstein who I see is not speaking this afternoon. To quote Mr Feinstein: ``The Government carries on as though it does have something to hide in this matter.’’ [Interjections.]

And what they have done in the process is simply to vandalise Parliament to strongarm its committee and even its own members. And so if we are to do a proper audit, and the President did refer to it in passing in his speech this afternoon, but only glancingly, I believe that it is the failure to address crime which remains the worst indictment against this Government.

Before we have patriotism invoked, once again, to try to ward off the argument without addressing it, I believe members of the Government, and South Africans generally, are familiar with the surname Nzo. It is very interesting what Dr Ike Nzo, the son of the late Minister of Foreign Affairs, said:

The criminals and criminality, unique to South Africa have dealt a huge blow to my sense of patriotism. I am now at the point in my life where I am astonishingly contemplating emigrating or going back into exile. [Interjections.] Those words were not said by a supporter of the DA, they were not said by someone who came from an unliberated background; they were said by one of the ANC’s own.

Instead of dealing with the problem, instead of tackling the issues, what does the Government do? It sends into the Ministry of Safety and Security a buffoon, a blusterer and a bully to go and fix it. On the subject of being a bully, may I suggest to the hon the Minister of Safety and Security that he should bully the Portuguese and imaginary coup plotters a little less, and start bullying the criminals rampaging through our country a little more. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Order! Hon Mr Leon, will you please take a seat?

Dr Z P JORDAN: Madam Speaker, I rise on a point of order: Is it parliamentary to refer to a member of this august House as a buffoon? [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! I do not know of a precedent, but I would suggest that it is insulting to a member and therefore we should not use it. [Interjections.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: The real issue that stands before us, is the whole question of poverty and jobs. That is really what divides this country: those who are in jobs and those who are out of jobs, those who are living in poverty and those who are not. To me the real national crisis that we face, is that we have a growth rate of only 3% to 3,5%. That is the national crisis that this country faces.

If we wish to create ladders out of poverty, if we wish to create a million jobs for the unemployed, we need ask only three questions: How do we convert our growth rate to 6%, 7% or 8%? What are the structural issues that keep people poor? How do we attract foreign direct investment?

Unless and until we - the Minister of Safety and Security can bluster as much as he likes; he should solve crime and not interfere with the opposition - address those questions and subordinate everything else to answering those questions, then we will fail as a nation. When we answer those questions we will succeed as a nation.

The hon the President started by quoting 16 June. It was not a DA member, but the former president of the ANC, Mr Oliver Tambo, who said:

It is our responsibility to break down barriers of division and create a country where all will be neither white nor black, just Africans, free and united in diversity.

I believe that that ideal, which is a genuine form of patriotism, to which the Minister of Foreign Affairs should not object, is exactly what this House, this Parliament and South Africa should commit itself to, not just in word, but in deed as well. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members of this House, I would like to start by congratulating the President on his 59th birthday. We, as seniors, welcome him to the club of senior citizens. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Every year the Vote of the President’s Ofice offers us the opportunity to reflect on the institution of the Presidency itself. I feel that this year’s reflection must be inspired by a profound sense of patriotism - which I know means different things to different people - which overcomes divisions and problems, and unites us as South Africans.

The institution of the Presidency is essential to provide the moral leadership that our country desperately needs to overcome many challenges confronting it, ranging from unemployment to criminality, insufficient service delivery and the pressing demands of our people. As we have all heard from the President’s speech, the unifying moral leadership emanating from the Presidency is essential to the functioning of our institutions of Government.

Our Republic is based on the principle of an executive President who is both the Head of State and the Head of Government. During the constitutional negotiations, I advocated that the offices of the Head of State and the Head of Government be split. But, of course, I know that the media were saying that I wanted to be the Prime Minister of the country, when I said that. [Laughter.]

Even though they are now merged into one, we should keep them separate in our own minds. At times criticism may be moved towards the Head of Government, which the President is, in respect of policy matters, shortcomings, controversies or incidents, all of which are part of the democratic debate.

However, at times we must also come together as South Africans, recognising the shared value of the institution of Head of State and under its moral leadership. In the end, the performance of the Head of State lies in his capacity to unify the nation above and beyond political, social and cultural divisions, and to remain beyond personal reproach and criticism.

In fulfilling both Offices, our President has often shown this difference of roles which has emerged clearly in the pride which we all took during his recent successful trip to the United Kingdom, in which he represented our country, first and foremost, as our Head of State.

I must digress and say that some of us were quite disappointed when, less than two days after the President’s return, we had the threats from Cosatu that there would be a two-day stayaway because they were opposed to the privatisation of state assets. I can assure members, as a member of the Cabinet who is not a member of the ANC, that this Government is very serious about privatisation. [Applause.] In the past two weeks, we have been wrestling seriously with this issue of privatisation. [Interjections.]

Our Cabinet comprises two political parties, as hon members know, working together on a difficult and still very uncertain path of reconciliation. Within its dynamics, tensions and disagreements are bound to occur, in respect of which the President has to act as our Head of Government. There are matters that have triggered my disagreement, for instance, some of which, like the issue of traditional leadership, have been brought out into the open while others have become part of the dialectic interaction between the two parties that are represented in the Cabinet.

There are many things that are of grave and serious concern to me, such as the lack of integrity and the corruption surfacing in many of our institutions, and the difficulties which we are experiencing at times in consolidating the rule of law so that it may finally and forever replace the rule of man.

In this respect people may disagree with our President, on how the Head of Government deals with some of these issues. But, I am concerned about people talking so extensively and openly about a leadership crisis in this country, images of a besieged Presidency, the damage that that does and that the same people squeal about the fact that people abroad do not see our country as a safe destination for investment.

I think we need to be careful not to sink in problems of our own making. No head of government can be without blame or blemish, especially in a country as difficult and complex to govern as South Africa. Even as a Christian I remember that my Lord Jesus Christ himself said he was not good. When someone said he was good, he said no one was good, not even himself. No head of government can be above criticism and accountability, and immune from political attacks. In the past two years, our Head of Government has been embroiled in several controversies, highlighting our Government’s challenges.

Among these are the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe, which underpins fundamental questions on our foreign policy role on the rest of the continent; our policies to fight the Aids pandemic, which is the greatest social and economic emergency facing our country; the issue of traditional leadership, which still remains unresolved, in spite of its destabilising, explosive potential in our rural areas; the question raised in respect of the investigation into the arms procurement scandal; our policies to fight crime which have not yet stopped the growth of this scourge; the uncertainty in the finalisation of the immigration legislation; allegations that the Police Force has been used to restrain leadership challenges internal to political parties; allegations of political interference in the granting of the third cellular communications licence; acrimonious and potentially divisive debates which have polarised racial tensions; and other controversies, as we have just seen this afternoon.

It is possible that many of these controversies will continue and indeed that new ones will arise. However, I wish to say in this debate on the Presidency’s budget that criticism should respect the integrity of the function of the Head of State. At this juncture in our country, we cannot afford to personalise critical attacks on the President, and we all need to make an earnest effort to build a renewed moral leadership with which we can all identify as South Africans and be comfortable. If this does not happen, the country may come apart at the seams.

Moral leadership is the one thing our country and our institutions of Government cannot do without, and remains the greatest challenge that we hope the Presidency will continue to pursue in the years to come. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, President of the Republic of South Africa, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, we have just begun the third year of our current democratic Government and are nearing the end of a very intensive session of Parliament. One of the issues that has increasingly come to the fore in our recent debates in this Chamber has been the relationship between the executive and Parliament.

Our Constitution provides for the accountability of the executive to Parliament and the need for parliamentary oversight over the executive. However, ours is a new democracy, our internationally acclaimed Constitution is barely five years old and we cannot expect all issues to be absolutely and totally defined within such a short space of time.

We are still in the transformation phase. Whilst the principles are clear, we need to accept that it will take some time for us to develop a common understanding of the system, given our different political backgrounds.

The understanding of some of our colleagues in this Chamber is that the accountability of the executive to Parliament means that the executive cannot point out shortcomings in the oversight work conducted by Parliament, or be critical of the manner in which it has been done. There is also a perception that the executive does not fully appreciate this necessary role of Parliament.

I really believe that people who hold such concerns misunderstand the nature of our democracy. No sphere of government is infallible, and if mistakes are made, it is entirely within the rights of other spheres and levels of power to point this out. This may lead to tensions, but there is no reason why such interaction should not be healthy in a vibrant democracy.

Whilst our parliamentary legacy may have a number of features of the Westminster system, it is important that we respect the uniqueness of our own South African political dispensation. Our Constitution was forged out of many long years of oppression and struggle, and was further influenced by the nature of the final political settlement in our country.

We value and cherish this democracy, as we sacrificed for it with our blood and sweat. I would therefore like to assure members of this House that the executive has no intention of undermining Parliament. If anything, this executive will fight anyone who tries to undermine this provision.

As Leader of Government Business, one of my responsibilities is to ensure that legislation arrives from the executive in a co-ordinated manner. Legislative programmes of Ministers arise from the decisions of the relevant Cabinet committees and, ultimately, Cabinet.

At the beginning of each year, Ministers indicate the Bills that are scheduled to come before Parliament and the dates by which this is likely to happen. The complexity of many of the pieces of legislation and the rigour of the consultation process sometimes throw the timetable out. However, if Bills do not meet the deadlines set by Parliament, requests for fast-tracking are not sympathetically received. This is done to ensure the smooth running of the legislative programme.

Hon members will note that only one Bill has been fast-tracked this year, namely the Criminal Procedure Amendment Bill, which was fast-tracked yesterday in terms of the decision of the committee. This Bill did not arise from the executive but from one of the portfolio committees of Parliament.

Members will also recall that in the first few years of our democracy, Parliament was extremely busy in assisting with the development of policy and the passing of legislation. We passed 534 Bills in the first five years. In this, the second democratic Parliament, the pace of legislation has, to some extent, slowed down. To date, we have passed 101 Bills. I hope that Parliament can use the additional time that this provides to ensure proper oversight over the work of the executive.

Committees of Parliament should not just sit when there are Bills to consider, but should receive regular reports from Ministers and the departments regarding the implementation of legislation and problems that may be experienced in this regard, as well as the execution of departmental programmes. An assessment of the success of these programmes should not just be based on the reports given to the relevant portfolio committees. We should also focus on the first-hand experiences either by the committee conducting on-the-ground assessments, or by individual members of Parliament as part of their constituency work.

The people of South Africa expect Parliament to be the paramount forum for debating matters of national importance. We have had a certain number of such debates. I believe, however, that the content of these debates has not focused adequately on the programme of action that we should be following as members of this House in addressing these matters of national importance.

I would also like to address the House on the issue of clean governance. From 1994 we have made it clear that we will not tolerate corruption. Having said this, this problem needs to be contextualised. Causes of corruption are complex and are rooted in the specific historical, social, political and economic conditions of our society. In essence, apartheid distorted good value systems and brought about a culture in terms of which respect for human rights, life and property were drastically diminished. When I addressed Parliament on 31 October last year, I called upon all parties represented here to give the issue of moral regeneration their urgent attention and to make it a priority in their constituencies. I said further that we needed to mobilise our sectors of society to work jointly with us to eradicate moral decay. I would like to repeat this call today and urge political parties to prioritise this important matter.

I am happy to report that this fight was taken a step further last Friday when the national anticorruption forum was launched at Langa township, here in Cape Town. This was an important sequel to the national anticorruption summit of April 1999, when the Government, through the Public Service Commission, established a national anticorruption cross-sectoral task team to take forward the implementation of the summit resolutions.

The forum was established to advise on and co-ordinate the implementation of sectoral strategies for the prevention and combating of corruption. It includes representatives from Government, labour and civil society. In addition, the transparency and accountability that have accompanied the new democratic order, have created conditions where corruption can be more easily detected.

It is not just the health of the spirit that we are concerned about. The physical health of our people is also important. It is in this context that the SA National Aids Council was launched to co-ordinate efforts in the fight against Aids. We did this, guided by the knowledge that our health response should be holistic and focus on all elements that perpetuate the pandemic.

In a new development this year, SANAC has embarked on an outreach programme which aims to have its monthly meetings in different provinces. In this way, SANAC members representing different sectors are able to interact with various provincial and local anti-HIV/Aids community initiatives and programmes. These meetings also give SANAC members an opportunity to get first-hand experience of the HIV/Aids situation at local level. A programme of sector summits is being implemented together with the provincial and community outreach programmes. Already 10 such summits, involving more than 1 500 people, have taken place in the first half of the year and more are planned. Sectors participating include labour, disabled persons, the hospitality industry, youth, women, traditional leaders, celebrities, business, traditional healers and people living with HIV/Aids.

On the research front, the SA Aids Vaccine Initiative is working with international partners in search of a safe and effective Aids vaccine. Currently, 250 South African scientists are collaborating with 120 of their international counterparts on this project.

We have also continued with our programme of international engagements over the past year that are aimed at strengthening our bilateral and multilateral relations. In doing so, we are guided by our belief that sustainable development, in South Africa, cannot take place in isolation from developments within the continent. That is why our trade and industrial policy is closely co-ordinated with foreign policy, an integrated effort in which the Presidency plays a leading role.

We believe that significant progress has been made in international affairs and that South Africans should be proud of the manner in which our country has graduated from being an apartheid outcast to a serious player within only seven years. Credit for this must go to our President, who has worked tirelessly in fulfilling a promise made to the electorate that we would actively contribute to creating a better country, continent and world … [Applause] … thereby fully integrating our country into the community of nations.

The South Africa-Nigeria Binational Commission has yielded results at both the political and the economic level. Through this binational commission, the two largest and most powerful economies of the continent are enhancing their co-ordination. A number of South African businesses have already benefited from improved relations between our countries. Strengthening the bilateral relations with important trading partners such as Germany also remains high on our agenda. Early next month, the binational commission with Germany will meet in Berlin, on 2 to 3 July

1. Good relations have also been established between several South African provinces and German federal states.

Turning to the continent, we are also mindful of the fact that there cannot be true African recovery without peace and stability. That is why we are involved in peace initiatives in the Great Lakes region. We have, over the past few months, been assisting former President Mandela in working towards peace in Burundi. It is not an easy process, but we are hoping to reach a solution soon so that Burundians can begin the process of rebuilding their country.

I must stress that we have, during our foreign visits, been humbled and inspired by the manner in which our country is regarded. We are seen as an example to the whole world that any political conflict can be resolved. We have also been told that we carry the moral authority to intervene in many of these conflicts. This was illustrated to me during my recent visit to Colombia when their government requested us not only to share our experiences of negotiations but also to assist them in their effort to bring about peace with the guerilla movements that are opposing them.

This shows how seriously we are taken by the world. The challenge we face as elected representatives is to spread the message to our people that there is a lot that they should be proud of in their country. This pride also arises from the fact that we have, over many decades, stressed our commitment to ensuring that this country becomes a nonracist and nonsexist democracy. This has been demonstrated by the very nature of our struggle, which was all-inclusive and open to all South Africans who wanted to make our country a better place to live in.

Hon members will also recall that the principle of reconciliation was a common thread that held together all those participating in the negotiation process in the country. It was further demonstrated by the manner in which the interim Constitution was drafted, particularly with regard to the constitutional imperative to establish the Government of National Unity. The long and demanding process of multiparty political negotiations and the establishment of oversight institutions make us confident that our hard-won democracy is solid and sustainable.

This principle and commitment to reconciliation is still a common thread that guides our task of building a new nation. We remain steadfast in our pursuit of reconciliation. With the upcoming UN Third World Conference on Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance we as South Africans have a tremendous amount to offer the world in sharing our unique experience. Overcoming apartheid was truly a demonstration of the triumph of human rights and the human spirit. That spirit lives on in our people and sees us through times of great adversity. That resilience, which has become the trademark of South Africans, also inspires us to be tremendously creative and innovative as we work towards forging a common nationhood and pride, and developing a new South African patriotism.

We have taken these first tentative steps but more needs to be done with the challenges ahead of us. In doing so, we need to remind ourselves how we triumphed over what the world thought was impossible. Hand in hand we crossed that great divide, never allowing the other to falter, and making sure that all reached the other side - not unscathed by history, but whole enough to take on the immense challenges which faced us as a country above party-political considerations. On that journey we understood the depth of the economic, political and social challenges we would face on the other side, as we sought to reconstruct this beloved country of ours.

Our coat of arms, with its motto of unity in diversity, is a reminder to all of us that we should all embrace the positive and good that exists amongst us in our fundamental task of building a new nation. In this process we should not forget about the challenges but tackle them boldly and jointly. This will ultimately result in all of us taking pride in our South Africanness, developing and strengthening the common elements of a South African nationhood and sense of patriotism. There is a ground swell of South Africans that are convinced, as I am, that what binds us as South Africans is far more powerful than that which may divide us. [Applause.]

We are convinced and we know that a new nation, which we indeed are, shares the thread of common destiny. Let us nurture our young democracy, allow it to grow and come of age, keeping its central spirit strong, giving it confidence in its ability to excel and cherishing its many positive attributes. This is the approach we advocate. I therefore call upon all South Africans to work together in ensuring that our ideals of a nonracial and nonsexist democracy are realised. [Applause.]

Mr M C J VAN SCHALKWYK: Madam Speaker, it was clear from the start that President Mbeki’s term of office would be a difficult one. The first Presidency was made much easier by the positive emotions and goodwill that came about through the transition to democracy in 1994. People were willing to be patient with the new Government, to give the ANC the best possible chance in Government. People were willing to wait. By the time President Mbeki took over as President in 1999, it was clear that his Presidency would be the one in which hard realities would begin to dawn on South Africans.

As President in 2001, the hon the President simply does not have the luxury of relying only on symbolism and flowery rhetoric. The realities of the country have dawned on all our people. They want results, they want delivery, and they want to see promises fulfilled. This is a tough task in our country.

Where we sit, in the opposition, we understand that South Africa must succeed. Poverty, instability and social discontent are in nobody’s interest. We understand that prosperity and a healthy democracy are two sides of the same coin. Over the past few years and especially under Mr Mbeki’s leadership, the ANC has opted for, in some instances against their socialist roots, and has accepted the wisdom of a market-driven economy. We still differ with the ANC on some issues, but generally speaking, the hon the President has positioned South Africa economically where it should be, that is, in terms of policy and theory, although not always in practice.

In order to be successful with the economic repositioning of the ANC in Government, President Mbeki had to drag along a diverse alliance, differing on fundamental issues of policy. When President Mbeki became leader of the ANC, he said, in an interview, that he could foresee a day when the ANC’s main allies, the SA Communist Party and Cosatu, would end their co- operative links with the ANC. He added that when certain goals have been achieved, the movement would probably be disbanded. In another interview, the President said:``The ANC will one day break up into opposing ideological tendencies.’’

On 4 February 2000, the hon the President said, at the opening of this Parliament, that the economy and our standing in the eyes of the international investor community cannot be held hostage by elements pursuing selfish and antisocial purposes. It is quite clear that the hon the President was referring to these alliance partners, and that he understood that the ANC alliance is temporary, with a limited life span.

But in order to keep the alliance together in the short term, a calculated decision was made to use the race card in an effort to balance out the ANC’s repositioning to the economic centre. [Interjections.] Using the race card to buy political affections and to appease people is one of the most dangerous things that can be done in our country. Instead of trying to appease his old political allies, the President should have looked for partners where he is now positioned.

The result of the President’s strategy is not a balancing act, it is a strategy where the two elements work to counteract each other and against achieving clear objectives. On the one hand, the President has lost the trust of the left wing in his alliance, he has alienated the unions, and there is immense scepticism in some sectors of his alliance with regard to his economic repositioning. On the other hand, he has not made any new allies to replace those that he is losing. The minority communities are alienated by his racial rhetoric. [Interjections.] The business community never knows which Thabo Mbeki they will see. Many in black intellectual circles are starting to express doubts about the exercising of racial politics.

The time has come for the President not simply to sit it out, and just think about surviving political storms and scandals. For the sake of the country, the President should start thinking about abandoning the old trenches and moving the country forward. He should take his own advice. In a speech at the University of Natal a few years ago he said the following:

One should be young, not necessarily in years, but young in one’s ability to break with the past, in one’s capacity to remove from oneself the shackles of old thinking, allowing oneself to be inspired by the notion that where there is no vision, the people perish.

The President should break with the past. Many people who saw in the President the person to make true all of the rhetoric of us being a new South Africa, without the burden of the past, giving substance to the concept of a rainbow nation, are today bitterly disappointed.

Volgens ons is dit met reg, maar volgens hom dalk verkeerdelik. Die publiek se indruk van die amp van President is egter dat dit strompel van die een krisis na die ander: Vigs, Zimbabwe, SAL en die Andrews-aangeleentheid, die Jeugdag-stampvoorval en die beweerde komplot. Daardie indruk heers nie net by die President se opponente nie. Dit is ook dié van sy potensiële bondgenote en van baie mense in sy eie party. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[According to us, rightly so, but according to him, perhaps wrongly so. The public’s impression of the post of President is, however, that it stumbles from one crisis to the next: Aids, Zimbabwe, SAA and the Andrews affair, the Youth Day pushing incident and the alleged conspiracy. That impression is not only on the part of the President’s opponents. It is also the impression of his potential allies and many people in his own party.]

For the sake of the country, it is important that respect, credibility and dignity are returned to the Office of the President. South Africans who truly want this country to work have one wish for the President and his Cabinet, that he goes a month without a scandal, that he goes a week without a racially divisive comment, that he goes a day without the deep- seated disinterest he often seems to have for all but his own inner circle.

The President should be a government for all people. There is a widespread believe that the President tends to surround himself with yes-men, that those from whom he takes advice have become praise-singers leading him straight into many of these difficulties. Instead of avoiding vigorous debate with those who differ with him, he should rather engage us. The end result will be a stronger South Africa.

A president is also judged by the quality of his cabinet. Some of the President’s Ministers perform well, and there, as South Africans, we want to give credit to Minister Manuel, Minister Lekota, Minister Didiza and others. There are, within any cabinet, a number of key portfolios. In a country faced by as many challenges as ours, these portfolios take on added importance. The Justice, Health, and Safety and Security Ministers have not performed, and these particular Ministers have failed both the President and the country.

There are just too many members of the President’s Cabinet who behave in a fashion that is unbecoming of senior Government leaders. They seem to think that bluster and arrogance are a substitute for performance. Ultimately, the success or failure of the Cabinet is the responsibility of the President. Of course the composition of Cabinet is the prerogative of the President, but in his ranks there are certainly people who will be much more effective in the current problem portfolios.

At his inauguration the President said that we could not sleep easy when we had poverty and unemployment, rape and murder, Aids and racism. We agreed with him then, and we still agree with those sentiments now. Many of those problems were not of the President’s making, they were inherited. But many of those problem areas have got worse, and the real question is: How do we as South Africans solve them?

Last Sunday we opened our newspapers - and there was a reference to this earlier - to read more criticism of life in South Africa. The author of the article was brutally honest when he argued that:

Criminals are going to cost this country much more than apartheid did. Seven years into the new South Africa, the time has come for us to stop offering social and political excuses for violent criminal acts.

If this criticism had come from the opposition benches, it would have been shouted down by the ANC as racist, advancing apartheid, traitorous and unpatriotic, but the author was Dr Nzo, son of the late Alfred Nzo, and one of their own. Many South Africans hope that the President will now finally respond to this cry from within.

The President has been entrusted with the Presidency of the country. It is up to him to mould South Africans into a team to solve these problems. Up to now his approach has been wrong, dishing out blame and dividing us into separate nations. The only way for the President to be effective in addressing those problems that he is so concerned about, is to say to people: ``I need your help. As South African patriots, I need all of you to take my hand.’’ The President will be surprised at the goodwill that exists, even amongst people who do not agree with him politically. Yes, we all come across as individuals who take great joy in seeing South Africa stumble, some who are opposing him and some who are in his own alliance. But the overwhelming majority of our people want to see this country succeed. Hardly a week goes by without the President himself or one of his Ministers or close advisers becoming bogged down in racial stereotyping. The President attacked the criticism of his handling of the Zimbabwean issue on the basis of white racism, notwithstanding the fact that some of the most hardhitting criticism came from black intellectuals and black journalists.

In a recent interview in the British Guardian newspaper the President again ascribed to white South Africans the view that they see black South Africans as lazy, basically dishonest, thieving and corrupt. Maybe it is time for the President to examine his own assumptions and prejudices. I do not hold the view that blacks are any more or less capable than white people of governing. I do not believe that intelligence, ability or integrity is tied to colour, rather that it is tied to character.

When he, as the President of my country, chooses to betray me and other white South Africans as generally racist, generally bigoted and generally hateful, the President does more harm than he perhaps realises. Whilst he may score points with some people in his alliance, he loses volumes of credibility in the eyes of those who matter most, the countless black, white, coloured and Indian South Africans who are ready to move on and ready to build a united future. Whether we are coloured, white, Indian, Southern Sotho, Tswana or Zulu, our hearts are just as South African and just as patriotic as his. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, esteemed President of the Republic, Deputy President, hon members and fellow South Africans, the ANC won with an overwhelming majority in 1999 on the mandate of creating a better life for all.

To us in the ANC the African benediction, God bless Africa'', Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika’’, has always served as a connection and an expression of solidarity, unity and sisterhood and brotherhood in Africa. It is this ideal of our movement that informs our interaction with and our action in Africa.

The benediction cannot just be a prayer. It calls for unity in action for change. This is what the President has urged us to do. This is why our President has engaged the world through institutions such as Davos, the G8, the EU, churches, businesspeople, trade unions and NGOs to become partners in the creation of a better life for our country and in the regeneration of the African continent.

If we move from the premise, as we surely must, that our foreign policy reflects our domestic policy and national interest, then we indeed need to contribute to the creation of a better world. The better life for all has its foundation in a nonracial and nonsexist society. Our contribution internationally should be the elimination of racism and sexism, and the creation of a world that is peaceful, democratic and prosperous, a world where no child goes to bed hungry, where every child goes to school and has access to health services, a world where no woman is driven to prostitution as a means of survival.

Our starting point is at home in South Africa, and on the continent of Africa. Inspired by our shared values of Ubuntu, and guided by the slogan of our founding fathers and mothers: Mayibuye iAfrika, we have sought to work with others in the continent, to change ours into a truly free continent.

As a result - to Mr President - today we are hosting a team of Rwandese in pursuit of the work of the joint commission, in the conviction that we cannot let that small, beautiful country deal with the aftermath of its genocide on its own. We must extend a hand of friendship and contribute, in whatever modest way we can, to the rebuilding of their nation, in a way that will ensure that genocide never revisits Rwanda. For the same reason, we have chosen the route that we have in Zimbabwe because we are convinced that it will contribute, eventually, to a better Zimbabwe, rather than the route that will plunge Zimbabwe into a deeper crisis. Though the President has been subjected to virulent opposition, he has persevered because his approach will finally bear fruit, rather than get him short-term praise from those who want to plunge Zimbabwe into utter chaos and do not have the responsibility to deal with the consequences. Those who have stood on the mountaintop and shouted insults at Zimbabwe as a country and President Mugabe have not produced any solution.

It is for this reason that former President Mandela is trying hard to end the intractable conflict in Burundi. It is also for this reason that our brave men and women from the SA National Defence Force are in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea and Ethiopia, to contribute to peace in those countries. Indeed, this is a new South Africa where the SANDF no longer sends a cold chill down people’s spines, but is seen as a force that is working for peace.

At the close of the 20th century the continent was characterised as a hopeless, dark continent, a continent of disease, misery and poverty; a continent of wars, refugees and underdevelopment. This was partly the result of colonial plunder and subjugation, but, in large measure, the result of the mismanagement of the continent during the Cold War, and the destabilisation policies of the apartheid South Africa.

We have declared the 21st century the African century, informed by the determination of the African leaders to work towards the recovery of the continent. Speaking recently at the SA Economic Summit of the World Economic Forum, Mr Tempelsman, the chairman of the Corporate Council on Africa, had this to say about Africa, and I quote:

I have been travelling to this continent for just over 50 years now, and rarely have I been as encouraged as by this generation of African leaders, both within and outside the Government and within and outside this region. I see men and women who are in equal measure principled, pragmatic, and possessed of moral courage - the courage to act and take responsibility for such action. That the time has come is evident in the evolving, tough plans for Africa’s reconstruction that have rightly claimed the world’s attention, and should merit the world’s allegiances, once completed.

The plan of recovery and reconstruction of the continent is founded on shared values such as democracy, good governance, peace and stability, sustainable, people-centred development and good neighbourliness. This plan will quantitatively and qualitatively be different from the previous ones, because of the strong emphasis on partnership and unity in action for change.

Developing countries, including G8 donor countries in general, UN agencies, countries of the South, multilateral and financial institutions, the private sector and civil society are all pledging their commitment to its success. Without these partnerships, of course, the plan will falter. Fortunately, there is clear and discernible interest and commitment on the part of the partners to ensuring that the continent does indeed succeed.

We all have a duty and responsibility, individually and collectively, to ensuring that the continent recovers. As South Africans we have to be humble and modest, and realise that we have a lot to learn from the continent, whilst we also have a lot to contribute.

In just over two months, delegates from across the whole world will descend on the shores of Durban to spend time grappling with how to deal with the scourge of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance. They have chosen South Africa precisely because we ourselves are seized with the mammoth task of creating a nonracial, nonsexist and tolerant society where the tapestry of our diverse cultures will be a source of strength and not a source of conflict. It is opportune, as we enter the new century, that we look at the past and acknowledge the injustices of the past, but find a way of closing that ugly and tragic chapter, and look at contemporary forms of racism. The world expects us to make a contribution to this important issue. Therefore we should work together and come up with a plan of action that will be implementable nationally and internationally. It is therefore our responsibility as members of this House to make it a success.

The rebirth of the continent and the elimination of racism also demand, as the President said earlier today, the involvement of women, both in the development and the implementation of the plan of action of the World Conference Against Racism. If we are to achieve a better life for all and a better world for all, women have to be at the forefront of the struggle against both racism and economic marginalisation. We do this with the clear knowledge that women bore the brunt of racism, racial discrimination, sexism and xenophobia.

As a consequence of war and conflict, women have been turned into refugees, sex slaves and objects worth trafficking. Additionally, the feminisation of poverty has meant that women constitute the bulk of the poor of the world. For the attainment of the rebirth of the continent, it is critical that women play a key role. As that daughter of the continent, Mrs Annette Mbayi, once said:

The central role of women in social life is a fact of culture. She is the link which joins together the life of the family and society. She is a source of production and of exchange of social and cultural values. By her will alone, she can be a source of change and of revolution, or on the other hand, she can be responsible for stagnation and retreat.

How true. There can be no rebirth of the continent without the involvement of women. This task requires both the men and women of this continent. The involvement of women can only make the continent richer and the task easier.

Let us commit ourselves, on all sides of the House, to working together with our President, and the Presidency as a whole, to bring into being a new Africa that occupies pride of place and should become the destination of choice for investments, the Africa of hope that challenges us to be the midwives of her birth, to be the warriors of her renewal. Out of this Africa of old, the object of pity, must necessarily come the new and proud Africa of tomorrow. This is 100 years in which the gentle giant which Africa is must regain her former glory. We have the means within ourselves to do that.

As lucidly and eloquently expressed by the ANC in the Freedom Charter, South Africa shall work energetically to ensure that there is peace and friendship on the continent and, to borrow from the President of South Africa ``where the silence of peace would be broken only by the voices of Africa’s children as they sing of life, peace, liberty, prosperity, arts and our human dignity restored’’.

In conclusion, I would like to congratulate the Leader of the Opposition, Tony Leon, for being able to understand and quote that hero of our struggle, Oliver Tambo. It is, indeed, opportune that the Leader of the Opposition should understand that hero of our land. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] The unfortunate thing is that the hon Leader of the Opposition does not think or act in the way that Oliver Tambo urges all South Africans to act. Maybe it is because his brain tells him that Oliver Tambo was right, but his heart longs for the good old days. Maybe he needs a heart transplant, but I do not think he will survive it. The crisis goes on. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members of the House, our patriotic duty requires that we spell out the truth and not delude ourselves into thinking that all is well when the contrary is the case. Ordinary South Africans are experiencing more hardships now than before. [Interjections.]

More people are walking the streets without the prospect of getting employment. Vast expenditure on overseas trips purporting to attract foreign direct investment has not been matched by foreign investments flowing into the country. Sacob recently expressed its concern at the lacklustre performance of our economy as a result of a decline in investor confidence and sluggish growth.

Privatisation and parastatal enterprises have largely failed to justify the large-scale retrenchments and the swelling of the ranks of the unemployed. Few privatised enterprises, if any, have contributed to economic growth or benefited the disadvantaged in any way. The Government is insensitive to workers’ opposition to the kind of restructuring of state enterprises that has been embarked upon, which renders tens of thousands of workers jobless.

Let us now look at the state department responsible for privatisation. According to the Auditor-General’s report released recently, all is not well in the Department of Public Enterprises. The previous Minister has still not explained the unauthorised expenditure of R7,1 million paid to consultants for the 1999 to 2000 fiscal year. In the Department of Public Works she has currently unauthorised expenditure of R30,5 million.

The new Minister of Public Enterprises has already incurred R18 million in unauthorised expenditure on consultants as well. [Applause.] He is now involved in a public brawl with his former Managing Director of Transnet, Saki Macozoma, over a huge payout of R232 million to Coleman Andrews. It is common knowledge that this extravagant contract was authorised at the highest level during their time in office, including the hiring of consultants at astronomical costs, which has become the present Government’s style of governance.

I submit that hon Minister Jeff Radebe misled Parliament and the public by portraying himself as ignorant of the settlement package received by Coleman Andrews, until it was revealed in the media. [Interjections.] As the political head of Public Enterprises he had oversight, and is ultimately accountable for all the transactions which had the financial implications that resulted in the generous settlement, now featuring as cause for concern in the media and his parliamentary speech. If he had been vigilant and conscious in his custodianship of the assets of his portfolio, he would have scrupulously evaluated Coleman Andrews’s contract and taken corrective measures to prevent this excessive payout.

It is clear from the respective correspondence between Philip Brugizer of the SwissAir Group and the hon the President and hon Minister Radebe, during July and November 2000, that these senior politicians had different agendas and were both well aware of what was going on at SAA. They cannot now feign ignorance and surprise when the sordid facts suddenly come out into the open.

It seems that the Coleman Andrews affair is only the tip of the iceberg. Much more is involved in the privatisation business of parastatal enterprises. For instance, in the correspondence referred to above, hon Minister Jeff Radebe, in his letter of 15 November 2000, gave the Swiss company only one month to exercise its 10% share call option of SAA, while the President … [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!

Mr P R MOKABA: Madam Speaker, hon Holomisa … [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Is that a point of order, hon Mokaba?

Mr P R MOKABA: Madam Speaker, hon Holomisa makes a serious charge by saying that the Minister misled Parliament. Could that be taken on board for further investigation, because it is not correct?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Mokaba, he did not say the hon the Minister deliberately misled Parliament. He said that very carefully.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Thank you, Peter. Understand? [Interjections.] [Laughter.]

For instance, in the correspondence referred to above, the hon the Minister, in his letter of 15 November last year, gave the Swiss company only one month to exercise its 10% share call option of SAA, while the President in a separate subsequent meeting in Switzerland gave them until the end of 2001. Who is fooling who? [Interjections.] It appears that there is a conflict of interest amongst executives in Government and the parastatal.

The current conflict over Coleman Andrews could well be an expression of these divergent interests in the privatisation process. The Department of Public Enterprises is draining the state coffers. It must be disbanded and its various functions spread out among relevant departments.

Although one of the Sunday newspapers suggested that the fight between Saki Macozoma and hon Minister Jeff Radebe derives from their respective ideological orientations - that is, the communist versus the capitalist position - the truth of the matter is that the eating habits of South African communists are the same as those of their capitalist counterparts. [Laughter.] Sadly, the interests of the poor are sacrificed at the tables of conspicuous consumption in both communist and capitalist camps.

However, the South African communists are all cut from the same communist cloth. For instance, hon Minister Fraser-Moleketi has had her share of doling out huge amounts of public funds to consultants. On the other hand, she is retrenching thousands of public servants. As the Minister of Social Welfare she was responsible for withholding expenditure for poverty alleviation among the working class and the unemployed. [Interjections.]

The hon member Comrade Jeremy Cronin, the SACP’s leading light, was prepared to disrupt the work of the parliamentary ethics committee in order to cover up the questionable conduct of hon member Comrade Tony Yengeni, who refused to disclose his family’s …

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Holomisa, can you please withdraw that remark about an hon member?

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, which one? [Laughter.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! The remark regarding the ``questionable conduct’’ of the hon Yengeni.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, should I withdraw that?

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon member.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, can you substantiate why? [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! I would like you to withdraw your comments about the questionable conduct of the hon Yengeni.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Madam Speaker, all right, I withdraw it.

Their comrade-in-arms, hon Minister Alec Erwin, the Minister of Trade and Industry, is driving globalisation and the Gear macroeconomic policy, which has impoverished the masses in this country. This indeed is a curious breed of communist. Comrade Joseph Stalin must be turning in his grave.

This pattern of total disregard for the interests of our people is also reflected in the developments which followed the Defence Review of 1998. This Review’s budget was estimated at R9,7 billion, and was subsequently approved by Parliament up to 2006. The aim of the Defence Review was to reduce personnel costs through demobilisation in order to free funds for capital expenditure. The R30 billion budget, which has now escalated to R51 billion, has not been authorised by this Parliament. The investigating agencies will have failed in their task if they do not establish the source and reason for the departure from the original mandate. That original budget had taken into account the socioeconomic demands of our society, hence the conservative figure.

These social considerations have been echoed by President Mbeki in his discourse on the Aids pandemic debate. How do we explain this surreptitious escalation of the arms budget to R51 billion, when these socioeconomic conditions have not changed?

Every now and again we hear Ministers complaining that their budgets are inadequate. Why do they support this extravagant expenditure? There can only be one explanation for this discrepancy. The escalated budget is the cash cow for the ruling party and the sub-contractors of its surrogates. For example, there is a very disquieting feature in this arms procurement deal, the fact that former Minister of Defence Joe Modise induced Government to underwrite the Defence Review and arms purchases as a national priority and, in the process, formed sub-contracting companies which earned him several billion rands, while he himself is listed as one of the main beneficiaries of the procurement.

This is not why the people voted this Government into power. [Time expired.] [Applause.] Dr E A SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, some people have indeed been transformed. As I listened to the former speaker, I thought about the economic chaos and bad government in the former Transkei. [Applause.]

I am honoured and proud to participate in this budget debate. I stand here as a liberated white African who has elected to join hands in taking our country forward for the sake of our children and grandchildren. [Applause.]

I recall that the hon the President, on a certain ground-breaking occasion, described himself as an Afrikaner. Owing to short-term political opportunism, the process which I envisaged failed to materialise. The failure by the Leader of the Opposition to make a single constructive contribution to this debate confirms that the DA has relegated itself to a continuous negative role. [Interjections.]

The principled decision by some of us to join the ANC does give expression to the sentiments of those who voted yes in the 1992 referendum, for power- sharing and a government of national unity in 1994, and for constructive engagement and an inclusive government in 1999. The spirit of reconciliation and the imperative of nation-building, expounded by the President’s predecessor President Mandela, is still alive and well under President Mbeki’s leadership.

My presence here today, as well as the warmth and empathy with which I have been accepted, is living proof of this. [Applause.] Despite being ostracised by their compatriots, Afrikaner trailblazers such as Bram Fischer, Beyers Naudé, Ben Marais, Danie Craven, Nico Smith and others have been vindicated by history. Today I would like to pay tribute to them. Those many whites, in particular the Afrikaners who are committed to this country, have a pivotal role to play in the Millennium African Recovery Programme. Through the centuries in which our forebears were, amongst other things, persecuted because of their religion, we have been able to create opportunity out of adversity. Of course, mistakes were made, and we are ashamed of those mistakes. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order!

Dr E A SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, I do not have time to take questions. [Interjections.]

That does not mean that we should sit and mope about those mistakes. On the contrary, we have for many centuries sworn our allegiance to Africa. We do not keep a backdoor open by carrying the passports of our ancestral countries. We do not participate in secret debates whether England or Israel will be the best option. [Interjections.] No, as children of Africa, we will join hands to build this country and this continent. [Applause.]

Die grootste fout wat ons kan maak, sal wees om so na binne te keer dat ons polities sowel as ekonomies gemarginaliseer word. Daar is geen fout om vir die behoud van ons taal en kultuur te veg nie. Deur dit op die basis van politieke eksklusiwiteit te doen, glo ek egter, sal teenproduktief wees. Politieke eksklusiwiteit word ten regte of ten onregte beleef as ‘n poging om die bevoorregting van die verlede te perpetueer.

Die uitsprake van die nuwe leier van die VF is met belangstelling gevolg. Sy bereidwilligheid om deel van die oplossing eerder as die probleem te wees, word waardeer. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die Afrikaner-tuislandgedagte is effektief deur die 1999-verkiesingsuitslag in perspektief geplaas. Mag hy die leierseienskappe toon om sy volgelinge werklik deel van die Suid- Afrikaanse nasie te maak.

Die President het tereg na die DA verwys as ‘n onheilige alliansie. Dit is beslis die bymekaarkom van onverenigbares. Die onverkwiklike getwis, rugstekery, knoeiery en ondergrawery binne hul geledere is die voortekens van ‘n vulkaan wat wag om te ontplof. Dit is nie dat ek sekere persone nie die pyn daarvan gun nie. Ek is net jammer vir die sovele goedgelowiges wat weer eens om die bos gelei is, goedgelowiges wat werklik geglo het dat die Nuwe NP nie werklik deur die DP verswelg sou word nie. Die DP-leier het mos gesê hy het ‘n reddingsboei na ‘n drenkeling gewerp. Die Ryan Coetzee- memorandum het verder lig gewerp op hierdie diaboliese plan. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The biggest mistake we could make, would be to turn inward to such an extent that we become marginalised politically, as well as economically. There is nothing wrong with fighting for the preservation of our language and culture. However, I believe that to do so on the basis of political exclusivity, would be counterproductive. Political exclusivity is, rightly or wrongly, experienced as an attempt to perpetuate the privilege of the past.

The statements of the new leader of the FF have been followed with interest. His willingness to be part of the solution, rather than the problem, is appreciated. [Interjections.] The Afrikaner homeland idea was effectively placed in perspective by the result of the 1999 election. May he demonstrate the necessary leadership qualities to truly make his followers part of the South African nation. The President justifiably referred to the DA as an unholy alliance. It is definitely the coming together of incompatible elements. The unpleasant disagreements, back-stabbing, scheming and undermining within their ranks are the signs of a volcano that is waiting to erupt. It is not that I begrudge certain people the pain of this. I simply feel sorry for the many naive people who were once again duped; naive people who truly believed that the New NP would not really be swallowed up by the DP. After all, the DP leader did say that he was throwing lifebelt to a drowning person. The Ryan Coetzee memorandum shed more light on this diabolical plan.]

I must add that the very need for an elaborate plan to sideline the leader of the New NP boggles my mind. His trackrecord is self-eliminating. The Afrikaanse Studentebond, Jeugkrag, the New NP - he has led each into oblivion. [Interjections.] Credibility is surely a fundamental prerequisite to preserving the integrity of a leader.

Accordingly, the hon leader of the New NP owes us answers to some fundamental questions. He pontificates on the virtues of modern democracy but, firstly, when his party receives a humiliating defeat at the polls he does not follow the example of a Barak in Israel or a William Hague in Britain, who tendered their resignations. No, he clings to his position as though nothing has happened. [Interjections.] Secondly, democracy is fine, as long as it does not apply to him. He and the leader of the DP do not allow the DA to elect its leadership in a democratic manner. No, they entrench their positions for two years. [Interjections.]

The New NP congresses have, furthermore, to this day been denied their constitutional right to determine their own future and demise. While the Speaker in Westminster is held as a supreme example and the Westminster style of confrontational politics is acceptable, winner-takes-all à la Westminster is totally unacceptable.

I have had the honour of observing the hon the President in this Chamber for five years as the Deputy President and now as the President. His behaviour has at all times been impeccable. He has been courteous and respectful in the face of arrogance, unprovoked by personal attacks, dignified and a credit to the high office he holds. [Applause.]

During recent times, certain incidents occurred which reflect shamefully on those who profess to carry the torch of the educated. The ``snake oil’’ remark by the hon Leon, the trashing again here today, the hon Douglas Gibson stating on national television that the President had made a fool of himself, and the despicable speech by the hon Nigel Bruce in this Chamber a couple of weeks ago, reflect on the frustration within the DA ranks. Undoubtedly, there a number of DA members who experience the same embarrassment. Maybe the time is ripe to re-evaluate the constitutional clause preventing party defections. [Interjections.] [Applause.] My assessment is that the new DA will consist of substantially fewer members than the sum total of the New NP and the DP. [Interjections.]

Met inagneming van ons geskiedenis van benadeling, onderwerping en diskriminasie is versoening in ons land die hoogste prioriteit. [Tussenwerpsels.] Dit is goed as die adjunkleier van die DA uit ‘n hartsbehoefte die simbole en monumente van die struggle besoek. Die motief daarvoor word egter bevraagteken met die opkommandering van partygetroues, onder wie die Nuwe NP se eie ``token black’’, David Malatsi, en ‘n persgevolg.

Alle skyn van opregtheid word verder vernietig as ‘n mens dink aan sy optrede by verlede jaar se Nuwe NP-kongres in die Oos-Kaap. Die uitnodiging aan die ANC-premier van die Oos-Kaap om die kongres by te woon was nie toevallig nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hy het egter besluit om twee uur lank in sy hotelkamer weg te kruip om nie ‘n platform met hom te deel nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Considering our history of disadvantage, subjection and discrimination, reconciliation in our country is the highest priority. [Interjections.] It is a good thing for the deputy leader of the DA, acting on a deepfelt need, to visit the symbols and monuments of the struggle. The motive for this, however, is questioned, with the conscription of loyal party supporters, one of whom is the New NP’s own token black, David Malatsi, and a press following.

Every semblance of sincerity is further destroyed when one thinks of his conduct at the New NP congress in the Eastern Cape last year. The invitation to the ANC premier of the Eastern Cape to attend the congress was not coincidental. [Interjections.] However, he decided to hide in his hotel room for two hours in order not to share a platform with him. [Interjections.]]

I am grateful that I now belong to a party where internal debate is encouraged, not stifled; a party which not only believes in democracy, but also practises it; a party where the leaders are subservient to the cause, and not vice versa; a party where integrity and compassion are not virtues of theory, but of practice … [Interjections] … a party which, through its Freedom Charter, not only acknowledges our right to live in South Africa, but also provides a home for everyone. I would like to tell the hon the President that we will be at his side in his endeavours to build a better life for all. [Applause.]

Rev K R J MESHOE: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and members of Parliament, firstly, I would like to tender my apology to the President for not being in the House tomorrow when he will be responding to inputs from members of Parliament. I have to attend an important meeting that was decided on long before the parliamentary programme was finalised.

Secondly, I want to congratulate all the Ministers who responded to questions yesterday. Some of those who were not on the list that I referred to yesterday in my speech, of polite Ministers who answer questions with dignity and respect, have made it onto that list, whilst others almost did. They were really dignified and subdued, and handled themselves well, as befits Cabinet Ministers. On behalf of the ACDP, I want to say to them: ``Well done, and please keep it up’’.

On more serious issues, I want to say how disappointed we are by the way the Government has handled the multi-billion rand arms deal. In 1999, we were told that the whole arms deal would cost this country R30 billion. Early this year, we were told that the deal would cost R43 billion. When the Minister of Trade and Industry gave his testimony before the three investigating agencies, the Public Protector, the Auditor-General and the National Directorate for Public Prosecutions, he said that the final cost of the arms purchase would only be known in 18 years’ time. This is scandalous, to say the least, because this is going to enslave our young people to debt. Government was neither transparent enough, nor honest enough to inform the public they were incurring debt.

Although they knew from the beginning that the cost price would only be known in 18 years, as Minister Alec Erwin has said, they hid the truth from the public. To hear the Minister of Trade and Industry saying that if Government had put projections before the public much earlier we would have confused them, is seriously undermining the public’s intelligence and ability to discern right from wrong.

Would the President tell us if the perception is correct that Cabinet refused to tell the people of South Africa the truth about the real ultimate cost of the arms deal? When members of Parliament and the public called for an investigation into allegations of corruption in the multi- billion rands arms deal, it was the majority party that insisted on public hearings instead of a private investigation by the three agencies I have referred to earlier.

What surprised our people was that when the media responded to the ANC’s call for public hearings by attempting to broadcast the proceedings, they were prevented from doing so by the Public Protector. For as long as the media is not allowed to broadcast what is being said by those giving evidence, Government cannot convince the public that there is no cover-up. It is the right of the public, especially taxpayers, to know the truth about what really happened, and how many top people within the ANC may have benefited from this arms deal. All interested television journalists with their cameras and other broadcasters must be allowed to record all the facts for themselves and then pass those facts on to the public to draw their own conclusions. Citing security and protection of witnesses as an excuse for excluding broadcasters from the court proceedings is nothing but a lousy joke. We call on Government to commit itself to transparency, otherwise even the Public Protector would not have vindicated them.

Lastly, I want to advise the President to seek mediation in his cold war with Mrs Madikizela-Mandela. [Interjections.] What the President did on 16 June 2001 at the ANC rally in Orlando was undiplomatic, unpresidential, regrettable and disappointing. The President and Mrs Madikizela-Mandela are long-time comrades, and they should resolve their differences in private, and not in public, for Mr President will need her and her supporters, just as she will need him as her President.

In conclusion, the ACDP wishes the President a happy birthday. A pula ya mahlogonolo e mo nele matsorotsoro. [Lehofi.] [We are wishing him everything of the best. [Applause.]]

The MINISTER IN THE PRESIDENCY: Madam Speaker, Comrade President, Comrade Deputy President, hon members, having listened to the opposition, including the hon member Holomisa, I must confess that I am no longer able to tell the difference between buffoonery'' andtomfoolery’’. [Laughter.]

The best intentions are in vain when they lack adequate structure and policy formulation. It is for this reason that our efforts in the Presidency are carefully structured, articulated and targeted. May I draw the special attention of the House to the document that I hold in my hand, entitled ``Integrated Democratic Governance: A Restructured Presidency at Work 2000-2001’’. It takes the form of a report-back to the nation on how the restructured Presidency works, and it is being made available not only to Members of Parliament, but also widely in the country and abroad.

It sets out in a clear and, I believe, convincing fashion important matters such as the challenges that faced the previous Offices of the President and Deputy President and formed a new structure of the Presidency. It puts the principal role-players in the Presidency in context. It describes the administrative structure of the Presidency and Government entities that are related to the Presidency. It sets out in detail how the Presidency is managed and how it is integrated into the general Government effort, including the Cabinet and budgetary planning cycle and how the Presidency relates to the country at large. It emphasises the high importance attached to getting the message across, or the communications side of Presidency business. It lists and comments on the respected and influential work and advisory groups which have been set up by the President. And it sets out the extensive and growing links that the Presidency has with the world community and the President’s active role in critical economic and other forums. It makes the point that this heavy international involvement, far from being dilettantish, is of direct value to our domestic position, economically and otherwise. As the report puts it, abroad means at home. The report is not a routine annual report, though it carries some basic information that is useful to the statistically minded.

If we are anything in South Africa, we are a people committed to transformation. Our history held us in the iron grip of no change for so long that we have had to make huge leaps to end its legacy. We inherited a land with an enormous gap between the haves and the have-nots. It is a bitterly difficult task to change that, as we freely admit.

Perhaps the greatest measure of how committed we are to transformation is seen in the way we deal with the historically vulnerable, disadvantaged sectors in our society, namely women, the disabled, children and young people. The project of transformation towards a nonsexist, nonracial society is integrally linked to the advances we do or do not make in terms of eradicating the scourge of racism and the empowerment of women and people with disabilities.

Our Constitution enshrines our people’s rights as equal with those of every other South African citizen. Their interests are inherently linked to our war on poverty and underdevelopment, and we cannot and should not deal with these interests outside the constitutional requirement, to create and maintain a nonracial, nonsexist and democratic society. We must create the structures and we must have the continued commitment to empower those previously excluded and neglected sectors of our society. We have in fact convincingly changed this paradigm with regards to people with disabilities to the only acceptable basis, that we are dealing with a human rights issue and nothing less.

With some modest pride we can take note of achievements made which are milestones on the road to that equality. The integrated national disability strategy, the national gender policy framework, the national programme of action for children and the children’s media code, which flows from the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as South Africa’s accession to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and our subsequent country reports, the next of which is due in February 2002.

These are critical commitments which put flesh on the bones of our constitutional intentions. We must not only have structures and programmes and accede to charters and conventions. We must see change in the quality of life of our people. We are therefore committed to ensuring that the targets we set as Government are actually reached and the whole basis of an integrated presidency, which I have already described, is available to ensure that those previously excluded are mainstreamed into the life and business of the nation.

Cabinet clusters, also described in the report-back to the nation, give momentum to the implementation and monitoring of cross-cutting policies to ensure this mainstreaming. The three programmes in the Presidency, as well as the National Youth Commission, a statutory body, are working in a more integrated and co-ordinated manner, not only in relation to departments of state and civil society, but also in terms of the areas of responsibility of each.

A key challenge in this regard is how to devolve this co-ordination, and focus on the disabled, women, young people and children, to the provincial governments and, most importantly, to our newly elected local government authorities. For most people, the reality of change will be there only when these structures play their full part.

Since vast numbers of our historically neglected people live in the rural areas, the dumping grounds of apartheid, the Government’s Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy provides a structured basis to spread the benefits of our activities over the widest possible front. The thrust of the mainstreaming programme is to devote energy to identified national priorities and not to create new programmes or priorities. For this reason, the primary interest of the Office on the Status of Women, the Office on the Status of the Disabled and the Office on the Rights of the Child, with regard to mainstreaming these crucial transformation issues in this financial year, will be to focus on programmes such as the Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy.

Careful monitoring must take place at the identified nodal points, so as to ensure that the concerns and challenges represented by these programmes are phased in and action taken. We will also create standards and ensure training for all those who work at this level. The objective is that elected representatives and officials with the ability and sensitivity deliver in a way that incorporates the issues and concerns of gender, disability and young people.

The Urban Renewal Strategy provides a similar window of opportunity in the sprawling and neglected concentrations of poor people who are scattered around the islands of opulence left by the South African history. But we should not see urban and rural as distinct and separate. They are part of the South African whole.

The importance of transformation in these areas is not only relevant inside South Africa, but also regionally, on the continent of Africa and internationally. The role that we have played and continue to play in these theatres indicate that our leadership, particularly, of the President himself, is widely respected and appreciated.

In the coming year, we shall build on the adoption of the SA National Gender Policy Framework that we adopted in December last year through popularising this policy framework. An easy-to-follow version, translated into four of our national languages with concurrent workshops, and the implications of these policy positions in all nine provinces are planned. Similarly, a national gender summit to look at the challenges for the gender machinery in south Africa is planned in conjunction with the Commission on Gender Equality for later this year.

The ongoing training and building of capacity in provincial Offices on the Status of Women and national departmental gender focal points are reaping fruit. These initiatives will be further strengthened in collaboration with the UN Development Programme, UNDP, during the coming year. We are busy with the process of putting in place the draft 2nd Cedaw country Report which is due in February 2002. This process will further strengthen the close co-operation between the Office on the Status of Women Commission on Gender Equality, Parliament, Government and civil society.

The Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women has grown in stature and is a strong voice not only in Parliament, but also in other spheres of our society. The good work must continue.

Over the past few years we have taken big strides in the empowerment of women. The representation of women in Parliament, the Cabinet and as Deputy Ministers is but an indication of that. Of 14 Deputy Ministers seven are women, and, of 27 Ministers, nine are women, not to mention their responsibility for strategic areas of governance.

In Parliament, the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of this House and the Chairperson of the NCOP are women. In the Presidency, three out of three serving Deputy Directors-General are women and, similarly, the occupation of senior and top management positions by women in the Public Service is no longer the exception. All this is a huge stride from what we inherited in 1994.

But we are not satisfied with the situation, and we are determined to bring in more women, both in elected and employed positions in order to ensure true equity, particularly in rural areas where women suffer such enormous burdens and such extreme poverty.

The targets and challenges, in terms of advancing the status and rights of people with disabilities that we set for ourselves through the Integrated National Disability Strategy, are there for all to see. The extent to which we have advanced is evident in this House today. Few parliaments in the world, if any, equal the number of members with disabilities that we have in our Parliament.

The crucial role of this House’s newly established Joint Monitoring Committee on Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Children, Youth and Disabled Persons, should be commended. Their work must grow in importance and stature.

While mindful of the role that Parliament has played in empowering people with disabilities, it is hoped that this good work will be extended to ensure that there is the right physical infrastructure, ethos and budgeting procedure to cater for disabled persons, and an increase in the numbers of members with disabilities after the 2004 elections. In saying this, I thank the Presiding Officers for major work already done.

The establishment of the representative SA Federal Council on Disability provided the most important institutional capacity to build and support the disability movement in South Africa. With the launch of the Thabo Mbeki Development Trust for Disabled People, this institutional capacity has been extended also to provide sustained and focused funding for developmental initiatives and the economic empowerment of disabled people. I again want to express our gratitude for the continued funding and technical support from the Swedish government, through the Swedish International Development Agency, in this regard.

Last year we reported on the economic empowerment initiatives in terms of the transformation of sheltered and protected workshops into viable business units and training centres. An interdepartmental task team has now being established, and we will report on advances made in this regard as we progress.

On the continent and in the international arenas we have been closely associated with the African Decade for Disabled Persons. We are also in the process of engaging friendly countries on the possibility of expanding the UN standard rules into a full-fledged UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities. This is something that we believe is intrinsically part of the advancement of the status and rights of people with disabilities internationally.

On June 1 this year Parliament was a hub of activities, song, dance and music, to celebrate our continued awareness campaign on the rights of children. It marked the launch of a status report on the situation of children in South Africa, as well as our submission to the UN special end- of-the-decade session and related promotional material. The widely consulted children and media code continues to highlight the challenges we face in terms of the relationship between children and the media. This code now provides a strong basis for continued interaction with the media in ensuring the rights of children.

This coming year we will also see a broadening of the national programme of action for children’s activities to local government level. A range of workshops and interactions with these authorities, specifically those identified as nodal points for the Rural Development Strategy, are planned, and should lead to these authorities adopting local plans of action to build and enhance the rights of children and reverse the specific challenges we face.

The National Youth Commission, the statutory body charged with monitoring and advancing youth development, played a leading role in arranging for the highly successful celebration of the 25th anniversary of the Soweto Uprising this past week. The work of the NYC and all who work with them should be commended. The celebrations affirmed our and the youth’s commitment to the ideals of a nonracial, nonsexist, democratic society. The recent launch of a national youth employment clearing house by the NYC, and the successful youth service pilot project, in conjunction with public works and the Office on the Status of Disabled People in the Presidency, are but examples of the initiatives to advance viable programmes for the economic empowerment of young people. Consultations between the NYC and the Departments of Labour, Education and Trade and Industry are on going to find ways of incorporating young people in the human resource development strategy of the Government. [Interjections.] Yes, my time is up, but may I take the opportunity to express my deepest thanks and appreciation to the Joint Monitoring Committee on the Status and Quality of Life of Women, the JMC on the Status and Quality of Life of Children, the Youth and the disabled. It has been a pleasure working with these committees and their chairperson …

Mr K M ANDREW: Mr Chairperson, is there one rule for some members and another for others? [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, you are aware that a Presiding Officer has a certain discretion, and when it comes to the question of greetings, if one, no matter who it is, makes such a greeting or passing thanks to someone, that is allowed. The Speaker has allowed it in the past and it is a tradition of this House. Hon Minister, please continue and finish that.

The MINISTER: Chairperson, thank you very much. Similarly it has been a pleasure to work with the Chairperson, commissioners, the CEO and staff of the National Youth Commission during the past year.

I also express my appreciation for the work and commitment of the heads and staff of the Office on the Status of Women, the Office on the Status of Disabled People and the Office on the Rights of the Child, in particular the Director-General, and staff of the Presidency in general. Thank you, Chairperson, for giving me this opportunity. [Applause.]

Ms E GANDHI: Mr Chairperson, hon President, comrades and colleagues. Parliament has recently received three reports on the elderly, on human rights, abuse of children in school and on drug abuse. They reveal a sad story of abuse of helpless people - the elderly, the children and those addicted to drugs. Reading these reports makes one wonder about the kind of society in which we are living. But we daily encounter people who walk the extra mile to help others. Thousands of volunteers working in all walks of life selflessly give up their time, but their stories are seldom heard.

Apartheid was an evil that was characterised, among a host of repressive laws, by a brutal migratory labour system, forced removals of families, repression and separate development, resulting in the break-up of family life and separation of the races.

Apartheid education was designed to subjugate the majority of the people while a small minority received education and, in the words of Chief Albert Luthuli: The majority of the whites have gone far along the road to the worship of material prosperity, they cling to it with religious fervour, and I sometimes suspect that this is because they have no living alternative. The mysterious, the profound and the supernatural are elbowed aside and contempt for true religion is taken a stage further.

A result of this heritage is the present-day self-centred, uncaring attitude that we see. Our own traditional values of ubuntu are also at great risk at this time in our history.

Yet alongside apartheid grew the freedom struggle. We learned to share. We learned to suffer. We learned to care for each other and we gave up all we had without thinking of tomorrow. Ubuntu was alive and well. This was the tradition of the selfless spirit that we inherited in the freedom struggle. Today, if we want to fight crime and abuse of the vulnerable we need to nurture this inheritance and discard the selfish, materialistic tendency that plagues our new-born democracy. No number of laws, policies, prisons, institutions and police will be able to deal with the problems plaguing us.

May I remind members of the resolution we passed at the Mafikeng conference of the ANC on the elderly, noting that there is a growing population of elderly people in South African society. Grants for elderly people constitute about 80% of all grants issued to beneficiaries. We resolved that society must affirm aging as an integral part of the life cycle. We must reflect, once again, on the practice of ubuntu by affirming the role of elderly people in society. We must prevent the abuse of elderly people by families and communities.

We need nurses, doctors, social workers and teachers who are caring and have a sense of service. Love and caring cannot be bought, nor can it be imposed. It can only come from within, and here I wish to acknowledge the work the President is doing together with religious leaders towards the moral regeneration of our society.

Just as the President and the Deputy President are bringing the different religions together in this work, we too, in our communities, are helping to work towards building families, family values and nationhood. There are numerous projects all over the country. Some are led by the Department of Social Development and others by volunteers, working towards family preservation.

Diakonia Council of Churches is doing tremendous work in Durban and surrounding areas. I have seen the work done in Phoenix and Inanda, started by young volunteers and social workers. Ms Gugu Mthembu started the family preservation programme in Inanda. Sinla Moonsamy and Stanley Moonsamy are co-ordinating the domestic violence helpline and self-help and training projects in Phoenix. Pat Horne has brought together self-employed women and street vendors. There are thousands of other dedicated workers all over the country, to whom we say that we appreciate their dedication and service. Let us replicate these examples.

In supporting this Vote, I want to stress to Comrade President that instead of singing the song of doom and gloom, it is time that we patriotic South Africans began to celebrate some of the innovative, good, indeed, world class work that is being done quietly by our people on the ground.

The burden of these most disadvantaged cannot be eased by piecemeal efforts. Only through fighting poverty, underdevelopment, illiteracy and disease in an integrated way and only by our society grasping the challenge of transformation, as one, will we make progress.

Our history and condition requires our Presidency to lead the process of delivery and transformation, to integrate and co-ordinate the programmes of the Government, and to strengthen the interface between spheres of Government and civil society. All members of this House should unite to support and strengthen this Presidency in its task of leading our nation into a prosperous, proud and peaceful future. [Applause.]

Dr P W A MULDER: Chairperson, Deputy President, last week marked the end of the first two years of the term of President Mbeki as President of South Africa. Of course, he wants to make a success of his Presidency. I am also a newly elected leader of my party. Of course, I also want to make a success of my leadership. The question is: Is it possible for both of us to achieve political success and both be winners? Is outmanoeuvring one another the only way that political leaders can succeed? Is his victory always our defeat, or the other way round?

In 1910, according to history, the Union of South Africa was formed. Many whites saw it as a victory. For different reasons, black people and some Afrikaners saw it as a defeat. Nine years later, each of these groups sent their own delegation to the peace talks at Versailles. The Afrikaner-Boer delegation asked for their freedom and that the boer republics be reinstated. The ANC delegation asked for political rights. In 1910 there were political winners and losers.

In 1961 Afrikaners won a referendum and created a republic, avenging their defeat at the hands of the British in 1902. Blacks, and a young Nelson Mandela reacted with armed resistance. In 1961 there were political winners and losers.

And in 1994? Were there only winners? Any opinion poll among Afrikaners today will tell one that the majority of Afrikaners believe that the ANC was the winner, and Afrikaners the losers. No amount of propaganda on the South African miracle or hindsight truths will change that.

When I was elected leader of the FF in March, I committed myself to trying to get win-win solutions for South Africa’s problems. I really believe that it can be done. A prominent Afrikaner academic recently wrote that there is a growing estrangement between the ANC Government and Afrikaners. I have an article here written by another Afrikaner academic. The heading is: ``The ANC’s 10-year plan to get rid of Afrikaans.’’ One can read the letters to the editor in any Afrikaans newspaper to understand the mood and the debate in Afrikaner circles.

Must I tell the President this? Yes, surely that is my job. There is a saying in Xhosa that a baby that does not cry dies whilst strapped to the back of its mother. ``Usana olungakhaliyo lufela embelekweni.’’ [Interjections.]

What do Afrikaners talk about while standing around the braai-fire, when they are alone and need not be politically correct? They speak of crime and the cruelty of the latest farm murder. They speak of feeling like strangers in South Africa, being powerless with no future. Each one tells his own story of injustice and unfairness within the workplace, how Afrikaners are unfairly blamed for everything that goes wrong.

What do black people talk about when they are on their own? Many black people seem to have forgotten that many Afrikaners both speak and understand their languages. They say that whites are ungrateful, whites should have had a Nuremberg trial and that President Mbeki is far too soft with these exploiters. They use selective findings of the Truth Commission to support their points of view.

It is interesting to note that black criticism is just as sharp towards coloured and Asian people from my experience. These views are hardly a recipe for a win-win solution. What is happening between us in South Africa. Are we slowly moving apart? Can we learn from our neighbours and avoid the same mistakes? Zimbabwe had all the opportunities for success, mineral wealth, a prosperous agricultural sector, a good infrastructure, a core of skills, a small but diversified industry and great natural beauty for tourism.

With the political settlement in 1980, it seemed inevitable that Zimbabwe would flourish with rising living standards for all. What is the situation today? Let us forget about the whites. Black Zimbabweans now have higher unemployment and lower living standards than they did 10 …

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, are you rising on a point of order?

Mr M M CHIKANE: Yes, Chairperson. I want to ask the hon member a question, if he would take it.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Hon member, will you take a question?

Dr P W A MULDER: Chairperson, I would really like to take a question, but I have got limited time. If there is time left, I will certainly answer a question. I like debate.

The reasons are clear: state control - I am talking about Zimbabwe and the interference in the economy - overtaxation, corruption and, above all, the way President Mugabe crushed all opposition and silenced all critics. Any white person who dared to criticise him was instantly called a racist and any black person who criticised him, a tool and a puppet of the white racists.

And in South Africa? Calls for reconciliation that were made in the past are now replaced with debates on racism. Cabinet Ministers answer all criticism by blaming old racism. During the past year we had three special parliamentary debates on racism. Debates on racism may help to unite the ANC by recalling the good old struggle feelings, but that struggle is gone forever. The ANC is now the system. The ANC is now the system and the President must make his peace with that.

These debates in no way contribute to better relations between black and white. On the contrary, racism debates invariably lead to mutual accusations and stereotyping, to ``them-and-us’’ arguments. In my experience, racism debates lead to more racism and play into the hands of extremists. I can quote to the House some extremist speeches in this House, or speeches made outside South African court buildings, mobilising and polarising people.

Those are the easiest speeches to make. One does not need a mind for them, only emotions. What is objectionable, what is dangerous about extremists, is not that they are extreme, but that they are intolerant. The evil is not in what they say about their cause, but what they say about their opponents.

The racism debate will, in time, penetrate through the rank and file and this will mean that the levels of tension and mistrust will rise. Of course the FF can also play that game. It is even easier for us, because in our position, we do not carry the responsibility of Government.

For the first time we see big marches to court buildings by whites and their farmworkers, as happened yesterday in Ceres and the previous week in the Free State. Is this the recipe for a win-win solution to South Africa’s problems? Why do we not formulate a precise definition of racism that everybody will understand? Once having isolated the real racists on both sides, stop bullying the rest with accusations of racism.

Seven thousand people applied for amnesty, more than 5 000 were denied amnesty. The reason in most cases was that they allegedly did not make a full disclosure. What an unconvincing reason! How can the amnesty committee determine whether one has told the whole truth, without knowing the whole truth themselves? Does the hon the President really believe anyone will not make a full disclosure knowing that the alternative is staying in jail for the rest of his or her life?

Therefore, for the next 10 years in South Africa, we will have court cases to prosecute these 5 000 people. Hardly a win-win atmosphere! All racists in South Africa are yearning for peace and harmony. To achieve this goal requires a solution between the Afrikaners of South Africa and, on the other side, the Africans of Africa. Such a solution must create a win-win situation for all. Please do not give us the old answer that the Government knows what is best for everyone.

The ANC must make its choices. Is the Afrikaner part of the problem or part of the solution? One cannot wish the Afrikaner away. Self-determination and minority rights for those who want it, and as successfully applied in many other countries around the world, must become part of the South African political solution. It must include cultural and territorial self- determination. In spite of the fact that it will lead to a win-win situation, it is also a modern and well developed option. Let us not redesign the wheel.

This option allows for a win-win situation for the ANC to transform, redistribute and to affirm. But, it also offers Afrikaners enough hope and scope to be an Afrikaner in Africa, and to exercise their culture and feel comfortable and not disempowered.

On 23 April 1994, the FF signed an accord with the ANC on self- determination. The accord was signed by President Mbeki on the one side and General Viljoen on the other. For the benefit of the new members, I want to read from that accord.

Section 1 goes: ``the parties agree to address, through a process of negotiations, the idea of Afrikaner’s self-determination’’. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order!

Dr P W A MULDER: Section 2 provides that the parties further agree that in the consideration of these matters, they shall not exclude the possibility of local, original and other forms of expression of such self- determination''. In the latest ANC letter from the President on the Internet, President Mbeki writes about the people of the United Kingdom and he says:They said that they believe us because they know that we keep to our commitments and do not tell lies.’’ This year, the ANC and the Afrikaner commitments will be tested.

When the ANC Government addresses the problems of the Afrikaans language, Afrikaans schools and universities as well as territorial self- determination, the ANC will be surprised to see how much positive Afrikaner energy will emerge to support and help resolve the country’s problems.

But, the President should not confuse Afrikaner friendship with weakness. He should not see the willingness to co-operate as submission to relinquish ideals. I represent the people who have voted for me, that is why I am here, and I will come back in 2004 with more votes and I will still represent them. [Interjections.] History has proven the strength of the Afrikaner to persevere in their beliefs for their ideals.

I know President Mbeki wants to make a success of his Presidency. But, so do I. With extremism and polarisation we will repeat the mistakes of Zimbabwe, and we will be fighting each other for the next 20 years in win or lose political battles. With wisdom, win-win solutions in South Africa are still possible.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Chairperson, I listened with interest to Dr Mulder’s speech. He must be careful about pretending to speak on behalf of the Afrikaners. He represents an infinitesimal number. [Laughter.] The hon the President sitting here represents more Afrikaners than he does, and we said we speak for far more Afrikaners than he does. [Laughter.] Parliament belongs not to the MPs or the President. We are only the custodians sent here for a time by the people. If we allow Parliament to be diminished or sidelined, it is the people who are being treated with contempt.

When Ministers take power over the provinces, and when mayors and city managers are not appointed without the approval of the ANC’s deployment committee, then the interests of the ANC are placed well ahead of the interests of the voter, ratepayer and the provisions of our Constitution.

This is what is happening during the President’s watch. I would like to ask whether it is happening with his approval, or even worse, without his knowledge? The buck stops with him. My hon leader today urged the President to take responsibility for what is happening. The President correctly takes the credit for the good and the successes. He also needs to accept the blame for what is wrong.

The President presides over the party which is close to subverting the code of ethics, of which we were so proud a few years ago. He stated incredibly that he has not even spoken to his Chief Whip about the allegations against him. Why not, Sir? Was he not concerned? Perhaps that is why the Ethics Committee was able to drag its feet for weeks and months. That is why their report was only tabled two days ago under pressure from the opposition, and it is not going to be debated in this House until some time in September. There is one rule for ordinary people and quite another rule for the ANC elite. Anything which embarrasses his side is held over or is simply swept aside.

He has been advised to go out and meet the people. I want to suggest that he goes to some of the towns and cities around the country where ANC mayors are becoming known for their desire to live like princes and potentates in multimillion rands mansions bought for them by the ratepayers. Luxury for the elite and very little for the poor is the message which is going out from his party. This is becoming a hallmark of his Government.

The Minister of Safety and Security runs around the country blustering and promising, but delivers nothing. People have lost confidence in his ability to solve crime.

Their Minister of Education, who is absent, is grabbing power. He is required to establish policy guidelines, but he continues issuing instructions and ignoring MECs and treating them as the administrative arms of the central Government. He does nothing in Gauteng, where he could perhaps do something. There one has an incompetent MEC in Mr Ignatius Jacobs. The state of education in that province is abysmal and the standard is deteriorating in those schools. The parents in that province - at least, the one I know the best - are being sold short, and these are mainly the poor parents, because their children are not being given the opportunities that we have promised them. We want the President to know about this and to act now.

The President seems to limp from crisis to crisis. The good publicity from his visit to the UK was overshadowed by the ghastly publicity surrounding the Winnie Mandela incident. People might expect us to keep quiet about it, but we cannot do that. People want to be proud of him, they want to look up to him as the father of our nation. But millions of South Africans, and especially women, were horrified at the spectacle. [Interjections.]

We, in the DP, have never seen eye to eye with the hon Winnie Mandela. [Interjections.] We have suggested that it is disgraceful that his party has failed to call her to account in the streets of South Africa or, indeed, in Parliament. She is a law unto herself, but - I would like to say to the hon the President - that does not justify treating her like a piece of rubbish in front of millions of voters.

I want the President to apologise to her and to South Africa. [Interjections.] I appeal to him to do so in his response tomorrow. There is nothing wrong with saying I am sorry. Bigger people than me are prepared to do that, and the President is much bigger than me. I want to see him say: ``I am sorry, I will not do that again.’’ [Interjections.]

The Vote which we are being asked to consider today is a very important Vote, because we have been asked: ``Should we vote the money to enable this Presidency to continue?’’ I want to say that we are terribly disappointed with this Presidency. It started with so much promise, and two years on those hopes have been dashed. But he still has three years. He still has time to persuade the people of South Africa that he can deliver, that the Mbeki Presidency is not going to be the disaster that it has been in the last two years.

I appeal to him to pull this Government up by its bootstraps, and to come out now and do something so that the millions of South Africans who want to see him and his Government succeed will not have their hopes dashed. I appeal to the President to do that.

We speak on behalf of the minority in this country. I want to remind him that minorities can become majorities. [Interjections.] We will be opposing this Vote, and we do so in the certain knowledge that at least what we are doing is underlining to the people of this country that we expect more from this Government, that we expect more from the President than he has been able or willing to give to us and give to South Africa today. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, there are too many of you in the aisles. If you will, either take your seats or make for the exit.

Mr M I MOSS: Mr Chairperson, Comrade President Thabo Mbeki, Comrade Deputy President and hon members, there are some things that are best ignored. So I will not lend any worth to the narrow rantings befitting the small minds of those with IQs no higher than the temperature in this House. [Laughter.] [Applause.] The hon Douglas Gibson is one of them.

The ANC-led Government has, since 1994, acknowledged children, the youth and disabled as amongst the most vulnerable sectors in our society. To address the plight of these groups, the Government accommodates them in the Office of the Presidency.

The offices on the status of the disabled, children and the youth have been headed by the Minister in the President’s Office since June 1999. These offices aim to improve the status and life of these sectors. Forty-six years ago the ANC adopted a document called the Freedom Charter, which paved the way for freedom and liberation. The Freedom Charter goes, and I quote:

The law shall guarantee to all the right to speak, to organise, to meet together, to publish, to preach, to worship and to educate their children.

Under the National Party government, these rights were denied to the people of South Africa. In the past, years honouring the disabled children, and the elderly were declared by the National Party regime. Nothing was done. Instead, children and disabled people got burnt and were neglected in government institutions. The Freedom Charter also states that child labour shall be abolished. It also states that the aged and the disabled shall be cared for by the state, and free medical care and hospitalisation shall be provided for all, with special care for mothers and young children.

In September 1987, many organisations and activists went to Zimbabwe for the Harare Children’s Conference. Half of the national executive committee of the ANC, including its past President, Oliver Tambo, listened to the grim stories of the apartheid regime under which young black children had survived and resisted the brutality of the apartheid oppression of the security forces.

During the 1994 elections, the ANC campaigned and promised to implement the above-mentioned policies. The ANC can hold its head high and be proud, as it has already implemented these policies. [Applause.]

Today, education is free and compulsory for up to 10 years. Feeding schemes in schools and financial schemes for tertiary students have been implemented. To mention a few more, child grants have been extended to millions of children and all races are enjoying this. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child has been signed by our Government. The OAU’s Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the African Child was ratified by our Government in 1999.

Children are given equal opportunities and their voices are indeed being heard. On Children’s Day, Members of Parliament signed the media ethics code for children. The national plan of action for children plays a monitoring role in ensuring that legislation and programmes affecting children are being implemented. The provincial plan of action plays the same role in the provinces.

Die jeug het veral sedert 1976 ‘n baie belangrike rol gespeel in ons bevrydingstryd. Die veldtog om ons jongmense op te voed omtrent MIV/Vigs is een van die belangrikste en suksesvolste veldtogte wat die ANC Jeugliga van stapel laat loop het.

Almal ken vandag die ABC-slagspreuk: A for abstain, B for be faithful and C for condomise'', wat beteken bly weg’’, wees getrou'' en kondomiseer’’.

Die president van die ANC se Jeugliga, Malusi Gigaba, en ander sprekers het op 16 Junie weer eens ‘n baie sterk beroep gedoen op die jeug van Suid- Afrika om saam te werk om ‘n nie-rassige Suid-Afrika te bou. Die President het vroeër, minder as vier uur gelede, ook dié sterk beroep van dieselfde podium af gedoen.

Die Nasionale Jeugkommissie is in 1997 in die lewe geroep om programme en beleid vir die jeug te monitor. Die kommissie se rol behels ook die monitering van regeringsdepartemente om toe te sien dat hulle die beleid uitvoer en die dienste lewer.

Die Umsobomvufonds is gestig vir die ontwikkeling van die vaardighede van jongmense sowel as om toe te sien dat kleinsakeondernemings vir die jeug gestig word. Na maande van beplanning word die fonds nou in werking gestel om onderhoubare ontwikkeling te bewerkstellig en nie om liefdadigheid uit te deel nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The youth, especially since 1976, have played an important role in our liberation struggle. The campaign to educate our youth in respect of HIV/Aids is one of the most important and successful campaigns that the ANC Youth League has ever launched.

Today everyone knows the ANC slogan: A for abstain, B for be faithful and C for condomise '' which means stay away’’, stay faithful'' and condomise’’.

The president of the ANC Youth League, Malusi Gigaba, and other speakers once again on 16 June made strong appeals to the youth of South Africa to co-operate in building a nonracial South Africa. The President earlier, less than four hours prior to that, also made this strong appeal from the very same podium.

The National Youth Commission was established in 1997 to monitor programmes and policies for the youth. The commission’s role also entails monitoring Government departments to ensure that they apply policies and deliver services.

The Umsobomvu Fund was introduced to develop the skills of the youth as well as to ensure that small business enterprises for the youth are established. After years of planning the fund is now being put into operation to bring about sustainable development and not to hand out charity.]

With the White Paper on an integrated national disability strategy, the ANC Government has adopted the disability rights position of integration and equality. The Government policy on disability has changed from a medical one to a social one.

Disabled people are no longer viewed as sick, people to be isolated from society, but recognised as playing a rightful role in society. Many pieces of legislation, with specific reference to the Employment Equity Act, and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, were passed to ensure this equity for disabled people.

The Department of Public Works is working closely with the disability sector in converting old public buildings to make them accessible to people with disabilities. Through this, jobs are being created and skills are gained, especially for the youth … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Chairperson, His Excellency the President, the Deputy President and hon members, the Vote of the Presidency is the last to be considered this year, and appropriately so as it will dispel whatever doubts there were, while, on the other hand, it is hoped that it will give assurance that all is well in Government and in the country.

The Presidency is the very focus of national life. The output of the institutions of political power in any country ends up in the Presidency. After all, that is where the buck stops. It is therefore not unreasonable to ask the President to furnish answers to issues such as the SAA/Coleman saga. But, to this end, we are grateful that the President has stated the position of Government. We shall wait until Saturday. Magistrates, on the other hand, are reported as having found no joy in directing their problems and pleas to the relevant Minister, and all eyes look up to the father of the nation for redress.

Hon Minister Buthelezi mentioned earlier a whole catalogue of issues that need the attention of the President. But, the one that is very urgent is the matter between the former members of the SA National Defence Force and the department. These soldiers, 450 in number, have engaged the department since 1998, and their last meeting with the department was on 2 November

1. They were promised that their plight, which revolves around the voluntary severance packages, would be attended to, but nothing has come of that.

I would like to tell the hon the President that it is in times like these when law-abiding citizens who are suffering look towards the father to come to their rescue. There is no doubt that the decision by the President to appoint directors-general to the departments in consultation with Ministers has proved to be the best way out because, up to this far, no tension between Ministers and directors-general has been reported. It is such good working relations that make governance a pleasure which gives rise to success.

We note with appreciation that, as stated in the state-of-the-nation address earlier this year, and even this afternoon, legislation on the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities will be passed before the end of the year. We are aware that the portfolio committee responsible for that will consider the Bill in the next term. We also look forward to the Bill that deals with the powers and functions of traditional leaders, which is also set for tabling next term. These two Bills and others will help strengthen the Constitution and help resolve the uncertainties in the ranks of some sections of the population. I would like to tell the hon the President that what all South Africans need is the reassurance that they matter and that they have something to present to this country.

The amended Act of the National Youth Council gave rise to a council of five. It made it leaner and we hope that it will function more efficiently. The commission still has to be visible, though, particularly to the youth in the rural parts of the country as provincial youth councils, where they do exist, are mostly office-bound. The council has to work on its corporate image so that it would not be mistaken for an extension of the ANC Youth League. It has to work hard to reach out to nongovernmental youth formations. There are youth groups in churches that the commission can work with.

We appreciate the young prisoners’ programme which is the brainchild of the National Youth Commission. We laud the altruistic approach that the commission has followed in that they have spared a thought for those of their brothers and sisters who are in conflict with the law by arranging programmes for their rehabilitation and skills development in conjunction with the Department of Correctional Services.

The effort of the National Youth Commission to reach out to the other youth, to make them aware and call on them to participate in fighting against HIV/Aids are praiseworthy. These great efforts of theirs make us believe, as a nation, that in them we have trustees of posterity.

We call on the people in this country to lend a hand in improving the quality of life of the people in the rural areas. These places continue to remain centres of abject poverty, women and children continue to be abused, unemployment levels continue to rise and instances of depression, alcoholism and in some cases even suicide result because of want.

We appeal to the structures that deal with children, people with disabilities and women in the Presidency to reach out to these people who live far from the madding crowds with their ignoble strives and reassure them that in destitution, hunger and sickness they are worthy South Africans. Mr V G SMITH: Chairperson, hon President and members, in the early fifties, when the struggle for freedom was reaching new intensity, the need for a clear statement on what the character of a future South Africa should be was crafted and adopted in Kliptown by the people of this country.

This characterisation was captured in the first lines of the Freedom Charter that declared that:

… South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people …

This country has come a long way since the dark days of the repressive and unjust practices of governing by denying ordinary South Africans the right to know and participate. Lack of transparency and an autocratic way of governing was the order of the day under the NP government, and some of those practitioners and proponents of that unjust system are still in this Parliament even to this day. Many commissions of inquiry were set up to investigate a variety of issues, ranging from air disasters to hit squads and so on. The people of this c ountry were denied the right of access to information emanating from these inquiries, thereby remaining oblivious of the government-sponsored cover-up proceedings and initiatives. This was, of course, consistent with the values of the apartheid government and its allies.

Today, South Africans take it as a given that transparency by Government is part of their rights. Experts on matters of oversight go as far as to suggest that Government’s performance should and will be the right of all citizens. Members of the ANC, which constitutes the majority in Government, identified this as far back as 1955, thus our understanding and adoption of the Freedom Charter that emphasises that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people'' and that the people shall govern’’. These are the ideals for which our leaders of yesteryear fought and for which they were prepared to die. The ANC today continues to identify with these ideals. It is this commitment that we attempt to operationalise through the Constitution of this country by, amongst other things, locating the power to ensure that all executive organs of state in the national sphere of government are accountable to the National Assembly. Sections 56 and 59 of the Constitution empower the National Assembly to facilitate the culture of transparency within Government operations, as well as accessibility of information to the public at large. Prior to 1994, until the advent of democracy in this country, no such culture existed.

In addition to the above, the Constitution adopted by this Parliament makes provision for the establishment of state institutions aimed at strengthening an defending this democracy, institutions which are truly independent and subject only to the Constitution. These are all initiatives and attempts to ensure that the fight against corruption is intensified through the oversight role of Parliament, the Chapter 9 institutions and the people as a whole.

The shallow and misguided crusade by opposition parties to portray themselves as the only custodians of moral values must be rejected when one examines their track record of apartheid practices and Bantustan dictatorships. Their insistence that because the ANC is the majority party in Parliament as well as in the executive, and that we therefore merely use our strength in numbers to bulldoze our way, and that this is reason for concern as far as ensuring clean and transparent government is concerned, is without basis.

Furthermore, as a young democracy, the relationship between the executive and Parliament is being developed continuously. Hiccups in this relationship will occur from time to time. It is important to note that all members of the executive were party to negotiations at the World Trade Centre, which led to the separation of powers between the different spheres of government, as reflected in the Constitution. Therefore, this notion that Parliament is being marginalised by the executive is pure DA propaganda and cannot be taken seriously. We believe that it is not true that one has to be neutral or apolitical to effectively fight the scourge of corruption.

The ANC is, and indeed always has been, at the forefront of the fight against corrupt practice, as can be witnessed by the resolution adopted at our national general council in Port Elizabeth last year, where conference resolved that:

Legislatures need to strengthen their oversight and play a more meaningful role in the monitoring of programmes and the allocation of resources. Furthermore, the linkage between the ANC study groups and broader structures of the democratic movement should be strengthened at all levels to facilitate participation and input into legislative and oversight.

At the 50th national conference of the ANC in Mafikeng, we adopted our strategy and tactics document, which recognised that in order to ensure that Government truly served the interests of the people, the ANC would strengthen co-operative governance among all spheres of government, national, provincial and local.

For each level to play its requisite role in serving the people, our commitment to open and transparent government and to ensuring an informed and active citizenry is more than just high-sounding phrases. They are the life-blood of democratic governance, the core values of people-centred, people-driven transformation. We in the ANC shall therefore continue to strengthen our relationship between Government and civil society, including nongovernmental and community-based organisations, and promote their role in the process of transformation.

Today political opportunists and the enemies of transformation mischievously define all mismanagement as corruption. All of us need to be honest and acknowledge that this ANC-led Government inherited institutions with an ethos of corruption and personnel that were engaged in corrupt practices. All of us need to develop mechanisms to build a link between state intervention on corruption and our own initiative as citizens of South Africa, regardless of whether we are found in the private or in the public sector.

Urgent steps need to be taken to review institutions fighting corruption and to increase their resources and effectiveness when necessary. Similarly, this Presidency has consciously adopted a strategy of co- ordinating and integrating all Government initiatives so that meaningful change in the lives of the people happens with the minimum delay. For this exercise to succeed, the resources, both financial and otherwise, at the disposal of the President, must be urgently reviewed and adjusted accordingly.

We believe that we as a Government are on track in our fight against all sorts of corruption. However, we need to be realistic and recognise that it will take some time to fully implement effective controls and paradigm shifts. More importantly, we must drive more vigorously all policies of fraud prevention as required by the Public Finance Management Act and similar legislation. Every portfolio committee in this Parliament must become actively engaged in the monitoring of the Act. Initiatives led by the Public Service Commission, with the involvement of business and civil society, such as the 9th International Anti-Corruption Conference held in Durban, is further visible proof of Government’s commitment to fighting corruption wherever it exists.

Comrade Thabo Mbeki, in his closing address at the ANC’s 50th national congress, stated that the decisions taken by the conference meant that we must transform our machinery of state as speedily as possible to ensure that it becomes an instrument that serves the interests of the people. The President went further to state that our decisions meant … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr M S MOGOBA: Chairperson, hon President and Deputy President, hon members, the recent state visit to the United Kingdom was in many respects a good barometer. Our standing in the world is still relatively good, despite who we are. Goodwill is, of course, an expendable commodity, particularly with dangers staring us in the face. We are standing on the precipice and are balancing dangerously. Our economy has produced profits for the rich and immense poverty and joblessness for the poor. Corruption has made things worse and whittled away the limited resources of our country.

Crime is a cancer that is eating away at the heart of the nation. When, three years ago, I lost my patience and demanded that criminals, who normally do not understand the language of human rights and mistake it for weakness, needed to be stopped by whatever means, I was scoffed at. Now, the nation is becoming impatient and the chorus demanding the death sentence is rising to a crescendo. As I said before, I do not support capital punishment. But, what does one say to a family that has been shattered by the painful loss of their loved ones? [Interjections.]

Aids and HIV have all the ingredients of a Greek tragedy. When a calamity like HIV/Aids hits a country and has such a devastating effect it is a serious matter to indulge in equivocation and fail to fast-track remedial and emergency action intended to contain the pandemic and to save lives. The intervention by the President and the Government is critical and our survival as a nation depends on this intervention.

An even greater concern than the future of the nation is our vision for the future of our continent. On this matter, I must put on record the support of the PAC on the issue of African unity, African parliament, African defence and African economic development. These are issues that the PAC has advocated for more than 42 years.

When the President declared in this House: I am an African'', we wanted to hail this, although we were also tempted to ask: Since when?’’ This apparent cynicism on our part would have been informed by the events of the past 42 years, during which Pan-Africanism was roundly condemned and even declared a creation of the CIA. [Interjections.]

Apart from that many in this nation and in the continent now want to know whether, in essence, the President perceives a difference between African Renaissance and Pan Africanism, and what the precise differences and contradictions are.

This may sound trivial but, in our view, this is the question on the lips of the nation, the continent and the world. Perhaps we can be helped to analyse and describe this ideological grey area. It will also help to give credibility to grand initiatives like the Millennium African Recovery Programme. I believe that we need guidance here, and I think that this is very important for the realisation of the President’s own policies. [Interjections.]

Mr E M SIGWELA: Mr Chairperson, hon President, Comrade Thabo Mbeki, hon Deputy President, Comrade Jacob Zuma, comrades and colleagues, our Presidency is engaged with the gigantic task of leading our nation through the most difficult stage of our national democratic revolution - a stage in which the Presidency must rally the whole nation and all the legal instruments at its disposal for the transformation of our country from the painful past of which our President, Comrade Thabo Mbeki, spoke in his state-of-the-nation address on 9 February this year.

It is a past which our President described as:

… a past of a racially divided country, of masters and servants, of racially inspired conflict and mistrust. It is a past of endemic and widespread poverty and gross imbalances in levels of development and the distribution of wealth, income and opportunity. It is a past of an economy that was immersed in a crisis that was destined to worsen. It is a past of the denial of freedom to the majority, of gross violation of human rights and repression, of entrenched sexism, a past of high levels of crime, violence and corruption. It is a past of a South Africa isolated from the rest of Africa and the world, a pariah among the nations.

This past did not befall our country and nation by accident. It was meticulously planned by men and women, some of whose fellow travellers sit with us in this Chamber today. The result of that planning was that our nation and country was divided into racial compartments. Every aspect of life, whether economical, social, cultural, religious or otherwise, was racially compartmentalised. This affected the spatial development planning of the country in a manner that was detrimentally discriminatory to the black people, particularly the Africans. One could look at the resources that were delivered to communities and one would find this to be true.

I have already said that the aforementioned was not an accident. It was a product of the warped mentality of those who planned and implemented the system. To demonstrate this, in a reply to a Minister of the Christian Reformed Church of Michigan, USA, in February 1954, Dr D F Malan, a theologian himself, and one of the founders of the apartheid policy and Prime Minister of South Africa at that time, said the following:

It must be appreciated from the onset that apartheid, separation, segregation or differentiation, whatever the name given to the traditional racial policy of South Africa, is part and parcel of the South African tradition as practised since the first Dutch settlement at the Cape in 1652.

Dr D F Malan went on to say:

The deep-rooted colour consciousness of the white South Africans, a phenomenon quite beyond the comprehension of the misinformed, arises from the fundamental difference between the two groups, white and black. The difference in colour is merely the physical manifestation of the contrast between two irreconcilable ways of life; between barbarism and civilisation; between heathenism and Christianity, and finally, between overwhelming numerical odds on the one hand and insignificant numbers on the other.

From this theoretical basis South Africa, and the way of life of its people, was restructured in a manner that was unprecedented in history. It is out of that past that our Presidency is tasked to lead our nation. We, in the ANC, acknowledge and appreciate the wisdom of the new integrated Presidency and the new rational clustering of ministries so as to optimise their functioning as they tackle the different tasks in the process of transforming our country into a fully-fledged developmental democracy.

However, this is not enough. This Parliament needs to fashion and create legal instruments that would assist the Presidency and its ministers in tackling the challenges ahead. Of course, our Parliament has done an appreciable amount of work in this regard. The various pieces of land reform legislation, the labour Acts, the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act, the big environmental Acts, the water and forestry Acts, the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and, lastly, the Mineral Development Bill that was recently tabled, are all part of the arsenal that the Presidency and its Ministers need to remove our country from its painful past, the past of colonialism of a special type that is apartheid.

We in the ANC know, and we knew long before we came into power, that the process of transformation from the old order to the new cannot be a smooth- sailing process. We have often seen that, even in this Chamber, when we deliberate legislation which aims at facilitating transformation. The scepticism that we often see does not surprise us. In fact, it vindicates what Franz Fanon says in his book, The Wretched of the Earth, when he deals with national liberation, decolonisation and the imperative of change. He says, and I quote:

The need for this change exists in its crude state, impetuous and compelling, in the consciousness and in the lives of the men and women who are colonised. But the possibility of the change is equally experienced in the form of a terrifying future in the consciousness of another ``species’’ of men and women, the colonisers.

That is the essence of our contradiction in this country. That is the essence of the antagonistic reflection we often see in this Parliament. However, we are guided by wise and tested leadership in Comrade President Thabo Mbeki, and Deputy President Comrade Jacob Zuma. [Time expired.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Mr Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon Ministers and colleagues, the MF supports this Vote and I convey the best wishes of the leader of the MF, Mr A Rajbansi, to the hon the President, the hon the Minister in the Presidency, the Deputy President and Dr Yusuf Pahad.

Ever since the historic election that took place in 1994 tremendous achievement can be recorded, as the field is slowly being levelled in favour of the long-suffering masses. The MF commends the President and his Deputy for the roles both of them are playing for the benefit of South Africa and Africa in the international arena. It is understandable that our Government is doing its best to restore our country from the damages of the past and to level the playing field in meeting the needs of the people, and delivering on its commitment by providing a better life for all.

The high praise the hon the President received during his recent visit to the UK and the efforts that were made during the visit for the economic upliftment of our country require mention in this honourable House. In later years, when South Africa emerges as an economic giant from its long era of suppression, these exercises will go down in history, and it will be noted that the strong foundations were laid by our hon President and his team. We should ignore an artificial pipsqueak who has the habit of criticising everything the Government does.

The MF is very appreciative of the fact that the hon the Deputy President deals with matters relating to urban renewal, traditional leadership and the Commission on Religious, Cultural and Minority Rights. In this respect the MF requests the hon the President to consider establishing this for the minorities or creating a Ministry and department for religious, cultural and minority rights, and to consider legislation in respect of these aspects.

We further compliment the Presidency on the role it plays in matters relating to the youth, the disabled, gender and children. Children should be elevated and should be referred to not as children, but as child citizens.

Stocktaking shows that apartheid left us with a bankrupt state in 1994. Great strides have been made on all fronts and we express our deep appreciation for the guidance given by the Presidency in piloting our freedom ship through these stormy waters. The MF supports this Vote. [Applause.]

Mr J J KGARIMETSA: Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, … [Laughter] … the people-centred character of the ANC is the basis on which our Government adopts policies and programmes that prioritise issues affecting the poorest of the poor in our country, the majority of whom live in rural areas. This is not an ordinary movement. It is a movement with a vision and a mission. [Applause.] The ANC-led Government’s attitude of putting people first - Batho Pele - dates back to the historic Freedom Charter of 1955, and has been carried out through the 50th Mafikeng Resolution of 1997.

The Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy is but one measure to demonstrate the unwavering commitment by the ANC-led Government to creating a better life for all.

The Presidency needs to be commended for the leadership it has demonstrated by initiating the integrated development programmes that are based primarily on the principles and values of poverty eradication. The identification of the developmental nodes in rural communities, and the realignment of infrastructure programmes, such as the consolidated municipal infrastructure programme, to have a rural bias demonstrates the commitment of this Government to uplift the rural poor.

We see the integrated rural development programme as adding value to the new system of local government, which requires a developmental approach to delivery of service. An important feature of the Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy is its co-operative nature that goes beyond the Government to encourage communities to unite in action for change. [Applause.]

Through this call and the new system of local government, even the poorest rural communities have been presented with a rare opportunity to take charge of their destiny and shape the future of their children as well as an opportunity to join the fight against poverty and underdevelopment, speed up change and, again, create a better life for all. [Applause.]

Therefore, traditional leaders are central in leading the involvement of communities in the development programmes during the local government transformation process. The ANC-led Government continues to recognise the leadership of the institution of traditional leaders as central in facilitating development and the implementation of rural development programmes. We continue to make an effort to restore their respect and dignity. [Applause.]

The President has shown a serious commitment to the question of traditional leaders and we are glad that very soon the Bill on how traditional leaders will participate in the new municipal structure will be introduced in Parliament.

We understand, however, that this will not be the end of the process. The people-driven White Paper process will still continue to involve all South Africans to determine the role and place of the institution of traditional leaders in a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist society.

The most important task, that of reviewing about 1 500 apartheid laws that sought to undermine the dignity of traditional leaders and their institutions, is also under way. The issue of traditional leaders touches on governance, democracy and development. It is not a debate between Government and traditional leaders, but a matter that affects all citizens, and should be dealt with in the context of local government transformation.

We still see traditional leaders as symbols of unity in the community, as spokespersons of their communities, as custodians and protectors of customs and general welfare. They still have a duty to advise Government on issues affecting traditional leaders through the House of Traditional Leaders that has been established by this democratic Government. [Applause.]

Mmetla kgaba, o e betla a e lebisitse gaabo. Aforika Borwa ke legae la rona. Go nna kompa re kampana ka ditiro, go tlisa diphetogo mo go tokafatseng matshelo a batho. Selo se ke pina ya ga motlotlegi tautona, bogolo jang mo baaging ba ba nnang kwa metseng selegaeng. Re nesetsa puo e pula.

Kwa Bokone Bophirima, motlotlegi Kgosi Motsatsi, yo e leng modulasetilo wa ntlo ya dikgosi kwa porofenseng eo, o na le tirisano mmogo le baoki ba ditliliniki le morafe mo motseng wa gagwe. Beke nngwe le nngwe o kgatlhegela go kopa dipalopalo tsa batho ba ba amilweng ke mogare wa Eitse, le go ruta batho mokgwa o ba ka o dirisiwang go thibela bolwetse jo. Tiro e thata ka beng, e bile mabogo dinku a thebana. (Translation of Setswana paragraphs follows.)

[When one works hard, one does it for one’s community. South Africa is our home. To be united in deed brings changes and improves people’s lives. This is the hon the President’s song, especially to the people who live in rural areas. We appreciate his words.

The Chairperson of the House of Traditional Leaders in the North West, Chief Motsatsi, works co-operatively with nurses and his community. Every week statistics of people affected by Aids are conducted, and people are taught how to prevent this disease. Unity is power.]

This is unity in action for change. [Applause.]

Kgosi ya Bakgatla ba Kgafela teng kwa porofenseng ya Bokone Bophirima, o tshwere phage ka mangana mo morafeng wa gagwe go ruta le go buisana le ona ka go dirisa bontlha bongwe ba lefatshe go tlisa bojanala bo kwa bofelong bo tla fokotsang botlhoka tiro. O dira jaana a mekamekane le maloko a palamente mo Ntlong eno. Re bua jaana re eme dikgosi nokeng e bile re ka bua letsatsi la ba le wela. Pula! [Nako e fedile.] [Legofi.] (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

[Again in the North West, the Chief of the Bakgatle ba Kgafela has a great task of negotiating with and teaching his community how they can use part of their land as tourist attraction sites to reduce unemployment. He does this in collaboration with members of Parliament. We stand here to support traditional leaders, and we can do this until the sun sets. Blessings! [Time expired.] [Applause.]]

Mr C AUCAMP: Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President, the hon the Leader of the Opposition boasted in his speech that in the DA, the buck stops at the top. I can better him on that one: in the case of the AEB it also starts at the top. [Laughter.]

As the topic of this debate is the Presidency, and not only the President, I also have a word or two for the Deputy President. I want to make some positive remarks regarding the Deputy President from the bottom of my heart. I want to mention the way in which he handles questions in this House. Whilst other Ministers get rude when they do not know the answer, he has adopted that infallible tactic, the little Zuma laugh. [Laughter.]

Personally, I appreciate the sessions he has, as Leader of Government Business, with party leaders in Tuynhuys. I think we must build further on that. And lastly, most importantly, I wish to express my appreciation for the emphasis the Deputy President regularly places on the importance of moral values, discipline and a sober way of life, as was reported for instance in respect of the speech he made on Youth Day.

Aangesien mnr Essop Pahad die Minister in die Presidensie is en hy vandag verjaar, is dit seker gepas as ek hom van harte gelukwens. Die AEB kry hom jammer. Nie net kruip die son agter die maan weg as hy verjaar nie, sy verjaardag is boonop ook die kortste dag van die jaar, en dít noem ek diskriminasie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[As Mr Essop Pahad is the Minister in the Presidency and today is his birthday, it is probably appropriate if I congratulate him most sincerely. The AEB feels sorry for him. Not only does the sun hide behind the moon on his birthday, but his birthday is also the shortest day of the year, and I call that discrimination.]

The President specifically referred to white people in his speech. He said: ``No white person must feel marginalised, disempowered, violated or dispossessed from what they hold dear.’’ I must report to him today that at the moment, this is exactly the case. Yes, some of those perceptions can be contributed to the loss of power and privilege, the inevitable consequences of sharing the cake equally among all people of South Africa and to mere apartheid nostalgia. But, Mr President, this will be our focus today.

A lot of the very perceptions the President does not want alive amongst white people, marginalisation, disempowerment and dispossession, can be attributed not necessarily to the content, but to the style of his Presidency. While South Africa is portrayed as a country for all its people, a lot of them have the impression that he is not the President for all the people, or should I say peoples. A significant part of South Africans feel alienated and marginalised, not least by the impression they have of the President as someone who plays his cards close to his chest. We perceive a lack of conscious reasoning out for our people.

Ons ervaar dit as hy, heeltemal tereg, die bedroefde moeder van ‘n swart jeugdige besoek en vertroos, maar die bedroefde agtergeblewenes van die talle boere wat so brutaal en wreedaardig vermoor word, verbygaan. Ons ervaar dit as hy ‘n krans lê by die dam waar die jong seun se lyk gegooi is, maar nie ‘n oomblik verpoos by die plek ‘n paar honderd meter daarvandaan by dieselfde dam nie, waar ‘n wit man twee weke vroeër vermoor en sy dogter verkrag is toe hulle gekampeer en visgevang het.

Dan begin ons vra of die tweenasie-teorie nie dalk tog meer is as net die konstatering van ‘n realiteit nie. Ons het dit ervaar met die krisis in Zimbabwe. Ja, ons het begrip daarvoor dat die President mnr Mugabe eerder wou bearbei en nie ``bemoerbei’’ nie, dat hy hom nie aan die een kant tot nugterheid kan oorreed en terselfdertyd in die openbaar teen hom kan uitvaar nie. Ons het begrip daarvoor. Dit is net ‘n kat wat tegelyk kan vry en baklei, maar hoekom moes ons so lank wag voordat hy ons mense se vrese, gegrond of ongegrond, besweer het en duidelik verklaar het dat dit duskant die Limpopo anders sal wees?

Dit het te lank geduur voordat die Minister vir Landbou en Grondsake ons mense die waarborg gegee het dat kaart en transport in Suid-Afrika eerbiedig sal word en dat daar sterk teen plaasbesetters opgetree sal word. Dit is ook nie net ons wat dit ervaar het nie, maar ook die buiteland, soos destyds in die val van die rand weerspieël is.

Ons ervaar dit as die President hom bedien van die tweelingboetie van rassisme, naamlik stereotipering en veralgemening wanneer hy in ‘n oorsese onderhoud die breë verfkwas gebruik en blankes in Suid-Afrika stereotipeer asof hulle álmal neersien op swartes as lui, onbetroubaar en onbekwaam. Ons ervaar dit as ons tydens elke groot toespraak van hom hoor dat die beloofde artikel 185-kommissie vir die regte van minderhede aan die kom is, en daar steeds niks gebeur nie.

Ons ervaar dit as hy in gesprek tree met sekere uitgesoekte Afrikanergroeperings en die ander verbygaan. Ons ervaar dit as ons daarvan moet kennis neem dat die beloofde lessenaar vir Afrikaans steeds nie in sy kantoor gevestig is nie. Ons ervaar dit as ons jongmense met leë hande by werkverskaffingsagente moet omdraai ná hulle gehoor het hulle is te wit. Ons ervaar dit as ons deur ‘n senior Minister van die Kabinet vertel word dat die handhawing van Afrikaans op universiteit ‘n blokkasie vir omvorming is, dat die onderhouding van ‘n bepaalde Christelike etos en karakter daar ongrondwetlik is, dat Christelike godsdiensonderrig op skool moet plek maak vir ‘n algemeen-neutrale vergelykende studie, dat ons geskiedenis só besmet is dat elke simbool daarvan verwyder moet word, al is dit in die naam van ‘n skool.

Ons ervaar dit as elke konferensie en elke debat oor rassisme ontaard in ‘n who's who'' vanthe good, the bad and the ugly’’ met blankes, en by uitstek Afrikaners, as ``the bad and the ugly’’. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[We experience it when he, quite rightly, visits and comforts the grieving mother of a black youth but passes by the grieving relatives of the many farmers who are so brutally and cruelly murdered. We experience it when he lays a wreath at the dam where the young boy’s body was left, but does not stand for a moment at the place a few hundred metres away at the same dam where a white man was murdered and his daughter raped two weeks earlier while they were camping and fishing.

We then begin to ask whether the two nations theory is not perhaps more than just a statement of reality. We experienced it with the crisis in Zimbabwe. Yes, we understand that the President preferred to persuade Mr Mugabe and not confront [``bemoerbei’’] him, that he could not bring him to reason on the one hand and at the same time denounce him in public. We understand that. Only a cat can love and fight at the same time, but why did we have to wait so long before he allayed our people’s fears, wel- founded or not, and clearly stated that things would be different on this side of the Limpopo?

It took too long before the Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs gave our people the guarantee that title deeds would be honoured in South Africa and that strong action would be taken against farm invaders. This was not only experienced by us, but also abroad, as was reflected in the fall in the value of the rand at the time.

We experience it when the President makes use of the twin brother of racism, namely stereotyping and generalisation, when he uses a broad brush in an interview abroad and stereotypes whites in South Africa as though they all look down on blacks as lazy, unreliable and incompetent. We experience it when, during each big speech of his, we hear that the promised section 185 commission for the rights of minorities is imminent, and yet nothing happens.

We experience it when he enters into discussions with certain selected Afrikaner groupings and passes the others by. We experience it when we have to learn that the promised desk for Afrikaans has still not been established in his office. We experience it when our young people are turned away with empty hands at employment agencies after they have heard that they are too white.

We experience it when we are told by a senior Minister of the Cabinet that the maintenance of Afrikaans at university is an obstacle to transformation, that the maintenance of a particular Christian ethos and character there is unconstitutional, that Christian religious instruction at school must make way for a general, neutral comparative study, that our history is so tainted that every symbol thereof must be removed, even if it is in the name of a school.

We experience it when every conference and every debate on racism degenerates into a who's who'' ofthe good, the bad and ugly’’ with whites, and Afrikaners in particular, as ``the bad and the ugly’’.]

This is the marginalisation, disempowerment and dispossession of what is dearest to us, exactly what he said in his speech should not happen.

Dan gebeur dit met die President dat ook Afrikaners nie meer gedryf word deur hul skoon ideale en aspirasies nie, maar uit vrees en onsekerheid gryp hulle na die strooihalm van fight back''. [It then also happens with the President that Afrikaners too are no longer driven by their pure ideals and aspirations, but out of fear and uncertainty they grasp at the straw of fight back’’.]

I call upon the President to ensure that the next term of his Presidency is characterised by showing positively that he really wants to be the President of all our people.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, before you leave, can you just clarify what you meant when you said, contributed to us''? I suppose you meant,attributed to us’’.

Mr C AUCAMP: Chairperson, maybe. [Laughter.]

Mof M C LOBE: Modulasetulo ya hlomphehang, ka nako ya dikgetho tsa 1999 le 2000, ANC e ile ya etsa boipiletso ho baahi bohle ba Afrika Borwa ka kakaretso hore, mmoho, re lwanele phethoho. Phethoho ho tloha bokgobeng ba bofutsana le bofuma, tlala, leqeme la mosebetsi le diphephetso tseo re tjamelaneng le tsona kajeno. Ka hoo, re amohela ka diatla tse pedi, kgoeletso ya Mookamedi ya kopano le tshebedisano-mmoho bakeng sa diphethoho hobane, ho ya ka Sesotho, ntja-pedi ha e hlolwe ka sebata. Ebile, letshwele le beta poho. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Mrs M C LOBE: Hon Chairperson, during the 1999 and 2000 elections, the ANC called upon all the citizens of South Africa, in general, that we should all fight for change. Change from the slavery of poverty, hunger, joblessness and the challenges that we are facing today.

Therefore, we gladly accept the President’s plea for unity and working together for change, because in Sesotho we have a saying that two is stronger than one, and unity builds strength.]

Our society as a whole should be engaged in a process of fundamentally transforming our country, with the specific focus on poverty eradication, a scourge that still affects millions of our people. Poverty in the South African context is historically, economically and socially characterised. It therefore includes inadequate access to nutrition, health, water, sanitation, housing, education, employment, information, etc.

We must state that the youth, women, disabled and rural people are the most neglected sectors, the majority of whom, as a result of systematic marginalisation, find themselves living in poverty. For example, about 72% of African women who live in rural areas are poor and underdeveloped. It is in the light of this fact that we welcome the Integrated Sstainable Rural Development Strategy. We feel that the nodal points have been carefully chosen, for example the Qwaqwa district municipality in the Free State indisputably suffers from an economic depression.

Re amohela mosebetsi o motle oo bookamedi bo o entseng ho fihlela mona. Ho etsa mohlala, dilemong tse tsheletseng tse fetileng, nkgono Mapheello Pheko, mane Botshabelo, o ne a lata metsi qanthaneng dikilomitara tse pedi ho tloha moo a dulang teng, a dula ka hara mokhukhu, a bile a sebedisa parafini bakeng sa ho pheha. Empa, ka baka la Mmuso ona wa Mookamedi, ke motlotlo ho hlalosa hore o fumantshitswe ntlo lekgetlo la ho qala bophelong ba hae, metsi ka jareteng le motlakase ka tlung, mme tsena di kgutlisitse botho le seriti sa hae.

Feela, e teng ntho e sa ntseng e tshwenya baahi motseng ona wa Botshabelo le dibakeng tse ding tse ngata Afrika Borwa. Sena ke tshebediso ya matlwana a mabakete. Ka nnete, tshebediso ya matlwana ana e nyefola seriti seo re se kgutliseditseng nkgono Mapheko, ebile ke sesosa sa mafu a mangata ho baahi le basebetsi ba mmuso selehae. Re tlameha ho potlakisa taba ena ya ho fedisa matlwana ana a mabakete, e le e nngwe ya ditsela tsa ho lwantsha bofuma.

Puo ena ya hore mosebetsi ona o tla etsahala dilemong tse lekgolo, ka nnete, e nyefola tema eo re seng re e kgathile ho fihlela mona, mme ke batla hore ho bookamedi: tlhapi folofela leraha, etswe metsi a ptjhele o a bona. [Ditlatse.] (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)

[We welcome the good work done by the Presidency up to this point. For example, during the last six years Mapheelo Pheko, an old lady at Botshabelo, fetched water from a little dam six kilometres from where she lives. She lived in a shack and used paraffin to cook. However, because of this Presidency, I am proud to say that she has been given a house to live in, for the first time in her life, a water tap in her yard and electricity in her house. This has brought her back her human dignity.

However, there is something that still bothers the people of Botshabelo and of many other places in South Africa. That is the use of the bucket system in their toilets. This system is really belittling the dignity that we have brought back to old Mrs Pheko, and it is also the cause of many diseases among the citizens and local government workers. We have to quickly bring this system to a halt, as one of the ways of fighting poverty.

This talk of working on this project over 100 years really belittles the progress that we have accomplished so far, and I would like to bring to the attention of the Presidency that we need to make haste. [Applause.]]

Although the Presidency has been consistently pointing to the rural areas as the focal point of development, recognition has also been given to the fact that apartheid has fundamentally damaged the spatial, economic and social environment in which our people live in urban areas. Hence, the initiative of the Urban Renewal Strategy as a mechanism to fight urban decay and poverty.

Alexandra township poses a particular challenge to the Government, as it displays poverty in a glaring manner. We appreciate the R1,3 billion that the Government has set aside for infrastructural development in this area. We see this integrated development programme as a way to restore the respect and dignity of poor people and to build a better life for all.

We note with appreciation the integrated poverty relief programme which is funded from the poverty relief infrastructure and job creation fund. It should target the poorest areas in the provinces, promote human development and build capacity among the poor and unemployed. It should also provide jobs and impact on households where single women are the main breadwinners. Lastly, it must seek to make community-based projects sustainable.

The multisectoral nature of the integrated development programmes of the Presidency in a way facilitates the concept of co-operative governance, where departments and all spheres of government are required to work together and form partnerships with communities. This is consistent with the ANC message, which is ``together fighting for change’’. This partnership can only be realised at local level because it is at local government level that our entire system of governance delivers services to the people. The introduction of a new framework of developmental local government presents substantial opportunities to address the challenges of poverty.

Maikemisetso a rona a ka sehloohong tabeng ena, e tlameha ho ba tsamaiso e tsitsitseng ya letsholo la twantsho ya bofuma, leqeme la tswelopele, pokeletso ya bokgoni le boiphihlelo ba mekgahlelo e meraro ya Puso, ka tsela e hokahantsweng. Feela, re tlameha ho potlakisa letsholo lena la twantsho ya bofuma hobane kwekwe ya morao e tloha le sepolo. (Translation of Sesotho paragraph follows.)

[Our main intention in this matter, has to be the correct administration of the fight against poverty, for development and self-empowerment and experience in the three spheres of governance, in a united manner. However, we must hasten this fight against poverty because the last one to move gets the least.]

The fundamental element in the unity for change is participatory democracy. Communities are the subject of all Government policies and should be allowed to own the fight against poverty. The Local Government: Municipal Systems Act provides a mechanism in this regard. It stipulates that a municipality must develop a culture of municipal governance that complements formal representative government with a system of participatory governance.

Key to fulfilling the developmental role of local government is the drafting and adoption of integrated development plans, in which, in terms of the law, communities must have a say in the content and drafting process. This is the Freedom Charter in action. Indeed, Comrade President, the people govern.

Batho ba busa. [The people do rule.]

Undoubtedly, the poorest of the poor welcome the announcement by the hon the President in September 2000 about the provision of free basic services. The December 2000 elections bear testimony to this. Seventy percent of our municipalities are under the capable leadership of the ANC. The basic effect of the free basic services is that people’s respect and dignity will be restored.

Without any further elaboration, it should be clear in everybody’s mind that the provision of free basic services contributes directly to the eradication of poverty. We should urge all stakeholders in this regard to accelerate the process of implementing this noble concept.

We welcome Comrade President’s integrated approach to poverty eradication which, among other things, entails investment in economic and social infrastructure. We are confident that together we will win the fight against poverty. We should agree that this process will take a long time and that it will be as a result of intense struggle, a consequence of our people taking their destiny into their own hands, uniting in action against poverty.

In this instance, the President’s performance will be judged against the Freedom Charter by the masses of our people, not by what the opposition thinks or says. In the light of this fact, we as the ANC believe that the President’s programme and work are in line with this important document. [Applause.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, much praise has been given. I would like to quote from the speech of Deputy President Jacob Zuma on Youth Day, when he said: ``We need an angry young youth.’’ The question today is: Who should the youth be angry with? Who is failing them? [Interjections.]

If we look at the main challenges facing South Africans: Aids, unemployment, crime and education, the blame must surely rest with the Government. [Interjections.] It is a government with too much talk and not enough action to improve the lives of all South Africans. [Interjections.] We need a sober, well-focused, responsible and energetic youth to secure a better future for all South African citizens. This kind of youth we salute. Blind anger, rhetoric and slogans will bring them no closer to success. Our youth are definitely capable of rising above the angry sound and fury signifying nothing but self-defeating arrogance.

It is worth repeating that staggering numbers of young South Africans are being lost to Aids. It is estimated that at least 4 million South Africans are living with HIV/Aids, the highest incidence being amongst adolescents - a staggering 65,4%. The Government is failing, because our country does not have an Aids programme that is destined to succeed. [Interjections.]

Our efforts at prevention are not sharply focused and are badly led. The Government continues to refuse to contemplate a new radical approach to treatment. There is no detailed plan for looking after the families of all who fall victim to Aids, rubbing salt into the wounds. The South African Government, and all South Africans for that matter, need to listen to the voices of people like sister Ruth Bhengu, brother Lucky Mazibuko and brother Zackie Achmat.

A well-funded health budget is very critical. The working conditions of doctors and nurses and as well as that of other support staff need to be improved, undergirded by a sufficient budget to maintain high standards of efficiency and professionalism. If we look at education, according to the Auditor-General’s report, schools do not only lack basic facilities such as electricity, but also suffer owing to teacher absenteeism and a lack of textbooks. We, however, salute the dedicated teachers. Only 55% of learners are passing matric. What sort of future is in store for our young people who pass, year in and year out, but face the bleak future of unemployment?

At the same time, South Africa is losing talent and skills as more young people leave for foreign countries and a safer environment. And while our youth’s prospects for a successful future begin to drift even further from their reach, the leadership of this country has lost itself in political discourse that obsesses about marginal issues.

Harping on about the obvious ills like apartheid and racism - selective racism, I must say - can no longer be an excuse by Government for the snail’s pace of delivery or outright nondelivery. Accelerated sustainable delivery should be visible to all. The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! There is a point of order. Yes, hon member?

Ms N E HANGANA: Chairperson, Mr Seremane should tell us what the Western Cape has done in terms of delivery. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order, hon member, that is not a point of order. [Interjections.] Order! Proceed, hon Seremane.

Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, I shall ignore that. [Interjections.] The President is legitimately in Government and has been given the tools and levers by the electorate to serve all South Africans, not just a few select loyalists. By any means, he must do the job.

Crime is taking its toll on the youth. The youth are targets and some of them are also beginning to be perpetrators. Crime is strangling our youth and society as a whole. Is it because valuable policemen and women are inadequately paid and that there is a lack of tools to do the job? [Interjections.] More than sabre rattling, the Government must empower and resource our police force adequately. Criminals do not take the Minister seriously with his verbal sabre rattling.

May I please pass on a message of gratitude, somewhat belatedly …

KuMdengentonga ndithi makakhule de akhokhobe [to the magnificent one I would like to say may he remain forever young].

O gole-gole mme o se ka wa lebala gore ntwakgolo ke ya molomo. Ga le boe go boa monwana. [Legofi.] [It is better to resolve issues through talking. Hurtful words can never be retracted, but dees can. [Applause.]]

Bishop L J TOLO: Mohlomphegi, mosepedisi wa modiro, sefepi sa ngwako ele go mmago nna, tau-tona ya naga le motlatsa tau-tona ya naga, siiao maduma. Bagageso ka Sepedi, ba bontsha go re, ge molamo o tlo bolaya o kwala marethong. [Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, I greet you all. There is an old Sepedi saying: Well begun is half done.]

NgesiZulu bathi induku uma izobulala inyamazane, iphuma lapha. Uyizwa lana. [In Zulu they say a stick that this going to kill a buck comes here, you can feel it here.]

Ek wil in Afrikaans sê, as ‘n mens ‘n tier gaan doodmaak, sal jy hom hoor as jy hom hierheen bring. Met ander woorde, die waarheid is dat ons verskillende tiers gevat en gehardloop het, maar die regte tier wat die regte werk kan doen, is die ANC. [Applous.] [I want to say in Afrikaans if one wants to kill a tiger, one will hear it when one brings it here. In other words: it is a fact that we have seized and run with various tigers, but the real tiger that can really do the job is the ANC. [Applause.]]

Ke nyaka go le bontsha go re Seremane o mosomong, o swanetse go bolela ka mokgwa wo, gobane ge aka se bolele, Douglas Gibson o tla mo ra ka. Bagageso ke nyaka go le bontsha gore beibele e re … [I would say that Seremane is on duty, and he is expected to argue in that fashion, lest his boss, Douglas Gibson, gets him fired. The Bible says …]

Mr W J SEREMANE: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: I would like to know whether respect for members in the House is selective or given to all, for we address each other as ``hon’’, not just by name. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, it is a practice here to refer to people as hon'' whatever the name is. Will you do that please. It is not a selective choice. Hon Tolo, would you please continue your speech, but will you just refer to the member you referred to ashon’’.

Bishop L J TOLO: Ke a go leboga Mmagorena, hlwai e tšsene ka mo gare ga matlapa, ke ka moo banna ba etšwa ka gare ga matlalo.

Ke nyaka go bontsha seo bagageso, a re e beyeng gabotse, naa ke ka lebaka la eng ke re ANC e gabotse. Ke eme mo ke le moruti wa dikereke tšeo ba be go bare ke diIndependent, tšseo gotlogela ka 1874 di ilego tša tšwa tša ikema, ele ka ge re etšwa kolobetsong re bala 16:16 e le go puku ya Baroma, yeo e be go e re bont šha gore ka morago ga ge motho a kolobeditswe re a mo atla. Bjale ge re swanetše gore re atlane le boPretorius le bakgalabje baleloko, ba re, Aowa ga re kgone go ka atla motho o moso gomme re le mmogo mo kerekeng. Ke moo re ilego ra tšwa, gomme ra thoma ra emela ka thoko. Bagageso, go bolela nnete yeo e tletsego, ANC, a ke bontsheng gore kua magaeng, e lego moo dikereke tšeo di ikemego di tletsego gona, gomme elego tšeo mmušo wo o fetilego o be o sa iše felo ka tš ona, ebile o sa di tsee gore ke dikereke.

Ke rata go fo beya taba ye gabotse go ya ka Mangwalo a Makgethwa. Lengwalong la Bakorinthe re bala gore ga go sa na mabarebare; ka moka re bana ba Modimo. ANC e re ka moka re a swana, re selo se tee. [Legofsi.] Lengwalo le la Bakorinthe le nkgopotša mohu Andries Treurnicht. Ke kwa gore mokgalabje Treurnicht e be e le moruti. Go le bjalo, balatedi ba Democratic Alliance, yeo e kopanetšwego ke NP le DP, ba ile ba šašarakantšha tlhaologanyo ya gagwe ka tsela yeo e lego gore o be a šetše a kwišiša gore gabotse Modimo wa Magodimong ga se wa rena bathobaso. Go bolela nnete, o ile a be a tšewa ke pelo.

Ke rata go laetša gore kua magaeng dikereke tšeo di ikemego, tšeo gape di bago le balatedi ba go ka ba dimilione tše selelago go iša go tše seswai, ba thabile ka kudu, gomme ba itumela ka mmušo wa mong’arena, tlhogo ya naga. Ba sa tlile go kgetha ANC ka 2004, ka 2008 le bophelong bja bona ka moka! [Legofsi.]

Diphathi tše dingwe di re kahlolo ya lehu e swanetše go bušwa; gomme ge ANC e sa dumelane le lebaka leo, balatedi ba tšona ba e šupa ka menwana gomme ba e bona phošo. Beibele e re: O se ke wa bolaya! Ka mokgwa wo ANC e swerego dilo ka gona, ke ka tsela yeo Mangwalo a Makgethwa a nyakago ka gona.

Ge lehono maloko a hlomphegago a mpona ke ilale, gammogo le baruti ba bangwe ba dikereke tšeo di ikemego, re thabile ka kudu ge ANC e re re baruti. Go ya ka Democratic Alliance, moruti ke fela yo a tšwago sekolong; ge a sa tšwe sekolong, ga a selo. Lengwalong la Pele la Bakorinthe re bala gore yo mongwe le yo mongwe o filwe bohlale bja go ba moruti ke Modimo. Se, se laetša gabotse gore ANC e na le tsebo ya gore batho ba bangwe ba bohlale gomme ba bangwe ke baruti, bao ba filwego ke Modimo.

Pele ga ge nako ya ka e ka fela, ke rata go bontšha maloko a hlomphegago le Mopresidente wa naga gore ba tlo lemoga gore nna ke motho yo a agilego dileteng tša magaeng. Eitše ge khunologo e e tla, ka nagana go ka ya go dula ka toropong gobane ke be ke bona e ke magaeng ga go gabotse. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Bishop L J TOLO: Thank you, Madam Speaker, the lizard has taken refuge under the rocks and some able-bodied men are toiling to get it out!

I want to elaborate on why I say the ANC is on track. I am standing here today representing ministers of the African independent churches that seceded from mainstream Protestantism in 1874. According to Romans 16:16, it was the tradition in Christian circles that after a convert had been baptised, members of the congregation then embraced one another with a holy kiss as a sign of peace. However, when we tried to embrace and kiss the likes of Pretorius and company they refused, saying that for them to embrace and kiss blacks in church was anathema. That is why we broke away from mainstream Protestantism and formed our own independent churches. May I say that the decision by the ANC-led Government to make religious tolerance mandatory, especially in rural areas where numerous independent churches have been established, is an important factor. The previous regime neither recognised nor acknowledged their existence. The ANC is indeed a God-fearing organisation.

I just want to illustrate how this is justified by the Scriptures. In Paul’s letter to the Corinthians it is said that we are all God’s people. And the ANC is saying that we are all equal; we are one family. [Applause.] This letter to the Corinthians reminds me of the late Andries Treurnicht. I am told the fellow was himself a former church minister. However, custodians of the ignoble doctrine of apartheid, who are the predecessors of the Democratic Alliance which currently comprises the New NP and the DP, manipulated his mindset to the extent that he firmly believed that the Almighty God he worshipped was not the same Almighty God worshipped by blacks. Quite frankly, he even suffered a fatal stroke.

Some leaders of various independent churches whose membership is the largest in rural areas - estimated at more than six to eight million followers - are happy and contented with the leadership of our President as head of state. Surely, they are going to vote for the ANC again and again - in 2004, in 2008, and ad infinitum! [Applause.]

When the ANC disagreed with some political parties that were lobbying for the return of the death penalty we were roundly condemned for doing so. The Bible says: Do not commit murder! I would say that the manner in which the ANC-led Government is managing the affairs of this country is in accordance with what the Holy Scriptures prescribe.

Hon members can rest assured that I and other leaders of independent churches are very happy when the ANC says that we are legitimate ministers of the Word of God. According to the Democratic Alliance preachers are only those who have undergone theological academic training. Anyone else is a nonentity. In Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians it is said that everyone has been given the wisdom to be a preacher by God. This clearly shows that the ANC recognises the fact that some people were blessed by God with the wisdom to be preachers of His Word.

Before my speaking time expires, I just want to remind hon members and the President that I am one of those who lives in a rural village. After attaining our political freedom I thought of leaving my rural village for town life. If my father were raised up from the dead today and came to see where I am staying, he will definitely run away when he sees the bright lights all over the homestead. He will indeed be greatly astonished and not know where he is. He may think that he is in town.]

Ek het so gereken: Noudat ons vryheid gekry het, wil ek in die dorp gaan woon want daar is genoeg beligting. Maar noudat die ANC ‘n wonderlike ding gedoen het, gaan ek glad nie meer verhuis en in die dorp woon nie. Ek gaan maar in die landelike gebiede bly woon. [Applous.] [I thought as follows: Now that we have our freedom, I want to move to town, because there are enough lights. But now that the ANC has done a wonderful thing, I will no longer be moving to town. I will remain here in the rural areas. [Applause.]

Ruri ke a le botša, ge tate a ka fo tsoga bahung lehono gomme a tla go bona mo ke dulago ntshe, a ka tšhaba ge a bona mabone a tagile gohlegohle. Ruri o tlo gakwa, a se tsebe gore o mo kae. A ka nagana gore ke toropong. [Disego.] Kgale ge motho a be a le sefofaneng bošego o be a re ge se le Lydenburg gomme a lebela kua tlase a bone mabone a kganya kudukudu gomme a tseba gore ke mo go dulago babašweu; mo go lego mabonenyana a makatana kua le kua o be a tseba gore ke mo go dulago borapolasa ba makgowa; mola mo go dulago rena bathobaso e be e fo ba monyama wo mosomoso, etšwe le rena re be re lefišwa metš helo. [Disego.] Bjale ke rata gore balatedi ba Democratic Alliance ba lemoge gore mehleng yeno ge motho a le sefofaneng bošego gomme a le Lydenburg a lebelela kua tlase, ga a sa tseba mo e lego toropong gobane go fo swana. [Legofsi.] Re na le meetse, re na le mabone, ditsela di a kgorwa, difounu di gona; ga re sa na bothata. Nna le ba ba bangwe ba bantši ga re sa duma le go ka yo dula ditoropong; re dutše šebešebe magaeng a gaborena. Ruri Presidente Thabo Mbeki o tloge a ntšhitše ka ga tšhwene. Ge motho a ka bona tšhwene ya roto e tsatsanka ka morago ga mohlape wa tša ditshadi, e tšama emišitše mosela, o tlo lemoga gore ga go seo se kago feta.

Ke holofela gore balatedi ba Democratic Alliance ke batho ba go tsena kereke. Go ka ba molemo ge ba ka fo bolela nnete gomme ba re ANC e dira dilo tšeo di lokilego. [Legofsi.] Ke rata go laetša kgonthe ya tšeo ke di bolelago. Gakgoši Kgoloko Tshola, gaKgoši Ramaube le gaKgoši Riba ke mafelo a magaeng, gomme go kgorwa ditsela. Taba ye e a re makatša rena bana ba mobu gobane ga se ra ke ra e bona bophelong bja rena, gomme e bile ga se ra ke ra lora gore re ka tsoga re e bone.

Ge motho a bona mohlomphegi Van Schalkwyk e le lesogana la go nona, le le botse la go kgahliš a ka tsela ye, ke gobane ke kgale ba e ja metšhelo ya botatagorena, mola rena re be re goga boima … [Disego.] [Legofsi.] [Nako e fedile.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Someone who flew over the countryside of Lydenburg at night during the apartheid era, might have noticed a vast difference in infrastructure and delivery when he looked down. Where one saw some very bright lights, one would know that the plane was flying over a lily-white town where only white people lived; where one saw isolated lights here and there, one knew that those were white-owned farmsteads, whilst the areas inhabited by blacks remained engulfed in total darkness, even though we were required by law to pay taxes. I should like to remind members of the Democratic Alliance that today when one is flying over the countryside of Lydenburg at night and one looks down, one will see no difference whatsoever in infrastructure, because all the places are now equally covered in very bright lights. At long last we have piped water; we have electricity; roads are being built; we have telephones and we have no problems. I, and those who initially wanted to move into town, no longer desire to do so because we are now settled in peace and comfort. President Thabo Mbeki has indeed contributed massively to the furtherance of a better life for all in this country. If one were to watch a male baboon showing off as it protects a group of female baboons from behind, with its tail held high, one would realise that nothing will ever harm them.

I hope that members of the Democratic Alliance are churchgoers. It would be proper for them to examine their consciences and agree that the ANC is indeed doing the right thing. I want to elaborate on that: In the rural villages of Chief Kgoloko Tshola, Chief Ramaube and Chief Riba, roads are being built. This has come as a great wonderment to us in those areas because we have never seen these things before, least of all dreamt that one day these things might happen to us.

It is worth mentioning that the reason why the hon Van Schalkwyk is such a strong, healthy and handsome young man could be that he was a beneficiary of the previous regime’s taxes that were paid by our fathers at a time when we were suffering greatly. [Laughter.] [Applause.]]

Mr R S SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members, before continuing with my prepared speech, I wish to refer briefly to the earlier participation by the hon Dr Manie Schoeman. [Interjections.] He is the new Eastern Cape mascot of the ANC and I want to say to him that his arguments here today were as unconvincing as they were predictable.

It is also a pity that Dr Schoeman tried to use an important debate to fight the fights he had lost in his former party and to try to justify his joining the ANC in such a clumsy and inept way. [Interjections.] The fact that Dr Schoeman was for a long time perceived in the New NP to be a rightwinger, who might actually join the FF rather than the ANC, makes his performance here today even less credible. [Interjections.] I say this because little more than a year ago, on 13 March 2000, Dr Schoeman, in a media statement, had this to say about the ANC:

Die stelling dat die Nuwe NP en die ANC ideologies nie veel verskil nie, is ‘n absolute wanvoorstelling en nooit deur my gesê nie. Natuurlik bly die ANC die Nuwe NP se hoofopponent.

Hy gaan dan voort en noem fundamentele ideologiese verskille tussen hom as Nuwe NP-lid en die ANC, en dit sluit die volgende in: federalisme, effektiewe beskerming van minderheidsregte en taalregte, en, hoewel die ANC ekonomies na die Nuwe NP se posisie beweeg het, is daar volgens hom wesenlike verskille, soos onder meer oor sekere bepalings in die huidige arbeidswetgewing. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[He then went on to mention fundamental ideological differences between himself as a New NP member and the ANC, and these included the following: Federalism, effective protection of minority rights and language rights, and, although the ANC has moved towards the New NP’s position economically, he claims that there were fundamental differences, inter alia, regarding certain provisions in the present labour legislation.]

I also recall that after the formation of the DA, Dr Schoeman said that if the DA were to have the IFP or UDM on board as well, his opposition in principle to the formation of the alliance about which he had so much to say today would fall away. Now I want to ask: Where on earth is logic or principle to be found in such a schizophrenic position? [Interjections.] And for those hon members who do not know what the word ``schizophrenic’’ means, it means a split personality. Dr E A SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, would the hon member take a question? [Interjections.]

Mr R S SCHOEMAN: It has been said that one fool can ask more questions than 12 wise men can answer: No, I will not take a question.

Mr G C OOSTHUIZEN: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: The hon Speaker handed the very incriminating file of Dr Delport’s information to Dr Schoeman. Does he want that file back now? [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! I want to remind hon members that if they raise spurious points of order they will not be recognised in future. [Interjections.] And, that applies to both sides of the House.

Mr R S SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, I would like to just tell the House that that hon spurious member has always been renowned for his obscurity and the question that he has just asked today is just another example of that. [Interjections.]

What we have been treated to, today, is the spectacle of Dr Schoeman’s bitter tirade and, I would add, tasteless personal attacks against the DA and its component parties and their leaders. I would best describe it as a litany of distortions and misrepresentations which we reject and which, of course, he presented here with a passion and a zeal which can only come from the lips of the newly joined, anxious to prove the purity of their motives and the sincerity of their commitment. [Interjections.]

However, I gladly leave the hon Dr Schoeman in the tender loving care of the ANC. [Interjections.] [Applause.] And, I am really very disappointed that I have in a way, had to waste my time putting the record straight after the totally pointless participation of that hon member. [Interjections.] I hope that he and the hon Johnny de Lange are on better terms with one another nowadays. [Laughter.]

Ek wil egter vir die agb Johnny de Lange sê ek dink daardie agb lid het ‘n goeie klap nodig! [Tussenwerpsels.] [However, I want to say to the hon Johnny de Lange that I think that that hon member needs a good hard slap! [Interjections.]]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members.

Mr R S SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, I wanted to say to the hon the President - and I will send them my speech - that as far as the question of inclusivity in this country is concerned, it is threatened by the whole approach of majoritarianism, and that is the view that if the majority is comfortable it does not matter who is sidelined in the process. [Interjections.]

I want to appeal to the hon the President to set the example of respect for the views of those who differ from the ANC. And, to remember that the patriotism ``as being the true patriotism’’ is of no party and that the questioning of the patriotism of the opposition, because of criticism, should stop forthwith. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! [Interjections.] Order! This appeal for order also applies to the Ministers in particular. Order! [Laughter.]

Mr D LOCKEY: Madam Speaker, it is a great honour and a privilege for me to participate in this debate. Today, our President has once more offered a vision of a united and nonracial South Africa. He has again offered reconciliation in a great spirit of magnanimity. Unfortunately, this was met with scandalous opportunism and petty politicking on the part of the DA. [Interjections.]

It was Charles Dickens who once remarked that life always offers one an opportunity to see the truth, no matter how blind or how prejudiced one may be. I do not think that Charles Dickens ever had such a pathetic bunch of people in mind when he made that statement. [Laughter.]

Earlier this year, our President quoted from the Millennium Declaration, in which the leaders of the world undertook to take special measures to address the challenges of poverty eradication and sustainable development in Africa, including debt cancellation, improved market access, enhanced official development assistance, and increased flows of foreign direct investments and transfers of technology.

During the past two years our President and our Government have worked tirelessly to establish peace and stability on our continent, and to promote our country and our continent’s interests in the global arena. The hon Leon also referred to the many economic challenges that are facing our country and continent. He unfortunately neglected to offer any solutions to these challenges.

I wish to argue today that South Africa’s entry into the global arena runs through Africa. Our future is inextricably linked to to that of our continent. South Africa’s current trade surplus with the continent stands at approximately R20 billion. This figure is even more significant if one takes into account that the bulk of these exports is manufactured and fully beneficiated goods. This is in stark contrast to the fact that the bulk of our exports to the rest of the world is predominantly raw materials and that we have a huge trade deficit with many of our other major trading partners, including the EU, the USA and Asian countries.

The truth is that there are many jobs in this country that are sustained through exports to the continent. If conditions could be created for the continent to develop, then South Africa would flourish with it. The global initiatives by our President are vital for the future economic growth and prosperity of South Africa. We can only prepare ourselves if we fully understand the dynamics that drive the process of globalisation in the world today. Increasingly, the world is operating as an integrated entity on issues of trade, production and finance.

Globalisation has led to many new technologies which have irrevocably changed the production, financial and knowledge structures of the world’s economy. Without access to these technologies a nation has very little hope of economic progress or survival. Globalisation is also about power and politics. The economically powerful nations of the world are using their economic advantage to manipulate the international rules on trade and investment in their favour.

Globalisation is also about mass mobilisation of global capital, in which the market is supposed to reign supreme. This process has led to the greatest inequalities that the world has ever seen. According to the UNDP, the richest 20% of the world generates 86% of the world’s products and accounts for 93% of its Internet use in 1999. The bottom 20% of the world generates only 1% of the world’s products. The majority of these people are in sub-Saharan Africa. It is against this background that we as South Africa and Africa compete for trade and investment opportunities in the world.

One of the major achievements of the ANC Government is the fact that we have successfully transformed the debt-ridden, uncompetitive and isolationist economy we inherited in 1994. The fact speaks for itself. Manufacturing exports have increased from 15% of output in 1994, to 28% of output last year. Our labour productivity increased by 30% over the same period. According to the global competitiveness report, South Africa’s position improved from 47 out of 49 countries, to 33rd out of 59 countries surveyed last year. Through the EU, South Africa and the SADC free trade agreements, our Government has created more opportunities than ever before for greater market access for South African goods. [Interjections.]

Despite these successes, the levels of direct foreign investment and local investments are disappointingly low, at 15% of GDP last year. This matter is a major challenge that must be addressed. Now that we have stabilised the country’s macroeconomics and are now focusing more and more on microeconomic issues, we must pay greater attention to the higher levels of investments and higher levels of small, medium and micro-enterprises, and higher levels of Black Economic Empowerment.

We are also severely hampered by the lack of a level playing field in international trade. The world today is dominated by the economically- powerful, to the exclusion of poor developing nations such as ourselves. In the areas where we can compete effectively, for example in steel, textiles and agriculture, we have seen how developed countries have opted to protect their own narrow interests. The EU is protecting their agriculture through subsidies and quotas, despite the fact that subsidies are regarded as an unfair labour practice by the WTO. The US is protecting its steel industry through so-called antidumping legislation.

Investment is the key to future economic growth and our participation in the global economy, and our President has spared no effort to try to attract higher levels of foreign direct investment to South Africa and to our continent. Investment is vital for capital accumulation. Through such capital accumulation jobs are created and new technologies developed.

Investment, trade and employment enable a country to mobilise savings. There are many development economists who argue very convincingly that investments precede savings. Investments also lead to higher levels of exports, which in turn lead to higher levels of economic growth. Investments also bring new skills and scarce management resources, which we were denied by the former regime, into a developing country such as us.

The big challenge for the African continent is how to attract higher levels of investment. This represents the only sustainable solution to the eradication of poverty, underdevelopment and unemployment that are plaguing our country and our continent.

Of the R827 billion in foreign direct investment in 1999, Africa only attracted 1,3%, while it has 15% of the world’s population. According to Unctad the rates of return on investments of US companies in Africa are the highest in the world at 32,4%. This is nearly three times as high as the average returns in South America. This situation can only be attributed to the so-called Africa risk premium or Afropessimism.

It is clear that the dice are heavily loaded against our continent. The decision-making mechanisms in the bread-and-wood institutions must also be revised. The US government commands a staggering 17,33% of the voting power in the IMF, and an 85% majority is required to amend any IMF articles of agreement.

There are convincing arguments that the IMF today is the de facto foreign policy arm of the US government. For as long as this is the prevailing state of affairs in the world economy, we have very little chance of survival. We in the ANC remain committed to fighting for an equitable decision-making mechanism in these bodies.

I wish to conclude by saying if the DA really wants to make a contribution, they should help us to fight Afropessimism, they should help us to fight the Africa risk premium and they should stop bad-mouthing South Africa here and abroad, like they did, once more, today. They should assist us to create a positive image of this country and to allow investors to come and invest in this country. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, Minister Pahad will hand over a Braille copy of the Budget Speech of the Minister of Finance to the Joint Monitoring Committee on Youth, Children and People with Disabilities. He will hand it over to the President in the foyer outside the Chamber. You are invited to participate and you may wish to sing happy birthday afterwards. The President will reply tomorrow.

Debate interrupted.

The House adjourned at 19:06. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The Minister of Environmental Affairs  and  Tourism  on  12  June  2001
 submitted a draft of the National Parks Amendment Bill, 2001,  as  well
 as the memorandum explaining the objects of the  proposed  legislation,
 to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms  of  Joint  Rule  159.  The
 draft has been referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on  Environmental
 Affairs and Tourism and the Select Committee on Land and  Environmental
 Affairs by the Speaker and the Chairperson, respectively, in accordance
 with Joint Rule 159(2).

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) on 21 June 2001  in  terms  of  Joint
 Rule 160(3), classified the following Bill as a section 75 Bill:


 (i)    Criminal Procedure  Amendment  Bill  [B  37  -  2001]  (National
     Assembly - sec 75).

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following papers have been tabled  and  are  now  referred  to  the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following paper is referred to  the  Standing  Committee  on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is  also  referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Labour and to  the  Select  Committee
     on Labour and Public Enterprises for information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements  of  Vote
     No 21 - Labour for 1999-2000 [RP 130-2000].


 (2)    The following paper is referred to  the  Standing  Committee  on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is  also  referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on Defence and to the  Select  Committee
     on Security and Constitutional Affairs for information:




     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements  of  Vote
     No 9 - Defence, Trading Account for  Medical  Stock  for  1999-2000
     and the Performance Audit on Naval Dockyard Simon's Town  [RP  118-
     2000].


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Justice and Constitutional Development and to the Select  Committee
     on Security and Constitutional Affairs. The Report of the  Auditor-
     General contained in  the  following  report  is  referred  to  the
     Standing  Committee  on  Public  Accounts  for  consideration   and
     report:


     Report  of  the  Independent  Electoral  Commission  regarding  the
     Management  and  Administration  of   the   Represented   Political
     Parties' Fund for 1998-99, including the  Report  of  the  Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements of  the  Represented  Political
     Parties' Fund for 1998-99 [RP 46-2001].


 (4)    The following paper is referred to  the  Standing  Committee  on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is  also  referred
     to the Portfolio Committee on  Public  Service  and  Administration
     and to the Select Committee on Local Government and  Administration
     for information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements  of  Vote
     No 25 - Public Service and Administration for  1999-2000  [RP  134-
     2000].


 (5)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Finance and to the Select Committee on Finance:


     The Financial and Fiscal Commission's Submission  on  the  Division
     of Revenue for 2002-2003.


 (6)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Trade  and  Industry  and  to  the  Select  Committee  on  Economic
     Affairs.  The  Report  of  the  Auditor-General  contained  in  the
     following report is referred to the Standing  Committee  on  Public
     Accounts for consideration and report:


     Report and Financial Statements of the National Gambling Board  for
     1999-2000, including the  Report  of  the  Auditor-General  on  the
     Financial Statements for 1999-2000.

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 The following papers tabled on 19 June 2001 are  now  referred  to  the
 Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration and report:


 (a)    General Report of the  Auditor-General  for  1999-2000  [RP  75-
     2001].


 (b)    Status Report  of  the  Auditor-General  on  the  submission  of
     financial statements  of  National  and  Provincial  Government  in
     terms of the Public Finance Management Act for  2000-2001  [RP  79-
     2001].

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Foreign Affairs:

 Agreement between the Government of the Republic of  South  Africa  and
 the People's Government of the Democratic Republic of  Algeria  on  the
 establishment of a Binational Commission  of  Co-operation,  tabled  in
 terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

1. The Minister of Public Works:

 Report of the Inter-Ministerial  Task  Team  on  Construction  Industry
 Development for the period November 1997 to April 2001.

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development:

 Report and Financial Statements of the Legal  Aid  Board  for  1997-98,
 1998-99 and 1999-2000, including the Report of the  Auditor-General  on
 the Financial Statements for 1997-98, 1998-99 and 1999-2000.

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry:

 Government Notice No R.509 published in  Government  Gazette  No  22355
 dated  8  June  2001,  Regulations  relating  to  compulsory   National
 Standards and Measures to conserve water, made in terms of section 9(1)
 and 73(1)(j) of the Water Services Act, 1997 (Act No 108 of 1997).

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development, dated 21 June 2001:

   The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development resolved to initiate a Criminal Procedure Amendment Bill dealing with intermediaries, and complied with Rule 238(1) by tabling a memorandum in the National Assembly on 18 June 2001, setting out particulars and explaining the objects of the proposed legislation, as well as stating whether it would have financial implications for the State.

   The House, in accordance with Rule 238(3), on 20 June 2001 gave permission that the proposal be proceeded with.

   On 20 June 2001, the Subcommittee of the Joint Programme Committee decided, in accordance with Joint Rule 216(2), that the Bill be fast-tracked. This decision has been ratified by the House on 20 June.

   The Committee therefore reports that it has introduced the Criminal Procedure Amendment Bill [B 37 - 2001] (National Assembly

   • sec 75) by submitting a copy thereof to the Speaker in accordance with Rule 243.

2. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development on the Administration of Estates Amendment Bill [B 24 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 20 June 2001: The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development, having considered the subject of the Administration of Estates Amendment Bill [B 24 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 24A - 2000].

3. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs on the Agricultural Research Amendment Bill [B 25 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 19 June 2001:

   The Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs, having considered the subject of the Agricultural Research Amendment Bill [B 25 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 25A - 2001].

4. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry on the Close Corporations Amendment Bill [B 31 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 20 June 2001:

   The Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, having considered the subject of the Close Corporations Amendment Bill [B 31 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 31A - 2001].

5. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Defence on Study Tour to Nigeria, dated 1 June 2001:

   The Portfolio Committee on Defence, having undertaken a study tour to Nigeria (together with members of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence) from 26 January to 2 February 2001, reports as follows:

 A.     Introduction
     1. Objectives


          Nigeria and South Africa have many things in  common.  Nigeria
          experienced  military  oppressive  rule,  while  South  Africa
          experienced the oppressive system of Apartheid. Nigeria is the
          major military, economic and political force in  West  Africa,
          while South Africa is the major  force  in  its  region.  Both
          countries also support and work tirelessly  on  achieving  the
          ideals of the African Renaissance.


          The objectives were then  to  share  views  on  the  following
          issues:  Peace  support  operations,  post-Cold  War   defence
          management, force preparation, military education,  borderline
          control, parliamentary oversight, civil-military relations and
          defence industry.


     2. Courtesy calls


          Mr B Sifingo, SA High Commissioner; Lt-Gen  T  Danjuma  (rtd),
          Federal Minister of Defence; Mr S Lamido, Federal Minister  of
          Foreign Affairs; Sen A P Anyim, President of the Senate.


     3. Delegation


          The delegation consisted of Ms T R Modise (ANC MP  and  leader
          of delegation); Ms Z A Kota (ANC MP); Mr L V Ngculu (ANC  MP);
          Mr N L Diale (ANC MP); Mr P  J  Schalkwyk  (DP  MP);  Mr  N  S
          Middleton (IFP MP); Mr H A Smit (NNP MP); Mr M E  Mabeta  (UDM
          MP); and Mr G Campher, Committee Secretary.


 B.     Mr B Sifingo, SA High Commissioner


     The High Commissioner  briefed  the  delegation  on  the  political
     situation in Nigeria. He stated that Nigeria experienced one  civil
     war and six coups d'etat (the most in  Africa)  since  independence
     in 1960. Gen Olusegun Obasanjo became president after  winning  the
     presidential  elections  with  a  62%  majority.  His  party,   the
     People's Democratic Party, also attained majorities in both  Houses
     of Parliament. Parliament consisted of a 109-seat Senate and a 360-
     seat House of Representatives.


     Bilateral trade has been flourishing since 1994, and  in  1999,  at
     the  inaugural  session  of  the  South  Africa-Nigeria  Binational
     Commission  (BNC),  several  agreements   were   concluded,   which
     provided the legal framework for trade and  commerce,  between  the
     two countries. The trade balance favoured Nigeria,  but  it  should
     be borne in mind  that  South  African  exports  were  manufactured
     goods,  while  imports  from  Nigeria  were  primarily   commodity-
     related. Co-operation was also sought  outside  the  BNC  framework
     (i.e. the UN, the OAU and subregional organisations).


     The South Africa-Nigeria relationship is  central  to  our  foreign
     policy  and  the  realisation  of  the  African  Renaissance,  i.e.
     democratisation, addressing  regional  instabilities,  revitalising
     the various economies and transforming the various societies socio-
     politically.  In   addition,   as   South   Africa   becomes   more
     interventionist,  the  experiences  of  Nigeria  in   peace-keeping
     operations will be of use. The Foreign Affairs departments  of  the
     two countries will also have quarterly meetings to  discuss  issues
     and to co-ordinate policies and responses to existing and  emerging
     multilateral issues.


 C.     Minister of Defence


     The Minister, Lt-Gen (rtd) T Danjuma, welcomed  the  delegation  to
     Nigeria and gave a brief overview of  the  Nigerian  Armed  Forces'
     involvement in security operations. The armed forces  were  at  the
     time deployed in the south-east of the  country  due  to  a  border
     dispute with Cameroon over oil. A ceasefire  existed,  because  the
     case was referred to the World Court. In  the  north-east,  at  the
     border with Chad and Niger, troops were assisting the  police  with
     the problem of bandits terrorising civilians.  The  bulk  of  these
     troops were to be pulled out because of  the  operation's  success.
     Pockets of instability were also  experienced  due  to  intertribal
     conflict.


     Nigerian troops were recently  part  of  ECOMOG  [ECOWAS  (Economic
     Community of West African States) Monitoring group] in Liberia  and
     UNAMSIL (UN Mission  in  Sierra  Leone).  ECOMOG  consisted  of  11
     countries,  i.e.  Nigeria,  Gambia,  Ghana,  Niger,  Guinee,  Mali,
     Senegal, Sierra Leone,  Cote  D'Ivoire,  Benin  and  Burkino  Faso.
     Nigeria also performed peace support missions in the  former  USSR,
     Burundi and East Timor.


     The  Minister  said  that  the  proliferation  of  small  arms  was
     discussed in Mali at an OAU ministerial meeting. It  was  indicated
     that the police were unable to contain the problem,  as  they  were
     too small in size, ill-equipped and  outgunned  by  the  criminals.
     The problem with the use of troops to assist the  police  was  that
     troops  were  trained  to  use  maximum  force  when  dealing  with
     aggressors.   Police   training   will   be   upgraded   with   the
     establishment of more training schools, and  troops  will  also  be
     used as traffic regulators to free police to combat crime.


     The  Minister  stated  that  many  lessons  (e.g.  the  burden   of
     leadership) were learned in ECOMOG. The bulk  of  the  funding  and
     troops came from Nigeria, because it was the economic and  military
     leader in the subregion. Other lessons included the lack  of  rapid
     deployment capability, which led to logistical problems.


 D.     Permanent Secretary for Defence, Mr David Oyegun
     The Permanent Secretary  discussed  civil-military  relations  with
     the delegation. He stated that civil-military relations  in  modern
     times should seek to protect and sustain the features of  democracy
     which included, inter alia, the rule of law, freedom of  expression
     and of association,  religious  freedom,  participatory  governance
     and  collective  responsibility  on  the  part   of   the   general
     citizenry. In Nigeria, the long reign by  the  military  has  given
     the erroneous  impression  of  superiority  of  the  military  over
     civilians,  which  does  not  augur  well  for  the  sustenance  of
     democracy.


     It is important that civilians  and  the  military  understand  and
     accept  the  difference  between  democratic  and  military   rule.
     Democracy  is  consensual,  participatory,  emphasises  egalitarian
     principles and  celebrates  diversity  of  perspective,  while  the
     military is purposefully authoritarian and hierarchical.
     He stated that civil-military relations could  be  strengthened  by
     the following:


     1. Strong legislative and executive leadership, who understood  the
          constitutional role of the military.


     2.  Professionalisation,  down-sizing  and  restructuring  of   the
          military so as to achieve effective  civil  oversight  of  the
          military.


     3. The military should also participate in civil-military  seminars
          so as to reorientate their  psyche  towards  subordination  to
          civil rule.


     The experience in older democracies has shown that where  democracy
     is nurtured and allowed to grow by civil society and the  military,
     society grows.


     South Africa and Nigeria has the same past, i.e. oppression by  the
     military, with the exception that  in  South  Africa  the  military
     oppressed only the black majority. He added that even though he  as
     a civilian was the accounting officer and departmental head, as  is
     the case in  South  Africa,  in  certain  areas  the  military  was
     reluctant to accept civilian control.


     The  defence  budget  should  be  approved  by   both   Houses   of
     Parliament, before implementation. Sometimes this does not  happen,
     because of  tension  between  the  Executive  and  Parliament.  The
     policy was that funds allocated  for  certain  projects  should  be
     used for those projects, otherwise  authority  should  be  obtained
     from the Finance Minister and the President. However,  this  was  a
     cumbersome process. Constitutionally, the President  could  approve
     the budget within 30 days, but if more than 30 days  elapsed,  then
     Parliament should approve.


 E.     Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Admiral Ibrahim Ogohi


     The position of the CDS was rotated between the  different  service
     arms, unlike in South Africa, where it was normally  filled  by  an
     Army General. In Nigeria the  CDS  prepared  and  deployed  forces,
     while in South Africa, the Chief of the SANDF prepared the  forces,
     whilst the Chief of Joint Operations deployed the forces.


     The  Nigerian  armed  forces  learned   many   lessons   from   its
     international  peace-keeping  operations,   in   respect   of   the
     following:


     1. Burden of leadership.


     2. Experience of field commanders.


     3. Huge cost of military operations.


     4. Influence of press and international community.


     5. Magnitude of the unforeseen.


     6. External factors.


     7. Translating political decisions into military decisions.


     8. Need for proper planning and preparation


     In Sierra Leone  7 000  troops  had  to  be  financed  by  Nigeria,
     because the funding from the UN was  too  small.  The  UN  did  not
     refund these monies.


     The defence  industry  does  not  manufacture  most  of  the  local
     requirements (like South Africa), which  means  expensive  imports.
     Nigeria  also  has  a  problem  with  the  strategic  movement   of
     equipment, which makes the deployment of troops and equipment time-
     consuming and therefore more expensive.


     Maj-Gen J Garba  (rtd)  briefed  the  delegation  on  peace-keeping
     policies. He served as Foreign Minister  (1975-78),  Commandant  of
     the Nigerian Defence Academy, infantry division  commander  and  UN
     ambassador.


     He stated that there should be co-operation between the  Ministries
     of Defence and of Foreign Affairs, because  the  one  supplied  the
     troops, while the other does the diplomacy. However,  many  a  time
     the troop contingent was too small, too late or the government  was
     unable to withdraw the troops when they were drawn  into  conflict.
     Another problem, as in Liberia, was the lack of mandate,  when  the
     deployment  changed  character  (i.e.   peacekeeping   into   peace
     enforcement).


     The failure in Somalia could have been  prevented  if  the  warring
     parties were firstly disarmed so that the  strategic  and  tactical
     goals were achieved, whereafter humanitarian aid should  have  been
     provided. However,  as  soon  as  their  physiological  needs  were
     satisfied, conflict began again, with the killing of UN troops.


     He further stated that a Nigerian  ministerial  committee  will  be
     visiting South Africa to meet with the Ministries  of  Defence  and
     of Foreign Affairs, as well as the  SANDF  leadership,  to  discuss
     the transformation and integration of the SANDF. He added that  the
     average soldier was not interested  in  coups  and  that  civilians
     needed to understand and accept that they were the  master  of  the
     military,  who  has  to  die  for  causes  created  by   civilians.
     Civilians therefore had a responsibility to ensure that  the  needs
     of the military were met as far as possible.


 F.     Ministry of Foreign Affairs


     The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr S Lamido, explained that peace-
     keeping was not merely a military  activity,  but  included  issues
     like peace, security and stability, that had a  profound  influence
     on the economic activity of a country. As such, the preference  was
     a  non-military  resolution  of  conflict.  He  said  that  Nigeria
     followed  the  following  process  with  regard  to   peace-keeping
     deployments;


     1. The request for peacekeepers went to the department  of  Foreign
          Affairs,  because  the  operation  would  have   international
          economic and political implications.


     2. Recommendations were sent to  other  departments,  e.g.  Finance
          (to  determine  the  financial  viability)  and  Defence   (to
          establish capacity).


     3. The President then approved or rejected.


     4. If approved, the department of Defence do operational planning.


     5. The Department of Foreign Affairs  do  strategic  planning  with
          regard  to  logistical  support  and  co-ordination  of  joint
          operations.


     The ability to quickly withdraw deployment could  mean  success  or
     failure, which meant that the deployment  period  should  be  known
     beforehand. They stated that the period  was  predetermined  in  UN
     operations, but that deployment was not determined  on  a  regional
     basis. It was also important to have the input and support  of  the
     populace, because these  operations  involved  financial,  material
     and human resources. For example, the  operation  in  Liberia  cost
     US$2 million a day.


     There was much tension in West Africa, like in Guinea and  Liberia,
     internal conflict in Sierra  Leone  and  post-election  tension  in
     Cote'D Ivoire, where Nigeria has, or will play, a role.


     This  century  has  been  identified  as  the  century  for   human
     development in Africa. The challenge  was  to  get  NGOs,  regional
     bodies and countries to have this  same  objective,  even  if  they
     differ on how to achieve it.  During  the  Cold  War  (the  control
     mechanism of Africa by the West) African states were  ideologically
     separated, but this has changed with e-commerce and  globalisation.
     They stated that one should question why there  were  conflicts  in
     the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia/Eritrea  and  Sierra
     Leone, so as to get African solutions for these  African  problems.
     It was also clear that weapons of  war  were  coming  from  outside
     Africa. The export of weapons was part of the economy of the  West.
     Africa exported raw goods, but imported  processed  goods  at  high
     prices.


     Africa's debt stood at US$500 billion, but the US had  excesses  of
     US$3 trillion. The challenge was to link Africa  to  globalisation,
     because while democracy raised people's hopes for  prosperity,  the
     resources were locked up in debt.


 G.     Nigerian Customs Service and Excise


     The Deputy Comptroller-General stated that Customs and  Excise  was
     primarily responsible for the movement of goods  over  the  border,
     and as such it collected levies and  excise  and  performed  custom
     control. It also did agency work for other branches of  government.
     For  example,  drug  offenders  were  handed  over  to   the   drug
     enforcement agency, while other offenders were handed over  to  the
     police.  He  said  that  they  had  seized  2 500   cartridges   of
     ammunition the day before  and  that  illegal  arms  needed  to  be
     stopped, because it was used to commit crime.


     Customs  also  perform  joint  operations  with  the  police,   the
     military, drug enforcement agency and the immigrations office.  The
     agency that played a leading role in the operation would cover  all
     expenses and would reimburse the other's expenses. For example,  if
     customs called in the military for support, it should bear its  own
     expenses, as well as those of the military.  This  operation  would
     then be guided by the Customs Act.  Should  the  military  run  the
     operation, it would be guided by the Defence Act.


     They controlled the wide borders of Nigeria by channelling  traffic
     through specific ports or posts. As such, other entry  points  were
     regarded as illegal. Officers  from  the  Auditor-General's  office
     were  deployed,  as  per  the  Constitution,  in   all   government
     ministries  and  parastatals  to  ensure  smooth  running  and   to
     prosecute if necessary.  The  advantage  was  that  these  officers
     gained a better understanding of the area in  which  they  operated
     and could correct issues before they became accounting problems.


     In the  past  Customs  and  Excise  fell  under  the  Home  Affairs
     Ministry, but  because  it  had  more  dealings  with  the  Finance
     Ministry, due to its collection of revenue, levies and  excise,  it
     moved there.


     The leader of the delegation stated that in SA  the  situation  was
     that the police controlled the  border  posts,  while  the  Defence
     Force controlled the borders. Sometimes this led to  conflict,  and
     the  possibility  of  a  gendarmerie  was   being   explored.   The
     gendarmerie was French in origin  and  was  a  combination  of  the
     police and defence force, in character and power.


 H.     Senate Defence Committee


     In  his  opening  remarks,  the  chairperson,  Senator  Dr   Mnamdi
     Eriobuna, MP, stated that in the  defence  committee  members,  put
     their political differences aside and concentrated  on  the  bigger
     issue, i.e. the security of the country. The defence budget at  the
     time stood at 2% of the GDP. They did not  believe  in  downsizing,
     as it created instability and uncertainty in the armed forces.  The
     strength (and happiness) of the armed forces was then  a  guarantee
     for democracy.


     The  leader  of  the  delegation  stated  that  the  South  African
     Parliament was  based  on  the  Westminister  model,  with  certain
     assumptions. These assumptions  were  the  division  of  government
     branches, that Parliament pulled the budget  strings  to  keep  the
     executive in line, and  that  Parliament  had  strong  constituency
     lines for report-backs.


     She stated that the  South  African  defence  committee  could  not
     alter the budget and that an  appropriation  bill  system  will  be
     introduced so that Parliament will have similar powers  as  the  US
     Congress  with  regard  to  the  departmental  budget.  This  would
     increase parliamentary control, but the downside was  that  the  US
     system was too confrontational.


     Parliament had little resources  to  play  an  effective  oversight
     role, which was compounded by the following  facts;  firstly,  that
     Cabinet members were senior party members and, secondly,  committee
     members and the chairperson came from the same  party.  This  could
     result more  in  the  promotion  of  party  cohesion,  rather  than
     members prioritising their  watchdog  roles.  MPs  thus  needed  to
     understand their roles so as to strengthen democracy.


     The defence budget emphasised primary functions, even though a  lot
     of spending took place  on  secondary  tasks.  These  "contingency"
     expenditures were rectified with a supplementary budget, which  was
     introduced by the President. The Senate Committee's view  was  that
     departments spend the  people's  money  and  therefore  the  people
     should state through Parliament how the money should be spend.


     There was no military Ombudsperson (like in South Africa), but  the
     defence committees received many petitions  and  complaints,  which
     it followed up. The committee played no role in the  promotion  and
     placing of senior officers.


 I.     Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON)


     DICON was established in 1964 by an Act  of  Parliament,  with  the
     following mandates:


     1. To  co-operate  and  control  all  factories  that  manufactured
          military items.
     2. To produce equipment for the Nigerian armed forces.


     3. To utilise extra capacity of civilian factories.


     4. To test purchased military items.


     5. To test and inspect substances and  machines  intended  for  the
          armed forces.


     DICON commissioned a  plant  in  1964  with  its  German  technical
     partners. Technical skills were, however, not transferred, and  the
     factory was financially ruined. Gen Obasanjo  signed  a  deal  with
     Belgium to manufacture 14 000  rifles  and  18  million  rounds  of
     ammunition.


     From 1994 to 1998 the defence  industry  was  unable  to  meet  its
     requirements and had to import items. However, the  government  did
     not provide the finances and DICON was unable to pay the  salaries,
     because little production took place.


     DICON was utilising its excess capability to produce furniture  and
     salt, when requested.


     It  ran  a  number  of  factories,  where  the  following  military
     products were manufactured: Rifles, handguns,  handgrenades,  small
     calibre  ammunition  and  blank   ammunition.   Civilian   products
     produced: included head frames for  sinking  wells,  furniture  and
     shotgun cartridges for gaming.


     The Managing Director was Maj-Gen Kyo  Ojomo,  a  serving  military
     official. He reported to a  board,  which  had  to  report  to  the
     Minister of State  for  Defence  (i.e.  Deputy  Defence  Minister).
     Oversight was exercised  by  a  ministerial  committee  (which  was
     chaired by the President or Vice-President) and  the  Parliamentary
     Defence Committees.


     Nigeria was involved in many interventions, but this did not  boost
     the output of the defence industry. DICON was  in  discussion  with
     DENEL (South Africa), which they visited  recently.  They  proposed
     to the Minister of Defence that DICON should also be split  into  a
     procurement/testing agency and a manufacturing agency,  like  South
     Africa's  Armscor  and  DENEL.  This  proposal  was   still   under
     consideration. The relationship between DICON  and  DENEL  improved
     to the point where DICON was  invited  to  defence  exhibitions  by
     DENEL.


 J.     National War College (NWC)


     It was established in 1992 with  the  main  purpose  of  localising
     training of military personnel at all levels in a tri-service  set-
     up. It was the highest professional military  training  institution
     dedicated to the training of senior  military  officers  and  their
     civilian counterparts from other  strategic  state  departments  or
     ministries. The emphasis was on higher level  policy,  command  and
     staff functions in military and civilian appointments  in  national
     and international assignments, as well as the development of  sound
     and consistent military advice, when the use  of  force  was  being
     considered as a policy option.


     The college's motto was "Intellect, Courage  and  Patriotism",  and
     could boast 264 graduates from  Nigeria,  other  African  countries
     and  some  Asian  countries.  The  current  course  8,  which   was
     inaugurated  in  September  1999,  had  60  participants,  50  from
     Nigeria and one each from Tanzania, Namibia, Cote D'Ivoire,  Ghana,
     Benin, Mozambique, Angola, Chad, Senegal and Niger.


     The NWC was headed by a Commandant,  which  was  a  two-star  level
     appointment. The current incumbent  was  Rear-Admiral  G  Shiyandra
     (Navy). He was assisted by a deputy Commandant,  College  Secretary
     (the chief of staff and senior executive officer)  and  a  Provost,
     who was head of the NWC's Centre for Peace  Research  and  Conflict
     Resolution  (CPRCR).  The  CPRCR's  mission  was  to  organise  and
     facilitate research on a national, regional  and  global  basis  in
     the areas of conflict  (the  sources,  monitoring,  prevention  and
     resolution)  and  peace  (the  making,  keeping,  enforcement   and
     building), so as to equip senior  military  officers  and  civilian
     officials to deal with this issue. The Provost  post  was  designed
     for a retired two-star officer, retired ambassador or retired  Vice
     Chancellor.


 K.     Command and Staff College (CSC)


     This college comprised  the  college  headquarters,  a  Faculty  of
     Joint Studies and three Service (Army, Navy, Air Force)  Faculties.
     It was  established  in  1976,  with  the  aim  of  developing  the
     knowledge  of  selected  military  officers.  It  had  an  exchange
     programme with the Ghanese Armed Forces Staff College  and  trained
     2 569  officers   (senior   division),   6 119   officers   (junior
     division), 38 civilians (defence ministry) and 2 778 men  from  the
     services in staff duties.


     The Commandant was Air Vice-Marshall A O Ogundana (Air Force).  The
     selection of students was  done  by  the  different  service  arms.
     There  were  no  failures,  because  students   were   continuously
     assessed and reports were used to  assist  the  service  arms  when
     deploying students after graduation.


 L.     National Defence Academy (NDA)


     The academy was established in  1964  for  the  training  of  young
     officers to be commissioned into the armed forces  of  Nigeria  and
     other countries. The  curriculum  was  academic  and  military.  In
     recognition  of  the   ever-changing   military   technology,   the
     "Nigerian Defence Academy Certificate of  Education"  was  replaced
     in 1985 with a full  degree  programme.  The  curriculum  stretched
     over five years, with the emphasis on the  academic  in  the  first
     four years and on  the  military  in  the  final  year.  The  entry
     requirements were the  same  as  that  of  a  university  with  the
     addition of an entry interview and a military-academic test.


     The attrition rate was 10-20% over a five-year  period.  The  first
     three months  were  the  most  difficult  for  students,  but  once
     passed, most of them did not leave. After pass-out,  the  different
     service arms gave lectures to students on the choices within  these
     arms, e.g.  in  the  Army  they  could  choose  between  artillery,
     infantry, mechanized, etc.  After  graduation,  students  would  be
     commissioned into the Nigerian Armed Forces by the President.


     The  Commandant  was  Maj-Gen  P  G  Sha  (Army).  The   Commandant
     positions of the NWC, NDA and C&SC, like the position of  Chief  of
     Defence Staff (or chief of Armed Force), were rotated  between  the
     three service arms.


 M.     Recommendations


     The Committee recommends -


     1. the  attendance  of  Nigerian  military  institutions  by  South
          African military personnel;


     2. the sharing of knowledge,  especially  on  conflict  management;
          and


     3. the strengthening of economic, political and military ties  with
          Nigeria.
 N.     Conclusion


     The Committee would like to thank our  High  Commissioner  and  his
     staff,  as  well  as  the  Nigerian  Defence  Ministry,  for  their
     assistance and friendship, which assured the success of the visit.

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Transport on Visit to Pretoria Station, dated 23 May 2001:

 The Portfolio Committee on Transport, having undertaken a  fact-finding
 mission to Pretoria Station and other stations in the area, reports  as
 follows:


 A.     Introduction


     The Committee embarked on the mission to monitor the situation  and
     establish factors that led to the fire at the Pretoria Station.


     In accordance with its oversight function, the  Committee  took  it
     upon itself to meet with stakeholders on the whole  issue  of  rail
     commuters. A multiparty delegation  of  13  members  went  on  this
     trip, which took place on 12 March 2001.


     The delegation consisted of Mr  J  P  Cronin  (Chairperson);  Mr  H
     Fazzie; Mrs B Tinto;  Mrs  S  Mnumzana;  Mrs  D  Ngcengwane;  Mr  T
     Abrahams; Mr G Schneemann; Dr W A  Odendaal;  Mr  S  Farrow;  Ms  H
     Malebana; Mrs T Shilubane; Mr R Ainslie; and Mr M Sibiya.


     In order to examine these important issues, the delegation  visited
     three major stations in the area:


     1. Mabopane Station


     2. Wolmerton Station (Depot)


     3. Pretoria Station


     The members were on board a  third-class  coach  from  Mabopane  to
     Wolmerton  station,  interacting   with   commuters   about   their
     frustrations regarding Metrorail services.


 B.     Mabopane Station


     1. Background


          Mabopane Station is one of the busiest stations in the City of
          Tshwane. It was built as a  modal  integration  station,  with
          buses and taxis  being  feeders  to  the  rail  industry.  The
          station serves approximately 120 000 train/bus/taxi  commuters
          per day and  serves  as  a  link  between  the  Pretoria  CBD,
          Mamelodi and Johannesburg.


          The  management  of  the  station  is   shared   amongst   two
          roleplayers. The Mabopane Transitional Local  Council  manages
          one area, which falls under North West, and Intersite  manages
          the other area, which falls under Gauteng.


          Small businesses on the Gauteng side are  formalised,  whereas
          on the North West side they are not formalised.


     2. Conditions at Mabopane Station


          According to the Mabopane Station Manager, Mr S Lekgari,  most
          customers who are using the station on a daily basis reside in
          the North West Province. He  alluded  to  the  fact  that  the
          station is not customer-friendly, in the sense that there  are
          no facilities for disabled people and no funds to upgrade  the
          station.


          The Committee observed the following:


          (a) Besides the lack of funding, there are also signs of  poor
              management  on  the  North  West  side  (e.g.  filthiness,
              electric  cables  lying   around   and   lack   of   basic
              maintenance).


          (b) At the station, there  are  no  train  timetables  on  the
              notice  boards,  and  the  communication  system  is   not
              effectively utilised.


     3. Some concerns raised by commuters


          (a) There is often ineffective communication between commuters
              and Metrorail.


          (b) Partly due to theft and vandalism, trains are often  late,
              and thus some commuters lose their jobs because they  then
              are also late.


          (c) Metrorail often does not announce when, and  give  reasons
              as to why, trains are going to be delayed.


          (d) The announcement speakers at the station are often out  of
              order.


          (e) When asked about  a  commuter  forum,  they  had  no  idea
              whether such a forum existed.


          (f) The environment at the station is not hygienic.


          (g) Commuternet - the station radio is not  utilised  to  make
              announcements. Instead, it plays music all the time.


          (h) Metrorail cancels trains and takes them off  the  schedule
              without informing commuters. As a result, trains  that  do
              run  are  very  full,  which  leads  to  commuters   being
              stranded and exposed to danger - the  reckless  ones  hang
              on doors and between coaches.


          (i) Commuters are not safe on trains - they  are  harassed  by
              thugs and gangs.


          (j) Security personnel are of no help either. Indeed, they are
              harassing commuters.


          (k) Metrorail keeps on increasing the  number  of  first-class
              coaches, which are always empty. More third-class  coaches
              are in demand, because the majority of commuters use it.


          (l)  Security   personnel   re-sell   tickets   to   incorrect
              destinations to  desperate  commuters.  This  causes  more
              confusion and frustration.


          (m) Trains are a health hazard, as they are not cleaned.


          (n) Commuters state that they have very little options but  to
              use the train, as it is the  cheapest  mode,  compared  to
              buses and taxis.


          (o) Commuters noted that there is  no  train  service  between
              Mabopane and Rustenburg. They  felt  that  a  bus  service
              should be provided, to avoid paying more transport fares.


          While  the  Committee  could  not,  in  the  time   available,
          establish the veracity of all these concerns, delays and  lack
          of effective communication were concerns  raised  consistently
          by virtually all commuters they spoke to.


 C.     Wolmerton Station Depot


     Wolmerton Station Depot is a repair workshop  dealing  with  short-
     term repairs and maintenance.


     Mr Tinor Gabric, the Wolmerton  Station  Depot  Manager,  indicated
     that vandalism on coaches is caused by commuter frustration due  to
     train delays. This is also a criminal and an economic activity.


     He took  members  around  the  depot  and  showed  them  vandalised
     trains. He mentioned that this is  a  problem  that  happens  on  a
     daily basis, at the same time explaining that it is  expensive  and
     time-consuming to replace sliding  doors,  windows  and  seats.  He
     stated that criminals who are  involved  in  this,  are  after  the
     aluminium, which is very expensive and fetches a  good  price  with
     scrap dealers.


     Mr Gabric indicated that the tendency of commuters to stand on  the
     connecting sector not only endanger their  lives,  but  it  damages
     cables, which in turn results in train delays.


     He mentioned that vandalism often occurs whilst  the  train  is  in
     motion, and Metrorail/SARCC do not  have  the  capacity  to  employ
     enough security  officers.  He  indicated  that  vandalism  impacts
     negatively on the availability of trains  and  also  affects  their
     maintenance budget.


     He also stated that a programme aimed  at  improving  the  material
     used for doors and windows is under  way.  Although  expensive,  it
     will reduce the rate of vandalism.


     Mr Honey Mateya, the  Metrorail  Chief  Executive  Officer,  stated
     that there are commuter  forums  -  SANCO  was  involved  when  the
     forums were established. Metrorail is not  participating  in  these
     forums, as they are fully  commuter-driven.  Metrorail  assists  in
     publicising forum meetings by providing flyers to commuters and  by
     making announcements to radio stations.


     Metrorail/SARCC   admitted   that   there   are    problems    with
     communication with  commuters.  There  is  a  centralised  intercom
     system, but it  is  not  good  enough.  Mr  Mateya  indicated  that
     Metrorail, together with SARCC, is  working  hard  to  improve  the
     conditions on trains to make them more commuter-friendly.


      Mr Chris Kilowan, Acting Regional  Manager  (Pretoria)  Metrorail,
     mentioned that there is a shortage of train drivers, and this  also
     contributes to the insufficient service they provide to  commuters.
     At present, the challenge is that it takes 18 months to  two  years
     to  train  drivers,  and  the  examination  test  is  quite  tough.
     However, they hope to overcome the backlog within two years.


     There is also a constant problem of drivers on sick  leave  because
     of stress-related illnesses. This is as a  result  of  many  people
     committing suicide by throwing  themselves  in  front  of  oncoming
     trains.
     Another cause of driver shortage is the  regulations  and  lack  of
     planning of Metrorail. He also  mentioned  that  a  plan  of  using
     dedicated cellphones is under way to avoid  train  accidents,  like
     the one in Tembisa.


 D.     Pretoria Station


     Some delegates inspected the damaged part of the Pretoria  Station.
     Mr Prentice, Intersite Managing Director, mentioned  that  it  will
     cost R30 million to renovate the station. It is envisaged  that  by
     June all renovations will be complete.


     Mr Prentice went on to say that an investigation is under  way  and
     that the Committee will get a preliminary  indication  as  to  what
     really caused the fire. He mentioned that  Pretoria  Station  is  a
     very busy terminus.


     On the day of  the  incident,  trains  were  delayed  for  over  40
     minutes due to fibre-optic cable malfunction. The same  malfunction
     affected the station's public address system, so there was  no  way
     of communicating to commuters what was causing  the  train  delays.
     Eventually some 1 700 commuters gathered on the platform.


     In reply to questions from the delegation, it was conceded that  no
     alternative means of communication  were  contemplated,  much  less
     used.


     A section of the crowd started vandalising  shops  in  the  station
     complex, during which the fire was started.


     The Committee does not condone the act  of  vandalism,  but  it  is
     probable  that  poor   communication   and   commuter   frustration
     contributed to the fire.


 E.     South African Rail Commuter Corporation
     Mr J P van Niekerk, Executive Manager: Finance, SARCC, briefed  the
     Committee on government funding of  commuter  rail.  He  noted  the
     deepening crisis in the sector: The average age  of  rolling  stock
     is now 24 years, and the signalling system  is  very  old.  Current
     subsidy commitments are well below  what  is  required  to  sustain
     commuter rail, let alone expand services.


     Mr Van Niekerk estimated  that  at  current  levels  of  investment
     there will be no commuter rail  left  in  South  Africa  within  15
     years.


     He explained that the SARCC explored loan mechanisms, but that  the
     Treasury  is  very  sensitive  about  departments   or   government
     agencies trying to obtain loans independently.


 F.     Follow-up and recommendations


     The Committee feels that this was a very brief  visit,  although  a
     lot came out of it. There is a need to  have  follow-up  visits  to
     interact with commuters and management.


     Many of the problems in the commuter rail  system  relate  directly
     to inadequate funding over 20 years. However, while addressing  the
     funding challenge, there are also immediate  changes  that  can  be
     carried forward.


     The Committee comments and recommends as follows:


     1.  In  the   light   of   insufficient   funding   and   lack   of
          recapitalisation, the Department of Transport must develop  an
          effective funding strategy for commuter  rail  to  ensure  the
          maintenance of existing services, and to  make  expanded  rail
          commuter services possible.


     2. Metrorail must pay more  attention  to  effective  communication
          with passengers, both at stations and on trains.


     3. All  stakeholders  develop  programmes  to  foster  a  sense  of
          ownership among rail commuters so that the public takes a more
          active part in preventing vandalism and crime.


     4. Consideration must be given (perhaps in  co-operation  with  the
          SAPS) to the development  of  a  dedicated  and  trained  rail
          commuter security and safety division.


     5. The lack of affordable  integration  between  buses  and  trains
          must be addressed.


     6. All stakeholders should look at ways of improving conditions  at
          stations.


     7.  There  is  a  need  to  develop  active,   dynamic   and   more
          representative commuter forums which can assist with educating
          commuters about safeguarding coaches and safety on trains.


     8. Interaction is needed between the Department of  Transport,  the
          Department of Public Enterprises and the Department of  Safety
          and Security on safeguarding the interests of stakeholders.


     9. New and refurbished stations of a better  quality  will  benefit
          commuters.


     10.     The station and train security  personnel  require  special
          training, and there should be uniform  security  training  for
          public transport.


 G.     Acknowledgements


     The Committee wishes to thank the SARCC, Metrorail,  Intersite  and
     the SAPS for making this trip possible and fruitful.

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs on Visits to Western Cape Regional Office, Beitbridge Border Post at Messina (Northern Province), Skilpadshek Border Post and Mafikeng (North West), dated 6 June 2001:

 The Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs reports as follows:


 Contents     Paragraph


 Introduction A


 Approach     B


 Findings     C
 Western Cape
 Northern Province
 North West


 Conclusion   D


 Recommendations   E


 A.     Introduction


     The Committee resolved to visit the Department of Home  Affairs  in
     the Western Cape, Northern Province and North West. The aim of  the
     visits was to gain first-hand knowledge of -


     *  problems that are being experienced by  the  Department  in  the
          various provinces,


     *  problems that face border posts in the various provinces, and


     *  to find solutions to these problems.


     In all the provinces, we gave special attention to ports of  entry,
     as we are establishing a new migration policy for our country.  The
     information that we gather about ports of entry, will  help  us  to
     formulate a practical and workable immigration policy.


     The Committee therefore thanks the National Assembly  for  granting
     us permission to undertake the study tour.


     The delegation, under the leadership  of  Mr  D  A  Mokoena  (ANC),
     included Mr W M Skhosana, Mr  K W Morwamoche (ANC), Ms M  M  Maunye
     (ANC), Bishop L J Tolo  (ANC),  Mr  F  Beukman  (New  NP)  and  the
     Committee Secretary, Mr J Vermeulen.


 B.     Approach


     Information was obtained by interviewing departmental officials  in
     the provinces visited. We also requested the officials  to  provide
     us with written reports. The guideline  for  the  reports  is  that
     they should list  all  the  problems  that  are  being  experienced
     together with suggested solutions.


 C.     Findings


     1. Western Cape


          On Tuesday, 27 March 2001,  we  met  with  Mrs  M  B  Mgxashe:
          Regional Director for the Western  Cape,  and  various  senior
          officials, who briefed the Committee. The meeting  took  place
          at the Regional Office, 56 Barrack Street, Cape Town.


          (a) Overview by Mrs M B Mgxashe: Regional Director


              The  Western  Cape  is  still  operating  on   the   staff
              structure  of  1  October  1995  and  is   thus   severely
              understaffed.   Because   of   the   understaffing,    the
              Department struggles to render basic services.


              In the province, there are many cases of:


              * fraudulent marriages,
              * fraudulent late registrations of birth, and
              * foreigners with illegal identity documents (IDs).


          (b) Immigrants Selection Board


              The Board's resources are too little  and  its  budget  is
              insufficient. It needs more human resources to  enable  it
              to follow up and investigate the  applications  of  people
              who apply for permanent residence.


              Many foreigners abuse the system by fraudulently  entering
              into marriages of convenience or by fraudulently  claiming
              that they are in a  same-sex  relationship  with  a  South
              African citizen. The sole purpose of the fraud is  to  get
              South Africa residency.


              When the Regional Immigrants Selection  Board  rejects  an
              application  for  South  African   residence,   applicants
              appeal to the Central  Committee,  which,  in  turn,  then
              approves the application  as  they  are  scared  of  legal
              battles. It is very difficult to prove that a marriage  or
              relationship  is  fraudulent,  especially  as  there   are
              limited human resources to investigate cases. This is  why
              the Central Committee is scared of legal battles.


              The Board should be autonomous and function as a  separate
              entity under the Department (like in the USA and Sweden).


          (c) Permanent Residence Applications


              More than 100 people apply  for  permanent  residence  per
              month, and  29%  of  all  immigration/permanent  residence
              applications for the entire country are submitted in  Cape
              Town.


              The Board finalises only 60 applications per month, as  it
              cannot get rid of the backlog due to human  and  financial
              resource problems.


              When  the  Board  rejects  an  application  for  permanent
              residence, it provides  reasons  for  doing  so,  and  the
              applicant  may  appeal  to  the   Central   Committee   in
              Pretoria.


          (d) Refugee Affairs


              This section struggles with staff shortages  and  lack  of
              resources.


              From 200  to  400  applications  for  refugee  status  are
              submitted per month.


              The refugees mainly originate from  Angola,  Somalia,  the
              Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia.


              Officials said that it was frustrating to work with  high-
              profile people  from  other  African  states,  as  certain
              promises may have been made to  them  that  the  officials
              may not be aware of. These high-profile people then  often
              get upset when they must follow standard procedures.


          (e) Immigration Services


              There are only 11  immigration  officers  in  the  Western
              Cape. It is therefore nearly  impossible  to  enforce  the
              Aliens  Control  Act.  The  Western  Cape  has  a  serious
              problem  with  the  Chinese   and   Russian   Mafia,   who
              contravene the Aliens  Control  Act.  Many  Nigerians  are
              also exploiting the Refugees Act, as there are not  enough
              personnel to trace people who break the law.


              The  lack  of  human  resources  is   a   major   problem,
              especially at Cape Town International Airport.  The  first
              image that foreigners get of South Africa, is  a  negative
              one, as they often have to stand in  long  queues  at  the
              airport upon arrival here.


              Foreigners exploit the late registration  of  births  with
              the  help  of  South  Africans  as  a  means  of   getting
              citizenship.


              A computer facility to directly  liaise  with  the  police
              about false documents is needed.


              To deport foreign nationals who  contravene  the  law,  is
              very expensive, and deportations form a large part of  the
              budget of Immigration Services.


     2. Northern Province


          On Monday, 2 April 2001, at  Beitbridge  border  post  in  the
          Northern Province, we  met  with  Mr  M  V  Mabunda:  Regional
          Director, various senior officials, staff members of the South
          African Revenue  Service  (SARS),  the  South  African  Police
          Service (SAPS) and the Beitbridge Border Clearing Agency.  The
          SARS personnel, the Immigration Officers, the SAPS members and
          the clearing agent, who were interviewed, work  at  Beitbridge
          Border Post.


          After the meeting we walked around on the bridge and spoke  to
          pedestrians who crossed the bridge.


          (a) Overview by Mr M V Mabunda: Regional Director


              The province requested a budget of  R49  million  for  the
              year, but only  received  R42  million.  The  province  is
              divided into four regions.


              Home Affairs in the province  has  150  vacancies  in  its
              staff structure.


              In some areas of the  province,  departmental  staff  must
              use office space in magistrates' offices, as there  is  no
              other  available  office  space.   In   Naboomspruit   the
              magistrate    gave     the     Department     insufficient
              accommodation.


              The head office undertook to computerise at least  20%  of
              the   offices   and    service    points    that    needed
              computerisation during this financial year.


              Home Affairs in the province intends to  make  a  proposal
              to the head office  that  they  should  consider  allowing
              them to introduce a system  of  fining  illegals  who  are
              caught selling goods.


              There is a need for a  Refugee  Reception  Centre  in  the
              province.


              A total of 18 officials of the Department  was  questioned
              during February 2001 on suspicion of illegal activity.
          (b) Beitbridge border post


              The Northern Province is a  very  big  area,  with  eights
              ports of entry.


              Beitbridge is the largest port of entry in  South  Africa,
              and it links South Africa and Zimbabwe. A total of 42  000
              transit visas  were  issued  for  Zimbabwean  citizens  in
              1999, and about twice that in  2000.  There  are  actually
              two bridges that stretches over  the  Limpopo  River,  one
              for pedestrians and one for vehicles.


              Three types of people use the border post:


              * Pedestrians.
              * Tourists.
              * Vehicles that transport goods.


              The process followed at SARS when  a  vehicle  crosses  to
              Zimbabwe:


              *    Fill in  registration  certificate  DA65.  All  items
                   that are taken over  the  border  and  that  will  be
                   brought back to SA, must be registered on this form.


              *    Before a gate pass is issued, SARS runs  a  check  to
                   see if vehicle is not stolen.


              *    After clearance is received, proceed  to  Immigration
                   Services.


              A lot of fraud occurs at the  border  post.  South  Africa
              has  an  incentive  scheme  for  people  to  export  South
              African-made goods. This is exploited  by  people  in  the
              following manner:
              *    A truckload of South African goods is  taken  through
                   the border post to create  the  impression  that  the
                   goods are destined to be sold outside our border. The
                   goods are then brought back to SA at  a  later  stage
                   through another border post or  by  other  fraudulent
                   means, and are then sold in SA. Apart from the profit
                   that is made by selling the goods, a  VAT  refund  is
                   claimed for exporting SA goods.


              *    A bill of goods is processed without any  goods  ever
                   leaving the country. This scheme works on  the  basis
                   that one dishonest person in Customs and  Excise  and
                   one dishonest person  in  Immigration  is  needed  to
                   clear a bill of  goods  that  never  really  existed.
                   After the fraud has  taken  place,  it  is  virtually
                   impossible  to  prove  that  such  goods  never  went
                   through the border post.


              Another form of  fraud  occurs  when  people  without  the
              proper documentation bribe either  immigration  officials,
              SAPS  members  or  SANDF  members  to  enter  the  country
              illegally.


              Mr Mabunda said that three people are dismissed from  duty
              per month in the province for fraud.  He  also  said  that
              poor management at  the  border  post  is  a  contributing
              factor to the fraud.


              Officials indicated that Chinese and Pakistani people  are
              crossing the Limpopo River  at  night.  They  are  ferried
              across the river by syndicates.
              When people enter SA without the proper documentation,  it
              does  not  take  them  long  to  obtain  documentation  by
              fraudulent means.


              Superintendent Uys  from  the  SAPS  said  that  the  main
              problems at the border post were:


              *    Corruption, and
              *    Lack of effective procedures.


              He also said that it  is  difficult  to  detect  organised
              crime, because it is so well organised. Only  two  corrupt
              officials are needed to bypass the  whole  system  at  the
              border post. As a possible  solution,  he  suggested  that
              some forms  of  human  control  should  be  replaced  with
              technological forms of control. There is not even data  to
              show  how  many  people  enter  and   leave   SA   through
              Beitbridge.
              Mr Hartman, head of Immigration at Beitbridge,  said  that
              fraud and  corruption  could  not  be  controlled  at  the
              border post. He  contributed  his  sentiments  to  various
              factors:


              *    Lack of security at the gate.  There  are  more  than
                   200 holes in the security  fence  around  the  border
                   post. No money was made available by  the  Department
                   of Public Works to repair the fence.


              *    Lack of technology.


              *     Lack  of   co-operation   from   Chief   Immigration
                   Officers.


              *    The SANDF only comes on duty at 22:00 every night.


              *    Work is done according to shifts, and there  are  not
                   enough   staff   members   to   cover   every   shift
                   efficiently. There are eight to ten staff members per
                   shift, and they process 3000 to 5000 people per day.


              There is  a  joint  Zimbabwe/RSA  liaison  committee  that
              meets every month. Zimbabwe is very  co-operative  on  the
              issue  of  illegal  entry  of  their   citizens   to   SA.
              Zimbabweans who are repatriated, are fined  50  Zimbabwean
              dollars for leaving their country illegally.


          (c) Regional Representatives


              *    Ms Molapo: Pietersburg Regional Representative


                   The  deficit  of  last  year's  budget  is  R900 000.
                   Decentralised offices are  ill-equipped  due  to  the
                   insufficient budget  for  the  region.  There  is  no
                   sufficient accommodation for Home  Affairs  staff  in
                   some offices, and the accommodation  at  some  border
                   posts are appalling.


                   In other government departments,  staff  members  are
                   subsidised with cell phones, vehicles,  etc,  but  no
                   cell phone subsidies are given to Home Affairs staff.
                   When they travel, they have no form of  communication
                   and they have to travel often and for long distances,
                   as the province is big and rural.


                   Staff needs to be  equipped  with  managerial  skills
                   through training.


                   Many people leave the Department, and this causes the
                   standard of service to drop.


              *    Ms Khubutlo, Giyani Regional Representative


                   There are six district offices in  the  region,  with
                   100 staff members. The staff is not enough to provide
                   a professional service in the region. The  budget  of
                   R8 million is  also  not  sufficient.  There  is  not
                   enough money to buy photo-copiers, and  they  do  not
                   even have  subsidised  vehicles  to  drive  to  rural
                   offices.


                   There is a lack of training at managerial level.


                   The policy on migration is  reactive,  and  needs  to
                   become proactive.


              *    Ms Seguale, Leboagomo Regional Representative


                   There are seven service points in the region that are
                   not computerised, therefore no  certificates  can  be
                   issued at these service points.


                   There are  no  subsidised  vehicles  to  reach  rural
                   offices.


                   The 11 immigration officers in the region are to  few
                   to be effective.


                   The frequent changes in immigration regulations  that
                   are received from head office, cause confusion.


     3. North West


          On Tuesday, 3 April 2001, at the Mbabatho Tusk in Mbabatho  in
          North West,  we  met  with  Ms  I  Mantlasi,  Acting  Regional
          Director,  Mr  T  I  Emang,  Acting  Regional  Representative,
          Mbabatho, Mr M Ishmael, Acting Chief Immigration Services,  Mr
          Mosenthal,  Acting  Control  Immigration  Officer,  Mr   M   L
          Ferreira, Acting District  Representative:  Vryburg,  Mr  M  T
          Mocwaledi, District Representative: Kganyasi, Mr D  P  Maseng,
          Chief Immigration Officer: Mafikeng Airport,  and  Mr  Lebete,
          Chief Immigration Officer: Ramathlabama border post.


          After the meeting, we went to Skilpadshek border post  and  to
          the  regional  Home  Affairs  offices,  where  we   spoke   to
          officials.


          (a) Ms I Mantlasi, Acting Regional Director


              Home Affairs in the province established a  task  team  to
              deal with corruption.


              The budget for the province is  R39  million,  but  it  is
              insufficient; it cannot  even  buy  furniture,  computers,
              etc. The repatriation of illegals is very  expensive,  and
              their food and medical  treatment  too.  This  burdens  an
              already insufficient  budget.  Although  the  province  is
              rural, with offices and  border  posts  far  removed  from
              each other, there is no subsidised transport, cell  phones
              or  travelling   and   subsistence   allowances.   Private
              security companies who  look  after  buildings,  are  also
              expensive.


              There are 29 Home Affairs  offices  in  the  province,  of
              which 10 are border posts.


              There are few women in management positions.


              There is a plan to establish a further 24  service  points
              in the province.


          (b) Bray border post


              This border post is beside the  Molopo  river,  and  links
              Botswana  and  South  Africa.  There  are  no  toilets  or
              running water. There is also no shade for people to  stand
              in, nor space inside the building for the public.


              150 people use the border  post  every  day;  it  is  open
              between 08:00 and 16:00. No goods go through  this  border
              post,  as  it   is   not   a   commercial   border   post.
              Ramathlabama, Kopfontein and  Skilpadshek  are  commercial
              border posts.


              Home Affairs staff have to use the  SAPS's  telephone  and
              fax facilities, as they do not have their own.


              ID applications and the registration of  births  are  also
              done here.


          (c) Mokopong border post


              Home Affairs personnel share the building with  the  SAPS,
              and there is a lack of office space.


              40 to 50 people use the border post per day.


              Other Home Affairs functions  are  also  provided  at  the
              border post, like  ID  applications  and  registration  of
              births.


              Home Affairs officials  rely  on  the  SAPS  to  do  their
              banking, as they have no transport.


          (d) Makgobistad border post


              This post links South Africa and Botswana.


              The borderline runs through  the  same  tribal  area.  The
              fence  thus   divides   the   Barolong   tribe   in   two.
              Negotiations with the Chief of the tribe are essential  in
              order to deal with people jumping the fence.


              There is no proper accommodation for officials.


              This is a problematic border post,  as  many  people  jump
              the fence, despite the fact that  the  Department  ran  an
              education  campaign  in  the  area  to  teach  people  the
              importance  of  using  the  border  post.  Children   from
              Botswana jump the fence and attend school in SA.


          (e) Ramathlabama border post


              The  electricity  regularly  cuts  out,  and  this  causes
              computer data to be lost and damaged. There is no  back-up
              system for the computers, and  technicians  have  to  come
              from head office to assist. The  computers  are  also  not
              linked to the main-frame in Pretoria.


          (f) Skilpadshek border post


              The office is very small and ill-equipped.  There  are  no
              telephones, and officials have to beg the SAPS  when  they
              need to phone. There are also no proper toilets.


 D.     Conclusion


     The provinces that were visited, struggle with the following:


     1.  Lack  of  human  resources.  This  is   especially   true   for
          immigration services. Foreigners get a bad impression of South
          Africa when they are subjected to long queues at airports. The
          immigration staff structure is totally incapable of  enforcing
          the  law.  Fraudulent  marriages   and   fraudulent   same-sex
          relationships  are  difficult  to  trace.  It  is  even   more
          difficult to investigate, due to insufficient human resources.
          The immigration budget is depleted by the cost of repatriating
          illegals.


     2.  Insufficient  budget,  lack  of  computers,  furniture,  office
          space, subsidised  cars,  cell  phones,  and  subsistence  and
          travel allowances.


     3. Corruption at border posts.  Immigration  officials  are  easily
          bribed, as their salaries are low and the system  followed  at
          border posts is insufficient to stop organised crime. There is
          a lack of efficient management in the Immigration  Section  at
          Beitbridge.


     4. People jump the fence at border posts due  to  lack  of  control
          and personnel. Border posts are also ill-equipped. We saw many
          holes in the fence at Beitbridge, and we were  told  that  the
          holes have been there for a long time, despite many  pleas  to
          the Department of Public Works to fix them.


     The information that we gathered during this study  tour,  will  be
     invaluable when we finalise the  new  immigration  legislation  for
     our country  in  the  future.  Our  experiences  also  help  us  to
     understand the practical problems that frustrate the Department  in
     their day-to-day operations.


 E.     Recommendations


     Emanating from our experience gained during  the  study  tours,  we
     intend to do  the  following,  in  order  to  further  enhance  the
     Committee's work:


     1. Conduct  interviews  on  migration  issues  and  border  control
          measures, etc, in specific provinces, with a view  to  monitor
          violations.


     2. Undertake study  visits  to  SADC  countries  to  ascertain  the
          status of migration and refugee policies.


     3. Interact with SADC countries on a new  framework  for  migration
          control.


     4. Interact with the  Public  Service  Commission  on  the  current
          staffing and training needs of the Department.


     5. Undertake further surprise visits to Home  Affairs  offices  and
          ports of entry.