TUESDAY, 15 FEBRUARY 2005 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 14:02.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.

                             NEW MEMBERS

The Speaker announced that the vacancy that had arisen as a result of the resignation of Mr B W Kannemeyer had been filled by the nomination of Mr B M Mkongi with effect from 11 November 2004.

The member had made and subscribed the solemn affirmation in the Deputy Speaker’s office on 2 December 2004.

The Speaker announced that the vacancy that had arisen as a result of the resignation of Ms R Taljaard had been filled by the nomination of Ms A M Dreyer with effect from 1 January 2005.

The member had made and subscribed the oath in the Speaker’s office on 9 February 2005.

          DEBATE ON PRESIDENT’S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS

                      (Subject for Discussion)

Mr D H M GIBSON: On a point of order, Madam Speaker: I would like to raise a point of order concerning the speakers’ list. The previous Speaker gave a ruling on a similar occasion, to the effect that the Chair felt that in a parliamentary democracy, the Leader of the Opposition would follow after the President. That matter seems still not to have been cleared up, and we have an hon member of the ANC having been nominated to be the first speaker, to be followed by the Leader of the Opposition. Madam, I would like you to correct the speakers’ list and call upon the Leader of the Opposition. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Gibson, you did raise the same point of order during the state of the nation address debate of May 2004, and, as agreed in terms of my ruling on that occasion, the matter went to the Rules Committee, where parties engaged on whether in fact they did support the view that you hold, based on a particular approach to the place and role of the largest opposition party.

As you know, that issue is still with the Rules Committee, and so for now we will proceed with the speakers’ list as it stands in front of me. I would like to urge parties to complete this debate in the Rules Committee on the issue of the place and role and how we believe we should recognise the largest opposition party. Of course, we do not have such a thing as an official opposition; we have the largest opposition party, and we have other opposition parties.

Mrs M L NGWENYA: Madam Speaker, hon President, hon Deputy President, hon comrades and friends, since 26 June 1955, the Freedom Charter has remained the embodiment of our people’s aspiration for peace, freedom and justice. It lives in the hearts and minds of many people in and outside South Africa. This is because the Freedom Charter represents hope, and an ideal for which, as former President Mandela put it, many were prepared to live and, if need be, to die.

The ANC is dedicated to ensuring that the vision of the Freedom Charter is progressively transformed into a lived reality for South Africans, for our African sisters and brothers on the continent and for all the peoples, especially the poor of the world.

The era of apartheid was an era of rule by a minority, an era of compartmentalising our people into different groups and colours. It was a time when blacks were deliberately set up to hate and despise other blacks. It was a time when whites were taught the criminal and false ideology of white supremacy. The Freedom Charter represented a humane and just break from the colonial and racist crime of apartheid.

When, in 1994, the people of South Africa exercised, for the very first time in the history of this country, their democratic right to elect a government of their choice, they ensured that the time had come for the people to govern in pursuance of the goal of a better life for all.

Today, as the Freedom Charter foretold 50 years ago, the people’s representatives in our structure of governance reflect the broad spectrum of our country’s social reality. We not only have the representation of the better-offs and whites, as was the case in the past. Children from dusty streets and poverty-stricken backgrounds like myself, female or male, now have the right to vote for and stand as candidates for all bodies that make legislation in a South Africa that truly belongs to all who live in it. [Applause.]

However, with regard to the poor, black section of our communities, particularly Africans, we still need to do more to ensure equality in all aspects of life, including equality before the law and respect for human dignity. To better deal with some of the racial problems that still constitute a part of our social reality, the judiciary will also have to transform.

How do we justify that in our society today we still experience incidents such as the ones I will highlight.

Motlhomphegi Spikara, go sa na le batho ba bangwe bao ba gopolago gore bona ba ka godimo ga molao; bao ba sa phelago bophelo bja mehleng yela ya kgatelelo ya kgale. Kgweding ya go feta, rapolasa yo mošweu kua profensing ya Limpopo o thuntšhitše mošomi wa mothomoso gomme ge a botšišwa gore o mo thuntšheditše eng, yena a re ke be ke re kotse ke tšhwene. Comrade Presidente, batho ba mohuta woo ga ba nyakege mo setšhabeng sa rena le lefaseng ka bophara. Bjale tšhwene yona gabotse e be e bolaelwa eng? [Disego.] Batho ba mohuta woo ba swanetše go kwešwa bohloko, ba kwebje bophelo bja bona ka moka kgolegong, ke moo ba tlago tseba gabotse gore rena ga re ``Banana Republic’’, eupša re mmušo wa batho ka batho, wo o ithekgilego ka motheo wa Freedom Charter ge e re: “Batho ba tla buša.”

Ba bangwe gona kua profensing ya Limpopo – Presidente, re na le bothata ka profensi ya Limpopo – ba lahletše motho, a phela, ka lešakeng la ditau. Ke mohlolo mang wona woo? Kgoro ya Toka e swanetše go tiiša letsogo. Re ka se phele le batho ba mohuta woo mo nageng ya mmušo wa African National Congress. Molaotheo wa naga ya rena o re: Ka moka re a lekana pele ga molao. Freedom Charter e boletše ya re: (Translation of Pedi paragraphs follows.)

[Hon Speaker, there are still some people who think that they are above the law; those who still have an apartheid mentality. Last month a white farmer in the Limpopo province shot a black worker and when he was confronted about this issue, his answer was that he thought he was a baboon. Comrade President, people like this are not accepted in our communities and in the entire world. Even if it was a baboon, why should it be killed? [Laughter.] People such as these should be punished, they should be given life sentences in jail, and then they will realise that we are not a banana republic, but instead a government that is led by the people, which is enshrined in the Freedom Charter when it states: “The people shall govern”.

Someone in the same province – President, we have a problem with the Limpopo province – threw somebody into a lions den while the person was still alive. What kind of miracle is this? The Department of Justice must use tough measures. We cannot live with these kinds of people in our country, which is governed by the African National Congress. Our constitution states clearly that we are all equal before the law. The Freedom Charter stated that…]

All shall enjoy equal human rights, and all nation groups shall have equal rights and human dignity.

Ga se mmala wa motho wo o fago motho maemo, eupša ke maitshwaro a motho a mabotse ao a tlago mmea mo a swanetšego gona.

Comrade Presidente, rena bomme ba magaeng re re yo a nyatšago molao le tshepedišo ya molao ya mmušo wo wa rena, a gate koseni, šile. (Translation of Pedi paragraphs follows.)

[A person is not dignified because of his or her colour, but he or she is recognised and honoured for his or her good lifestyle.

Comrade President, we rural women declare that he who does not abide by the laws of our government must leave.]

Amasango avuliwe! Bona bangcono ngoba bayazi ukuthi bazoya kuphi. [Gates are opened! They are better because they know where they will be going.]

The ANC government has introduced strong local government – wall-to-wall municipalities – to further deepen the process of the realisation of the clause in the Freedom Charter: “The people shall govern!”

The ANC government has created a system of local government that allows the general populace to make a contribution in governance. As Parliament and government, we continue to speak directly to all South Africans through imbizos.

Simbonile uMongameli, simbonile noPhini Mongameli, sibabonile noNgqongqoshe bethu behamba beya kobonana nabantu ngaphandle. [We saw the President, we saw the Deputy President, we also saw our Ministers going out to meet the people from the outside.]

Ba ile go bolela le batho; batho le bona ba bolela le bona. [They went to the people in order to communicate with them and the people also responded.]

We have passed laws, such as the Municipal Systems Act, which provides for participation by all in the running of municipalities. This law enjoins municipalities to establish ward committees that will, at ward level, meet with councillors and make plans with regard to their needs in a particular area, and feed their plans into a broad municipal plan called the Integrated Development Plan, the IDP.

Our government encourages South Africans to participate in governance, especially as we celebrate the unending life of the Freedom Charter, the charter of the people.

Colonialism plundered the land from the majority of South Africans. White racist regimes of the past pushed millions of black South Africans into overcrowded and impoverished reserves - homelands and townships. The Freedom Charter sought to correct this situation, and thus remained, throughout the liberation struggle, our guiding light to the resolution of the land question.

In the pursuit of this objective, the people’s government, led by the ANC, continues to implement, with even greater vigour, both redistributive and restitutive land programmes. To negate the impact of colonial laws on women, these programmes also benefit female-headed households, thus giving true meaning to our objective to realise, in a practical manner, the objective of a nonracist, nonsexist society.

The President spoke, among other things, about illegal violent demonstrations, and made the point that these demonstrations will not produce the required resources where government does not have such resources. In this regard, the President was referring to isolated demonstrations that have begun to incorporate acts of violent behaviour. Rather than resort to violence and criminality, it is important for our people to take whatever grievances they may have to higher structures, should they feel that lower ones are not responding adequately.

The President also spoke about the need of all public representatives and the Public Service in general to work hard in the service of our country and people.

Guided by the Freedom Charter, we have created a state where democratic dissent is an entrenched right. We are free to voice our differences as well as to constitute ourselves into political parties representing these differing views. There is therefore no reason to resort to violence on the basis of our difference of opinions.

Equally, and again guided by the Freedom Charter, we, as public representatives in particular, are sworn to the injunctions of our Constitution, which injunctions oblige us, among other things, to improve the quality of life of our citizens. These injunctions, comrades and friends, we must carry through, reserving neither effort nor strength.

The Freedom Charter lives!

Nina nizokhuluma … [You will speak …]

… until you are grey in your head. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Speaker, Mr President and colleagues, if the last speaker from the ANC is correct about the wondrous state of local government, perhaps she would explain why it is that ANC city managers and ANC councillors in the Free State have to go to work in armoured cars and Casspirs. [Interjections.] I think you should look beneath the surface, Madam.

President Mbeki, in his state of the nation address last Friday, painted a very hopeful portrait of South Africa. Economic growth is rising. Social grants are expanding. Africa is taking her rightful place on the world stage. Indeed, that is correct.

And, as he warned us, we cannot ignore the fact that millions of South Africans are still waiting to enjoy the fruits of freedom. Indeed, 70% of South Africans today live below the international poverty line; more than 40% of working-age adults in our country are out of work; 35% of young people in their late twenties are infected with the HI virus. And each year, 20% of South Africans – some 9 million or 10 million people – report that they have been victims of crime.

So it is quite true, as President Mbeki told us on Friday, that South Africa is at the confluence of encouraging possibilities. But if we want to turn today’s possibilities into tomorrow’s realities, we will have to make some difficult choices. We can choose to stay on our current path – the path of more state control and less delivery, more racialism and less tolerance, more authority and less democracy. Or we can return to the path that South Africa chose in 1994 – the path of greater freedom, greater opportunity, and greater unity in the face of common challenges. But we cannot have it both ways.

We cannot, for example, hope to improve and expand government service delivery if we carry out a wholesale policy of racial transformation that gets rid of some of the most skilled and experienced members of the Public Service.

Ons kan mense nie help om in die nuwe Suid-Afrika tuis te voel as die regering Afrikaans bly aanval en ander inheemse tale eenkant toe skuif nie. In 1976 het ’n revolusie in Soweto uitgebreek omdat die regering in daardie stadium kinders in die townships wou dwing om in Afrikaans te leer. Nou, byna 30 jaar later, probeer die regering skole in Afrikaanssprekende gemeenskappe dwing om in Engels klas te gee. Ons kan versoening en begrip nie bevorder as die President se eie woordvoerder, mnr Bheki Khumalo, Afrikaanse enkelmediumskole as ’n soort instromingsbeheer uit die apartheidsdae beskryf nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[We cannot help people feel at home in the new South Africa if the government keeps attacking Afrikaans and pushing other indigenous languages to one side. In 1976 a revolution broke out in Soweto because the government at the time was trying to force children in the townships to study in Afrikaans. Now, nearly 30 years later, the government is trying to force Afrikaans-speaking communities to teach classes in English. We cannot promote reconciliation and understanding if the President’s own spokesman, Mr Bheki Khumalo, describes Afrikaans single-medium schools as a type of influx control from the apartheid days.] [Interjections.]]

We cannot promote nonracialism if the government tries to classify land and property by race. It is quite extraordinary that last year, when the President and his Office correctly drew attention to the debate about the use of racial profiling for donated blood, there was virtually no debate at all about the ANC’s use of racial profiling for nearly every other purpose under the sun – until the Minister of Defence raised it, and he was quickly shut up.

We cannot build public trust in government by promising houses to people who live in shacks along the N2 highway, while ignoring the thousands of families who have spent years on the waiting list. Most of all, we cannot uphold the Constitution if we allow the ruling party to take control of every branch of government, every independent state institution and every space in public life.

We have to choose the one path or the other. If we continue to follow the ideological obsessions of race and power, we are going to continue to fall short of the practical goals we have all agreed to for our country’s progress. That means fewer South Africans will succeed, and more South Africans will suffer, unless we change our direction.

I believe that the President’s address on Friday was remarkably candid in one respect. The President admitted that only half – 51% - of his promises last year were being implemented on time. A quarter of his promises – 28% - he told Parliament, were not being fulfilled at all.

Now this failure rate cannot simply be blamed on a few lazy government officials over here or somewhere else. It is what you get when you try to implement policies that contradict each other. It is what you get if you put race first and delivery last. It is what you get when you suppress criticism and reject open debate. [Interjections.]

Indeed, despite some of the very good news that the President shared with us on Friday, there were a number of key promises from last year that were broken and which he failed to account for at all in his address, and perhaps he will do so in his reply. The first one is antiretrovirals. For two years South Africans have been promised that 53 000 Aids patients would receive antiretroviral drugs. Yet, as of December 2004, only 20 000 people were receiving them in public hospitals. Clearly, the government is going to miss its March deadline once again.

Last year the President promised to increase the capacity of the first economy to create jobs. But in the first economy we have tens of thousands of textile workers and tens of thousands of agricultural workers – and those are the two sectors in the economy that are doing the most job shedding or are on the eve of the most profound job shedding, and the government has taken precious few if any steps to deal with that.

With regard to crime, the President also promised to improve safety and security in our nation’s communities. He said on Friday that 168 of South Africa’s 200 most wanted criminals had been arrested. Indeed, that is something to celebrate, and we sincerely hope that the prosecution service will prosecute and the judiciary will jail each and every one of them. But 168 criminals cannot by themselves account for nearly 20 000 murders, more than 50 000 rapes and more than one million cases of theft last year. And the people of South Africa live in fear.

Take one very small community, not far from here, at the University of Cape Town, an academic community of perhaps 800 people. In the past two weeks, three members of that community – three – have been murdered. Now, if a community of 800 people has suffered three murders in the space of two weeks, how extraordinary is it that other communities in South Africa all across our country live in similar situations?

Indeed, some of the policies that have been introduced by the government to fight crime have actually hurt that fight. The haphazard implementation of the Firearms Control Act and the elimination of the rural commando system have made it even more difficult for ordinary people to protect themselves from criminals.

And despite the fact that we learn that on the opening day of school the government of Mpumalanga has not managed to deliver textbooks to its learners, and despite the fact that we cannot protect patients in Chris Hani Baragwanath from hospital-acquired infections, the state has decided to increase its role across all elements of life and living in South Africa.

The media, for example, is under constant pressure in this country. The “SAB By You”, the SABC, has reverted to what it was under apartheid – a propaganda machine for the ruling party. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Not content with that, the judiciary is now under attack. Last month the ANC warned that “the collectivist mindset” of judges had to be transformed, a statement that the International Bar Association, no less, described as “misguided and dangerous”. Actually, it is the judiciary’s function to transform laws of Parliament if they think it appropriate, and not the other way round – and when it is the other way round you don’t have a constitution governed by the rule of law. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

South African sport continues to suffer the effects of constant political pressure and interference - pressures to legislate racial quotas for all teams. Even leisure time and recreation, it seems, is not free from state control. Indeed, on Friday the President spoke about the Freedom Charter. But in South Africa today there is too much emphasis on the noun and not enough on the adjective – too many charters, not enough freedom.

It is true that the ruling party, as we will no doubt be reminded dozens of times during this debate, won a resounding mandate from the voters in last year’s general election, and good luck to them. But 69% of the vote does not equal 100% of the people. Nor does it mean that the ruling party is right 100% of the time – not even Clever Trevor. [Interjections.] Nor does it mean that the ruling party has 100% of the answers. In fact, many of the challenges facing our country are problems that the DA warned this government about a long time ago.

Let me perhaps just give you one small and modest example. At this very podium 10 years ago when this Parliament, or its predecessor, was debating the Labour Relations Bill, I stood up here and I asked that we amend that Bill to allow exemptions for small business from industry-wide collective bargaining agreements. That’s what I said. [Interjections.] We were shouted down then as now by the government, and we were told, if you look at the Hansard, that such exemptions were impossible, that they were conservative and reactionary.

Now, however, no less an authority than the President of the South African Republic agrees with us. In an interview on television on Sunday, he said that the need for exemptions for small business was “obvious”. So what was obvious 10 years ago is now the received wisdom today, and we say “good”. But perhaps if we listened 10 years ago, we might have saved a lot of jobs and we might have grown our economy a little more. [Applause.]

In the year 2000 I travelled to Zimbabwe with some colleagues to meet with members of civil society and the government there. [Interjections.] When I returned I sought and was granted a meeting with our own Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Zuma. I said to her then that President Robert Mugabe was not merely seizing farms, but that he was actually destroying democracy in his country. Now, on the eve of next month’s parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, President Mugabe is resiling from his obligations under SADC; he refuses to see Cosatu delegations; and international observers are being turned away. [Interjections.] It is clear that democracy and human rights, not land, are at the core of the crisis in Zimbabwe and they have been right from the beginning. [Applause.]

Five years ago I wrote to the President. We had an exchange of correspondence about the prevalence, the effect and the treatment of HIV infections, and Aids deaths in South Africa. I said in the year 2000 that this would continue to rise if we, or he, did not change his denialist stance, and begin an immediate roll-out of antiretroviral drugs. That was refused, and tragically the death toll has continued to mount. At least 1,5 million South Africans have already died of Aids, according to the government’s own estimates. And, according to health experts at Chris Hani Baragwanath today, there is deliberate underreporting of Aids deaths in this country. I’m sure the hon Minister of Health will elaborate on that later today.

When the government announced its plans for racial transformation in the Public Service, the DA, while accepting change and welcoming it, warned that many of the best public servants would leave and the poor would suffer from lack of delivery.

Now, what is in the Budget for this year? There is an amount of R600 million to hire back many of the same teachers in maths and science that were retrenched as a consequence of this government’s policy in 1994, at a cost of more than R1 billion. Once again, the Minister of Defence complained in Rapport only two weeks ago that only 144 out of 4 200 new recruits to the SANDF were white.

Many of these unnecessary costs and bad outcomes were entirely predictable and avoidable. But this government only seems to listen to outside voices once it has exhausted all other possibilities. It treats criticism from the likes of Archbishop Tutu as a threat to democracy, when in fact such criticism is the very lifeblood of democratic discourse. [Interjections.] It behaves towards its political rivals as if democratic opposition were illegitimate, unpatriotic and – to use the words of a very senior ANC member in this House – “treasonous”. [Interjections.] Well, there you are. You had it confirmed.

Last month in Sudan our President could not bring himself openly to condemn the Sudanese government’s atrocities in Darfur. Yet he found the courage and the occasion in the Sudanese parliament to accuse the South African opposition, thousands of miles away, of conducting a cold war against our country and government. Perhaps he could elaborate on what he means. How ironic that our President travels thousands of miles and uses up a great deal of energy and time in the very worthwhile pursuit of encouraging foreign governments to interact with their respective oppositions, while making no effort to do so at home. [Interjections.]

The President told us on Friday that he would soon convene a summit on corruption to discuss ways of strengthening the government’s anticorruption structures – to which we can only say “amen”. But the government itself, under the direct orders of the Presidency, has been the biggest obstacle to these structures fulfilling their legislated missions.

On Sunday the President revealed that he would appoint a commissioner to review and oversee the Scorpions. But when the Scorpions were formed in 1999, what did the Minister of Justice say? He said, and I quote:

There is no intention to tamper with the constitutionally and legislatively enshrined functional independence of the National Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Prosecuting Authority.

Indeed, the President himself went on to say that the Scorpions would “be a signal of our commitment” to dealing with crime and corruption. But now that the Scorpions are doing their job and their sting is a bit closer to home, we want to take away their sting. [Interjections.]

Parliament as an institution has been disfigured, Madam Speaker, as you well know, by the ruling party doing everything it can to stall and intimidate the Scorpions in an attempt to shield its own MPs from a full and open investigation of the Travelgate scandal. [Interjections.]

And now the disgraced former ANC Chief Whip Tony Yengeni is complaining that he didn’t get the special private deal – this is what he says – that he was promised by the Minister for Justice and by the ANC secretary- general in a meeting at the home of the Minister for Justice of the time. But, you know, ordinary people, like the travel agents outside or opposite this parliamentary building, don’t get private meetings with the Minister for Justice. They don’t get deals brokered by the secretary-general of the ANC. They simply, or hopefully, get arrested, charged, tried and punished. And that is what you have to have if we are going to have the rule of law; if we are going to do what the President says must be done, and that is get South Africa to work under a proper system. Don’t protect some from justice which you deny others. [Interjections.]

If we go back over the whole sorry deal of the arms deal, we will see that the Presidency has continued to suppress any serious probe into that deal. It has paralysed and subdued the Heath Special Investigating Unit, Scopa, the Scorpions and the Public Protector, among other institutions.

When opposition parties – and there were several of them – asked if the report of the Joint Investigating Team, JIT, had been substantially changed after the Auditor-General showed it to the President, the President accused us of racism. Yet the evidence has now emerged that the draft JIT report indeed went through major changes, contrary to what the President and the Auditor-General said. Clearly, the government believes that there is one law for itself and another law for everyone else.

The President seemed to confirm that when he pardoned Dr Allan Boesak, who has never expressed remorse for stealing from the poor or even admitted his guilt. Let me be very clear on this issue. Obviously and legally and constitutionally the President of South Africa has the power to pardon whomsoever he wishes. That is not in dispute. But the President also has a political responsibility to take the people of South Africa into his confidence when he does so. Those aren’t my views. They are the views of a judge of the High Court of the Cape, Justice Davis, who said:

I’m not saying the President can’t pardon people, and if he wanted to pardon Allan Boesak I understand that, but these are debatable questions, and they can’t be debated if there’s no openness. We are left to wonder whether the President is clearing the way for pardons for other disgraced ANC leaders such as Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. [Interjections.]

And so, once again, we turn to the fundamental question: What is the state of our nation? The answer remains: The nation is strong; the state has some problems. The more the government tries to expand state control and close down debate, the less it delivers to people and the weaker our democracy becomes.

South Africa must choose a different path. We should choose smaller government and bigger individuals and communities. We should choose empowerment for the many, not for the few. We must choose freedom and opportunity, not state power and total control. Those are the choices that the DA stands for. For freedom must always be a higher value than power.

I am not afraid, nor is my party, of being called names, of being labelled, or of being in the political minority for a while longer. [Interjections.] Some of us in the DA were in the political minority when the white community of South Africa in a 1983 referendum chose to exclude black people from the constitutional future of this country. And some of us – we were only 34% then – said “no”. That 34% that said no then, has turned out to be 100% right over time. [Applause.] So, we will continue to stand for what we believe in. We will continue to promote that vision of an open opportunity society that is uniquely South African and founded on freedom. We will continue to defend the Constitution. We will continue to reject the politics of co-option and capitulation that has turned so many other parties in this House into mere relics. I thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.] [Time expired.]

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Chairperson, Mr President, Mr Deputy President and hon members of this House, what a rage and a rave, just to declare that it is comfortable to be a minority. [Laughter.]

In 1955, at Kliptown, the Congress of the People declared: “The people shall govern.” The Freedom Charter asserted that:

Every man and woman will have the right to vote for and to stand as a candidate for all bodies that make laws; All people will be entitled to take part in the administration of the country; The rights of the people shall be the same, regardless of race, colour or sex;

All bodies of minority rule, advisory boards, councils and authorities will be replaced by democratic organs of self-government.

Five decades later it is appropriate to reflect on our progress in terms of realising the society we set out to achieve at Kliptown. Today, I will limit myself to the point that all people will be entitled to take part in the administration of the country. This single sentence conveys a wealth of meaning and touches on a great many issues that are critical for our programme of administrative reforms. Firstly, taking part in the administration begins with the citizens’ privilege and duty to take part in the process of electing a representative government.

This duly elected government then has the responsibility to govern, to make decisions and to allocate resources on behalf of the people. In situations where direct representation is not practical, it is only such a government that enjoys the legitimacy to act on behalf of the population as a whole. However, elected representatives, be they councillors, members of provincial legislatures or members of Parliament, have a duty to keep in touch with those they represent.

Although the mandate of representation is formally renewed every five years, the system of representation is built on the assumption of a healthy relationship of communication between the citizen and public representatives.

Tweedens, dit moet vir elke burger, wat aan die vereistes van ’n vakante pos voldoen, moontlik wees om oorweeg te word vir ’n pos in die Staatsdiens. Die Staatsdiens in sy geheel moet soos die bevolking van Suid- Afrika lyk, en nie soos party mense wens dit moet lyk nie. Ons het dit op uiters goeie gesag, beide in die teorie en praktyk, maar selfs ook polities, dat dit essensieel is dat ons hierdie ideaal moet bereik, en gegewe ons geskiedenis is dit noodsaaklik om op regstellende aksie staat te maak om hierdie posisie te bereik. Ons gaan nie teruggedwing word daarop nie.

Die vroue van Suid-Afrika moet oppas, hulle wil ons terugstoot. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Secondly, it should be possible for every citizen who meets the requirements of a vacant position, to be considered for a position in the Public Service. The Public Service in its entirety should resemble South Africa’s population, and not look the way some people would wish it to. We have it on very good authority, both in theory and in practice, but also politically, that it is essential for us to reach this objective, and given our history it is necessary to rely on affirmative action to achieve this position. We will not be forced back on this.

The women of South Africa must watch out, they want to push us back. [Applause.]]

The ANC elaborated on how it saw affirmative action unfolding in order to achieve this, and I quote:

We do not support giving positions to unqualified people simply on the grounds of race or gender. What we will insist on, however, is that hundreds of thousands of highly merit-worthy persons who have been unjustifiably kept out of jobs, denied advancement in their careers and excluded from training, be given their due. Those who have been kept back by apartheid education, and by sexist assumptions, should be given special backing to catch up. The rich life experiences, knowledge of languages and cultural diversity of those previously discriminated against should be seen as enriching the contribution of individual South Africans.

Thirdly, it is the needs of the people that give direction to what the administration does. In other words, the administration should respond to the needs of the population and take on board the input and feedback from the grass roots. This is captured in the values and principles in Chapter 10 of our Constitution as well, and in our Vision 2014 the ANC calls for the delivery of “compassionate government services to the people”. This embodies our Batho Pele approach - mense eerste, people first - that includes not only responsiveness, but also transparency, accessibility, and accountability.

In the fourth instance, administration should be participatory and consultative in decision-making. But more than that, implementation should happen in partnership, where appropriate, and information should be shared on a wide scale. Monitoring and evaluation should not be a narrow, technical, or a secretive undertaking, it should be done in collaboration with communities. This will result in a dense pattern of interaction between government and the people, which, in turn, will contribute to a more responsive government. It will allow us to work in an empowering way, recognising the value of knowledge of ordinary people as opposed to narrow expert knowledge.

In die finale instansie, ten spyte van al die permanensie en tegniese kundigheid wat in die administrasie opgesluit is, kan die amptenary nie ’n mag op hulle eie wees nie. Amptenare bly verantwoordbaar aan die mense van hierdie land en aan hulle verkose verteenwoordigers. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[In the final instance, in spite of all the permanence and technical

know how inherent in the administration, the officialdom cannot be a

force on its own. Officials remain answerable to the people of this country and their elected representatives.]

Here there exists a strong oversight role for Parliament and its institutions. This does not negate the traditional role of the executive and the interface between people’s representatives and the administration.

Democratic systems are based on a system of carefully balanced and institutionalised rights and obligations. When many institutionalised channels exist for citizens to make themselves heard in the system, one would not expect to see behaviour that registers itself at the upper ends of repertoires of violent and disruptive behaviour. When honest feedback and accurate evidence are valued in a system, one would not expect disinformation and smear campaigns.

All this and more was implied by one little subclause in the Freedom Charter: All shall have the right to participate in the administration.

Let me demonstrate how we give meaning to these values by reflecting on some aspects of the government’s programme of action in the governance and administration cluster. The community development worker is an excellent example of ensuring a responsive administrative system that will result in an empowered citizenry. These workers will strengthen the bond between people and government. They will perform at the interface between administration, across political representatives and the people – and they are important carriers of information and messages in different directions: from the people to the respective administrations to unblock implementation delays; between the different spheres of government and different sectors to improve co-ordination and bring about integrated administration; from government to the people to inform them of different opportunities and government services available, and how to access these; and from people and administrations to the political representatives to flag the need for decisions and actions at a political level.

More than 500 of these cadres have been trained and they have been deployed since the beginning of the year. We have established a relationship with India, and at the end of February an initial group of 30 community development workers will go for training in India. Members will know that India is renowned for its successful approaches to community development work and we hope that rural communities in particular will greatly benefit from this international skills transfer.

In the short period that they have been operational, the community development workers in Gauteng could already report to me on a substantial body of successful interventions. This include examples with regard to social development, such as the development of food gardens in Kathlehong, Diepsloot, Thokoza, Lanseria and so forth; health issues, such as facilitating access to health facilities, with cases ranging from a person suffering from leprosy to rape and assault victims and so on; and housing, such as solving problems with regard to access to housing finance, obtaining title deeds, explaining local authority actions to residents where removals take place from dilapidated buildings that constitute health threats and fire dangers, and so on.

The same goes for education-related matters, economic development issues and transport issues with respect to learners, the aged, access to extended public work employment programmes, and so on.

It is necessary for us to say why the President saw the need for this special cadre and then announced it. This was done in order to avoid the kind of heartbreaking story we saw in City Press, where 77-year-old wheelchair bound Susan Magome’s pension was suspended after officials insisted that she had to physically report to Home Affairs to verify that she was actually still alive. A community development worker goes into the home and acts as the link between the Home Affairs officials and the person.

The effort that we have made to create a representative administration, through setting employment equity targets, is another example of how we translate the values of the Freedom Charter into reality.

Our goal, to create a representative democracy, we heard today once again, is not shared by all, and recently has been criticised from unexpected quarters. I want to refer to President Mandela’s closing address on the state of the nation in February 1999, when he said, and I quote:

The progress that we have started to make in all sectors of government will not be sustainable, if we do not consistently and systematically change the composition of the Public Service.

It is therefore completely predictable that skilled cadres who dedicate themselves to this government, its vision and programme of action, will be approached to fill positions in the public sector. As long as due process is followed, our position on this matter is completely defensible. [Interjections.]

Our Batho Pele policy remains the backbone to give effect to the notion of citizen-centred administration. The most recent Batho Pele action programme, approved by Cabinet, makes provision for a mix of quick wins, medium-term and long-term strategies. These range from e-government to educating citizens about their rights in relation to public services, to performing against the set of Batho Pele relevant indicators compulsory for senior managers and other public servants.

So, notwithstanding our efforts to create administrative machinery in which all our people take part, the output of the machinery is often still lacking, both qualitatively and materially.

Capacity limitations are persistent obstacles to better and more extensive service delivery. The extremely negative impact of weak capacity is more severe, because the developmental state needs particularly strong capacity to execute its mandate; strong capacity to co-ordinate at the centre of government; strong capacity to regulate service delivery where we opt for indirect service delivery channels; and strong capacity to render services directly to the public, such as education and health.

With regard to the latter, the President already announced that in key sectors we are boosting the number of officials, while at the same time, hopefully, also addressing issues of motivation and commitment by improving on the remuneration packages of professionals such as educators health and police officials. We further intend strengthening the human resource planning function in the public sector to prevent further problems downstream in terms of supplying, in the future, the capacity needs of the Public Service.

The SA Management Development Institute has been gearing up to play a much more meaningful role in terms of public sector training. A number of international relations that will result in high-level expertise development have been established and/or rekindled. Among these are our relations with India and Brazil, to mention but a few.

Later this year we also intend introducing a system of sustainable recruitment pools of fast-tracked individuals at middle management level in the Public Service.

An aspect not entirely separate from capacity, but which to a degree is much more invidious to deal with is the issue of ethos; this includes the so-called softer issues of attitude, value orientation and culture.

Obviously, those of us who care, including political office holders, public servants, community members and the media and so forth, should work together to identify officials who do not do us proud, so that the system can deal with them, either by emphasising retraining and orientation, or by instituting disciplinary procedures. The power of example should not be further underestimated.

The izimbizo has turned out to be a powerful mechanism in identifying problematic officials and the follow-up to revelations by community members can be further improved. Through constituency work and general accessibility, people’s representatives are bombarded with anecdotes and substantial evidence. The challenge is how to deal with all the feedback that we receive in a systematic and prompt way, and we are looking at dealing with it.

Now I want to emphatically quell an idea that I heard the hon Leon voice last week - and we have heard him regurgitate it today - at a meeting at the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, and that was rehashed in The Citizen yesterday. This is the idea that we need to bring private sector solutions to public sector problems. If the hon Tony Leon had bothered to familiarise himself with the most recent international scholarship on public sector reform before he tried to pass himself off as some sort of expert, he would have known that a strong consensus is emerging that one of the biggest mistakes that was committed in public sector reform is to do exactly what he is proposing. [Interjections.] That is to ignore the unique attributes of working in the public sphere and trying, in an uncritical manner, to transfer private sector solutions to the public domain. [Interjections.]

Mr Leon, it is not that simplistic. It is not about one path or another, because this is a reflection of your myopia. [Interjections.] And if the public has heard your howling over this past period they will realise that you are just a disgrace. [Interjections.] For this purpose today, I will quote some statements from literature, and if you are interested, I can supply you with the entire reading list.

In 1998 the UNDP concluded that market-based approaches, otherwise known under the label of “new public management” in the literature, constitutes a limited vision of public service reform, in that it tends to focus on short- term cost containment measures, aimed primarily at payment and employment systems.

The 2001 World Public Sector Report, published by the UN, states that:

On the administrative side, new public management and reinventing government have been effective tools in improving the efficiency of the public sector and in reducing costs. However, notwithstanding some of the positive results derived from these reforms, the retreat of the state in social areas like health care, education and housing, has been detrimental for many developing countries.

Henry Mintzberg, one of the leading critics of new public management, declares that business can learn from government no less than government can learn from business. [Interjections.] And while privatisation is to some extent “probably useful”, a “good deal of it is just plain silly”.

However, the final moisture on hon Leon’s gunpowder must come from David Osborne and Ted Gaebler, two of the originators and strongest advocates of new public management. They declare that those who advocate privatisation on ideological grounds, as he does, because they fundamentally believe that business is always superior to government –

… are selling the American people snake oil. Business does some things better than government, but government does some things better than business.

[Applause.] [Interjections.]

Allow me to use this latter statement to point to the double standard meted out to government. Mr Leon earlier, in his input - and you can check the Hansard - spoke about the steps that government should have taken in the textile sector. Just earlier than that he said that government should do very little or nothing. [Interjections.] But yesterday Die Burger reported, based on an SABC-Markinor survey, that the vast majority of 3 500 respondents in its service gave government a very bad report for not creating jobs.

However, the prevailing liberal economic wisdom says that job creation should be left to the market or private sector, and that public sector job creation should not be allowed. So, what do they really want? What does he really want? [Interjections.]

Earlier he had the audacity to misinform the public from this podium when he claimed that we fired educators in maths and science. Did he not understand the VSP and the packages that were taken? [Interjections.] This is the Leader of the Opposition! Shame on you! [Applause.] This is what we see. So, as government we accept that our flanks are exposed either way … [Interjections.] … while we operate in a globalised environment where the most powerful uncritically embrace a fundamentally liberal agenda. We shall not be driven by that, because for us, going back to the Freedom Charter, we say that the people shall govern. [Interjections.]

For us the developmental state is important, and we will implement the developmental state! [Interjections.] And, Mr Leon, with all your snipes, you will not succeed. That is why you are still the minority. [Applause.]

Dr M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Chairperson, Your Excellencies the President and Deputy President and hon members, as we enter the second decade of our freedom, I think we must pause to consider what has been left undone over the 10 years. We must do so from the perspective of the poor and not the rich.

Over the past decade we have achieved greatly and vastly. We rightly take pride in what we have delivered to our country, to our democracy and our people. Nonetheless there have been major policy failures as well. We must now have the courage, the wisdom and the political maturity to recognise and address them.

The rate of our delivery and achievement is rapidly decreasing. There are fears that our democracy and government may fall prey to the law of diminishing returns, with the same rate of efforts producing and delivering increasingly less. I was very proud of the President’s admission of the situation when he said in his address, and I quote:

… that the democratic state will not walk away from its obligation to come to the aid of the poor, bearing in mind available resources.

Commitments were made which were not kept and we need to address both deficiencies at the heart of government, which are likely to impair further progress, as well as policy indecision and lack of political will. For 10 years promises have been made about employment generation. Yet we must be honest and acknowledge that not enough has been achieved to free our people from the enslavement of unemployment. For in the past 10 years unemployment has increased dramatically. Even when we look at what we have achieved in the past 10 months through our Expanded Public Works Programme - the President announced that to date we have spent over R1,5 billion and created over 76 000 job opportunities - we have made modest progress. But looked at against the background of more that 40% unemployment, this is hardly a drop in the ocean. It is clear therefore that investments are the only answer to this intractable problem of joblessness.

Years ago, the pledge was made to look at the negative effect of some of our existing labour legislation. I was still in the President’s Cabinet then, and we decided to do this and to introduce much-needed greater flexibility in the labour market. This pledge was not kept.

We need to put at least one million of our people to work in the agricultural field through the green revolution, which I have often called for in this House from this podium. We need this today, not tomorrow.

There are some things that we need to do ourselves. Throughout the country much of our land is underutilised for low-added-value, nonlabour-intensive but land-intensive produce and products. Yet, throughout the world there is an increasing demand for high-added-value agricultural products, generated on the basis of labour-intensive but not land-intensive agricultural practices.

Our government should brand, promote and market South African produce around the world in the same way as Spain, Italy and California have done with theirs. This should not only include our wines but also our grapes and our spices, our tropical fruits and nuts, our olive oil and our canned vegetables to be produced through our green revolution. We should not import wheat or avocados, as we currently do, but should rather become the quality vegetable, spice and fruit emporium of the world. I believe this can and must be done.

Our government must invest to promote an industrial base for South Africa so that our people can be employed in the long term. This should be premised on a plan which identifies today, and not tomorrow, the products and services that South Africa will produce in the next 30 years for the global markets. I have called for this plan on many prior occasions, but it has not materialised. I fear that there is not enough awareness of the catastrophic effect of this lack of a long-term plan capable of developing a competitive industrial, high technological and scientific base for our country. We know that such long-term planning has been central to the success of other thriving developing states.

We must be able to compete internationally. Our government has pushed the agenda of international aid and assistance, which is commendable, I must say, but has neglected the domestic agenda of long-term productivity, competitiveness and economic growth, which is deplorable both in itself and a symptom of a mindset that we must overcome.

Many years ago it was promised that we would bring about extensive privatisation. After Cosatu and the SACP halted this programme, our government is still holding numerous public enterprises which have little or nothing to do with its business of government. They managed to intimidate us with slogans such as, “Asiyifuni Gear, Asiyifuni Gear”! [We don’t want Gear.] [Laughter.] As always we, the taxpayers, will end up footing the bill for the mismanagement of many companies and enterprises which are not core business of government.

In the few instances in which some privatisation has taken place, often it had not been coupled with returning the relevant assets to the dynamics of a free market, thereby changing public monopolies into private ones. This is the case with Telkom, for instance, which compels us all to suffer some of the highest costs for telecommunications in the world.

I am concerned about the increasing centralisation of government which seems to reflect a pernicious pattern we have witnessed throughout out continent. This is the overweening tendency to concentrate everything at the centre, even though there are provincial and local institutions. The centre is then allowed to collapse with nothing remaining to promote progress and development.

At present, our provinces are not working as they should because they are not provided with the autonomy that they require. The national government has not empowered provinces but has tried to centralise all the decision- making. The consequences of this are likely to be disastrous if projected into the next 10 to 20 years.

I am concerned about the growing corruption within the levels of government. We openly state that the situation is out of control and with this awareness we ought to be dealing with the problem accordingly. Looting is taking place in local government, provincial government, across all political parties and within the national government. Denying that corruption is out of control compounds rather than solves the problem. I know that the President announced in his address that within three months a summit on corruption will be convened to review expenses across all sectors of society.

Tender procedures are not respected or are being complied with in a perfunctory manner, often after the contractor has already been selected on the grounds of politics or patronage. Our meritorious policy of black economic empowerment has become a tool for the enrichment of a few and not the upliftment of the many. The empowerment of us as black people has been transformed into a hidden requirement of doing business only with those with the right political connections. Black empowerment is not about enriching those with political connections but rather broadening the economic base of our country, particularly to benefit those who have no political connections.

Politics and business must be separated. Instead, we witness an irresistible tendency to merge everything in a concentration of power which no longer differentiates between the state, the ruling party and the economic sector. We are replacing the features of a pluralistic and open society, which we committed ourselves to bring forth in South Africa, with those of an oligarchy resonating with some of the worst characteristics of certain East European countries.

Our country has fallen far behind in its efforts to uplift our people from the bonds of ignorance, for lack of education exposure and knowledge. The massive training efforts we promoted in the past few years have not yielded appreciable results. We are spending 1% of our national payroll and every one of us is contributing to such effort through our salaries. In spite of the vast moneys spent, there is still very little to show for it. We must therefore promote a massive campaign to train our people by means of a generalised culture of training, education, information and awareness. Each organ of state should carry such a responsibility. Individuals should take it upon themselves to spend time educating and uplifting others.

Human growth is contingent on the spread of knowledge and awareness. We cannot allocate too many resources to this effort. Our country has allocated one of the highest percentages of the budget, compared to anywhere else in the world, to education. Yet, it seems to be woefully inadequate in bridging the gap between the low levels of knowledge, information and awareness endemically present within our society, with those which are required of a competitive people operating in the global markets of the 21st century. We will not succeed unless we become a knowledge-based society.

We have promised to lift exchange controls to enable a greater flow of investments into our country but we have not done so. This is in spite of it being clear that exchange controls are no longer required to protect the international competitiveness of the rand. Exchange controls are now only protecting those who have money in South Africa and who want to prevent foreigners from investing here by displacing their economic position through competition. This is despite the fact that competition and additional capital inflow will create massive additional employment.

Again, it seems that our government is more concerned with enriching those who are already enriched rather than broadening the economic base and bringing into the fold of wealth a larger number of people while providing much-needed job opportunities. So we must have the courage to look at what is going wrong in South Africa so that we can all make it right.

For too long we have been entrapped in a syndrome of denial, a debilitating syndrome that runs across many sectors of government and political circles. This is so especially in respect of unemployment, corruption, poverty and ignorance, and crime. We must accept that crime is out of control and we are losing the war against it because of a lack of political will. I applaud what His Excellency the President announced as far as the salaries of police officials are concerned and as far as getting more police on the streets.

We are even experiencing the resurgence of political violence, Your Excellency, especially in KwaZulu-Natal. I again wish to compliment the President for his honesty in admitting in his address that although there was some improvement in combating crime, the level of crime, especially violent incidents, remained unacceptable. He said that while he stood here.

As I have stated in this House, in each response I have made to the President’s state of the nation address, I find the breakdown in our criminal justice system a cause for despair. In the province of KwaZulu- Natal, we are still living with political violence. On 13 July 2004 a group of people attacked the house of the mayor of the Zululand municipal district, Miss Zanele Magwaza in Ulundi. One of the assailants was killed and one of Miss Magwaza’s security operatives was injured and hospitalised. Yet, nothing has happened since.

This week we mourn the death of the mayor of Imbabazane municipality near Estcourt, Mr Sipho Bhengu, who was assassinated. He will be buried on Saturday. Last Saturday we buried one of our IFP youth leaders in the Osuthu area, Mr Sithende Mbatha. We see the same pattern, Your Excellency, that emerged during the assassination of the mayor of Nongoma, Joseph Sikhonde, where names of prominent people including MECs and members of the legislature were mentioned. If nothing is done soon, I fear that we will soon have the same unfortunate pattern of political violence which led to the revenge violence and pre-emptive attacks. We will soon find ourselves in the same low-intensity civil war that cost so many thousands of lives.

On 12 December 2004, at the end of the Ukweshwama ceremony, the ceremony of first fruits, at the king’s Enyonkeni palace, I was given an opportunity by His Majesty to say a few words. Among other things I deplored the fact that there were well-known assassins that were seen within the bounds of the royal court. They included Mr Sputla Mpungose who had two others with him, and also Mr Nkalankala Zungu.

We have a serious situation in Ulundi, Your Excellency, where these men, who are a hit squad, are residing in the KwaZulu-Natal legislative assembly flats. No one knows how they came to be there. There are about 15 of them and they are armed with all sorts of arms, according to the information I have. I therefore objected to their presence at the king’s palace, in view of the fact that one Mr Nkuna defamed our king during the trial of suspects in the murder of the mayor of Nongoma. We do not want a repeat performance of that kind. Mr Sputla Mpungose, Your Excellency, comes from my area, the Buthelezi area. He boasts that he was taken out of jail, where he faced 22 charges, without being tried. The question I ask is: Who got him out of jail? As I speak he is facing a charge of rape. Yet he is all over the place, carrying guns and is accompanied by armed men.

I wrote to the Deputy President calling for a presidential commission of inquiry to determine why political crimes are not usually met with prosecution, trials and convictions. I urge the government unequivocally to take a public stance against all forms of political violence, especially in KwaZulu-Natal, by mounting a real campaign against this type of crime, in the same way we have done in respect of other crimes such as violence against women and children. If government fails to do so, the existing perception of impunity will continue to flourish among perpetrators, if not the belief that crimes of this nature are not that displeasing to those who are in power. I am not suggesting that those who are in power are involved in such crimes, but they must not allow the perception to develop among the perpetrators that they condone them, that they may meet them with impunity or even silently approve of them. We can no longer deny the existence of these problems. Too many people have suffered and died because of denial.

The big failure which stands out like a sore thumb in the mindset of all that we have achieved in the first decade of democracy is our failure to address the issue of the complete obliteration of the powers and functions of traditional authorities by the Municipal Structures Act and other legislation in our rural areas. This is beginning to compound the problem of lawlessness in rural areas. Traditional leaders are being stripped of whatever authority they exercised before either as peace officers or their authority to preside over indigenous courts.

In KwaZulu-Natal the premier is willing to discuss these issues, Your Excellency, with the representatives of the traditional leaders and members of the Zulu Royal House. However, the MEC concerned has stated that he has to meet deadlines and is impatient, and cannot be seen to be behind other MECs in other provinces. In this way, traditional leaders are denied the opportunity of making any input to the provincial legislation on the Traditional Framework and Governance Bill. The MEC does not consult with traditional leaders and this worsens existing tensions. The legislation that is now before the legislature compels traditional leaders to be members of municipal councils, something national legislation passed by this House does not do. Traditional authorities are stripped of any administrative powers.

The year 2005 must be the year in which denial stops, especially in relation to HIV and Aids. Self-delusion must not replace denial. Failure with regard to HIV/Aids remains the black hole at the centre of our public policy. It is time for an honest and unqualified critique of government policies over the past 10 years. Unless this House begins to exercise its oversight role with regard to public policy we are not going to gain the necessary momentum to do what is required of us to stop the genocide of our people. This is true in every policy sphere as well as HIV and Aids.

Because the state is stripping traditional authorities of any finance for administrative purposes, we as traditional leaders cannot even participate in the war against HIV and Aids. Three years ago, we as traditional leaders of the province invited the national Minister of Health, the hon Dr Tshabalala-Msimang, and the then MEC for Health in KwaZulu-Natal, the hon Dr Mkhize. We launched teams for each regional authority to manage and prevent HIV/Aids infections. We have not done a thing, Your Excellency. And now that the state, under the new legislation, is not going to provide traditional authorities with budget, we are being denied an opportunity to make our own contribution in combating the pandemic, which is highest in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. Uganda reduced the pandemic by using, amongst other things, their indigenous mores. As traditional leaders we are the custodians of these mores.

More people have died and suffered in our country because of HIV and Aids than those who have lost their lives to the recent tsunami. Many such people who have died unnecessarily were not only victims of the disease itself but also of inadequate government policies, lack of awareness and lack of assistance at community level and within their families. It is not enough for us to do as much as other countries do, for our problems are greater than theirs. So we are compelled therefore to walk that extra mile.

It is now time to turn the page of history on HIV and Aids and it is time to do this together, without discord and division. When the history of the past 10 years and the next 10 years of our freedom and democracy is finally written, many of our other achievements will be obliterated by the failures in the field of HIV and Aids. We will be judged at the bar of history by what we have done or what we have failed to do to win the war against HIV and Aids.

The past 10 years have seen the progressive disintegration of traditional leadership brought about by a myriad of government actions, laws, policies and initiatives. In spite of the many promises that His Excellency the President made in this House and elsewhere - that traditional leadership would be preserved and that their powers and functions would not be obliterated - traditional leadership has been inflicted by a thousand cuts.

I often remember something that our icon, His Excellency former President Mandela used to say. President Mandela used to refer to himself as the de jure President, and pointed to then Deputy President Mbeki as the de facto President, who in fact chaired almost all meetings of Cabinet – I was in the Cabinet and I don’t need anyone to tell me. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] To a great extent he managed the state itself. As the de facto or de jure President of South Africa for the past 10 years, our President stands the risk of being remembered by history as having presided over the destruction of the institution of traditional leadership, traditions and customs which have been with the majority of South Africans since time immemorial and were to some extent respected even by colonialism. [Interjections.] I said, “he stands the risk”. You must understand English. [Laughter.]

I hope that in the remainder of his term of office, our President may reverse the status of affairs and change the impending judgment of history in this and other respects. Dlamini! Mzizi! [Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: Hon members, a comfort break has been asked for. Accordingly, we will adjourn for 10 minutes and the bells will be rung after 10 minutes.

BUSINESS SUSPENDED AT 15:24 AND RESUMED AT 15:34.

The MINISTER FOR PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: Chairperson, Your Excellency President Thabo Mbeki, hon Deputy President Jacob Zuma and hon members, in his exposition of the state of the nation the President put forward the hypothesis that we, the people of South Africa, now live in an age of better prospects. You reminded us of the generation of democrats who, 50 years ago, identified the denial of democracy as posing a strategic challenge, a challenge that needed to be met frontally. In the form of the Freedom Charter they postulated a future, which in many respects has since become the lived experience of our generation. When they said the people shall govern they gave us a perspective which keeps nudging us to the finish line.

In designing the new system of local government, care was taken to ensure that we put in place a framework for progressively doing away with the consequences of a system which exposed white and black South Africans to vastly different socio-economic environments.

We knew that the conditions of high segregation had translated directly into economic disadvantage and structural deprivation for the majority of our people. The legacy of that system is the key conditioning variable for some of the problems which persist to this day. For instance, we still have a relatively higher concentration of poverty in the geographic spaces which were historically designated as native reserves. It is in those areas where we find a pernicious interaction between high poverty rates and the paucity of skills that are critical to good governance and effective administration.

Mr President, as you said on Friday last week, in the first eight years we have allocated to the local government sphere a quantum of resources which is proportionately higher than allocations which were made before. Needless to say, on current macroeconomic trends there is a distinct possibility for those allocations to increase even further. The continuing challenge we face, therefore, is one of ensuring that all municipalities develop the requisite capacity to translate those resources into instruments with which to confront problems of poverty and underdevelopment.

The challenge was brought into bold relief by the feedback we received as we interacted with our people through izimbizo, as well as in the period leading to the 2004 provincial and national elections. These interactions offered us the opportunity to approach the problems of unattained targets through introspection.

Those municipalities which have substantially high levels of service delivery and infrastructure backlogs are now receiving systematic support which is rendered in terms of project consolidate. It is the combination of this support and the expansionary budget allocated to municipalities which offers the material for acceleration.

The two-year engagement programme is aimed at getting national and provincial governments, together with key partners and stakeholders outside government, to find new creative, practical and impact-oriented modes of supporting local government. The intervention must make a positive impact on the way we meet such challenges as public participation, programme management as well as creating conditions for sustainable service delivery and economic development.

One of the aims of project consolidate is to increase local government capacity for strategic planning. The capacity of our municipalities to prepare good integrated development plans remains uneven. Key observations in this regard are that 37% of municipalities in the country have the capacity to prepare effective IDPs, these municipalities have mainstreamed IDPs as part of their core business; thirty-five percent of municipalities have the basic institutional capacity in place but require support to prepare effective IDPs and implement them, these municipalities still have to take full ownership of the IDP process; and twenty-eight percent of municipalities still do not have basic institutional capacity in place and are struggling to prepare effective IDPs.

It needs to be said, though, that the overall picture is one in which there is growing local ownership of the IDP process and the local government sphere is asserting itself more and more as a locus of strategic planning for sustainable development.

We seek to deepen this process by conducting nationwide IDP public hearings, starting in April and ending in June this year. This exercise will help us become more intimately familiar with the needs and priorities of local communities. It will also help to bring provincial and local priorities into synergy with national objectives.

The IDP public hearings, together with the ongoing work which we do in the context of the ward committees, will enhance the quality of public participation in matters of governance. Not only does this broad mobilisation give effect to the vision of the Freedom Charter, but it also creates the space for innovations which are of local inspiration.

As you indicated, Mr President, in the recent period we have witnessed substantial growth in the establishment of ward committees. At least five of our provinces, namely Gauteng, Limpopo the North West, the Northern Cape and the Free State have achieved a 100% establishment rate. [Applause.] The overall rate was, however, brought down by the fact that for a while in KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape provinces there existed a strategic balance which did not favour transformational advances. [Interjections.] Happily the situation has changed for the better and the communities in those provinces now also have the possibility of enjoying institutional interaction with their government.

The challenge we seek to meet over the next two years under the banner of project consolidate is to sustain the positive trends and work towards a 100% national establishment rate and, more importantly, to improve the functional capabilities of all our ward committees. To this end we intend to hold a national conference on ward committees in March this year. The aim of the conference is to look at the ward committees and to generate ideas which will help enhance their functional capabilities. The ward committees must not be seen as entities whose usefulness is only to the local government sphere. Other spheres of government should increasingly utilise ward committees as channels for providing information to communities about public services, programmes and development possibilities.

The emerging cadre of community development workers will also work in close collaboration with the ward committees. These ward committees should therefore be seen for what they truly are, a cord which keeps the whole system of government articulated to local communities.

Hon members, as we were reminded on Friday, this is the 50th anniversary of the Freedom Charter. The Freedom Charter encapsulates a vision of freedoms which we sought to bring to fruition when we conceived legislation on local government. That legislation was not adopted without acrimonious debates. It was even challenged in the Constitutional Court. Clearly, debates between us and those who stand in strategic opposition to the intent of local government legislation are not just in-house exchanges between democrats.

There is no doubt that we proceed from different sets of philosophical assumptions, as well as theoretical and practical commitments. You see this in the leader of the most embittered minority party who takes perverse delight in accentuating the as yet unaccomplished targets. [Interjections.] He seeks to project these unaccomplished targets as proof of the nonviability of our policies and the system which is founded on those policies. No thinking can be more jaundiced than that. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

He and his ilk specialise in standing the truth on its head. When we restore the dignity of the institution of traditional leadership, they allege that we are destroying the institution. We stand committed to integrating the Freedom Charter’s implications into our thinking about current challenges, and we have a plan which accounts for the progressive improvements that are already in evidence. Like our forebears, who pledged to fight side by side for the attainment of the goals which are contained in the Freedom Charter, we chose a future rather than no future.

We shall spare no effort in order to advance our country towards our chosen destination. We shall not be diverted by those who have chosen to sit whinging on the sidelines. They are frustrated by any sign of progress. When progress happens, it invokes in them the phantom pain caused by the loss of the seductive illusion of superiority. [Applause.] We need to make this message clear to them, that the past is gone forever and that they must forget about returning to it.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, President, Deputy President and hon members, allow me this opportunity to propose some answers to the questions raised by the President in his state of the nation address. The foremost question facing the nation remains this: How can we create enough jobs? Indeed the figures mentioned by the President are impressive at first glance, such as the fact that 76 000 job opportunities have been created to date under the Expanded Public Works Programme. However, these job opportunities constitute a mere drop that will not quench the nation’s massive thirst for employment.

The UDM has, from this podium, called for a state-led growth strategy for many years now. We therefore fully support the Expanded Public Works Programme. We repeat: All governments throughout the world are investing in their economies on a daily basis. We humbly suggest that current efforts should merely be the first step in a comprehensive state-led growth strategy.

One of the first considerations when building new infrastructure should be to ensure that it is maintained. This protects the taxpayers’ investment in the economy and turns a short-term job opportunity into a longer-term job.

The question of the success of infrastructure development can only be answered with better co-ordination and integration of resources. Billions here and billions there are spread across various spheres and levels of government. However, it seems that there is very little co-ordination.

Given the lack of skills and capacity within government, as well as the shortage of professionals such as quantity surveyors and architects to monitor the infrastructure development programmes, it would make sense to bring all infrastructure programmes under the auspices of the Department of Public Works.

Why, for instance, should the building of schools fall under the Department of Education? The result of these dispersed funding and construction initiatives is that the quality and quantity of projects differ from location to location. It is simply unnecessary and unfair that two different communities with the same need for a school will receive two widely differing buildings, even though they are both constructed by government using the same source of funding.

Standardising the design and construction of schools, clinics and the like would remove this inequality, speed up delivery and improve government’s ability to monitor the quality of the product being provided to the community.

Given the lack of expertise and the exodus of such expertise to the private sector, there is a serious gap in the government’s ability to monitor infrastructure development programmes. Government should seriously consider entering into pacts, regionally or provincially, with professional companies of architects and quantity surveyors with a view to seconding their services to monitor the construction of infrastructure. Another step towards answering the question of jobs is further to expand the state-led growth strategy by investing in new strategic industries. In the past in this country and many others, and currently in some of the most successful economies, governments have been at the forefront of developing new industries.

In South Africa, Sasol, Eskom and Iscor, which was sold to foreigners some time last year or two years ago, were pioneered by government to introduce new economic drivers and to create jobs. Some would say that such state-led growth strategies run contrary to the so-called internationally accepted economic practices.

There are astounding contradictions in the lectures that the developed world give us about how we should run our economy. We should not be so quick to accept as gospel their advice. For instance, two years ago, when I visited Beijing, hon Kader, I was surprised to find that large corporate representatives from the developed world, such as General Motors and many others, were operating businesses in partnership with the Chinese government, which holds the majority shares in these ventures in trust for its citizens.

This is ample demonstration of the fallacy of allowing others to dictate to us. State-led growth has been the answer in the past and should be the answer to our present job-creation needs. That is the advice that I would like to leave you with, Mr President.

On the topic of other developing countries that outstrip us in terms of economic stability, growing GDP and low interest rates – we need to comment on this - one has to wonder what sort of economic model we are following, given the high interest rates that hamper our economic growth and make our currency volatile.

Another contradiction regarding the economic model we are following is that capital accumulation by rural South Africans still suffers from a lack of recognition by government. Many rural people are making significant capital investments in rural areas by building upscale residences. However, lacking a proper legal mechanism recognising individual property rights in these areas, their investments go unrecorded, unrecognised and unrewarded. Their expenditure is not recognised as fixed capital formation, to the detriment not only of the national accounts in the calculation of GDP, but, worse still, of the value of the investment, which is lost to the investor. Unlike fixed property investments in other areas in this country, rural investors cannot utilise their investments as collateral or even list them as an asset in their personal balance sheet. Thus they are deprived of the fruits of their own savings.

Adding insult to injury, government still insists upon taxing such rural properties. There can be no taxation without the recognition of these people’s property rights. Legal recognition of individual or fixed properties is now long overdue.

Kwedini Kader, uzimamele ezi zinto ndizithethayo? [Kwahlekwa.] [Young man Kader, are you listening to what I’m saying?] [Laughter.]]

Chairperson, as the President said in his speech, there is a seeming lack of performance by the Public Service. I would submit that this lack of performance is the result of confusion or overlapping of roles between politicians and their administrators. Some politicians have the habit of using political directives where decisions should actually be made by administrators. This is a danger to the morale of the Public Service and may also encourage corruption.

There are a lot of examples of MECs, Ministers and even councillors who behave as if they are accounting officers, whilst people employed to do critical jobs such as directors-general are forced to take a back seat. There is a tendency for crucial administrative decisions to be made by such politicians. You often hear people say: “If you want that job or contract, go and speak to the Minister or to councillor so-and-so.”

The blame for failures with regard to service delivery, therefore, often lies with the interference by politicians and not the public servants alone. At times these political directives have recommended people for certain jobs when they are not competent for those positions. Patronage inevitably comes at the cost of service delivery.

The public’s complaints regarding nepotism in the Public Service remain widespread. I am certain that these observations are not news to the House. They have been noted in the media and also by the Auditor-General.

In the same vein, we have taken note of the pending report of the directors- general assessing the state of the Public Service. However, I suggest that it would be important that the executive should also revisit the report of the Presidential Review Commission report. It might prove that it is not necessary to reinvent the wheel, and that many weaknesses and overlaps have already been identified and remedies proposed.

Another major question facing the nation is … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr M RAMGOBIN: Mr Chair, Your Excellency the President of the Republic, Your Excellency the Deputy President, Ministers, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, emerging from our celebrations to mark a decade of democracy, it will be remiss on our part to ignore why we are where we are, especially in order to make choices for the future that will and must impact on us. As a result of this, I shall totally disregard what the Leader of the Opposition has said.

Mr President, in your opening remarks last Friday, you made reference to the preamble of our country’s Constitution. In seeking to unbundle this declaration, one is seized with aspects of our current reality. Can we really belong, when only our bodies are here and our hearts are somewhere else? Can we belong when we deliberately detach ourselves from the aspirations of the vast majority of our poverty-stricken people?

The new circumstances that you talk of, Sir, are not only for a strategic opportunity, as far as I am concerned, but offer us the opportunity for a revolutionary option.

Somehow my faith in human beings compels me to believe that most of us, black and white, are repelled by the vulgarities of violence and poverty. Most of us have within us the power, the force and even the principle of life that animate us. Most of us are and can be characterised by some activity, quality or disposition which altogether for me is the force of our spiritual selves.

This, read together with the principle of ubuntu, “I am because you are”, and the Gandhian trinity of reverence for life, the force of truth and the welfare of all, for me is the basis of life. This is an ethic which demands of us a vigorous call to action. We must refuse to nourish violence, despair and poverty by becoming victims of a culture of silence, acquiescence and indifference on the one hand, and choosing the state of unfreedom on the other. Why else would we have rejected the culture of violence and the culture of war to resolve our conflicts and differences? I believe because it was morally correct and in keeping with the spirit of ubuntu.

There are those deviants who sought and in some ways continue to derail our democratic project. We as South Africans are on the path towards our goal of making South Africa livable for all who live in it. We cannot and must not merely mouth the principle that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white. The Freedom Charter offers us, without any dogma, the scope for this ethic to be a lived reality. Let us live together. Because the question remains - and this is a challenge to all of us, but especially to you Mr Leon - who among us here, in this Assembly and outside, as an article of faith, touch the lives of others to ensure that we make a better life for all? How many of us have entered into covenants and united action against strife, distrust, poverty, acrimony and racial hatred, or do all of those who do not belong to the ANC wait for the ANC to do it alone?

Of course the ANC does not only assume the responsibility, but it is entrusted with the responsibility and the duty to lead the processes and projects to make a better life for all. This was our commitment in 1955 when we adopted the Freedom Charter, which remained our guide and which today is manifest in our temporal Constitution.

With a moment’s reflection, successive colonial and apartheid constitutions began with the words, “In the name of God and the Almighty”. I make bold to say that nothing in them that pertained to black people was godly or spiritual. The Group Areas Act, forced removals, and a litany of other measures were in essence ungodly and far removed from anything spiritual. Without being self-righteous or judgmental of any religious faith system, it is my conviction – and I invite others to dialogue this – that our country’s Constitution, which is rooted in the Freedom Charter, presents a spirituality devoid of divisive rituals and dogma as a guiding institution. It is my belief that the Freedom Charter demands a service to South Africa and the rest of humanity as a primary faith, which must lead to the emotional and psychological integration of us as a nation. And this will undo the ominous perversions of a kind of self-consciousness that made whites “as chosen by God to be the gods of black people”.

This service to South Africa will give an extraordinary content to the gift of ubuntu to the world; to Jesus’s Sermon on the Mount; to the tenets of sharing and caring of the Qur’an; to the universal Hindu ethos of “vaisadeva kutumbakan”, that the world is only one family; and to the life and works of St Francis of Assisi, who implored God to make him an instrument of His justice, His peace and His love, but never forgetting that his first call as a human being was to serve and care for other human beings, who in his case were lepers in a lepers’ colony.

Adherence to and implementation of the Freedom Charter, Mr President, gives us the opportunity to establish a new spirituality and hopefully in some small way becoming the culture bed of all that is best in the human experience.

I wish to emphasise what many of us have maintained for decades, that charting a new, fresh course, a road map for all South Africans away from apartheid to transform our country, offers South Africans the scope to develop a new attitude, a new philosophy, a new faith, a new and lived spirituality, which will lead to a new society and which will transcend racial differences and be at peace with itself. And as fellow believers and activists, will be able to excite a national consciousness, which is fundamentally necessary for national cohesion, with a deep humanitarian underpinning, without which there can be no nation-building.

We in the ANC invite not only the opposition parties, but the judges, the NGOs, the business community, the trade union movements, students and others to reflect on this. Enter into a covenant with each other as South Africans, to help create and reinforce the impetus for an ethical consciousness, the vision of the Freedom Charter, that is possible to be lived, thus becoming walking symbols and creative instruments to make South Africa livable for all who live in it.

In conclusion, Mr President, allow me to borrow from a discourse held at the University of Natal in the 1980s on the culture of the Freedom Charter. It was and remains my historical privilege to reiterate that sectarianism, no matter by whom it is practised, always militates against the liberation of the human race. In order to counter the fanaticism of the proponents of apartheid, it is equally imperative that adherence to the principles of national unity and a national consciousness do not fall foul of their own shortsightedness. The Freedom Charter guards against this by its commitment to transforming our existing reality, a transformation decided upon by understanding the concrete realities of our country.

Finally, I daresay that charterists exudes faith and trust in people to transform our society into one in which it would be easier to love, which in turn will mean our liberation from hate and suspicion. The central theme and concern is to rehumanise our society, conscious of the incompleteness, Mr Leon, of the life’s oppressed. Charterists present the possibility to struggle to restore their own affronted humanity and to make possible conditions whereby the oppressor, too, will recover his own lost humanity.

The Freedom Charter offers every conscious South African, cutting across political barriers, the opportunity to come together, to engage in the processes and programmes, to liberate ourselves from poverty, disease, hunger, homelessness, racial prejudice and hate. This in turn can and will lead us to a kind of spiritualism, a unity in action towards a truly liberated South Africa.

Mr President, I think I shall be remiss and failing in my duty if I did not to say something else. I take advantage of the opportunity here to pay tribute to Phoenix settlement, which was brutalised in 1985. The sentiments expressed here would not have been possible without the dialogue and deeds of people from various backgrounds and cultures, but who were committed to share and take responsibility: the Bikos and the Pityanas, the Patons and the Nanasitas, the communist Rick Turners and hardheaded businessmen, the Jinabhais and the Mxenges and the Matabeses, the Boraines and the Skweyiyas, the normal Middletons and the Buthelezis, and scores of others. With regard to ideas and work, we incubated together at Phoenix settlement. This is why I believe, Mr President, when you officially reinaugurated the settlement, you did not hesitate to say that Phoenix belongs to you, it belongs to me, it belongs to our children, and it belongs to all the children yet to come, so “cherish it and take care of it”.

I want to extend this sentiment and say in equal fashion that South Africa belongs to you, it belongs to me, it belongs to our children, and it belongs to all the children yet to come. Let us all cherish it and look after it. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Chairperson, Hon President and Hon Deputy President, I want to start by congratulating the President on the frankness and openness in his state of the nation address. I shall try to be equally honest and frank in my assessment of the nation.

We have inherited a deeply divided country with the advent of democracy ten years ago, a country that had systematically excluded the majority of South Africans. Given this history, nobody can deny the need for transformation in South Africa, and our criticism of government must be seen in the light that we are pushing an agenda of transformation. For us in the ID transformation must achieve a balance of equity in society, and in order to achieve this, we must focus on diversity and give opportunities to everyone. For some, transformation has become a process in terms of which politically connected individuals are able to get the lion’s share of government contracts. The continuing controversy over the Big Bay land sale and the Telkom share deal, to name but a few, do not help in countering this perception. For the majority of South Africans, though, who live in abject poverty without much hope for the future, the concept of transformation is still a pipe dream.

The ID believes that transformation is a positive concept that must be embraced by all South Africans. We need to address these negative perceptions, and in some cases realities, so that all South Africans can willingly become part of the process of transforming our society. We must manage transformation and the transition to generate hope and meaning. If our people do not have the necessary hope and meaning, they will become hopeless and defensive.

For us transformation is not just a numbers game. Transformation is about moving from a society where the majority of South Africans were excluded to one in which all South Africans are included. In this process we will have to debate certain important issues such as race in an open, sober and direct manner.

This debate is so important, because we use the terms “black” and “African” so interchangeably that it has given rise to so many conflicting interpretations. First and foremost, we are all South Africans and thereafter, by choice, those who so wish can define themselves further by their appearance. This confusion excludes many fellow South Africans who legitimately qualify to benefit from transformation. We cannot allow transformation to be seen as an exclusive process, rather than one in terms of which every South African is given the means, opportunity and resources to achieve their full potential.

The transformation of our society begins with our children. Their hopes and attitudes are shaping our country’s new consciousness. Unfortunately, we are failing the children of South Africa. Ninety-five out of every 1000 children in South Africa do not live beyond their fifth birthday. HIV and many other preventable conditions cause most of these deaths.

Section 28 of the Constitution guarantees children certain second- generation human rights, but while the drafters of the Constitution prioritised these rights, we are not seeing the same prioritisation when it comes to government departments. The current Children’s Bill must provide for a national policy framework that will ensure that the rights of children are prioritised in each of our government departments.

Added to this must be the political will to provide sufficient financial resources to achieve these goals. Currently there are more than a million children of school-going age who do not attend school and last year we actually saw the number of enrolments drop. We are moving backwards on education. We simply cannot compromise on the education of our children. The ID will work with the government in identifying those missing million children. We have already established an Access to Education Fund that has assisted more than 450 children to realise their constitutional right. Ultimately, the education system must be geared towards delivering the skills needed by the economy.

People living with disabilities also need to be given a greater stake in our inclusive society. We strongly object to the manner in which empowerment scorecards have eroded the weighting given to people living with disabilities. Giving opportunities to people with disabilities starts at a very early age. It is a cause of great concern that thousands of these children are excluded from education because of their disabilities.

According to the Medical Research Council, 5,6 million people were HIV- positive in 2003. Ten percent or 560 000 of these HIV-positive people need antiretrovirals. The MRC further found that approximately 1000 people die of HIV-related illnesses every day. The Aids tsunami in our country is killing more people than the tsunami on Boxing Day.

Mr President, we can only escape the tsunami of HIV/Aids if we can scale the cliffs of survival through a properly planned and implemented national antiretroviral programme, but a complete lack of compassion, empathy and leadership is, however, holding us back. Added to this is the ignorant and arrogant attitude of the petty bureaucracy and their failure to apply resources.

The red tape of bureaucracy is strangling those people who want to advance the cause of treatment and care, including the international community. There is no nutritional support at clinics, so it will help if those who advocate nutritional support take some of their own advice. Mr President, if you go to the clinic in Crossroads today, you will find no nutritional support.

The tsunami of Aids is upon us and we cannot wait for six months’ supply of antiretrovirals before we start implementation. The moment to act is now.

Building an inclusive nation also means bridging the economic divides in our society. Research has shown that the informal economy in South Africa only accounts for 15% of our economy, which is way below Latin America and other African countries. Adding to our high unemployment rate are the significant barriers preventing people in the informal economy from earning a livelihood. We have to free up this sector of the economy and provide greater government support in the form of credit and skills transfer.

Parliament must, as a matter of urgency, amend and remove all existing laws that are preventing growth in the informal sector. Too much emphasis has been placed on foreign direct investment. We certainly need foreign direct investment to grow the economy and to increase domestic demand, but too little emphasis is placed on local direct investment.

Local businesses got away with economic murder and so many are continuing to do business as usual. Instead, many of the big corporates were allowed to take their money to London and New York. This will ultimately militate heavily against South Africa for a long time to come.

The greatest poverty is still found in the rural areas in South Africa. Cities have developed sprawling informal settlements, because people migrate to cities to find employment. Government must prioritise rural development by dedicating more resources to land reform and agricultural support, particularly subsistence farmers who seem to have been forgotten.

In many of these rural areas, development is severely hamstrung by in- fights between spheres of government. We believe that more resources must be given to the implementation of the Communal Land Rights Bill so that tenure issues can finally be resolved and development can proceed. The ID hopes that the Intergovernmental Management Framework Bill will address some of these bottlenecks.

Mr President, I agree with you that the Public Service is not delivering. Some public servants are doing excellent work and they must be encouraged and congratulated. But I am sick and tired of hearing about a lack of capacity. I think it has become just another excuse for inefficiency and incompetence. These useless public servants do not just embarrass the government; they embarrass all of us in this House. Ultimately, the relevant Ministers must take the blame for sheltering those uncaring and lazy public servants. It is a case of setting the right example, and your work ethic, Mr President, has shown Ministers and all public servants how they should be working.

Finally, the ID does not accept the excuse that we do not have enough resources to address poverty. The reasons we dispute this excuse of lack of resources are the following: We have collected extra billions of rands in tax revenue for two consecutive financial years. We have received local and foreign aid of R7,1 billion, and in-kind donations of R46 billion. We have several roll-over budgets every year. The Umsobomvu Youth Fund received R236 million. We have a Job Creation Trust. We have also seen irregular, unauthorised, fruitless and wasteful expenditure of R142,1 billion.

We do have the resources but we do not have our priorities right. Poverty eradication, Mr President, must become priority number one. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs Z A KOTA: Chairperson, I have noted that the DA leader, hon Tony Leon, has suddenly remembered that there is a waiting list for housing. That is something his party did not do anything about when they were in power in this province. [Interjections.] I want to caution the DA that housing is a bread-and-butter issue and should not be turned into a political football. [Interjections.]

Chairperson, President, Deputy President, Ministers, comrades, colleagues and honoured guests, I feel humbled by being afforded this opportunity to speak in this important debate on behalf of my province. I’d like to dedicate my speech in celebrating the life of Comrade Joe Slovo, the first Minister of Housing, who has been away from us for ten years now. This debate marks another milestone in the history of South Africa. As we enter the second decade of freedom, we are cognisant of the fact that the Constitution of our country requires each department to reflect on its mandate and account accordingly. I have no doubt in my mind that the national Department of Housing has a track record of leading the pack in that regard. Let us remind ourselves that it has delivered 1,7 million houses in the first decade of freedom. This work has been undertaken with vigour, ability and lots of energy by the Minister of Housing, Comrade Lindiwe Sisulu.

On behalf of my committee I would like to congratulate the Minister for successfully hosting the African Ministerial Conference on Housing and Urban Development in Durban and also on her election … [Applause.] … as the first chairperson of AMCHUD for the next two years. I also congratulate the Minister on the launch of the N2 Gateway yesterday and the awarding of the contract to the Sombambisana Consortium.

This year we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Freedom Charter, a visionary document adopted in Kliptown in 1955 that defines dignified human settlement as part of its declarations. The Charter talks of a society in which all people have a right to live anywhere they choose and where they will be housed decently. It is for that reason that we applaud the turnaround strategy of the Department of Housing, whose vision is the implementation of a comprehensive plan. The critical aspect of the plan is the element of sustainable human settlement in which the building of houses must be about building communities, and this can only be realised if the integrated development plan is in place and all the departments are committed to working together if this comprehensive plan is to become a reality.

It is about time that a scorecard is introduced to measure the participation of various departments in the IDP process, as we have seen the failure of this process in Alexandra. I do know that an intergovernmental Bill will be put in place soon, but in addition to that, we need a balanced scorecard to gauge the participation of departments in the IDP. I do know, Comrade Minister, that project consolidate will also assist in this regard.

In each area where houses are being built there should be clinics, water and sanitation, electricity, roads, schools, police stations and spaces demarcated for leisure. The building of houses should be about the creation of jobs and the economic empowerment of emerging and women contractors. The importance of the Expanded Public Works Programme in the building of houses is very critical. What we have seen is of great concern, despite the billions of rands spent by our government on the building of houses.

No credible emerging contractors have emerged in this process. There are a number of reasons for this scenario. Firstly, there is the absence of an incubator process to assist them during the delivery process. Secondly, there is a delay in the payment of contractors by municipalities, which drives contractors into bankruptcy and away from the industry. The ANC is concerned about this and we think that it needs attention.

The vision of the Department of Housing and its implementation of the comprehensive plan consists of the following elements: Accelerated delivery as a poverty alleviation strategy, job creation, asset creation, promotion of social cohesion, a single residential property market, sustainable human settlement, and leveraging economic growth. The comprehensive human settlement plan takes the process of the provision of houses to greater heights. Many projects have been launched in the provinces to fast-track housing delivery.

The following projects have been identified as pilot projects for informal settlement upgrading: In Mpumalanga, Emsamgweni in Emalahleni municipality and also Thandukukhanya in Mkhondo municipality; in Limpopo, the Phomolong project in the Mokgopong municipality; in Gauteng, Winnie Mandela in Ekurhuleni municipality; in the Northern Cape, Leratong Park in Kimberley; in the Western Cape, the N2 Gateway; in the Free State, Grassland in Mangaung-Bloemfontein; in KwaZulu-Natal, Mount Moriah in Ethekwini; in the North West, Klerksdorp in Kosh Municipality and Rustenburg; and in the Eastern Cape, Duncan Village in Buffalo City.

It is critical at this point to mention the firm foundation laid by the late MEC, Comrade Dumisani Makhaye, who passionately championed for the slum clearing project at Ethekwini municipality, which began in 2001. [Applause.] As a result of this, in 2003 the Institute of Housing SA voted Ethekwini municipality as the KwaZulu-Natal local authority of the year.

In Gauteng we are anxiously awaiting the development of the Cosmos City, which is aimed at integrating communities to begin to address the issue of spatial development. In Gauteng housing delivery is forever moving at a fast pace under the leadership of Nomvula Mokonyane. I have no doubt in my mind that this will be a successful project.

Chairperson, allow me to look at the Western Cape scenario and see to what extent the province and the municipalities are meeting this challenge. When we discuss the Western Cape it is important to reflect on the history of this province. These people did not allow Africans to own houses. [Interjections.] They could only do so through the 99-year lease. When the government came into power, the City of Cape Town was confronted with six different waiting lists from six municipalities, each with different allocation policies. The challenge for the City of Cape Town is to develop a single database in order to address the housing backlog efficiently, which includes the backyards. At present the City of Cape Town’s rental housing backlog stands at 37 000. So far only a thousand people can be accommodated each year.

It is also important to note that this is the province where people were forcefully removed from District Six some 40 years ago. Ten years later the forced removals from Sophiatown took place. We are very proud of the fact that the N2 Gateway, which is a national pilot project, includes this historic area. This project will be of benefit to the province and all those who are residing along the N2, including a quota of the backyards. The areas included are District Six, Joe Slovo, Barcelona, New Rest, Gxagxa, Boys Town and Kanana. We are happy that this project involves the three spheres of government. I hope that the N2 Gateway will be a catalyst in fast-tracking the delivery of houses to District Six and Ndabeni claimants. I know that the Department of Agriculture and Land Affairs is responsible for those projects, but I am appealing that the red tape be cut so that those dreams can be realised sooner rather than later.

There has been a lot of success as far as housing delivery in the Western Cape is concerned. In the City of Cape Town a lot of progress has been made in the hostel redevelopment programme. The programme has been recognised at national level to the extent that the then Minister of Housing made specific mention of the approach followed by the Western Cape as a model for hostel redevelopment. The programme is also featured in the case study done by the Department of Housing. The study concludes by stating that this precedent could be usefully applied to 600 000 hostel beds countrywide.

Zikwakho ke nezindlu ezakhiwe nge-PHP. Phaya eVictoria Mxenge abantu bazakhela ngokwabo izindlu yaye zinkulu. Zikho nezakhiwe eHeyns Park, eMontwood, eMfuleni nasePelican Park. Kukwakho neMalibongwe Project enoomama baseGugulethu, abaseNyanga nabaseGrassy Park abazakhela izindlu ezintle kakhulu. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[There are houses being built under the PHP. People in Victoria Mxenge are building their own houses that are fairly huge. Houses are also being built in Heyns Park, Montwood, Mfuleni and Pelican Park. There is also the Malibongwe project that involves women from Gugulethu, Nyanga and Grassy Park.]

We hope that the Malibongwe project can be replicated because of its nonracial nature. Our government is committed to the integration of our communities. Houses are built in the innercity, as shown by the housing development project in Maitland.

In Nomzamo Lwandle a PHP project, managed through Asla, have built 1 400 houses. There are also houses being built in Wesbank, Delft, Dunoon and other places in the province. More houses are to be built in Wallacedene, where 2 800 sites have been cleared for the building of homes. In Kewtown and Red Hill City land has been identified for the building of houses.

Despite these successes there are some challenges. One of them is the outstanding issue of Hout Bay. This matter is being addressed by the national Department of Housing and the province.

In Worcester 700 homes have been built recently. In Mbekweni 15 blocked projects have been unblocked. During a committee visit to Stellenbosch in January this year we were briefed on the progress made in housing delivery, including the conversion of hostels to homes. What was also of great significance is that there is a concerted effort by this municipality to ensure local economic development in Khayamnandi. This is central to sustainable human settlement.

We urge other municipalities to follow this route because it is important to build local economies. We know that there are housing challenges facing our people in places such as Ceres, Oudtshoorn, Clanwilliam, Lamberts Bay and in many other areas. The province and the relevant municipalities are attending to these matters, but the Portfolio Committee on Housing will continue to follow up on these matters.

We want our communities out there to realise that the housing backlog cannot be resolved overnight. The government has a plan but we need each and every one to participate in this process. That is why members of Parliament are urged to go from door to door and to talk to our communities, and make them understand the challenges that we are facing and the kind of measures that we are taking to resolve them. [Applause.] It serves no purpose to talk and howl in this House. It is important that you go to the communities and explain what the government is doing. It is about time that you move out of your comfortable chairs and go into the communities. In the spirit of amaVolontiya we will be going to those communities and ensure that we speak to them and engage them, so that we can solve those problems together.

Allow me, Chairperson, to thank the Chief Whip, Comrade Goniwe, for the kind of leadership and support given to communities affected by the fires in the province. [Applause.] A celebratory mood prevailed in Langa on Sunday. Allow me also to extend a word of thanks to fellow South Africans, from business to members of the community, for their support to Joe Slovo during its hour of need. We want to thank the City of Cape Town, and Social Development, Education and Home Affairs for their responses, including the leadership of the ANC. [Applause.] Last but not least we want to thank the ministers of religion and community leaders for their guidance and support, and also for the successful prayer service held on 6 February, during which the Methodist Church in Langa donated R26 000 to the Joe Slovo community. [Applause.] We also wish to thank Reverend Qangiso and Reverend Stemela for the co-ordination of that service.

Mandivale ngokucaphula intetho katata uWana awayinika phaya estediyamu. Amalungu awayekho kwaLanga aya kuyikhumbula le ntetho. Equkumbela intetho yakhe wathi ubulela uSodolophu namalungu ePalamente ngoba oko wafika eKapa ngo-1937 akazange ambone urhulumente okhathalele abantu njengalo Rhulumente. Watsho ebongoza abantu ukuba bamxhase uRhulumente, ngakumbi uSodolophu, kwimizamo yokusombulula ingxaki yezindlu.

Ndiyangqina ukuba lo msebenzi awulula kodwa xa sibambene ngezandla akukho nanye into enokusahlula. Siyamthembisa uMphathiswa ukuba amalungu ePalamente aza kuhambela umzi nomzi phaya kweziya zindlu ziku-N2, encedisana nalo Rhulumente, ecacisela abantu ngokuba olu phuhliso lolwabantu. Lwenzelwe abantu bethu.

Ndibulela uMphathiswa uMarthinus van Schalkwyk ngokuthiya izikhephe ezithile ngamagama kaLillian Ngoyi, Victoria Mxenge noSara Baartman. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Let me conclude by referring to Mr Wana’s speech, which he delivered at the stadium. Members who were at Langa stadium will remember this speech. He said he was grateful to the mayor and the members of Parliament because ever since he had arrived in Cape Town in 1937 he had never seen a government that cared for its people like this one. He pleaded with the people to support the government, and more especially the mayor in her efforts to solve the problems of housing.

I agree that this toil is hard, but there is nothing that will beat us if we are together. We promise the Minister that members of Parliament will visit every household in the N2 gateway, to help government by explaining that this development belongs to the people.

I thank the hon Marthinus van Schalkwyk for naming some ships after the late Lillian Ngoyi, Victoria Mxenge and Sara Baartman. [Applause.]]

Adv A H GAUM: Chair, we have serious problems - Aids, high crime levels, unemployment and poverty. We can sulk about them or we can do something about them. President Mbeki is clearly tackling our challenges one by one, and has achieved a lot. We agree with the President that the very central achievement has been our success in advancing our country away from its divided past towards a realisation of perhaps the most important declaration of the Freedom Charter, namely that “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white”.

Hierdie rigtingwyser van ons land word deur ons Grondwet beaam:

Ons, die mense van Suid-Afrika … glo dat Suid-Afrika behoort aan almal wat daarin woon, verenig in ons verskeidenheid.

Die President se verbintenis daartoe om hierdie grondslag van ons land verder te versterk verdien ons almal se ondersteuning.

Laat ons eerlik wees: 10 jaar gelede het Suid-Afrikaanse minderheidsgroepe min vertroue in die toekoms van Suid-Afrika gehad. Hulle het om braaivleisvure voorspel dat Suid-Afrika kort voor lank die pad van ander onsuksesvolle Afrikalande sou loop en dat ons ekonomie gouer eerder as later sou knak.

Dit is jammer dat die doemprofete van toe nou so stil is. Suid-Afrikaners uit minderheidsgemeenskappe, en by name Afrikaners, behoort groter erkenning te gee aan wat die Regering bereik het, groter erkenning aan president Mbeki se reuserol in die nuwe ontwaking van ons land. Pleks daarvan om vir partye soos die DA se goedkoop anti-Mbeki-Zimbabwe te val, behoort minderheidsgemeenskappe en veral Afrikaners wat Suid-Afrika se infrastruktuur help opbou het, erkenning te gee aan ’n president wat die argitek is van die ekonomiese wonder van Suid-Afrika. Dis die werklikheid. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[This direction indicator of our country is confirmed by our Constitution:

  We, the people of South Africa… believe that South Africa belongs to
  all who live in it, united in our diversity.

The President’s commitment to further strengthen this underlying principle of our country deserves the support of all of us.

Let us be honest: 10 years ago South African minority groups had little confidence in the future of South Africa. They predicted around barbeque fires that South Africa would shortly move in the same direction as other unsuccessful African countries and that our economy would collapse sooner rather than later.

It is a pity that the prophets of doom of that time are so quiet now. South Africans from minority communities, namely Afrikaners, should give greater recognition to what the Government has achieved, greater recognition to President Mbeki’s huge role in the new awakening of our country. Instead of falling for the cheap anti-Mbeki-Zimbabwe talk of parties like the DA, minority communities, and especially Afrikaners who helped to build South Africa’s infrastructure, should give recognition to a president who is the architect of the economic wonder of South Africa. This is the reality. [Applause.]]

We are experiencing unknown economic prosperity, reduced inflation and the lowest interest rates in more than 20 years, and a decade of uninterrupted economic growth. We compete effectively in global markets and we have almost doubled our manufactured exports. Many South Africans, ironically whites in particular, have to acknowledge that they are living a more prosperous life under this government than ever before. [Applause.]

While the rest of the world regarded Africa as a headache and did not want to touch it, one man had a vision of an African Renaissance. President Mbeki understood that the wellbeing of our land depends on the wellbeing of Africa and its peoples. [Interjections.] Maybe the vision of a vibrant democratic Africa will not realise overnight, but as we have more and more democratic elections throughout the continent, the curtain is slowly but surely closing on old Africa and opening on a new Africa that will soon have its presence felt around the globe; a new Africa that will be a tribute to our visionary President, who is always on the forefront of brokering peace across the continent and of creating an atmosphere for democratic change. [Applause.]

A great problem of our time is the worldwide increasing levels of intolerance, which is a growing threat to peace. As an international example of tolerance and reconciliation, we have a lot to share with the rest of the world. We should therefore also make sure that we keep our own house in order by fostering our unity in diversity.

Daar moet egter reg aan albei hierdie begrippe geskied. Daar kan geen eenheid wees as verskeidenheid nie erken word nie, geen verskeidenheid as eenheid in gedrang kom nie. In ’n Suid-Afrika wat ’n voorbeeld van verdraagsaamheid wil bly, moet hierdie begrippe in diens van mekaar staan. Juis daarom was planne om godsdiens uit ons skole te weer onaanvaarbaar en was dit goed dat ons ’n oplossing kon bereik wat verdraagsaamheid en daardeur eenheid gedien het, maar nie verskeidenheid ondergrawe het nie.

’n Goeie voorbeeld van versoening en eenheid in verskeidenheid is ons nasionale lied wat ons Vrydag weer gehoor het. Hierdie lied met sy twee dele wat saamsmelt tot ’n eenheid het, soos ons landsvlag, wat alle aspekte van ons verlede reflekteer, en ’n naam soos KwaZulu-Natal, wye aanvaarding gevind. Ons behoort steeds ook in die toekoms deur wat ons doen, ook deur die name wat ons gee, op tasbare en sigbare wyse eenheid in verskeidenheid te skep, versoenend te werk te gaan, nie verdelend nie. In die geval van byvoorbeeld Pretoria verwelkom ons dit dat ’n versoenende opsie gevolg is deurdat die stadsnaam Pretoria bly en die metropool die naam Tshwane kry.

Die kwessie van taalverskeidenheid word soms onsensitief en ideologies gehanteer. ’n Mens het groot begrip vir die emosie waarmee taal in ons geskiedenis gepaard gegaan het. Die geskiedenis moet egter vir ons as les dien en behoort ons juis te waarsku om omsigtig met taalkwessies om te gaan sodat eenheid in verskeidenheid, nie konflik omdat verskeidenheid gekniehalter word nie, ons voorland is.

Wanneer dit byvoorbeeld kom by die taalbeleid van skole moet dit omsigtig gehanteer word. Taalverskeidenheid behoort ook binne skoolverband ooreenkomstig ons Grondwet bevorder te word. Waarom is dit dat ’n mens nooit van ’n Engelse instelling hoor wat gevra word om sy taalbeleid aan te pas of wat daarvan beskuldig word dat dit eksklusief en uitsluitend is nie? As sake só gehanteer word dat mense ter wille van taal die hof moet besoek, flikker die rooi ligte. As taal aan die ander kant ’n instrument word om mense uit te sluit ís dit onbillike diskriminasie. Die Burger sê tereg ras mag nooit ’n faktor wees nie. As dit ’n faktor is, moet ons dit meedoënloos beveg.

Dit is egter ook taaldiskriminasie om onregverdiglik teen ’n bepaalde taal te diskrimineer, om mense van ’n onwilligheid om te transformeer te beskuldig sodra hulle hul taal wil handhaaf. Dit is net so verkeerd as mense die taalkwessie as rookskerm vir inherente rassisme gebruik, wat ook gebeur. Ter wille van verdraagsaamheid, van eenheid in verskeidenheid, behoort daar as ’n saak van nasionale belang na die hantering en akkommodering van taal in ons land, veral in ons onderwysinstellings, by name ons skole, gekyk te word.

Die navorsing oor taaldemografie en dinamika wat die President genoem het, kan met vrug in so ’n ondersoek aangewend word. Dit het tyd geword dat ons 10 gemarginaliseerde amptelike Afrikatale hulle regmatige plek in ons land inneem sodat daar inhoud gegee kan word aan ons grondwetlike taalregte en aan die Freedom Charter wat verklaar dat, “All people shall have the right to use their own languages”.

Talle onderwysprobleme soos swak geletterdheids- en syfervaardighede hou regstreeks verband met die gebrek aan moedertaalonderwys in ons skole. By baie skole dring ouers tot nadeel van hulle kinders aan op onderwys in Engels terwyl hulle en hul kinders tuis ander tale soos Afrikaans, Xhosa, Zoeloe of ander tale praat. Talle kinders ontvang onderwys in hulle tweede of derde taal, te wete Engels, deur onderwysers wat daardie onderwys in húlle tweede of derde taal verskaf. Dit terwyl die jongste in ’n reeks bevindings sê dat leerlinge wat nie tuis aan dieselfde taal blootgestel word as die een waarin hulle onderrig ontvang nie, die gevaar loop om nie hulle akademiese potensiaal te bereik nie. Is dit dan vir ons enigsins snaaks dat ons kinders nie goed kan lees, skryf of reken nie?

Dit is van kardinale belang, mnr die President, dat ons die skoolbouprogram versnel soos u aangekondig het. Ons is ook baie bly dat ons onderwysers beter betaal gaan word, maar ons sal ook die moedertaalkwessie binne-in die klaskamer moet aanspreek as ons merkwaardige vordering wil maak. ’n Provinsie soos die Wes-Kaap het ’n onderwystaalmodel op advies van taalkenners soos Neville Alexander aanvaar wat moedertaalgebaseerde tweetalige onderwys in die eerste ses jaar van ’n kind se skoolloopbaan ondersteun, wat ouers wil aanmoedig om hulle kinders vir moedertaalgebaseerde onderwys in te skryf en wat die aanleer van ’n derde taal in laerskole bevorder. Dis ’n inklusiewe, allerweë aanvaarbare model wat ons met groot vrug behoort te gebruik. As dié model, wat met ons nasionale beleid versoenbaar is, toegepas word, kan ons baie probleme uitskakel.

Die ouers wat op Engelse onderwys vir hulle Afrikaanse, Xhosa of Zoeloe kinders aandring, sal na alle waarskynlikheid moedertaalgebaseerde onderwys kies in die wete dat dit in hulle kinders se beste belang is en dat Engels in elk geval as ’n sekondêre taal toegevoeg sal word. Moedertaalonderwys in ons laerskole het nou ’n saak van groot belang geword wat u ernstige aandag verdien, mnr die President. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[However, justice should be done to both of these notions. There can be no unity if diversity is not recognised, no diversity if unity is jeopardised. In a South Africa that wants to remain an example of tolerance, these notions should serve each other. Therefore plans to ban religion from our schools were unacceptable and it was good that we could reach a solution that served tolerance and, by extension, unity, without undermining diversity.

A good example of reconciliation and unity in diversity is our national anthem that we heard again on Friday. This song, with its two parts merging into one, has, like our national flag, which reflects all aspects of our past, and a name like KwaZulu-Natal, enjoyed wide acceptance. We should continue in future, through what we do, and also through the names we give, to create unity in diversity in a tangible and visible manner, and work in a reconciliatory, and not a divisive way. In the case of Pretoria, for example, we welcome the fact that a reconciliatory option was followed in that the city name will remain Pretoria and the metropole will be named Tshwane.

The matter of language diversity is often handled in an insensitive and ideological manner. One has great understanding for the emotions coupled with language in our history. History should, however, serve as a lesson and should warn us to go about language matters in a circumspect way so that unity in diversity, and not conflict because diversity is being disadvantaged, will be our future.

When, for example, we look at the language policy of schools, this should be handled in a circumspect way. Language diversity should also be promoted at school level in accordance with our Constitution. Why does one never hear of an English institution being asked to amend its language policy or of its being accused of being exclusive and exclusionist? If matters are handled in such a way that one has to go to court for the sake of language, red lights are flashing. If, on the other hand, language becomes an instrument to exclude people, it is unfair discrimination. Die Burger says, and rightly so, that race may never be a factor. If it is a factor, we should fight it relentlessly.

However, it is also language discrimination to discriminate unfairly against a certain language, to accuse people of unwillingness to transform as soon as they try to uphold their language. It is just as wrong when people use the language issue as a smokescreen for inherent racism, which also happens. For the sake of tolerance, of unity in diversity, the handling and accommodation of language in our country, especially in our educational institutions, namely our schools, should be looked at as a matter of national importance.

The research on language demographics and dynamics referred to by the President could be used effectively in such an investigation. It is time for our 10 marginalised official African languages to take their rightful place in our country so that substance can be given to our constitutional language rights and to the Freedom Charter, which declares that, “All people shall have the right to use their own languages”.

Several educational problems such as poor literacy and numeracy skills are directly linked to the lack of mother-tongue education in our schools. At many schools parents insist, to the detriment of their children, on education in English while they and their children speak other languages such as Afrikaans, Xhosa, Zulu and others at home. Many children are being tutored in their second or third language, which is English, by teachers who provide the tutoring in their second or third language. This while the latest findings claim that pupils who are not exposed to the same language at home as the one they are being educated in, are in danger of not reaching their full academic potential. Is it a surprise to us, then, if our children cannot read, write or do arithmetic well?

It is of cardinal importance, Mr President, that we accelerate the school building project as you announced. We are also very glad that our teachers will receive better salaries, but we will also have to address the mother- tongue question in the classroom if we want to make significant progress. A province like the Western Cape has accepted an education language model, on the advice of language experts like Neville Alexander, which supports mother-tongue based bilingual education during the first six years of a child’s school career, which seeks to encourage parents to enroll their children for mother-tongue based education and which promotes the learning of a third language in primary school. It is an inclusive, widely acceptable model that we should be using to our great benefit. If this model, which is reconcilable with our national policy, is implemented, we can eliminate many problems.

Those parents who insist on English education for their Afrikaans, Xhosa or Zulu-speaking children will probably choose mother-tongue based education knowing that it will be best for their children and that English will in any event be added as a secondary language. Mother-tongue education in our primary schools has now become a matter of great importance that deserves your serious attention, Mr President.]

Although we have many reasons to be grateful as we look back, our real test may still lie ahead. While we have to be a beacon of tolerance, reconciliation and peace, we also have to address major challenges such as Aids, poverty and inequality. As much as we need to grow our economy, we need to kick-start our second economy. We welcome the tangible plans of the President to address the needs of both these economies, particularly the reforms pertaining to small, medium and micro enterprises, and the relaxation of the labour dispensation governing these enterprises. History will show the phenomenal effect of these reforms on our economic growth.

Regarding our second economy, the President’s goal of including people in economic activity, or at least affording them sustainable livelihoods, should be achieved as soon as possible. By decreasing the levels of dependency, people will regain their dignity and more state funds will be freed up for priorities such as education and health. While we have to provide social security nets for the indigent, our country has to live within its means and cannot meet all needs at once. Those like the DA, and Mr Leon, who try to apply pressure on our government to disregard our means by, for instance, introducing basic income grants straight away, are irresponsible. [Applause.]

In the next decade transformation will really have to address the needs of the poorest South Africans. We need a national consensus on transformation that will ensure the active, enthusiastic participation of all South Africans, even Mr Leon and the DA! [Interjections.] We need all our people, black and white, to understand and buy into the principles underlying transformation if we want to be a winning nation. If this does not happen, some people will feel increasingly alienated, something that we can ill afford as a nation. If we can achieve this consensus, it will be only a matter of time before we will be the first country in Africa to join the ranks of the developed world. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF HEALTH: Chairperson, President Mbeki, Deputy President Zuma and hon members, in the state of the nation address that you delivered last Friday, Mr President, you asserted that we as a people have every reason to be proud of our recent achievements. Central to this must be our success in advancing our country away from its divided past and towards the realisation of the vision contained in the Freedom Charter, written 50 years ago, namely that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white. Accordingly, today I will focus on the clause in the Freedom Charter that asserts: There shall be houses, security and comfort.

There are four subclauses under this clause that clearly underpin our current approach to the provision of housing, health care and social security. These are: All people shall have the right to live where they choose, be decently housed, and to bring up their families in comfort and security; a preventive health scheme shall be run by the state; free medical care and hospitalisation shall be provided for all, with special care for mothers and young children; and the aged, the orphans, the disabled and the sick shall be cared for by the state.

Mr President, the Freedom Charter envisioned a society in which people enjoy the right to live wherever they choose, where they would be decently housed, and they would be able to bring up their families in comfort and security. Our government has made great strides towards the realisation of such a society. The Ministry of Housing has been working very hard to develop a comprehensive plan to deal with human settlement and social infrastructure, including rental-housing stock for the poor. Such a plan was submitted to the Cabinet in August last year.

This plan introduces a fundamentally different housing mode to what we have seen before. Amongst other things, it expands the scope of the housing mandate to enable government to address the integration of the primary and secondary housing market. It introduces a shift from the current commoditised focus of housing delivery towards more responsive mechanisms, which address the multidimensional needs of sustainable human settlement.

The plan also develops mechanisms for the enhancement of the partnership between government and the private sector in the development of sustainable human settlements. Finally, the plan outlines tools through which the challenge of informal settlements will receive urgent attention.

The Minister of Housing yesterday announced the process of implementing the N2 Gateway Project as a lead pilot project of this new comprehensive plan. In essence, the project seeks to address the need for services, shelter, and socio-economic development of an estimated 15 504 households in some twelve existing neighbourhoods, and a further 6 141 household in backyard shacks, totalling around 22 000 households within the City of Cape Town.

Impela Mongameli, amavolontiya aseKliptown, asekhona nangasekho, ahleka kuvele elomhlathi uma ebona ukuthi izithukuthuku zawo aziwelanga phansi kodwa zivundise umhlaba owenileyo, kwazise phela nansi intombi kaSisulu owayekhona le eKliptown ifeza iphupho likayise. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[Indeed, Mr President, the Kliptown volunteers, both the former and the present ones, are having a good laugh when they see that their labour was not in vain but instead enriched the soil; hence there is a lady from Sisulus who was there at Kliptown fulfilling her father’s dream.]

Mr President, our comprehensive social security system, which we have been gradually developing over the last ten years, has seen many of our people, especially the most vulnerable, receiving direct support from the state, as a means of protecting them against extreme poverty. Currently our expenditure on social grants of one kind or the other has reached more than R50 billion a year.

This benefits more than 9 million people, especially children, people with disabilities and the elderly. In addition, our government has made a significant contribution to what is termed the “social wage”. This represents a package of services that are provided to citizens by the state in kind, which includes health care, primary and secondary education, housing, electricity, water, sanitation and refuse removal, amongst others. The value of the social wage was estimated at R88 billion in 2003.

The social sector continues to improve the efficiency of our social security system, including efforts to eliminate corrupt practices. The Minister for Social Development, Minister Skweyiya, has issued a call to our people to come forward and join the fight against corruption and fraud in our social grant system. We are confident that implementation of the social security agency in April this year will be a key element in this strategy.

Mr President, in relation to health, I am also pleased to report to the nation that we are still driven by the vision of health care espoused in the Freedom Charter. In 1994 we started providing free public health care services for children under six, and pregnant and lactating women. In 1996 we went further and started providing free primary health care for anyone who did not have the means to pay. During the same period we initiated a clinic building and upgrading programme which, over the last 10 years, has resulted in the building and upgrading of more than 1 300 clinics. Last year we also initiated free health care for people with disabilities. In addition, we have initiated and are sustaining a hospital revitalisation programme in which 30 hospitals are currently being upgraded. The most recently completed projects are in the Northern Cape, in Colesberg and in Calvinia. I wish to invite hon members to visit these facilities and to see the success of our revitalisation programme.

This year we will continue with this very important programme and the Health Minmec will, in the next week, reflect on expenditure trends in this regard, and take corrective steps to accelerate expenditure, where it has been less than satisfactory. We trust, Mr President, that this will go some way towards allaying your concerns about the slower pace of building essential infrastructure, especially in so far as it relates to the management and co-ordination processes in the three spheres of government.

Chairperson, one of the fundamental elements of access to health care for all is the provision of safe and affordable medicine. Although our attempts at achieving these two interlinked objectives have been, and are still, the subject of court actions, I am pleased to say that we are making significant progress. We are continuing to provide dispensing licences to hundreds of doctors who have applied for them. These doctors have undergone basic training in the handling and safekeeping of medicines. We can therefore safely say that we are gradually eliminating a situation where medicines are kept in unsafe environments, leading to adverse effects on the patients.

We are also pleased to see that many pharmacies have demonstrated that the claim that we are bankrupting pharmacies through our pricing measures is a lie. The most affordable medicines in our country today are found in those pharmacies that are actually following our pricing regulations to the letter. We are awaiting the decisions of the court on this matter and we will abide by their decision. But we will not be detracted from achieving the vision of the Freedom Charter, as expressed in the clauses I have referred to. In fact, to date we have more than 300 pharmacists who have applied to open pharmacies in the country. Therefore, to say that we are bankrupting them is not true.

Our department is also poised to launch a massive campaign to reduce noncommunicable and communicable diseases, as well as non-natural causes of death. This campaign will focus largely on the promotion of healthy lifestyles. We will intensify our messages aimed at stopping people from smoking and highlighting the dangers of alcohol abuse. Our actions in this area will be accompanied by the necessary legislative steps, such as the enactment of the regulations that will require labelling on all liquor products. On the tobacco side, we are pleased to note that Parliament intends, within the next two weeks, to approve South Africa’s ratification of the World Health Organisation’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. This will allow us to take our place among the world’s leading tobacco control nations.

Our healthy lifestyles campaign will also focus on the importance of nutrition and exercise. As you have said, Mr President, the broad trends in our mortality studies all, and I emphasize, all, point to a worrying emergence of diseases of lifestyle such as diabetes, stroke and heart disease. We cannot ignore this and we must take the necessary steps to prevent it from growing. We have already started screening our people for these conditions. We will also intensify our work around tuberculosis, as research has shown that even in the context of HIV and Aids, TB can be cured.

Mr President, some in this House have commented negatively on your assertion that the government’s comprehensive plan against Aids is among the best in the world, suggesting that you are making false claims. All I would like to say to them is this: Very few plans are as comprehensive as ours, bringing together elements of prevention, nutrition, and a variety of different treatments – including traditional medicine. I have challenged my department to ensure that we are never detracted from the implementation of that plan in all its comprehensiveness.

I do not believe that we have done enough as a country to focus on the issue of stigmatisation, and my colleagues should participate in this exercise. I am also concerned about our ability to monitor how the people who are using ARVs are doing, and why some of them have stopped participating in the programme. Nor are we currently putting enough emphasis on healthy living for people living with the virus. Finally, I am also pleased to announce that the technical obstacles to the tender for the procurement of the treatment regimes have been removed and the tender will be finalised soon.

May I urge all of us to become champions of a comprehensive fight against HIV and Aids. And may I further urge all of us, especially those of us who have been elected as representatives of the people, to lead by example, and to be shining examples of living healthy lifestyles.

Mr President, I am pleased to report to you and to the nation that our community health worker programme is poised for expansion beyond the 15 000 community health workers in the field, and an injection of extra resources into this programme will be most welcome. This year we plan to have another conference, which will bring together all our community health workers and to ensure that we are all reading from the same script when it comes to service to our people.

In addition, we are also currently working to develop a new cadre of health workers, at the middle level, which we might call medical assistants. This is an attempt to provide quality health care and to ensure access, particularly in rural settings.

Mr President, we have been concerned about the number of health professionals we are losing to the developed world. To deal with this matter we have embarked on a number of strategies, including entering into bilateral agreements with countries like the UK – and I am told, already there are quite a number of doctors who have come from Britain under this agreement. We are trying to regulate their coming to this country. We have also been meeting with some of these professionals themselves to find out how we can assist them to be reabsorbed into our system. Many have expressed their desire to come back and work in South Africa. We are working to remove any obstacles that prevent them from returning, including some conditions of employment in our Public Service.

And we have also targeted certain countries to augment our supply of health professionals with scarce skills. Recently we signed an agreement with Iran in this regard. I will provide details of all these programmes, as well as our human resource plan later this year, when I present the Health Budget.

Mr President, let me end by focusing on the matter of what has become known as “bugs and superbugs in our hospitals”. This was discussed at our first Minmec of the year as a critical matter which needs to be addressed urgently. We have requested the Medical Research Council to provide us with an evidence-based understanding of the challenges so that we can plan accordingly. Meanwhile, we have also embarked on a back to basics approach around sanitation in our hospitals. Minmec will continue to make this a focus area for our meetings, as we also include matters related to physical safety in our hospitals.

For we must ensure, Mr President, that all our people enjoy security and comfort, especially in hospitals, as the Freedom Charter enjoins us to do. This year, Mr President, we commit ourselves to do more, and to do it with urgency to ensure that we move even closer to the ideal, where all our people, black and white, rich and poor, shall indeed feel that South Africa belongs to all who live in it and that we all have a right to human dignity. Thank you. [Applause.]

Rev K R J MESHOE: Hon President, Deputy President and hon members, our initial response to the President’s state of the nation address was a positive one, in spite of the lack of detail in areas where some targets have been missed. The hon President did well to acknowledge that there have been logjams, albeit not identified, that still need to be cleared.

As an example, the President cited a commitment made by government in 2002, to ensure that within three years no child would be learning under a tree. As most of our people know, we still have hundreds, if not thousands, of children who are learning under trees. It would have been helpful if the President had told us what government is planning to do to ensure that this time next year we will be told that, indeed, no child in South Africa is learning under a tree.

On Tuesday last week The Star newspaper had, as their main frontpage story, some findings of the Medical Research Council that reveal a dramatic increase in drug abuse among black people, most of whom are between the ages of 10 and 19 years. The problem of drugs has become so serious that some schoolchildren are being recruited to be involved in drug trafficking.

Jenni Wiltshire, a psychologist at Drug Wise, was reported to have said that the drug problem was reaching epidemic proportions. The psychologist continued to say, and I quote:

When we do school talks, more than half the children admit that they have experimented with alcohol and dagga. No schools are immune.

This problem, Mr President, requires urgent government intervention, otherwise your noble intentions will be undermined by drug dealers, and our young people’s future will be destroyed.

The only thing the President said about Aids in his speech, was to inform us that government has a comprehensive plan which is among the best in the world. Those who know the devastating effects of Aids on our people, particularly the most economically productive citizens and young people, expected more from the President. Kofi Annan, the United Nations secretary- general, said in his opening speech at the International Aids Conference held in Bangkok last year, and I quote:

The fight against HIV/Aids requires leadership from all parts of the government, and it needs to go right to the top. Aids is far more than a health issue. It is a threat to development itself. Leadership means daring to do things differently, because you understand that Aids is a different kind of disease.

Cardinal Wilfred Napier, Archbishop of Durban and president of the Southern African Catholic Bishops Conference, wrote a paper in defence of his belief that abstinence is the best strategy to win the war against HIV/Aids. He wrote, and I quote:

At the South African Leadership Assembly in Pretoria in July 2003, Miss Janet Museveni, Ugandan first lady, stated that Uganda’s success in turning around the rate of new infections from 29% to 6% in 10 years, was achieved by the simple but effective strategy of every leader, from the president down, whether in government, civil society or the church, preaching the same simple and clear message, “Change your behaviour.” The condom, rather than being in the frontline of defence, was reserved for discordant married couples.

Nearer to home, the president of Botswana is reported to have pleaded with his people to abstain or die. “For us, he continued, the most compelling argument for abstinence is the truism ‘desperate situations demand equally drastic measures’.”

We in the ACDP endorse Archbishop Napier’s position on the importance of abstinence in the war against Aids. We believe it is time for government to start spreading the message of abstinence from sex for the unmarried with the same zeal, passion and excitement they show when they promote condoms.

What has happened thus far is that when health officials promote government’s ABC plan, they whisper when they talk about abstinence, but they blow the vuvuzela when they talk about condoms. The ACDP believes what helped the people of Uganda drastically to reduce HIV infections from 29% to 6% in ten years, will also help our people, if, and only if, our government leaders can have the courage and will to speak about abstinence and faithfulness in marriage and be seen to be practising what they preach.

The President was quoted in the Sunday World of 6 February 2004, as having said, and I quote:

The call for Africa’s renewal, for an African renaissance, is a call to rebellion. We must rebel against the tyrants and the dictators, those who seek to corrupt our societies and steal the wealth that belongs to our people. We must rebel against ordinary criminals who murder, rape and rob.

We in the ACDP believe that a call to rebellion is a call to destruction. It is one thing to oppose tyrants and dictators, and fight crime. However, a call to rebellion is unacceptable even in the context used by the President. It is those who rebel against decency, the rights of others and law and order, who are raping, robbing, and murdering innocent people.

Our nation has enough rebels. A fresh call must be made to our people to cease their rebellion and embark on nation-building, increased productivity, and the restoration of family values. The Oxford dictionary defines rebellion as violent resistance to the established government, the action of resisting authority or control. Now we call on the President to explain to us what his call really means, and what he hopes to achieve with that.

The President said that they had started to recruit community development workers, who would be deployed in each local municipality by March 2006. What we want to know is what their mandate in local municipalities will be, and whether they will be doing what local councillors should be doing. If not, what will be their functions? Will they be part of the ward committees that have been set up or not? These are some of the questions we request the President to answer in his response.

We all know that the President launched the Scorpions because of the public perception that crime was out of hand. This elite unit did not disappoint. In the past 10 months, up to February 2004, the Scorpions had achieved 214 convictions, giving them a 90% success rate. Our criminal justice system does not have such a consistent success record. The Asset Forfeiture Unit had, by January last year, returned more than R100 million to victims of crime.

While we understand the importance of aligning the different law enforcement agencies, we nevertheless believe that the independence of the Scorpions from the SAPS will help them maintain their success in combating crime. More importantly, we are concerned that the Scorpions will be subject to political interference in their investigations, particularly when high-profile politicians are being investigated.

The National Prosecuting Authority must, according to the Constitution, exercise its functions, without fear, favour or prejudice. Should the Scorpions be moved to the SAPS, we in the ACDP are concerned that the unit will lose its independence. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Ms B MBETE: Chairperson, hon President, hon Deputy President and hon members, first of all, may I also add my voice in congratulating the President for a state of the nation address that illustrated that the contract with the people is working in practice; the head of state accounted. The acknowledgement of areas where government has not met deadlines showed honesty and commitment that gives hope for our system of governance. Based on past promises, a report-back is given to our people on how far we are.

This debate comes as we close the celebrations of ten years of our freedom and budding democracy. The first decade has laid a firm foundation for a better future for our people and the continent at large. This ten-months- old third democratic Parliament is on a determined march into the second decade of uninterrupted democratic rule in our country.

This year we are celebrating 50 years of the historic congress of the people of South Africa, who demonstrated their yearn for freedom and democracy by putting together the Freedom Charter, which guided the struggle for freedom for decades. This Parliament will have to join in the activities which will be held throughout the country this year. We must take the opportunity to assess our own role in terms of building a nation, united in its diversity based on the Freedom Charter. It declared that the people shall govern.

In section 42(3), our Constitution defines the work of the National Assembly as, and I quote:

… elected to represent the people and to ensure government by the people under the Constitution. It does this by choosing the President, by providing a national forum for public consideration of issues, by passing legislation and by scrutinising and overseeing executive action.

This is what we have to judge ourselves against. The question is whether the people are indeed governing. It is important to reflect on the achievements we have made, and where we have fallen short. On that basis we then have to map future programmes, knowing clearly where we have to tighten up and how to prioritise among the many pressing matters we have to attend to.

The Joint Rules Committee, informed by the Constitution, adopted the new vision and mission of Parliament towards the end of 2004. As we all know, it was a very lengthy process. However, I am happy that all parties have finally unanimously adopted the new vision and mission, which commits Parliament to being responsive to the needs of the people and realising a better life for all South Africans. This is what is guiding hon members as they do their work amongst communities out there. It guides our day-to-day operations in both Houses of Parliament; it represents our commitment to ensuring that our people govern, as they influence what we do. Both Houses will adopt the vision and mission of Parliament.

The adoption of a new governance model, also at the end of 2004, has given birth to the Parliamentary Oversight Authority that will help us to oversee the management of the day-to-day issues of running Parliament. This will free the Joint Rules Committee to concentrate more on strategic issues, and not be bogged down by administrative matters. At the same time this will assist us to build early-warning systems in Parliament, to detect timeously when things go wrong. It will also give our management a platform to raise issues with political leadership.

Reports from both the Joint Rules Committee and the Parliamentary Oversight Authority will be submitted to the House from time to time. Policy-making of course remains the domain of both Houses. One of the ways of enabling us to strengthen financial accountability in Parliament will be the adoption of the Financial Administration of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Bill. The Bill must be passed this year, and as soon as possible. We are aware that there are various views on the necessity of the Bill. It is our belief that the passing of the Bill will strengthen our financial management. Although we abide by its principles, the current Public Finance Management Act does not address issues of Parliament directly.

The issue of oversight work has been given serious attention, because it is one of the critical functions of Parliament. In this regard, through a task team of the Joint Rules Committee, there is ongoing work that is meant eventually to lead to the comprehensive strengthening of our oversight function as an institution. In this context there has also been continuous interaction between Parliament and the executive, with the aim of improving the system in relation to timeous submission of Bills for thorough scrutiny by MPs.

A number of training programmes have been embarked upon to build the capacity of hon members to execute their oversight function. There have been some improvements in this regard, judging by the manner in which departments and parastatals have been engaging with MPs in portfolio committees. There are areas that need greater specialisation on the part of hon members. A skills audit will be conducted for members to determine the level of training needs.

In the debate on the May 2004 state of the nation address I raised the issue of the participation of ordinary members of the public in Parliament’s processes. I raise it again to remind us that the system continues to benefit mainly those who can afford to come to Cape Town. It remains difficult for ordinary citizens in rural or squatter areas. We need to allocate more resources to enable poorer citizens to participate. As we celebrate 50 years of the Freedom Charter, when the views of South Africans were canvassed throughout our land, let us ensure that our people’s voices are heard through our work here.

One of the very important tasks of members as elected representatives is interaction with the people in their constituencies. We are discussing with the leaders of parties how we are going to strengthen this area of work. MPs must remain in touch with our people. We have agreed that we need a significant improvement in the resources allocated to members for constituency work. Diligent MPs often end up using their personal resources to do their work.

If we are to strengthen the contract with the people, we must be seen to be with them by using our constituency periods more effectively. Parliament must increase the constituency allowances. [Applause.] In the past ten years we have increased these allowances by only 58%. In the 2005-06 financial year we will make a negligible improvement on the current monthly R7 230 per member. In this regard, parties’ submissions are hereby again invited to enable us to approach the Minister of Finance to help address this serious deficiency later in the year. [Applause.]

The Secretary to Parliament has brought proposals to the Parliamentary Oversight Authority on ways to improve the systems of Parliament. We are currently looking at these proposals with the aim of implementing them in the new financial year, including those related to issues of travel. The travel investigation has exposed the weaknesses of our systems, as we have acknowledged before. The reports emanating from the probe will be tabled before the appropriate parliamentary structures and the matter will be taken forward from there. We hope for a speedy resolution of the matter in order for the cloud that hangs over this august institution to be removed.

Our people who elected us to come and work for them don’t deserve the slap in the face that this whole thing has constituted in the public domain. Our people must have confidence in us. They must know that if there is any wrongdoing it will be dealt with honestly and in accordance with our principles, our rules and our laws.

As a true people’s parliament, we are working hard to ensure that our buildings are accessible to everybody, including those who are physically challenged. There are a lot of structural improvements under way in all our buildings.

As members know, one of the prides of the African continent, the Pan- African Parliament, now operates in our country. For an interim period of five years the PAP will be at Gallagher Estate. At the end of the five years the permanent premises must be in place for it to move into. The two challenges this places on this country, and on the continent are, as follows: Firstly, the permanent site in South Africa must be determined nationally; secondly, through a continent-wide process, the design and architecture of the premises must be finalised. The end of 2006 more or less marks the halfway point of the five-year period.

During 10–17 December 2004 a South African parliamentary delegation participated in the 17th plenary assembly session of the SADC Parliamentary Forum held in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania. Speakers at the opening session included the president of the United Republic of Tanzania, His Excellency B W Mkapa, and the president of the Pan-African Parliament, Ambassador Gertrude Mongella.

The South African delegation participated in the executive committee meetings the standing committees for regional co-operation and integration; the interparliamentary co-operation committee; the committee on democracy, gender and conflict resolution; and the committee on HIV and Aids, as well as the regional women’s parliamentary caucus.

Key issues raised during the plenary assembly focused on the following: A review of the norms and standards for elections in the SADC region, the importance of constitutional and electoral reforms in strengthening democratic elections in the SADC region, and enhancing gender representation through the electoral processes.

Among the key aspects that the SA Parliament will have to follow up on, are the following: Firstly, finalisation of the draft protocol on the establishment of a SADC parliament; and secondly, scrutiny of the SADC parliamentary forum’s norms and standards of elections, the SADC principles on democratic elections and South Africa’s electoral laws.

It is our hope that members across the political spectrum will approach their work with even more vigour this year. We will soon be a year old as a Parliament. Hopefully we are all better able to understand our way around here. We also need to increase the profile of our interaction with all sectors of our society, in order to develop a better understanding of Parliament’s role and place in our society. Many South Africans still need to grasp the separations and distinct functions of various arms of our government.

Our theme for last Friday’s event was “Parliament: Voice of the people; realising a better life for all”. The theme is firmly rooted in our vision and mission statement, a determination to build a people’s parliament. It also resonates with this being the 50th anniversary of the historic gathering of our people in dialogue in Kliptown.

Last year Parliament started a people’s assembly, where South Africans from across the country talk to us and give us feedback on our democracy. This year our people’s assembly programme will be aligned with the celebration of 50 years since the great Congress of the People. It was on that occasion that the declaration unequivocally came out, “The people shall govern.” Ours is to make sure our people truly govern. This is our commitment as we embark on the second decade of a democratic order in our country. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: Mr Chairperson, the hon President, Deputy President and hon members, I would like to commend the President for his statement on Friday that this land indeed belongs to all who live in it, black and white. This assertion is an emphatic rejection of discrimination based on race, tribal affiliation and ethnicity. The challenge now is for the President and the government to give life to this sentiment by constantly remaining faithful to the values of the Constitution, which enshrines protection of the rights of all individuals. In other words, better to walk the talk than to indulge in empty rhetoric. An even greater challenge is for South Africa to help to ensure the protection of these rights, not only here, but throughout the region.

One of the most important rights of any individual is the freedom to express their democratic will in an election that is considered free and fair by the people, the opposition, civil society and even international observers. That is why we commend the President for his outspoken condemnation of the monarchist-like inheritance of the presidency of Togo by President Eyadema’s son. However, it seems the President and his government are only prepared to condemn antidemocratic behaviour when it occurs far from home.

In our neighbourhood, where we have the most clout and indeed the greatest responsibility to speak out against actions that undermine democracy, such behaviour is often excused by our government. Right next door in Swaziland we have an absolute monarchy in which the king is accused of spending lavishly while the ordinary people of Swaziland continue to languish in poverty. There is no democratic opposition in Swaziland, even though the trade unions and other civil society groups are trying their utmost to strive for democratic freedoms. [Interjections.] The continuing existence of an autocratic political system of this nature stands as an affront to our commitment to upholding fundamental democratic freedom.

As the President said in his address on Friday, in less than two months there will be an election in Zimbabwe. Yet, given everything we have read and heard about conditions in that country, it is difficult to come to any conclusion other than that a free and fair election is impossible in the short term. [Interjections.] That is why I announced 10 days ago that the DA would send a delegation to Zimbabwe … [Laughter.] … to evaluate preconditions for an election. [Applause.] A free and fair election does not come down to what happens on election day only. It is achieved in weeks and months ahead of the poll. Therefore we need to ask the following questions about the current state of democracy in Zimbabwe. [Interjections.] Will all the citizens be allowed to exercise the right to vote free from violence and intimidation? [Interjections.] Have they been given adequate opportunity to register?

Hon MEMBERS: No!

Mr W J SEREMANE: Do their names appear on an accurate and freely accessible voters’ roll?

Hon MEMBERS: No!

Mr W J SEREMANE: Can all political parties campaign freely in all constituencies?

Hon MEMBERS: No!

Mr W J SEREMANE: Do all political parties have equal access to the state- funded media?

Hon MEMBERS: No!

Mr W J SEREMANE: Is there an independent media that will report on election campaigns in an unbiased manner?

Hon MEMBERS: No! [Interjections.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: These are salient questions we would like to pursue ahead of the poll. [Interjections.] You worry about the Scorpions. Don’t worry. [Laughter.]

The ANC and its representatives in government are fond of invoking sovereignty as an excuse for inaction. However, they have rightly had little problem in overcoming these concerns when speaking about the fiasco in Togo and we would encourage the government to continue doing that. It is high time the President and the government show the same resolve when standing up for fundamental democratic rights to make all of us very proud, especially in Swaziland and Zimbabwe. Lastly, I hope the hon Mr Gaum will be given a position as high commissioner in Bolivia or Togo. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF WATER AFFAIRS AND FORESTRY: Thank you, very much Deputy Chair. Mr President, Deputy President, and hon members, I’m sure that Mr Seremane, as a learned person, will know that charity begins at home.

Hon MEMBERS: That’s right!

The MINISTER OF WATER AFFAIRS AND FORESTRY: And it should also not end there. But it would be interesting for Mr Seremane to share with us how democratic the DA as a party is. [Interjections.] Or is what is going on there a marriage of convenience? [Interjections.] We want to know how democratic you are. After fifty years we as the ANC brought democracy to this country, but we are still worried about your own ways of doing things democratically. [Interjections.]

Fifty years ago, our Freedom Charter guaranteed that there would be houses, security and comfort, amongst other things. For the past 10 years, the poor people of our country have seen government’s efforts to realise these ideals and, to a great extent, they have not been disappointed. [Interjections.] But I must hasten to say that there is still a lot to be done, mainly for the poorest who are still trapped in poverty and conditions of underdevelopment.

Regarding the delivery of water, which is going to be my focal point, the statistics speak for themselves. Ten million people have been provided with water in 10 years. On the other hand, the provision of basic sanitation has been slower.

This is what the state of the nation address explores – the reasons behind the government’s slower pace in delivering some services, especially to the poor. This will be the primary focus of government during the second decade of our democracy.

The President, in his state of the nation address said, and I quote:

… we must achieve new and decisive advances towards: • the further entrenchment of democracy in our country; • transforming our country into a genuinely nonracial society; • transforming our country into a genuinely nonsexist society; • eradicating poverty and underdevelopment, within the context of a thriving and growing First Economy and the successful transformation of the Second Economy …

These objectives constitute the central architecture of our policies and programmes, intended to ensure that South Africa truly belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

In a nutshell, these imperatives require us to increase the pace of delivery while we ensure efficiency and sustainability in our service delivery.

My focus this afternoon will be on the delivery of sanitation services, since we lag behind in this respect. This is so for a number of reasons. Firstly, the backlog has been greater, and the realisation of the need has been slower to germinate. Secondly, in part this is because, even today, in rural communities sanitation tends not to be a priority on individual and family wish lists. We experienced this when we went on izimbizo. If you ask people what it is that they want prioritised in their areas, they will say amanzi [water], they won’t say sanitation services. Thirdly, the apartheid legacy reflected in all facets of our society left us with an ailing economy, and a small budget for our transforming country, which made it difficult to deliver all the services at the same pace and simultaneously.

It has been almost impossible, or a nightmare, to prioritise the equally compelling and competing urgent needs, something that has led to Mr Manuel losing more of his hair. [Laughter.]

Development has been on the agenda of government for a long time. We are currently beginning to see the fruits of those policies that were targeted to develop human resource capacity. The President alluded to this.

There are also new challenges that have emerged as a consequence of our transformation agenda. For example, the transfer of water services provision to local government presented us with new challenges. One of these challenges was that we realised that there was inadequate capacity at local government level, or rather, varied capacity at local government level. Another reality is that water services infrastructure is very expensive, but that cannot be used as an excuse to deny our people much- needed services.

The backlog in the delivery of sanitation services manifests itself in different ways, and needs to be addressed in an integrated manner. For example, we have the bucket system, pit latrines, and schools and clinic sanitation services, all of which have their own complexities. The strategic framework for water services was developed with an appreciation of this.

Also, the government’s integrated approach to service delivery allows for the participation of many departments. Although greater improvement at the level of co-ordination remains an imperative, the department has assumed the status of a sector leader since 2000, with the ushering in of our new local government system. This means that the new role of our department is to establish policy; it is to lead; it is to regulate; it is to monitor; and it is to account for the delivery of water services as well as forestry.

The bucket sanitary system has been particularly difficult to eradicate, because of the costs involved. However, we are committed to the eradication of this system in the long term. The department’s strategic framework for water services suggests that in densely populated areas this system should be replaced with a waterborne sanitation system. We also know that public health and hygiene requires that we hasten the delivery of safe sanitation. The sanitation programme needs a sizeable injection of funds, especially to eradicate the bucket system. That would significantly reduce the backlog in sanitation services. I am sure this is a message to the Minister who will be launching his Budget next week.

As we know, the function of delivering these services is a constitutional mandate of local government. We need to ensure that the capacity is in place to deliver, operate and maintain the infrastructure and to ensure sustainability. While it is true that local authorities, especially those most recently established, are the hardest hit by the lack of human capacity in every activity, this affects all levels of government, including national government. We all compete with each other for the limited pool of trained and experienced officials. This is especially true of departments that need a higher proportion of people trained as engineers and technicians of every kind.

I must say, though, that there are strategies in place to deal with this particular problem. However, we will all appreciate that it takes years to produce one engineer. So, the impact of our programmes will take longer to be felt.

Our needs are greater than the number of people available. As government, we are constantly seeking ways of stepping up the training and retention of officials who are successful in doing their work.

We are also looking at ways of encouraging and increasing the supply of suitably trained people, especially for the water sector. We must express appreciation to our Cuban comrades for making themselves available to fill some of these gaps. We also believe that our newly combined tertiary institutions need to be looking at our needs for trained personnel, from operatives and technicians to chief engineers, from bookkeepers to chartered accountants, from junior clerks to chief directors in administration, in finance and in management.

Last year we launched a book, as the Department of Water Affairs, on careers in water with the aim of encouraging and promoting interest for studying towards water-related careers. The Department of Water Affairs and Forestry will continue to co-operate with the Department of Provincial and Local Government to ensure that we deliver efficiently. We will ensure that the much-needed technical expertise is transferred to local government, and a process has already been started in this regard, guided by project consolidate.

However, co-ordination is key among departments that share the same or similar responsibilities, as well as between the spheres of government, especially at local government level, which is closest to the people. Therefore, we keenly await the passing of the Local Government: Intergovernmental Relations Framework Bill. We believe that this Bill will give us the instrument we need to enable us collectively to ensure that our policies are effectively implemented at all levels of government.

With the restructuring of local government that came into effect in 2000, we have continued to develop our capacity to provide leadership, advice and guidance through our nine regional offices to local authorities that have the task of providing these basic services. In particular, we shall continue to provide guidance to local authorities on integrated planning for potable water and sanitation services as part of their IDPs.

The Masebambani programme, financed by the EU, was initially introduced in the most needy provinces - Limpopo, Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape - to address this particular matter, but now it has been expanded to all nine provinces.

Although our early warning system indicated that we might not meet our targets, we are proud that South Africa still leads in terms of meeting its millennium development goals. Having said that, again, there is still an urgent need for us to deliver, especially to the poor.

I wish to take this opportunity to say something about the drought that has been plaguing our country for more than two years. This is a constant reminder that South Africa is a water-scarce country.

Ilizwe lethu lelinye lamazwe aya kuthi kwiminyaka ezayo anqatyelwe kakhulu ngamanzi. Ngoko kufuneka ukuba uluntu luwasebenzise ngobunono. Masiqaphele singabantu ukuba asishiyi iimpompo zivuliwe. Naxa sipula iimpahla phaya emakhaya kufuneka singashiyi iimpompo zivuliwe kwaneebhafu ziphuphuma ngamanzi, siye kubuya mhlawumbi emva kwemizuzu eli-15 amanzi amaninzi sele echithekile.

Asingethandi ke ukuba sibulawe lunxano. Ukubangaba asiwanonopheli amanzi oko kuya kwenzeka. Kaloku naxa indlala ibomvu, sidla ngokusela amanzi sixole. Kufuneka ke sihlale sinawo amanzi kuba abubomi wona ngokwawo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Our country is one of those countries that will run out of water in the coming years. Therefore, people must preserve water. Let us not leave water taps open or unattended. When we rinse our laundry in the rural areas we must not leave taps with running water, as baths will overflow with water.

We would not like to suffer from thirst because of a scarcity of water. When there is severe poverty we will drink water and be satisfied. Water in itself is life.] The status of dams, in general, is that some are nearly full, but others are at very low levels. South Africans are free to go to our website, and have a look at the status of our dams on a weekly basis. The status of our dams shows how variable our situation is. This highlights the need for us to be careful in the way in which we use our resources. I want to take this opportunity to express my appreciation to all South Africans who, almost on a daily basis, are writing articles in newspapers giving advice to government on what should be done in terms of resolving the drought problems that we are experiencing. Indeed, we feel that the contract between government and the people is alive.

We do need to conserve more of our run-off water and that means constructing large infrastructure projects to give us a larger assured supply of water. It is clear that the construction of such large infrastructure projects will provide a massive boost to the Expanded Public Works Programme, with enormous potential to create job opportunities and training for many thousands of people. The result of the construction should also be the creation of permanent jobs, the provision of food security and an increase in the carrying capacity of currently unused land with the potential of ensuring that more people will stay on the land, producing wealth for themselves and the economy as a whole.

These hard figures of finance and economics can be calculated. What is more difficult is to put a monetary value on a better life for our children and grandchildren, and the dignity that comes with what our President has called for, that people should be able to earn their living in normal ways.

The opposite of this is: How do we calculate the human cost of not doing these things? We may be building infrastructure such as dams, but what is important for us is to change the culture of wasting water. Municipalities also need to embark on programmes that will monitor and deal with water leakages. We lose a lot of water through leakages. The internationally acceptable percentage for water leakages is 15%. In South Africa, the percentage of unaccounted water is as high as 40%, as we speak. This is unacceptably high. This is not only costly for municipalities and consumers, but we cannot continue to lose this scarce resource. We will therefore continue to give advice and support to local government in this regard. Please remember that South Africa is amongst the 30 driest countries in the world. We need to save water for humanity and the generations that will come after us. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Mr Chairperson, Mr President, Deputy President and hon members, it is a mark of statesmanship on the part of the President to candidly acknowledge in his state of the nation address that the many promises he made to the nation have not been met. When he made some of these promises last year, the PAC cautioned that these promises could not be fulfilled unless there was a radical shift in government policies. This PAC position was shared by a United Nations Human Development report.

The PAC appreciates many aspects of the President’s state of the nation address, such as assisting our new farmers, whom the PAC has long said must be subsidised. Indeed, our businesspeople in the rural areas and townships must be helped. They are losing out to the minority and big business.

The state of this great nation imposes an imperative on us to embrace a mission that rapidly moves the damned, the disinherited and the despised from HIV/Aids, landlessness, persistent poverty, lack of access to education and environmental destruction, acute underdevelopment in the rural areas of our country and the privatisation of strategic state assets.

The HIV/Aids crisis is a wake-up call that forces us to take extraordinary action to stop the reversal of human development and to prevent eight-year- old children from becoming heads of households. The future standard of living in this country will depend on access to quality education. Education is the gateway to a strong economy, because when it is tailored to the needs of a nation, it enables an individual not only to sell his or her labour, but also to create a job for himself or herself.

Our country is educating fewer children and who are mainly African, the majority population. The PAC affirms that the education system should leave no child behind. No child should be denied entrance to school because of an inability to pay the school fees. No child should drop out of school and no child should be denied the opportunity to tertiary education because they cannot pay. Free education is a sound national investment. No nation can advance and avoid foreign domination if it neglects the education of its people. At present over 50% of our students drop out before reaching matric because of poverty. Only 14% are able to acquire tertiary education.

The PAC repeats that the privatisation of strategic assets and public services do not serve the interests of the poor. Privatisation has contributed to massive unemployment. It has also changed the role of municipalities, from being providers of services to that of being regulators of services.

Many households cannot afford the surcharge on water. It is high time government stopped imposing water privatisation on our communities. Donor governments and institutions such as the World Bank need to acknowledge the failure of privatisation, and instead concentrate on boosting the performance and coverage of public utilities. Public water delivery can be improved through increased citizen involvement in decision-making and budgeting participation.

The underlying assumption of the plan to privatise Eskom is that the private sector and competitive market mechanisms are more effective and efficient than regulated monopoly regimes. However, the experience of the past few years proves that privatisation tends simply to replace regulated public monopoly with unregulated private oligarchy.

Income inequality continues to disfigure our society. It has transformed South Africa into the most unequal society in the world. This is illustrated by the fact that the poorest African people in our country live on R281 a month, while a white person lives on R5 050 a month. This means that the income of the poorest African is 11 times smaller than that of the poorest white person. Added to this is the fact that a Telkom chief executive officer was paid R11,1 million, while Telkom provides the most expensive telephone service, pays its workers an average of R3 000 a month, … [Applause.] … has retrenched thousands of its workers and is threatening thousands of others.

Land was the primary contradiction of the liberation struggle. This nation is not doing well on the resolution of this fundamental question and present government policy will never resolve the land question. The principle of willing seller, willing buyer is not working and will never work. Land must be expropriated and compensation paid for improvements made on the land. Research shows that it will take 96 years to distribute a mere 30% of agricultural land to Africa in this country. The reality is that even if all land claims where to be settled, the land question in South Africa would remain unresolved. Eighty-seven percent of our land was ceased from the African people during the colonial wars of aggression. That was long before 1913. Moreover, the Restitution of Land Rights Act closed even these limited land claims on 31 December 1998.

The lesson we can learn from Zimbabwe is that equitable land distribution and poverty cannot be postponed indefinitely without disastrous consequences. Our land is being sold to foreigners at an alarming rate, while we remain land dispossessed.

The PAC reminds members that there is no country anywhere in the world which belongs to all who live in it. The Freedom Charter, which preaches this erroneous gospel, is therefore a freedom cheater. [Interjections.] It is cheating the land-dispossessed people of this country on a scale unprecedented in the history of national liberation. Millions live in squatter camps, which often burn, killing them. They are evicted from land every day. Is this how South Africa belongs to all who live in it?

The PAC welcomes the anticorruption summit. It must be inclusive of all sectors of society. Its agenda must include nepotism and employment, and the promotion of housing and grants based on political affiliation.

A common patriotism cannot be built on sectarianism and discrimination of any kind among its citizens. The PAC does not support violence, but it is not right to tell the people of Phomolong in the Free State, who were protesting against corruption, that their demonstrations will be met with the full force of the law.

Where does reconciliation put the former freedom-fighters? There is continued incarceration of former freedom-fighters such as the PAC’s Azanian People’s Liberation Army. When will truth and reconciliation benefit them? It is a mutilation of justice to pardon the Rev Allan Boesak for a criminal offence he has denied committing, while Apla fighters who fought apartheid, declared a crime against humanity by the United Nations, are ignored.

The PAC appreciates efforts by the President to bring peace in African countries such as the Ivory Coast, Burundi and the DRC. The PAC welcomes some aspects of the government’s foreign policy, which are gravitating towards the longheld PAC position, that no African state can formulate a prudent foreign policy in isolation from what is happening on the continent of Africa.

The PAC adopted this historic position at a time when its ideology of Pan- Africanism was called racism and Pan-Africanists denounced as racist. Yet the Pan-African Parliament and the African Union are some of the fruits of the tenacity of the Convention People’s Party of Nkrumah, the Pan- Africanist Congress of Azania, Sekou Toure’s Guinea and Modibo Keita’s Mali in particular.

Zimbabwe is our important trade partner. Under the apartheid colonialist regime, mercenaries from this country roamed all over Africa, overthrowing African governments which the colonialists did not like. It is bad news for Pan-Africanists that mercenaries from this country have been arrested in Zimbabwe on their way to overthrow the Equatorial Guinea government. Mark Thatcher, who financed the attempted coup d’etat from Cape Town, has been allowed to leave this country, instead of facing a stiff prison sentence for treason. A spy from South Africa is reportedly under arrest in Harare. Such activities can only ruin the Pan-African vision. They are not good diplomacy for our country.

The PAC welcomes the reforming of the United Nations, especially with reference to the Security Council. It is long overdue. Africa must have a right of veto, if the present permanent members of the Security Council continue to monopolise this right. However, the African Union must choose its own representative. There should be no stampede or competition amongst African states for this seat.

When it comes to the fundamental interests of our country and our continent of Africa, the PAC shall not retreat. We shall not relent, we shall not equivocate and we shall win. Economically we stand committed to a policy of guaranteeing the most equitable distribution of land. [Time expired.]

BUSINESS SUSPENDED AT 18:06 AND RESUMED AT 18:23.

Nk B T NGCOBO: Sihlalo, Mongameli namalungu ahloniphekileyo, njengoba kungunyaka ka-2005 sigubha i-Freedom Charter eyaqhamuka ngoba kwaba khona ukuxoxisana okubizwa nge-dialogue. Abesifazane baseNingizimu Afrika njengoba sikhuluma nje babambe iqhaza ezingxoxweni.

Ngizokhuluma kusuka kwi-Beijing Platform for Action ngoba izithathe zonke lezi zinto ezikhona kwi-Freedom Charter, bese ngisho ukuthi abantu besifazane bayalibusa, baliphethe futhi baneqhaza abalibambile. Mongameli, abantu besifazane bathe bajabula kakhulu ngokuba ngabaseNingizimu Afrika ngoba baseduze nenhliziyo yakho, ubabeka esimweni esibafaneleyo. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[Mrs B T NGCOBO: Chairperson, President and hon members in 2005 we celebrate the Freedom Charter, which was the result of discussion, also known as dialogue. The South African women are engaged in discussion as we speak.

I will start from the Beijing Platform for Action, since it elaborates on issues that are in the Freedom Charter, and will further add that women are leading, are in control and are playing a significant role. President, women are happy to be South African because they are dear to your heart, as you have put them where they deserve to be. [Applause.]]

There are some political achievements by women, starting in 1956, when the Charter was just one year old, and the women marched against the pass laws. Then there was the formation of the Women’s National Coalition of South Africa, which produced the Women’s Charter for Effective Equality. The South African women used that at the time of the negotiations to ensure that women and gender issues were placed on the agenda. Then there is the Constitution, which makes provision for universal human rights as well as women’s rights. This confirmed gender and women representivity in South Africa. This means that women have a role in the political terrain in South Africa. That is why, even to this day, we celebrate 9 August as Women’s Day and August as Women’s Month.

Mongameli, ngonyaka ka-1994 [President, in 1994] …

… South African women took Parliament by storm; in 2004 South African women took Parliament by tsunami waves.

Kwenzeka kanjani lokho? Kwenzeka ngokuthi iNingizimu Afrika ibeke abantu besifazane eqophelweni eliphezulu. Okuhle lapho ukuthi bazibandakanya ekwenzeni imithetho ebhekela ezobulili. Uhulumeni waze wabeka ezobulili eqophelweni elifanele ngokuthi akhe izakhiwo ezindaweni eziphakeme: kukhona ezisophikweni lukaMongameli, kukhona ezisePhalamende futhi kukhona ezikusomqulu. Konke lokho kukhombisa ukuthi abantu besifazane basenhliziyweni yeNingizimu Afrika. Yebo, balwa, bayibamba - namhlanje balapho bekhona.

Kunenselelo laphaya yokubhekeleka kokuthi ngabe abantu besifazane ngempela bayavuna futhi bayazuza yini-ke kule mpilo ephilwa namhlanje. Imithetho ebekiwe ebhekela ezobulili iyabasiza yini, iyabalekelela yini? Okusemqoka nje ukuthi, yebo, iyabasiza ngoba sebenalo izwi. Siyazi ukuthi kade kunodlame kodwa sebenezwi futhi bayaphumela obala.

Masibonge laphaya kuNgqongqoshe wezabaSebenzi ngoba wenze ukuthi abantu besifazane abakade besebenzela obasi nomesisi manje babhaliswe futhi nemiholo yabo ibe sesimweni esingcono. [Ihlombe.] Kodwa-ke okunye futhi okusemqoka ukuthi abantu besifazane balokhu beshilo bethi, “Eyi hhe, kodwa kwezobulungiswa sifike singakutholi ukuthokoza ngoba abalaphaya ezinkantolo ngabesilisa abangenandaba nezinto zabesifazane futhi abangazinakekeli.” Ngiyabaceba, Mongameli.

Mongameli, e-Afrika iyonkana siyancoma ukuthi ngesikhathi uthula uhlelo lwakho lonyaka ushilo ukuthi, eNingizimu Afrika, uphiko lwakho kanye noNgqongoshe bakho nineqhaza elikhulu kakhulu enilibambile e-Afrika iyonkana, nasezweni. Kodwa-ke maqondana ne-Afrika yonkana, siyakunxusa ukuthi ubagqugquzele ohulumeni, ikakhulukazi laba abanesimo sokubeka abesifazane endaweni efanele ezinhliziyweni zabo, progressive governments, ukuthi bazame ukunyusa inani labesifazane ekubusweni kwezwe, okungenani bafike kuma-30% ngoba thina lapha eNingizimu asisakhulumi ngama-30% kodwa sesikhuluma ngokuthi sifuna ama-50% kohulumeni basekhaya. [Ihlombe.]

Ngonyaka ka-2000 ngenkathi uMongameli ekhuluma nabanye abaholi be- Commonwealth wathi, “Poverty in South Africa wears the face of an African woman.” Ngempela ngempela-ke kunjalo. Kodwa-ke noma kunjalo siyabona ukuthi ikhona inqubekela-phambili encanyana. Njengoba sikhuluma nje, abezomhlaba baye bathi njalo ngonyaka benza ingqungquthela lapho benikeza khona i-woman farmer award. Lokho kwenza ukuthi abesifazane bagqugquzeleke, bathande ukuthi kube nento abayenzayo. Lolu hlelo lusiza kakhulu labo abasezindaweni zasezabelweni. Siyancoma-ke futhi ukuthi uMongameli ushilo wathi kuzoba nezindlela zokuthi laba bantu bathole ukusizakala ukuze baqhubeke nomsebenzi wabo wokuba ngabalimi noma bakwazi ukuthola ukuxhaswa ngendlela efanele.

Njengamanje-ke uMongameli uthe iningi kakhulu imali abazoyifaka kohulumeni basekhaya. Ohulumeni basekhaya babalulekile ngoba yilapho kukhona abantu besifazane nemiphakathi. Kodwa-ke uma ifakiwe imali, kudingekile ukuthi laba bantu besifazane baqeqesheke. Kudingeka ukuthi uma laba bantu besifazane bezongena kohulumeni basekhaya bafundiswe. (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[How did it all start? It started when South Africa put women on the highest level. The best part of it was their role in gender legislation. The government put gender issues on the level they deserve by creating an institution at the highest level in the hierarchy: others are in the Presidency, in Parliament and in the gazette. These factors show that women are the nucleus of South Africa. They fought, indeed- they are here today.

There is still a challenge to ensure that women are indeed benefiting in modern life. Are gender laws of assistance to them? What is important is that these should help them, for they have a voice. We’re aware that there has been violence, but they have exposed it.

Let us thank the Minister of Labour because he has ensured that women who had been working for bosses and wives are registered and their salaries are better. [Applause.]

There are still complaints from women that they don’t get help from courts since some males are not interested in women’s issues. I plead with them, President.

President, in Africa as a whole we commend you that during your announcement of the year’s programme, you stated that the departments and Ministers in South Africa were playing a significant role in Africa. In respect of Africa as a whole, we appeal to you to encourage the progressive governments to increase the number of women leading their countries to at least 30% because in South Africa we don’t speak about 30% but we’re demanding 50% in local government. [Applause.]

In 2000, when the President was addressing the Commonwealth leaders, he said that “poverty in South Africa wears the face of an African woman”. That is true indeed. Be that as it may, there is progress. The Department of Agriculture annually gives an award to the woman farmer of the year. That encourages women to do something. Such programmes help those living in rural areas. We appreciate that you have said, President, that there will be ways to assist these people so that they can carry out farming work accordingly.

The President has indicated that more money is to be given to local government. Local government is important because women are there. It is important to train these women after giving them money. The women must be trained before their inclusion in local government.]

They must be recruited and, as new entrants, given information on leadership, management and on how to deal with local government programmes, policies and procedures …

… ukuze bakwazi ukulibusa kahle. [… so that they would be able to run it well.]

Women are, in fact, committed agents of change.

Ngakho-ke ngiyethemba ukuthi uma sekufike isikhathi sokuthi kube khona ukhetho lohulumeni basekhaya abantu besifazane bazophuma ngobuningi babo. Thina singuhulumeni lapha sizobasiza abesifazane ukuthi bangene ngenkathi senza umsebenzi wethu wasezindaweni esisebenza kuzo.

Ngizokhuluma kancane ngokukhubazeka. Mongameli, siyakuncoma ngoba ukukhubazeka kungaphansi kophiko lwakho. Ungumuntu ozwelanayo nezokukhubazeka. Noma ungakhulumanga kakhulu ngesikhathi ukhuluma ngabakhubazekile, kodwa-ke ngiyethemba ukuthi uyazi ukuthi banesiqubulo sabo esithi, “Nothing about us without us”. Ngisasho lokho, ngikhumbula uMaria Rantho owayekhona lapha ngabo-1995 kodwa osewashona.

Abantu abakhubazekile baqhamuka nenqubomgomo yabo ebizwa ngokuthi i- Integrated National Disability Strategy abayenza besehhovisi le- Reconstruction and Development Programme ngaleso sikhathi. Base beveza ukuthi bafuna ukuphila kanjani emphakathini. Kungaba yinto enhle uma iminyango kahulumeni ingase iyisebenzise i-Integrated National Disability Strategy ngoba izokwazi ukubanika indlela yokusebenza nabantu abakhubazekile ezindaweni zabo. Futhi sizokhumbula ukuthi iPhalamende njengamanje linenqwaba yabantu abakhubazekile abakhethwe umphakathi. Kusho ukuthi laba bantu abakhubazekile umphakathi ubakhethe ngoba ungabhekanga ukukhubazeka kwabo kodwa ubheke igalelo nekhono abanalo. [Ihlombe.]

Bangithumile-ke abantu abakhubazekile, Mongameli, bathi angisho ukuthi bayojabula ukuthi ngelinye ilanga, uma ubheka emndenini wakho, ube naye phela uNggongqoshe noma iPhini likaNgqongqoshe okhubazekile. [Ihlombe.] Bangithumile. Lokho akushiwo yimina, ngithunywe yibona.

Kukhona nezinselelo engicabanga ukuthi zingabhekeleka uma sonke sizama ukuthi sizibhekele. Lezo yizinselelo ezinjengokuthi niyabona lapha ukuthi kukhona ilungu elikhubazekile elikhuluma ngolimi lwezimpawu. Ulimi lwezimpawu lungolunye lwezimi ezikhona eNingizimu Afrika. INingizimu Afrika iyo kuphela enalolu limi futhi eluvumile ngokukasomqulu.

Njengenye yezinselelo e-Afrika, siyacela futhi ukuthi maqondana nabantu abakhubazekile kusetshenziswane ne-African Union futhi babe sesimweni sokuthi bavele obala, bazeke, bangalokhu befihliwe ngoba phela bayingxenye yomphakathi kanti nevoti labo futhi siyalifuna njengengxenye yomphakathi siyi-Afrika iyonkana. Banegalelo abanokulibamba. Singajabula-ke uma ngabe i- Afrika yonkana ingase izame ukubhekela abantu abakhubazekile.

Sengishilo-ke ukuthi ulimi lwezimpawu kufuneka kube nendlela yokuthi lukhuthazwe. Ngiyacabanga ukuthi uMnyango wezeMfundo ungakwenza lokho. [Kwaphela isikhathi.] Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[I hope that during local government elections women will come out in numbers. We as government will ensure that women are included in these programmes that we carry out.

I would like to talk about disability. President, we’re happy that the disabled are within your department. You are sympathetic to the disabled. Though you did not say much about the disabled, I do hope you’re aware of their slogan, “Nothing about us without us”. When saying this I remember Maria Rantho, who was here in 1995 but who passed away.

The disabled came up with the programme called the “Integrated National Disability Strategy” which they created in the office of the Reconstruction and Development Programme during that period. They indicated how they wanted to live in the community. It would be wise for government departments to apply the Integrated National Disability Strategy because it will give them ways to work with the disabled. We would remember that Parliament at present employs a number of disabled persons who have been elected by their constituency. The community elected them by focusing on their ability and contribution, and not their disability. [Applause.]

I’ve been sent by the disabled, President, who are saying that they would be happy for you to one day appoint a Minister or Deputy Minister from among the disabled. [Applause.] They have sent me. I am not saying this for myself. They have sent me.

There are challenges we can achieve together. There is a member amongst us who is disabled and who uses sign language. Sign language is one of the official languages in South Africa. South Africa is the only country with this language officially recognised in the Bill of Rights.]

Mrs S M CAMERER: Chairperson, hon President and members, I’ve known Angel Jones since she was a little girl. She’s a friend of my children, particularly my son who was part of her initial homecoming revolution campaign just over two years ago. It is an outstanding endeavour which deserves our support, and the President has appropriately given it his endorsement.

Angel is right. We need the twenty-something, thirty-something young people with skills whoever they are, black or white, who left the country to get experience and see the world, to come home and help build this great country of ours. There are so many reasons to return. So what can possibly hold them back? There’s a simple answer: crime. Crime, particularly the fear of being a victim of mindless and often savagely violent crime, and corruption in our country give our country a bad name.

The President acknowledges that the level of crime, especially violent crime, remains unacceptable. It is all very well to point out that crime has stabilised, but at extremely high levels. Certain crimes, such as aggravated robbery, which means assault, and child abuse, have shot up.

The quarter of a million murders that took place in the first 10 years of freedom are a blot on our young democracy. So are the 2,5 million burglaries and the nearly half a million rapes. It is small comfort for the families of the victims to hear that murder rates have gone down – from 25 000 in 1999 to 20 000 last year, or 42 per 100 000 of the population - when this means that we are still one of the most murderous countries of the world, with double the murder rate of Latin America.

The President says that 168 of the top 200 criminals in our country have been apprehended since May. But this could be a fairy story for all we know. The government has refused to identify the top 200. But surely we can now be told who the top 168 are, seeing that they have been caught, to give this some credibility?

Cape Town is now recognised as one of the top tourist destinations in the world, but murderous attacks on tourists in this country are on the increase and each such attack gets huge publicity in the tourist’s home country. So they won’t believe that our notoriously high crime rate has decreased.

Two of my own circle of friends in Johannesburg have been attacked and robbed in their homes in the past week. They don’t believe that crime has decreased. The families of the three murdered UCT academics don’t believe it either.

We must offer the public in South Africa and our possible returnees a sense of hope for the future. The question we must ask is: Are the steps announced by the President enough to seriously cut the crime rate and make South Africa an attractive destination in this second decade of freedom?

The DA’s position is that while much talking about plans, restructuring and so on takes place, too little is actually done and too few resources are actually allocated to the fight against crime, which is one of the major factors inhibiting the Mbeki vision of a prosperous, successful country to which we all earnestly aspire.

The fight against crime and corruption requires commitment and leadership from the top. Just over two years ago at the ANC’s 51st national congress in Stellenbosch, the President committed the government firmly against the further entrenchment of corruption in our country. In this, the government has failed dismally. White-collar crime, fraud and corruption are rife in our country, and their tentacles are perceived to reach everywhere, right up to the Deputy President whose alleged corrupt dealings with Schabir Shaik are the subject of an ongoing court case. [Interjections.] These tentacles have even reached into this Chamber, with over 20 of our colleagues seated among us, but as yet unidentified, about to be charged.

Every day the media reports on corruption in the Police Service, corruption in local government, and corruption in provincial government departments. The President’s answer is to convene yet another summit on corruption within the next three months, the fourth such summit since 1994. They may serve to review progress and educate key players, but so far these summits have yielded few results.

We would like to suggest that this time, unlike on some previous occasions, members of the opposition, who, after all, are among the frontline whistle- blowers, are also invited to participate in this. Thank you. [Applause.] [Time expired.]

Mof T V TOBIAS: Ke a leboha, Modulasetulo. Mohl Mopresidente wa Rephaboliki ya Afrika Borwa, Mohl Motlatsa Mopresidente, ntate Zuma, bosiyong ba hae le maloko a Palamente a hlomphehileng … (Translation of Sotho paragraph follows.)

[Ms T V TOBIAS: Thank you, hon Chairperson, hon President of the Republic of South Africa, hon Deputy President, Mr Zuma, in absentia and hon members of Parliament …]

… I find it amazing that the DA is so used to singing its tune that they are not even aware of the changes. I don’t think they were listening to the President’s speech. [Interjections.] I suggest, hon Camerer, that you go and read it. You will then see that South Africa is on course.

A serious allegation about the Presidency suppressing investigations has been made. I think Mr Leon must clarify these statements to this House. I know he is trying to start a debate, but he is failing. He also talks about modesty. Does modesty mean making such wild allegations? [Interjections.]

The state of the nation debate takes place at a very important moment, as we will be celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Freedom Charter, after we have celebrated 10 years of democracy. This also happens on the eve of the second decade of freedom. [Interjections.] Please allow me to reiterate what the President said on Friday, when he addressed this House, based on the basic principles of the Freedom Charter: South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

Ka kopo, Modulasetulo, ntumelle ke phete seo … [Please, hon Chairperson, allow me to repeat what …]

Mr T M MASUTHA: Chairperson, could we request your assistance in bringing the DA to order because they are not allowing the speaker to address the House. [Interjections.] Running comments are not allowed.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Thank you. Please proceed.

Ms T V TOBIAS: At least I am young; the people who are making a noise are old. I wonder what this means for leadership purposes.

Since the inception of the democratic state …

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S BOTHA): Order, members!

Ms T V TOBIAS: … this people’s Parliament needs to take stock of the following. Institutional mechanisms were introduced to bring about democracy. The people’s Parliament was established to take into account the needs of the South African people. In relation to youth development, the following was also done to bring about change: The National Youth Commission, the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and local youth units in municipalities were established.

The strategic objective of the National Youth Commission is to monitor government departments in terms of their bias to youth development programmes. Our government has adopted the National Youth Service Programme as a vehicle to achieve the latter.

The National Youth Commission, which exists in all provinces except the Western Cape, is implementing the following programmes: The national youth service implementation plan, the creation of the national youth service units for effective liaison and the establishment of the youth development offices. This, members of Parliament, is an achievement.

On the other hand, the Umsobomvu Youth Fund has been established through the Department of Labour to ensure that the following is achieved: skills transfer, youth entrepreneurship programmes and youth development in general. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Order! Hon member, please take your seat. Please give the member an opportunity to put her case.

Ms T V TOBIAS: Thank you, Chairperson. Given the huge challenges the youth face with regard to unemployment and skills limitations, it is important to merge the National Youth Commission and the Umsobomvu Fund into one structure, namely the youth development agency. This is done in an endeavour to strengthen their capacity to realise youth development programmes and also to fast-track changes with the intention of speeding up the process of the establishment of the provincial youth commission, particularly in the Western Cape, to realise the people’s aspirations.

Please allow me to congratulate the Umsobomvu Youth Fund for appointing provincial youth co-ordinators. This move will be fruitful to you.

As the President mentioned in the state of the nation address, young people will be trained in the provinces to be community development workers. This is but one part of the job creation programme for the youth. More needs to be done to deal with youth unemployment.

We also need to congratulate South Africa on the hosting of the 2010 World Cup. This will also bring good prospects to the country. Research has proven that the youth is in the majority in this country, and therefore it is imperative to engage them in the economic activities that will come with the 2010 World Cup, to reduce in order unemployment.

Last year, in the people’s manifesto, the President announced that, through the Expanded Public Works Programme, the government had committed itself by signing a people’s contract to create jobs and alleviate poverty. [Interjections.]

The South African government generally subscribes to codes of good practice, and in all the abovementioned gains we also want to welcome announcements made by the President on issues of skills development, information and communications technology, the Setas, small enterprise and the financial sector.

We also note that government, through its information and communications technology and communications programme, will encourage the youth to breach the digital divide and provide, through Setas, relevant skills that are demanded by the market. The demand-and-supply curve must be tilted in such a way that it will address the demographics of gender, race and age in our country, with a specific bias with regard to the future of tomorrow, the youth.

At the same time student funding, through Nafsas, remains a challenge and needs attention. The current learnership programmes have not yet reached the expected targets to give skills to the youth.

In the recent past an impression has been created – and also today in the Chamber by the hon Leon - that affirmative action is a programme to empower the incompetent black majority. [Interjections.] Consistently, some sections of the racist white minority, and the DA in particular, have been questioning the capacity of black managers and leaders.

This racist attack is a tactic to undermine the democratic gains of our revolution, that of bringing all South Africans as equals before the law and empowering the disadvantaged majority that was excluded from participating in the mainstream of the economy of the country. This tendency, also finds expression … [Interjections.]

Prof B TUROK: On a point of order, Madam Chair: There’s so much noise coming from that quarter. May I suggest that we ask the DA to take a comfort break? [Laughter.] [Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon member, please proceed.

Ms T V TOBIAS: I didn’t know that I would raise their adrenalin levels.

This racist attack is a tactic to undermine the democratic gains of our revolution, that of bringing all South Africans as equals before the law and empowering the disadvantaged majority that was excluded from participating in the mainstream of the economy of the country. This tendency also finds expression through the so-called black professionals who, by hook or by crook, think that an academic qualification is the equivalent of intellectual capacity, which in itself cannot be justified in terms of community development work, but is a totally elitist approach to the difficult questions that the ANC has been unravelling since its formation 93 years ago.

At the same time, black economic empowerment, which is broad in nature, is viewed by this element as a tool to promote a few black elites and is condemned by the so-called captains of big industries, who happen to be white male conservatives who feel threatened and startled by this change.

Young black people who aspire to be businesspeople are labelled as fat cats by those white people who knew that apartheid was wrong because South Africa belonged to all who live in it, both black and white; they are ostracised and given all kinds of labels, which I can’t mention in this Chamber, in a quest to undermine the democratic cause. [Interjections.]

As we have asserted before, the economy of the country is still in the hands of the few. Therefore it is important for the South African government consistently to address this, as it has started to do through the black economic empowerment programme, by allowing all South Africans, especially those who were denied access and the youth, to participate in the economic development of the country; and we are doing so. [Interjections.]

The sports fraternity has also not been immune to these problems. For example, the recent fight in the SA Football Association has also shown that there is slow transformation in the sports fraternity, especially in rugby and cricket. In South Africa, those who oppress the black majority are very allergic to issues of quotas. That’s why we see such conduct.

These quotas are meant to address the backlog of equal participation, be it in management positions or playing in the sporting codes. This poses a challenge: At which stage shall we empower the disempowered, especially the youth? And at which pace shall we do this and on whose terms? Shall we do it on your terms? [Interjections.] The people will lead.

The popular view is that of serving individual interests. Are we really serious about nation-building or is it just mechanical? Utopian exaltation is a sickness that has beset the DA, to the extent that they have lost the creativity to engage in intellectual debate. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

Indeed, they have turned into a very reactionary party that does not have an alternative policy position but to react to our own progressiveness. [Interjections.] At least the international platform has accepted that there are no issues that the DA can raise. The DA must learn to read protocols. [Interjections.] We are not cowboys. Therefore, we can’t undermine the sovereignty of other countries by superimposition. We believe in engagement. [Interjections.]

I am also interested to know how Mr Leon understands change when he does not accept majority rule. Mr Leon, you don’t understand majority rule. Is majority rule not a change from minority rule? It is. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] The media that he relies on seems to battle with issues that they don’t understand, but creates unnecessary sensation. They are far from starting a debate. They only excite fools. [Applause.] [Laughter.]

At the same time, the youth leader of the DA, Sinde Nhlapho, in Phomolong in the Free State, said, and I quote him verbatim:

People have been unhappy for a long time. We are trying to attract attention to our problems. We are burning tires and setting barricades, but we are not fighting …”

[Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr J T DELPORT: Madam Chairperson, on a point of order: Couldn’t you allow the previous speaker another five minutes? It was most amusing. [Laughter.]

Mr R COETZEE: Chairperson, it’s very difficult to follow the active and intellectual giant of our time, but we will do our best. [Laughter.] It is surely obvious that no accurate assessment of the state of our nation is possible without a long, hard look at our progress in combating and treating HIV/Aids.

And yet characteristically the President chose instead to avert his gaze on Friday. Of the pandemic he had only this to say: That with regard to Aids in particular, the government’s comprehensive plan, which is among the best in the world, combining awareness, treatment and home-based care, is being implemented with greater vigour. But the truth is that the Aids treatment programme in our country is not being implemented with vigour and is not being led with the single-minded determination that is required so urgently.

According to the latest information availed to us only 19 426 people are on treatment, and that is a tiny number when measured against the hundreds of thousands who need antiretrovirals. In the 2003-04 financial year fewer than 250 000 people were tested by public health institutions in South Africa, which is a drop in the ocean when you consider that over 20 million sexually active adult South Africans make use of those facilities. It is frankly unacceptable for the President of our country to be unaware of this reality or to ignore it or to misrepresent it. [Interjections.]

What this government finally needs to accept, is that South Africa really does belong to all who live in it – to the healthy and to the ill, to those with HIV as much as to those without. The truth is that this government’s approach to HIV/Aids makes a mockery of the Freedom Charter, because until now the only thing people with HIV have been free to do is die.

The crisis in health care goes way beyond a failure to combat HIV/Aids. Arguably our greatest challenge is to attract and retain well-qualified health professionals, because all the drugs in the world and the buildings and the equipment cannot by themselves provide health care for our people. According to the Health Systems Trust report, commissioned by this government, 31% of posts in the public health service were vacant in 2003. And according to the Minister of Health herself, last year over 20 000 nurses’ posts were vacant, as well as almost 3 000 doctors’ posts, almost 1 000 posts for pharmacists, over 1 300 posts for specialists and 420 posts for dental practitioners. Yet the Department of Health is only set to finalise the latest strategy in April to deal with this crisis. The last strategy, the 1999 strategy, failed dismally.

But unlike the President, who has recently shown a commendable attachment to measurable commitments, the Department of Health told the portfolio committee that it would not set timebound targets for filling these vacancies. And certainly in respect of the shortage of health care professionals, the capacity problems to which the President referred on Friday did not fall unexpectedly from a clear blue sky one afternoon. Indeed they are the consequence of a lack of vigilance, foresight and planning on the part of the government. Similarly, the incapacity of so many of our public hospitals to provide an adequate standard of health care was hardly unforeseen. It is the inevitable consequence of 10 years of neglect. As is so often the case, the problems the President promised to solve were self-induced.

Given their track record, you would think that those managing public health care in our country would hesitate before inserting themselves into the management of private health, and yet they hesitate not. They charge on. I found it deeply ironic that the Minister for the Public Service and Administration seems so opposed to privatisation when the Ministers of state sitting in this House today prefer private hospitals to public hospitals and send their children to private schools instead of public schools. Perhaps if they sent their children to public schools and went to public hospitals instead of private hospitals they would have a different point of view on the private sector. [Interjections.]

Perhaps the best current example of the way in which the government has chosen to intervene in the private sector relates to medicine prices. Whatever the Minister says, the fact is that the committee did not consult properly. It did not do a proper assessment of the economic consequences of its decisions, and produced as a consequence what one High Court judge described as a thumb suck.

The looming danger, if these things go through, is that the people who matter most will find themselves unable to access safe medicines. The unhappy truth is that we do not enjoy today a confluence of encouraging possibilities in respect of the state of our nation’s health care; rather, we face a series of interlinked crises, crises that will only be overcome with honesty, with visionary leadership and with competent management. These we are missing and have been missing for a long time. I sincerely hope that will change in 2005. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M R MOHLALOGA: Chairperson, President and hon members, it would be regrettable if hon Pheko is not aware that he is presiding over a carcass on its way to the grave, because of the very clause he is attacking in the Freedom Charter. I think the most honourable thing he can do is to use his skills to write the obituary of the PAC. [Interjections.]

Again, because of that clause, the DA will remain small and ultimately die, because the destiny of black South Africans and white South Africans is commonly shared.

Having said this, Madam Deputy Chairperson, on an occasion such as this one, it is important to tell a story, which will not be uncommon to most of us who went through the apartheid education system. When I went to school at the age of seven, I had to walk ten kilometres a day, even without food at school. When I went to secondary school, the distance increased from ten to twenty kilometres a day. Poor parents had to make do to buy books and stationery. Sometimes, if you were lucky, they would give you pocket money, buy your school uniform and pay for your school fees.

The schools I attended, both primary and secondary, had been built by the community. Not even a single classroom or a pit latrine had been built by the then apartheid government.

Going to school was a major headache, because you would not have enough books and stationery or all the items which made up your school uniform. You also would not have enough classrooms and desks at school. [Interjections.] We had to study under trees and some of the teachers who taught us were even paid by the community. In the eyes of the then apartheid regime and its bantustans, we were not a priority in terms of education, and we were less South African than our white compatriots.

As we celebrate 50 years of the Freedom Charter, we are reminded of the importance and the significance which the people of South Africa placed on education in the socio-economic life of our country. They envisaged a democratic South Africa with all the doors of learning and culture wide open. They envisaged a South Africa in which every child would have the right and access to education. This is indeed a vision we shall tirelessly work for, and as sure as the night follows the day we shall achieve it. We have to achieve this vision so that the current generation of learners will tell a different story from our own, when they come out of our education system.

Over the past 10 years we have made tremendous strides in transforming an education system which was based on racial and ethnic classification to the one that treasures all the cultures of mankind that discovers, develops and encourages natural talent for the enhancement of our cultural life.

We have made tremendous strides in transforming a Bantu education system, characterised by low or no spending on black people, to an education system that fosters equitable per capita spending on all learners in South Africa, black and white. We have improved access to primary and secondary schooling, with near universal primary schooling and more than 80% enrolment in secondary schooling. This is marked by an increase in the participation rate among girls, which is amongst the highest in the world. I am not sure where hon Pheko gets his statistics.

We have improved access to school education by exempting poor learners from paying school fees, and outlawing discrimination against and exclusion of learners who cannot afford to pay school fees. As we speak, a plan progressively to increase free education for all is on our agenda.

We have also made interventions to enhance access to higher education institutions through the establishment of the National Student Financial Aid Scheme. When it started in 1996, it had a mere R300 million and at present it has just under R1 billion.

We have improved the performance of learners throughout the schooling system, especially in the Grade 12 senior certificate. This has been accompanied by the quality of our results that is assured by Umalusi. Even the fact that we were able to pick up irregularities in Mpumalanga province indicates that indeed the system we have established is working and it is credible.

We have established a national strategy for mathematics, science and technology through 102 schools with a specific mandate to promote studies in these fields, especially among girls.

We have reduced illiteracy and aliteracy through the reading advocacy project, Masifunde Sonke, and adult basic education and training programmes.

However, challenges still remain. Over and above restructuring higher education, we are faced with the challenge of broadening access to higher education by thousands of students from poor backgrounds.

The fact that less than 2% of our population have a tertiary education is a matter that we have to attend to, amongst other things, through reviewing the bursary loan split by the National Student Financial Aid Scheme.

The private sector has to come to the party around this matter. The fact that the private sector contributes just a percentage of the total contribution to the fund is a matter for concern. Again, we should deal with the issue of access beyond physical access, including intellectual and cultural access.

Intellectual access requires us to rebel against curricula that exclude the majority of our people. Curricula should be developed in the context of our African reality, cognisant of what is happening throughout the world. We need to root our curricula in the African soil and affirm our Africanness as a point of departure. Only in this way can we provide intellectual access to knowledge to the majority of our higher education students.

Providing cultural access to higher education is about establishing cultural justice. Establishing cultural justice in higher education requires expanding the scope of inclusion for our different languages, lifestyles and cultural orientations, so that all our people should feel affirmed and not feel like strangers or out of place in our institutions of higher learning. This is a matter that we have to attend to, because the only thing some of our historically white institutions can do is to provide some kind of access and seek to assimilate black students into some conservative and liberal cultural practices.

We declared the year 2003 the Year of Further Education and Training, in recognition of the important role this sector plays in the development of our country’s human resources. We put in place the national curriculum framework that set the parameters for the development of responsive programmes in this sector to keep up with modern technological developments.

In some of the historically black technical colleges, students are still being trained using antiquated technology that is no longer in use in the private sector due to a lack of resources. This is a matter to which we are paying attention.

Over the next five years, we will revitalise these FET colleges and create the necessary synergy with our Setas. This will include recapitalisation and the development of appropriate human resources, and a curriculum that will allow us to produce the skilled workforce needed to sustain and further develop our economy.

One of the challenges we face is the issue of strengthening our school governing bodies as platforms for democratic participation in the education of our children. Every school today has a school governing body, duly elected by the school communities, to ensure the smooth running of our schools. However, the problem is that in some of our former white schools, the school governing bodies are used as platforms to frustrate transformation. Some are still using language to exclude black learners. This is happening here in the Western Cape, in the North West and in other parts of our country. It must come to an end. School governing bodies must play an important role in building a nonracial and united society by making sure that they take steps to deracialise our classrooms and life in our schools as a basis for constructing a single nationhood.

Elements of the curriculum inherited from apartheid do not fit with the vision of a democratic, nonracist and nonsexist dispensation. Through our new curriculum, we seek to develop knowledgeable, skilled, responsible and ethical citizens, and to instill in them the values of our democracy, social justice and equity, nonracism and nonsexism, ubuntu, the rule of law, respect, reconciliation and nation-building.

Of course, the question is: Do we want to prepare learners for university or for employment and lifelong learning? Do we want to educate them for the sake of educating them or do we want to educate them to meet the demands of our economy?

Most of our learners come out of matric with no skills to obtain gainful employment and only a few go to university. In respect of those who come out of our universities, there is a mismatch between the skills required by our economy and those that they are bringing.

I was talking to the speaker of my local municipality over the Christmas holidays. He told me that over the past four years they had appointed one engineer after the other, because those they employ were given better offers by other bigger municipalities or the private sector, because as a poor municipality they cannot afford to pay them. Engineers are few and the demand for them is high, and the same applies to other areas of skills needed.

We shall continue to deal with the issue of classrooms and the targets that have not been reached. It remains our commitment to make sure that our learners have decent classrooms. Hon Holomisa may complain about tenders. He conveniently forgets that he used to preside over ghost contracts, ghost teachers, ghost schools and ghost learners under the former Transkei government. He is the last to complain about tenders. We will definitely make sure that our students receive decent classrooms.

The Departments of Education and Communications will be establishing centres of excellence in information and communication technology in all provinces so that we close the digital divide. Again, there is a commitment to making sure that all our schools have telephone and Internet connection at 50% reduced tariffs.

We have made commitments to improve the salaries of our educators, and particularly maths and science teachers. This is an intervention that will assist in attracting young people to the teaching profession as a career of choice and we would like to encourage them to take it up.

One of the issues that need to be attended to, is the area of early childhood development, as the President has indicated. For instance, our early childhood education centres do not benefit from the food nutrition programmes, and some of the early childhood educators are employed by the communities and not by government. We have to get this area right.

We have to deal with the issue of the emigration of black learners from rural areas and townships to historically white schools in suburbs. We have to restore our people’s confidence in the schools, because there is no difference between the curricula being used in suburban schools from that in rural schools – they are the same. The only difference is in how they speak English: some speak through their noses while others speak through their mouths, but the curriculum is the same. [Laughter.]

In fact, there are instances such as in Limpopo, where two of the top three schools are in the rural areas and the teachers are all black. For instance, Mbilwi High School in Venda has been the top school in that province for almost nine years. [Applause.]

Related to the above is the point made by the Minister of Labour, that the private sector prefers graduates from historically white institutions. For instance, a graduate with a BCom in Accounting from Wits is more likely to get employment than a graduate with the same degree from Fort Hare. Even though your lecturers were white and they attended the same university, because you come from a historically black institution you must join the queue at the tail end.

The advent of a democratic order in our schools has to be accompanied by a climate conducive to learning in all our schools. We call on all our teachers to provide the most efficient, effective and professional service. This can be achieved through dedication and commitment, which will be demonstrated through meaningful teaching, adequate preparation, and exemplary behaviour. On the part of our students we expect nothing less than discipline, diligence and sheer hard work to realise our objectives of excellence and high achievement. We call on all the students to demonstrate this new mood through regular and practical school attendance, acceptable behaviour, and by applying themselves to their educational tasks.

We urge our parents to observe and monitor their children’s performance and conduct, attend and take over responsibilities in governing body meetings, and play their part in improving and securing the resources and facilities of our schools.

Dealing boldly and vigorously with educational deprivation will remain our top priority, because education is crucial for merging our first and second economies and truly integrating our society.

Indeed, we shall overcome all these challenges and surely the current generation of learners and students will tell a different story from our own when they come out of our education system. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND TOURISM: Madam Chairperson, what has emerged in the course of this debate is the broad consensus that the Congress of the People, held in Kliptown 50 years ago, laid out the architecture of our new democracy. [Interjections.] The architects of the Freedom Charter entrusted their plans to those who followed, and many embraced their vision and were eager to lay the foundations.

Today South Africa stands in our second decade of building. We have been on site for ten years now. We have achieved much, the materials are at hand and our people are working together as never before. [Interjections.] Our challenge in the 50th year of the Freedom Charter is to live up to the spirit of the Charter’s core message, namely that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. [Interjections.]

The challenge that we have to meet is radically to advance the process of nation-building and to create a truly nonracial and nonsexist society. This common ideal of building our nonracial democracy must address the socio- economic legacy of racial discrimination, and in particular the needs of those trapped in the second economy. Our challenge therefore remains to consolidate our successes and to further broaden the national consensus and the critical mass of South Africans united behind and working tirelessly to achieve these ideals.

Last year my colleagues and I adopted the Freedom Charter as a guiding policy. [Interjections.] Never one to shy away from a spirited debate, Dr Leopold Scholtz, deputy editor of Die Burger, which represents some of the views here, in his recent contribution to the debate, described this broadening of consensus as “a dramatic backwards step”. He continued:

The Freedom Charter had very little practical meaning in the policies of this government.

He also added:

In a certain sense one can therefore say that in spite of the powerful emotional and symbolic meaning that it, the Charter, still holds for millions of blacks, it was conceived and born in sin. That is, if one rejects communism.

In a later article Dr Scholtz explained. He said:

The symbolism and emotion around the Freedom Charter lives virtually exclusively in the hearts of blacks and not whites.

But yet we all recognise the words:

Uit die blou van onse hemel, Uit die diepte van ons see,Oor ons ewige gebergtes, Waar die kranse antwoord gee …

[Interjections.] This is not modern Afrikaans. It reflects, instead, the frontier mentality of 1918, and the century before that, that seems foreign to our modern urbanised world. It is also true that the majority of South Africans were excluded from these words for decades, but yet today they are sung with passion, loyalty and pride by 45 million South African voices every day as part of our national anthem. [Applause.]

People who had no part in their composition find power and meaning in their message. And similarly, it is the Freedom Charter that informed our Constitution and the Bill of Rights, and today also informs much of our government’s programme of action. [Interjections.]

Attempts by commentators such as Dr Scholtz to label the Freedom Charter as “communist inspired”, “from the heart of the Kremlin” - and I hear the same interjections here - and “historically aimed at assisting in the creation of a Leninist dictatorship”, simply do not reflect the full history. This is like saying that because of our history, Afrikaans will perpetually be rejected as the language of oppression, with little relevance in the modern South Africa, or that because some senior Broederbond members played key roles in drawing up our Constitution, it somehow comes from the heart of the Broederbond. [Interjections.] It’s highly unlikely.

In a country and a society like ours, you often find knowledge or views that people proclaim with the certainty of black and white, but very often what is needed to understand such societies is not that stark division and certainty, but rather an understanding of the difficult and shaded area in between.

If opposition to the Freedom Charter is encapsulated in the test “conceived and born in sin”, how then do we deal with the challenges that we have to deal with, such as place names, accumulated wealth, ownership of land, and many others? [Interjections.] Or do we rather try to find the answer within the framework of historical context and a deeper understanding based on wisdom?

The point is that acceptance and respect for history cannot come from only one side. We cannot say that we insist on the inclusion of the previous national anthem in the present one, or that we insist Afrikaans must get proper, or even special recognition, but then when we ourselves are called upon to respect and understand deserving symbols of the struggle, we suddenly intellectualise why this is not possible. [Applause.]

A common history presupposes a broader view and a greatness of spirit which has become the hallmark of South Africa, but which must still permeate to all corners of our country.

Die Vryheidsmanifes is ’n produk van sy tyd, en hoewel die boodskap vandag nog net so relevant is as vyf dekades gelede, moet ons die taalgebruik van die manifes in sy historiese konteks lees. Dit is en dit bly ’n waardevolle missieverklaring vir ons demokrasie, en behoort aan alle Suid-Afrikaners van alle gemeenskappe. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[The Freedom Charter is a product of its time, and although the message is as relevant today as it was five decades ago, we should read the language usage of the charter in its historical context. It is and remains a valuable mission statement for our democracy, and belongs to all South Africans of all communities.]

Anthems, vows, declarations, public contracts and charters have relevance and value far beyond their historical context, and nowhere has this been better illustrated than in the course of this debate about the state of our nation in which we are reclaiming the Freedom Charter for all South Africans.

It may surprise many in this Chamber to know that the generation of my parents grew up singing Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrica at meetings of the Afrikaans cultural Voortrekker movement. Even now my mother recalls the words taught to her in her childhood. In later years, though, this hymn became a historically and politically charged symbol of hope to many and of fear to some. In the process its meaning and message was lost to certain South Africans.

Today though, Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika is part of our shared history that has been reclaimed for all. It echoes from the homes, the schools, the offices and the churches of all South African communities.

Some people continue to dismiss or deride the Freedom Charter on the basis of its language and turn of phrase, which often seem unfamiliar to the modern South African ear. After all, words and phrases such as “peasants”, “pass laws”, “compound labour” and “farm prisons” are no longer in everyday use. The references to Basutoland and Bechuanaland in the Charter are unfamiliar and remembered mainly as footnotes in our historical texts, although some in this Chamber will of course recall them firsthand.

In the same way, the clauses that speak to the need for the land to be shared among those who work it were rather in reaction to not all South Africans being able to be owners of land. In fact, these same sentiments have today found expression in both our Bill of Rights and the land reform programme of this government.

The state of our nation is not in question. The state of our future is what, ultimately, we are debating. If we are to reach out successfully to those who remain ``marginalised in the wilderness of the second economy’’, if we are to bring to them the benefits and the bounty of our democratic growth and development, then we must do so in the spirit of the Freedom Charter.

In conclusion, poverty, unemployment and hunger are incompatible with South African success. Homelessness, illiteracy and intolerance must never define the outer limits of our accomplishments.

For those few South Africans who still regard the Freedom Charter as the agenda of only black South Africa: Stop looking for excuses for your fears. [Interjections.] Put “swart gevaar” behind you once and for all - and I know it is difficult sometimes - and join with us in celebrating 50 years of speaking for freedom and a decade of acting together to make it a reality. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S BOTHA): Order, members! Order!

Mr T D LEE: Madam Chair, Mr President, in 1971 the ANC stood before the UN and called for South African sport to be boycotted. Speaking on behalf of the ANC, Abdul Minty argued as follows:

The moral position is absolutely clear. Human beings should not be willing partners in perpetuating a system of racial discrimination. Sportsmen have a special duty in this regard in that they should be first to insist that merit, and merit alone, be the criterion for selecting teams for representative sport.

In conclusion, he stated that all links with racialist bodies should be abolished until sport inside South Africa was conducted on the basis of merit alone and not on colour.

But today, under the leadership of President Mbeki, the ANC has turned this ideal on its head. Today that principle of nonracialism has been cast aside in favour of racial engineering.

Indeed, today I stand before an ANC so obsessed with race that it is now threatening to introduce legislation imposing racial quotas on South African sport. The very same ANC that once said that sport should be conducted on the basis of merit alone, now says sport should be conducted on the basis of race. [Interjections.]

Mr President, the people of South Africa would like to know … [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Order! Hon members, please don’t comment so loudly.

Mr T D LEE: Which is it? Is it merit or race?

Voorsitter, Basil D’Oliveira het Suid-Afrika in 1960 verlaat omdat hy grootgeword het met ’n stelsel wat verhoed het dat hy in sy eie land sy volle potensiaal kon bereik. Maar vandag, in ’n nuwe Suid-Afrika, staan ons voor presies dieselfde situasie. Spelers soos Kevin Petersen en Clyde Rathbone, onder talle ander, voel hulle kan nie hul volle potensiaal bereik nie en is elders heen. Suid-Afrikaanse sport dra die gevolge daarvan, en dit alles net omdat die ANC glo dat politiek moet bepaal hoe ons sport geadministreer moet word.

In 1997 het wyle Steve Tshwete gesê dat die regering op elke terrein van die lewe in Suid-Afrika – ook sport – gaan inmeng. Inmenging is net ’n ander woord vir die ANC se politieke transformasie-agenda. Deur rasseverteenwoordigheid bo talent en vermoë te plaas, het die ANC die klem in sport verskuif van ’n strewe om die beste te wees na ’n strewe om demografies die verteenwoordigendste te wees. Wat kry voorrang, mnr die President? Sport of politiek?

Mnr die President, Vrydag het u gepraat oor die skepping van ’n wennasie, maar in Maart 2002 het u gesê: “Kom ons gee vir twee of drie jaar nie om dat ons internasionale kragmetings verloor nie, omdat ons óns mense deel van hierdie spanne moet maak.” Hoe kan ons ’n wennasie skep as die ANC se obsessie met rassekwotas meebring dat ons verloor, net om die ANC se politieke agenda te akkommodeer? Die DA glo alle Suid-Afrikaners is gelyk en dat almal ’n gelyke kans en geleentheid moet kry om die beste te wees wat hulle kan. Wat kry voorrang, mnr die President, wen of verloor?

Dit lyk asof die ANC net een wedstryd wil wen en dit is die wedstryd van rassegetalle. Lojaliteit teenoor die party word ten koste van vermoë en talent beloon. Sodoende het die ANC die klem verskuif van die ontwikkeling van ons ontluikende talent – waar die klem juis moet val. Soos op elke lewensterrein vereis welslae met sport, toewyding, geleentheid en tyd. Dit is die kenmerke van sukses. Om dit te omseil, neem ’n mens bloot iemand se volle potensiaal weg.

As enigiemand in hierdie Huis nog oor die verskil tussen die DA en die ANC twyfel, staan dit nou soos ’n paal bo water, Trevor: Die ANC verkies ras. Die ANC verkies politiek en verloor. Die DA verkies verdienste. Die DA verkies sport. Die DA verkies om te wen. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Mnr die President, terwyl die agb Gaum hier gestaan het, het hy gepraat van die goedkoop anti-Mugabe of anti-Harare propaganda van die DA. Vir die agb Gaum is lewens goedkoop. Vryhede is goedkoop. Die vryheid van die pers, die vryheid van assosiasie is goedkoop. Roof en moord en doodslag en menselewens is goedkoop. Miskien kan ek verstaan waar die twee bymekaarkom. Dit verbaas my nie dat die agb Gaum kant sal kies vir ’n mens soos Mugabe nie. Dit herinner hom aan sy verlede en aan sy party se verlede. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Chairperson, Basil D’Oliveira left South Africa in 1960 because he grew up with a system that prevented him from reaching his full potential in his own country. But today, in a new South Africa, we stand in precisely the same position. Players like Kevin Petersen and Clyde Rathbone, amongst many others, feel they cannot reach their full potential and have gone elsewhere. South African sport has to bear the consequences of this, and all this because the ANC believes that politics should determine how our sport should be administered.

In 1997 the late Steve Tshwete said that the government would intervene in every area of life in South Africa – including sport. Intervention is just another word for the ANC’s political transformation agenda. By placing racial representivity above talent and ability, the ANC has shifted the emphasis in sport from striving to be the best to striving to be the most representative demographically. What takes precedence, Mr President? Sport or politics?

Mr President, on Friday you spoke of the creation of a winning nation, but in March 2002 you said: “Let us not care about losing international contests in the next two or three years, because we must make our people part of these teams.” How can we create a winning nation if the ANC’s obsession with racial quotas causes us to lose, just to accommodate the ANC’s political agenda? The DA believes that all South Africans are equal and that everyone should get an equal chance and opportunity to be the best that they can be. Which receives precedence, Mr President, winning or losing?

It would appear that the ANC only wishes to win one contest and that is the contest, of racial numbers. Loyalty to the party is rewarded at the expense of abilities and talent. In this manner the ANC has shifted the emphasis away from the development of our emerging talent – where the emphasis should indeed be. As in every sphere of life, success in sport requires commitment, opportunity and time. These are the characteristics of success. By bypassing this, one simply takes away someone’s full potential.

If anyone in this House still has any doubt about the difference between the DA and the ANC, it is now as plain as a pikestaff, Trevor: The ANC prefers race. The ANC prefers politics and losing. The DA prefers merit. The DA prefers sport. The DA prefers winning. [Interjections.]

Mr President, while the hon Gaum was standing here, he spoke about the cheap anti-Mugabe or anti-Harare propaganda of the DA. Lives are cheap to the hon Gaum. Liberties are cheap. Freedom of the press, freedom of association are cheap. Robbery and murder and mayhem and people’s lives are cheap. Perhaps I can understand where the two meet. It does not surprise me that the hon Gaum will side with a person of the likes of Mugabe. It reminds him of his past and his party’s past. I thank you. [Applause.]]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Chairperson, on a point of order: While the hon Mr Lee was addressing the House, somebody from the ANC benches shouted out: “You are a non-European”. [Laughter.]

We’ve heard him previously being referred to as a coconut by the hon members there. The point I would like to make is that these racist remarks are unbecoming to this House, and I would like you to call upon the ANC member concerned to withdraw the remark and apologise to Mr Lee. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Order, members! I regret that I did not hear the remark. I do not know if the hon member wants to confirm it?

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, I would like to address you. The hon Minister of Finance just confirmed that he said, “he is a non- European”. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Chairperson, I didn’t say, during the debate when the member was speaking, that he was a non-European’’. If he is not a non-European’’, then he is a ``European’’ and I will sit down. [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Order! [Interjections.] May I make a comment, please? Hon Minister, you know that these comments can be interpreted as hurtful, so please be careful about the language you use in Parliament.

The MINISTER OF FINANCE: I don’t know what he wants …

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Chair, can we just confirm, the Minister of Finance having nothing to withdraw, that it is now appropriate, according to this new rule, that hon members of this House can now be addressed as Europeans’’ andnon-Europeans’’, and that this is appropriate in the Parliament of South Africa in 2005? [Interjections.] Is that the effect of what Mr Manuel is saying? [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): No, hon member, I won’t confirm that. I think we’ll look at the context in which it’s used.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Chair, I’m sorry. I know the day is growing older and the DA has taken a pounding. Can we please continue with the business of the House? Please, Madam.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon Chief Whip, you should address both sides of the House when you ask that.

Ms G L MAHLANGU-NKABINDE: Chairperson, hon President of the Republic, hon members:

In times of fundamental change, people tend to find a space, lose it and then find another space as life and the world transform around them. What does this metamorphosis entail and in what ways are we affected by it? How do we live through it and what may we become on our journey towards each other, particularly when the space and places from which we depart are at least on the surface so vastly different?

Thus writes Antjie Krog. And she encourages us to talk about these differences, because they are real.

This reminds me of my experiences five years ago, when I, hon Sue van der Merwe and a number of members of the Portfolio Committee on Environment, including Nic Koornhof, went to Cuba. It was the first time that the hon member Koornhof had travelled with people of a different colour – “non- Europeans”. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Coming back from that trip, as is usually the case with South Africans, we were more united and knew each other even better.

A few weeks thereafter it was Nic Koornhof’s 40th birthday, and he had become friends with Sue van der Merwe and myself, so he could not exclude us from his guest list. He phoned Sue, and that was the end. But he phoned me and gave me a warning, and said I am inviting you because I don’t know how I can separate you from Sue van der Merwe, but I have never had a black guest in my house. I have also never been at any social gathering with a black person, or a ``non-European’’ person and neither have any of my friends. However, I am inviting you, because you don’t know how much I was healed during that trip; you don’t know how much I was able to deal with my past. I would like you to come. I know there may be anger at the beginning, but I will rely on your humour to make it easy for them to accept that black people are equal to white people.

I have since always respected Nic Koornhof for that. [Applause.] That was about six years ago, and the master of ceremonies was Marthinus van Schalkwyk. Of course, we were from different worlds, but we managed to find each other. [Applause.] It was at that time that I asked myself why the hon Van Schalkwyk was still in the NP, because the way he spoke and the way he carried himself, showed he belonged to the words that he just spoke here – very good and noble words from a person who wants to build a nation. Thank you very much, Marthinus. [Applause.]

We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one which is not distorted by the prejudices that have guided viewpoints on race and gender in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences and talents of all South Africans, women and men.

In his state of the nation address, President Mbeki emphasized, and I quote:

Central to these achievements is our success in advancing our country away from its divided past, towards the realisation of the vision contained in the Freedom Charter - whose 50th anniversary we celebrate this year - that “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white”.

The 8 January statement by the President celebrates that historic document of our struggle and movement, the Freedom Charter. It spells out our tasks as we pursue the goals spelt out in the Charter.

The Charter was not the statement of this or that section of the population. It was a declaration of all the people of South Africa. It was a simple, honest, unpretentious document reflecting the desires and ideas of millions of common people.

The late Oliver Tambo spelt out the true meaning of the Freedom Charter to our country and people in the 8 January 1980 statement, when, to mark the 25th anniversary of the Freedom Charter - during what he proclaimed as the Year of the Charter - he said:

The Freedom Charter contains the fundamental perspective of the vast majority of the people of South Africa of the kind of liberation that all of us are fighting for. Hence, it is not merely the Freedom Charter of the African National Congress and its allies. Rather it is the Charter of the people of South Africa for liberation … Because it came from the people, it remains still a people’s Charter, the one basic political statement of our goals to which all genuinely democratic and patriotic forces of South Africa adhere.

Surely, hon members, it was no coincidence when the President on Friday, during the state of the nation address, said and I quote:

We are not being arrogant or complacent when we assert that our country, as a united nation, has never in its entire history enjoyed such a confluence of encouraging possibilities. On behalf of our government, we commend our programme to the country, confident that its implementation will help to place us on the high road towards ensuring that we become a winning nation and that we play our role towards the renewal of Africa and the creation of a better world.

The democratic mandate of 2004 has further consolidated our democratic system, thus ensuring the entrenchment of the Freedom Charter’s demand that only a democratic state based on the will of all the people can secure to all their birthright.

When two national movements, both with the interests of national unity, were launched in the 1900s respectively, what separated one from the other was their definition of nation. To the NP, the meaning of nation was anything that excluded black people. The South African Native National Congress, later to be known as the ANC, at its launch was addressed by Pixley Seme, where he said, when he explained the purpose of this gathering to tribes that had never met before except on battlefields:

Chiefs of royal blood and gentlemen of our race, we have gathered here to consider and discuss a scheme which my colleagues and I have decided to place before you. We have discovered that in the land of their birth, Africans are treated as hewers of wood and drawers of water. The white people of this country have formed what is known as the Union of South Africa - a union in which we have no voice in the making of laws and no part in the administration. We have called you, therefore, to this conference, so that we can together devise ways and means of forming our national union for the purpose of creating national unity and defending our rights and privileges.

At this gathering, the nation referred to was all the people of South Africa, black and white. It is true that everybody must have a right of say in the way they are governed. That struggle of ensuring that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, was confirmed 50 years ago at the Congress of the People. The principles of the Freedom Charter make sure that the people shall govern, not black people or white people, but the people of this country.

From 1955, South Africans stuck to the Freedom Charter. This informed how the national movement carried itself from then until today. This government has taken South Africans on board at each and every stage, and still continues to do so.

It was the will of the people that informed the preamble of the Harare Declaration, a declaration of the Organisation of African Unity’s Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the question of South Africa. The preamble says, and I quote:

The people of Africa, singly, collectively and acting through the OAU, are engaged in serious efforts to establish peace throughout the continent by ending all conflicts through negotiations based on the principle of justice and peace for all.

The preamble further says:

We reaffirm our recognition of the rights of all peoples, including those of South Africa, to determine their own destiny, and to work out for themselves the institutions and the system of government under which they will, by general consent, live and work together to build a harmonious society. The Organisation of African Unity remains committed to do everything possible and necessary, to assist the people of South Africa in such ways as the representatives of the oppressed may determine, to achieve this objective. We are certain that, arising from this duty to help and the criminal apartheid system, the rest of the world community is ready to extend similar assistance to the people of South Africa.

We make these commitments because we believe that all people are equal and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of colour, race, sex or creed. We believe that all men and women have the right and duty to participate in their own government, as equal members of society. No individual or group of individuals has any right to govern others without their consent. The apartheid system violates all these fundamental and universal principles. Correctly characterised as a crime against humanity, it is responsible for the death of countless numbers of people in South Africa, resulting in untold loss of life, destruction of property and massive displacement of innocent men, women and children.

When the climate was conducive to negotiations, the people were still the deciding factor. The will of the people again became the most important factor, and not what the politicians wished for.

On 20 December 1991, when Nelson Mandela addressed Codesa, he said about the will of the people, and I quote:

Today will be indelibly imprinted in the history of our country. If we, who are gathered here, respond to the challenge before us, today will mark the commencement of the transition from apartheid to democracy. Our people, from every corner of our country, have expressed their yearning for democracy and peace. Codesa represents the historical opportunity to translate that yearning into reality.

South Africans of many persuasions recognise that this environment, and its constitutional product, Codesa, is the fruit of their sacrifices and struggle. They have a justifiable expectation that Codesa will set the country on the road to democracy.

This lead to the Constituent Assembly in 1994 and to the Constitution, with a final draft signed into law on 10 December 1996.

The process of drafting the Constitution involved many South Africans in the largest public participation programme ever carried out in South Africa. The Constitution therefore represents the collective wisdom of the South African people and affirms our promise to the people that the people shall govern. Even after 1996, legislation passed in this House has always been consistent with the principle: The people shall govern!

The structure closest to the people – local government – consults the people through ward meetings. In the Constitution, the chapter dealing with local government provides democratic and accountable governance to local people.

In 2004, the President said during the state of the nation address, and I quote:

Government will complete the process of ensuring that the harmonisation of the Municipal Integrated Development Plan, the Provincial Growth and Development Strategy and the National Spatial Development Perspective will increase the capacity of local government to discharge its responsibility.

This was a further commitment by government to accelerate the implementation system of state-wide planning, wherein IDPs serve as a basis for aligning policy, planning and budget across all spheres. Indeed, the people shall govern. No IDP in this country will be drawn, unless there is consultation with the people it is intended for.

As far as we in Parliament are concerned, the structures we have put in place for community participation in the law-making process are the highest in terms of a people-centred government. This Parliament will never pass any law that has not gone through the committees and to the people through public hearings.

It is now clear to us, President, when we look back over 10 years, that some of our processes leave a lot of South Africans outside participation, because, relying on public hearings only here in Parliament, we leave out thousands of people whose lives must change for the better. These are thousands of people who are still trapped in poverty. Our approach has changed. While we allow the hearings here for those people who can afford to fly to Cape Town, we will go to the ordinary and poor citizens of our country to hear their views as well. After all, Parliament belongs to the people, and South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

Mr President, this country, the continent and the world respect you. We value what you are doing for the people. You have not betrayed the will of the people. You have instead restored their dignity and their confidence. You have set timeframes and we as parliamentarians should ensure that we do our oversight and accountability with aplomb in order for the timeframes to be met. We do this in honour of our heroes and heroines who have given all they ever had in order for all of us, black and white, to traverse thus far. We cannot be consigned to the past. We remain committed to justice and peace, we remain defenders of the rights of the children, the men and the women and the beasts of the forest to live to be free and to prosper.

Hon Mr President, as you instructed, we will bring peace to our land; as you directed, we will bring freedom and liberation to the oppressed; as you strived, we will restore the dignity of the dehumanised; as you commanded, we will defend the option of a peaceful resolution of our problems in South Africa and beyond; as you prayed for the continent and the world, in all this, we will not fail you, nor fail the peoples who have given us the mandate. The people shall govern! I thank you. [Applause.]

Nk H ZILLE: Sihlalo, kwintetho yokuvula kwakhe iPalamente, uMongameli wathetha ngezinto ezithile nathi esizixhasayo. Wathi uMzantsi Afrika lilizwe labo bonke abantu abahlala kulo, abamnyama nabamhlophe. I-DA iluxhasa kakhulu olu luvo ngekamva lethu. Sikwavumelana noMongameli ukuba uMzantsi Afrika lilizwe elinekamva eliqaqambileyo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[Ms H ZILLE: Chairperson, in his state of the nation address, the President talked about things which we fully support. He said that South Africa truly belongs to all who live in it, black and white. The DA supports this view. We also agree with the view that South Africa has a bright future.]

Of ons slaag, hang van baie dinge af. In ’n globale kennisekonomie is ’n uitstekende onderwysstelsel egter die belangrikste. Dit is waarom ek bly was dat die President hom nogmaals daartoe verbind het om seker te maak dat elke kind in ’n behoorlike klaskamer kan skoolgaan, eerder as onder ’n boom of in ’n kleihut.

Ek moet ook erken dat ek bly is dat hy erken het dat dit baie moeiliker is om hierdie doelwit te bereik as wat hy drie jaar gelede gedink het.

Hoe moeilik dit ook al is om strukture te bou, is dit eintlik die maklike deel van die onderwysuitdaging voor ons. Dit is baie moeiliker, en selfs belangriker, om te verseker dat onderwys van ’n aanvaarbare standaard in die honderde duisende bestaande klaskamers plaasvind. Dít is die grootste mislukking op onderwysgebied.

Al die betroubare aanwysers, soos internasionale toetse, ons uitsakkoers, ons aantal matriekvrystellings, doen aan die hand dat ons eintlik besig is om agteruit te boer. Die eindelose moontlikhede vir ons land, wat die President genoem het, kan vernietig word as ons hierdie krisis nie te bowe kom nie. Dit is die enkele grootste rede waarom so baie ouers hul kinders met groot moeite na die klein aantal skole stuur waar hul kinders onderwys van gehalte sal ontvang.

Die jammerlike waarheid is dat die massiewe herverspreiding van hulpbronne na voorheenbenadeelde skole in die meeste gevalle min verskil aan die onderwysgehalte gemaak het. Derduisende ouers neem hul kinders dus weg van skole wat baie geld van die staat kry, en stuur hulle na skole wat nou baie minder kry. Hierdie model sal alle skole oplaas tot niet maak.

Omdat daar so ’n beperkte aanbod van gehalte is, en die vraag so groot is, sal ouers hul kinders in Afrikaansmediumskole inskryf as dit lyk of hulle daar beter onderwys sal kry, al verstaan hulle kinders soms geen woord Afrikaans nie. Wanneer die kinders in die skool is, dring hulle dan aan op hul reg om in hul keusetaal, Engels, onderrig te word.

Dit lyk dan soos ’n taalstryd, maar taal is eintlik ’n simptoom. Die ouers veg eintlik vir gehalte onderwys. Hulle soek vergeefs daarna in verreweg die meeste Engelsmedium skole. Hierdie versuim is ’n ontkenning van een van die grondliggendste grondwetlike regte: die reg op ordentlike, basiese onderwys, en dit is die ware rede waarom die skamele 3% wat gehalte onderwys in Afrikaans bied onder so baie druk verkeer.

Die onvermydelike gevolg is nog ’n aanslag op ’n grondliggende reg: die reg van Afrikaanssprekendes op onderrig in die taal van hul keuse, hul moedertaal. Wanneer ouers, wat Engelsmediumonderrig wil hê, toegang tot Afrikaansmediumskole kry, doen hulle dit in ’n konteks waar die Regering se model van finansiering nie parallelmediumskole steun nie. Die ouers wat op Engels aandring, kan dikwels min of geen skoolgeld betaal nie. Parallelmediumonderrig kan nie ingestel word nie, en dikwels dwing beamptes dubbelmedium-onderrig af, wat beteken dat twee tale in een klas gebruik word.

Dit beteken straks dat Afrikaans deur Engels verdring word, terwyl die ouers wat die skoolgeld betaal soms drie maal meer as kruissubsidies vir nuwe leerders moet betaal omdat die Regering sy subsidies na armoediger skole stuur, terwyl leerders juis in hordes van daardie skole wegvlug.

Dít is geen formule vir ’n nasie wat in uiteenlopendheid verenig is nie. Dit is ’n resep vir verdeling, vir vervreemding en vir mislukking. Die DA bied ’n duidelike en werkbare alternatief wat gegrond is op eerbied vir die grondwetlike reg op gehalte basiese onderwys. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Whether we are successful will depend upon a number of factors. In a global knowledge–based economy, an outstanding education system is of paramount importance. Hence my pleasure that the President has once more committed himself to ensuring that every child receives education in a decent classroom rather than under a tree or in a mud hut. I must also admit that I am glad that he has acknowledged that it is much more difficult to attain this goal than originally envisaged three years ago.

As difficult as it is to build structures, it is actually the easier part of the educational challenge that lies ahead. It is far more difficult, and even more important, to ensure that education of an acceptable standard takes place in the hundreds of thousands of existing classrooms. That is the greatest failure of our educational system.

All the reliable indicators, such as international tests, our dropout rate, the amount of matric exemptions, suggest that we are actually going downhill. The endless opportunities for our country, of which the President has made mention, can be destroyed if we cannot get the better of this crisis. This is the single most important reason why so many parents go to so much trouble to send their children to the small number of schools where their children receive quality education.

It is a sad truth that the massive redistribution of resources to previously disadvantaged schools, in most cases, made no difference to the quality of education. Thousands of parents are therefore removing their children from schools that receive a great deal of money from the state and sending them to schools that now receive far less funding. This model will be the ultimate downfall of all schools.

Because there is such a limited supply of quality, and the demand is so great, parents will enrol their children in Afrikaans-medium schools if it appears that they will receive a better education there, even though their children may not understand one word of Afrikaans. When the children have enrolled, they then insist upon their right to receive instruction in the language of their choice, namely English.

It then seems like a language struggle, but language is actually a symptom. The parents are in fact fighting for quality education. Their search for this, at most English medium schools, is in vain. This omission negates one of the most fundamental constitutional rights: the right to decent, basic education, and that is the real reason why the meagre 3% that provide quality education in Afrikaans, are placed under such severe pressure.

The unavoidable result is yet another attack on a fundamental right: the right of Afrikaans speakers to receive instruction in the language of their choice, their mother tongue. When those parents who wish to receive English- medium instruction gain entry to Afrikaans-medium schools, they do so in a context in which the government’s funding model does not support parallel- medium schools. Those parents who insist on English-medium instruction can often afford to pay little or nothing in the way of school fees. Parallel- medium instruction cannot be implemented, and often officials impose the implementation of dual-medium instruction, which means that two languages are used in one class.

This possibly means that Afrikaans is pushed aside by English, whilst the parents who pay the school fees have at times to pay thrice the cross- subsidy amount for new learners as the government subsidises poorer schools, whilst learners are fleeing from those schools in droves.

This is not a formula for a nation that has been united in diversity. It is a recipe for division, for alienation and for failure. The DA offers a clear and workable alternative that is based on respect for the constitutional right to quality basic education. [Applause.]]

UMPHATHISWA WEZABASEBENZI: Mongameli, amatshivela mathathu elizweni; ngu “Asindim”, “Andazi”, “Andikhathali”. Ngoko ke amalungu achasene norhulumente akhokelwa ngohlonophekileyo uTony Leon ngamatshivela angenaxanduva emagxeni awo.

Thina singurhulumente sinomgomantsi esijongene nawo. Abakhalazayo, Mongameli, basazalwa nanamhlanje. Izinja ziyayikhonkotha imoto ehambayo, emileyo ziyayintsontsela. Abalifumani, mongameli, ithuba lokukuntsontsela ngoba akuqhokrwanga, ukhuthele, ungumthandi wesizwe nabantu bakowenu. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Speaker, there are three irresponsible people in the world, who go by the names of “It’s not me”, “I do not know” and “I do not care”. Members of the opposition, led by the hon Tony Leon, are people who do not have any responsibility.

As government, we have a responsibility. President, people never cease to complain. Only those who work hard are being criticised. They cannot criticise you because you are not lazy and you are a patriot.]

With regard to Aids, quoting your speech, Comrade President, particularly the government’s comprehensive plan …

Mr M J ELLIS: Chairperson, on a point of order …

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S BOTHA): Hon Minister, will you please take your seat?

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: … which is among the best in the world …

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon Minister, would you please take your seat?

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: I can’t hear you. Your voice is very sweet. I couldn’t hear it. [Laughter.]

Mr M J ELLIS: That is rather patronising too, isn’t it? On a point of order: The hon Minister talks about urinating on people, on a party and so on. [Laughter.] I cannot believe, under the circumstances, that this is parliamentary. I ask you please to give a ruling on this matter. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon Minister?

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: May I enlighten you, Madam Chair?

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): No, may I enlighten you, please, hon Minister. I also think that that is not acceptable language. [Interjections.] And therefore I support the point of order and I ask you please not to use that kind of language.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Chair! I am sure in the interpretation it might sound unparliamentary, but it is a Xhosa phrase. [Interjections.] It is an idiom and it does not refer to anyone. The message is that if you are doing something, there will always be people who will criticise you. I understand it might come across as crude in the interpretation, but it is an idiom.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon member, I accept that this could be a language issue, but I hope that it won’t come up again. Please proceed. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: With regard to Aids in particular, the government’s comprehensive plan is among the best in the world – and I am quoting the President. This is true, whether the hon Tony Leon believes it or not. We have, in this country, an HIV and Aids code. I want him to tell me: Which country has an HIV and Aids code for employees and employers in the workplace? Secondly, Comrade President, in this country, which is led by you, Sir, we have HIV and Aids technical assistance and guidelines. Which country has technical assistance and guidelines to help employers and employees in the workplace? Whether you like it or not, there is a programme in this country which is among the best in the world. [Applause.] [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON: Order! Order, please!

UMPHATHISWA WEZABASEBENZI: Amatshivela mathathu elizweni; nguAsindim, Andazi, Andikhathali. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[The MINISTER OF LABOUR: Hon President, there are three irresponsible people in the world. These are “It’s not me”, “I do not know”, “I do not care”.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon members! Hon Minister, one moment please. Please give the Minister an opportunity to speak. I cannot hear him from where I am sitting.

UMPHATHISWA WEZABASEBENZI: Sekela-Mhlalingaphambili obekekileyo, sukuba nexhala, ndingumshumayeli. Ndishumayela ngaphaya kwabantu abachanwa lilizwi likaThixo, ungabi naxhala. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Umbutho wesizwe, i-ANC, uneminyaka engamashumi alithoba anesithathu ubudala kulo nyaka. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Deputy Chairperson, do not worry because I am a lay preacher. I preach more than those who claim to have been born again. [Applause.]

The ANC celebrates 93 years of existence today.]

And all these years, hon Tony Leon, we have been fighting against racism, and we will continue to do so, Sir. We are going to transform this country, whether you like it or not.

Ivili lenkululeko – phind’uphakame ukorekishe mkorekishi owazi isiXhosa ngapha [Kwahlekwa.] – liqengqiwe, libaleka ngesantya esiphezulu kakhulu. Silwa ucalucalulo. Uze ungemi phambi kwalo, hleze likucumze intloko, upharhazeke ubuchopho. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Thina ke babekhe bazingela siyazi ukuba intaka ibethwa nomthi wayo. [Uwelewele.] Eyona njongo kukuzingela intaka, kodwa ke xa ndidubula ngeketi ukuba ithe yasithela ngesebe lomthi, ayizo njongo zam ukubetha isebe lomthi liwe; ezona njongo zam kukuzuz’intaka. Ukuba ke kukho abantu abazenza amasebe omthi, igama leNkosi malibongwe. [Uwelewele.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[The wheel of freedom is spinning, and at a fast pace. You can correct my Xhosa, you who know too much. [Laughter.] We are fighting against discrimination. Do not stand before the wheel in case it crashes your head and your brains spill out. [Applause.]

As people who used to hunt, we know that when you aim for a bird on a tree, the chances are that you will hit the bird and the branch too. [Interjections.] Although my interest would be in killing the bird, it would happen that I hit the branch, accidentally, of course. If there are people who choose to be the branches, then praise the Lord. [Interjections.]]

Let all who love their people and their country now say as we say here: We will fight for these freedoms, side by side, throughout our lives, until we have won our liberty. [Interjections.]

Thina ke, singuNkongolo, siya kulwa kude kuphume igazi ukuba kufuneka liphumile, njengokuba isitsho incwadi yabaseKorinte. Ndicaphula eBhayibhileni ke ngoku, andazi ke ukuba baza kuthini ke bona. [Uwelewele.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[The ANC will fight until blood flows if the need arises, as it is said in the Book of Corinthians. That is mentioned in the Bible, so I do not know what those people over there are going to say. [Interjections.]]

We never fought against white people in this country. Never! What we fought against was racism and we will continue to do so. We did not invent racism. We do not even have the ability to introduce reverse racism, because we did not introduce first-gear, second-gear, third-gear or fourth- gear racism. What are you talking about when you say that we are introducing reverse racism? It is certainly not the ANC that you are talking about. [Applause.]

Comrade President, we need to discuss this matter of languages.

Ndinomntwana, igama lakhe nguSimile. Ufunda ibanga leshumi kulo nyaka. Ngoku ujongene nomgomantsi wokufunda iilwimi ezintathu. Ngumntwana wam lo ndithetha ngaye. Sele etshone ibanga leshumi engekazibhali iimviwo zalo, ngoba ujongene neelwimi ezintathu. Thina silibele kukuteketa apha, sidlala; abantwana bethu bayonzakala.

Kufuneka siyixoxe into yokuba kwezi zikolo kufunda kuzo abantwana bethu bafundiswa iilwimi ezingezo zabo, zabumini, abavele nje babanjwa ngofele lwentamo kwathiwa kubo: “Uyanyanzeleka ukuba ufunde isiBhulu, isiNgesi nesiXhosa.” Andazi ke xa abantu benkwiniziswa nayinto enakho ukusonjululwa kungayiwanga enkundleni. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[I have a son and his name is Simile. He is in Grade 12. He is now in the predicament of having to learn three languages. I am talking about my own child. He has not written his Grade 12 examinations and he is doomed to fail because of that. Our children’s lives are being destroyed while we are sitting here saying nonsensical things.

We need to engage in discussions about what should be done about this matter of our children being compelled to learn three languages, Afrikaans, English and isiXhosa. This matter can certainly be resolved without having to go to court but people seem to be concerned already.]

Afrikaans belongs in this country. It is not going to disappear. It is not going to die, unless people abuse it and misuse it. It belongs to the people of this country who were unable to speak Dutch, and as a result of that, they coined a language of their own, which is today called Afrikaans. The people who coined that language were South Africans. They belong in this country and nowhere else. It will never, ever die. It is only those people who are abusing Afrikaans who will probably disappear and not the Afrikaans language.

Ngoko isiBhulu masingenziwa isebe lokusithela. Khumbula ke, intaka ibethwa nomthi wayo. Ukuba ulisebe, wenzakala ukhab’ iimviko nje. IsiBhulu siza kusikhusela. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[Let people not use Afrikaans as a scapegoat. Be careful of your actions. We will always defend and protect Afrikaans as a language.]

This ANC will defend Afrikaans but unfortunately it cannot defend you, my brother, if you are misusing Afrikaans. [Interjections.]

Comrade President, you are asking us to complete the systems of exemptions for small, medium and micro enterprises. This work has begun. I don’t even know what these people are talking about. The problem is: They do not read the policies of government. On page 22 here it says very clearly:

First is the need to secure an appropriate balance between security and flexibility in the labour market.

It goes further to say:

… a continuous process of review of our legislation and policy with respect to their impact on both worker welfare and economic efficiency; consider appropriate modifications to accommodate, among others, the needs of small-scale enterprises, labour-intensive industries, unemployed youths and of the unemployed generally …

He is asking why it is not being done. Let me inform him: Out of a total number of 58 bargaining councils, 44 reported on applications for exemptions; 7 373 exemption applications were received and 4 344, or 59% of them, have been granted. A total of 5 670 applications were granted, of which 3 407 were granted to SMMEs. You are saying that we must complete this task. Comrade President, we must make sure that even those that have not been granted, are granted. There is absolutely nothing wrong with that.

The hon member Tony Leon does not even read the policies. He was, by the way, a member of the Portfolio Committee on Labour. During the last reform of the labour laws, no one, not a single party in this Parliament, opposed them. He voted for it because we were doing that reform. What is this hon member talking about? [Applause.] Comrade President, it is a pity that …

… uQabane, uTata uMeshoe abe akakho apha kuba bendiza kumkhumbuza okuthile laa mfundisi. Sithi: “Abstain, be faithful, condomise.” Masivume … (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[… comrade Meshoe is not here, as I was going to remind him about something. We say: “Abstain, be faithful, condomise”. Le us accept that …]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Hon Minister, please take your seat.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Chairperson, is the hon Minister permitted to deliberately mislead Parliament and tell Parliament lies? The DA, or its predecessor at that stage, the DP, certainly did not support that legislation. The Leader of the Opposition mentioned it today and the hon Minister knows it very well. He is deliberately misleading Parliament. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: I want to speak. I am not going to apologise to the DA. [Interjections.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S BOTHA): I regret, hon Gibson, that I certainly cannot decide the truth of this and you cannot accuse a member of deliberately misleading the House. You can, if you feel that way, raise the issue in another forum or during the debate at some other time. Please, will you withdraw this statement?

Mr D H M GIBSON: Yes, I withdraw it. [Applause.]

UMPHATHISWA WEZABASEBENZI: Ukuba umfundisi uMeshoe ebekhona apha, bendiza kuthi kuye: Mongameli, masivume singabashumayeli nabefundisi abakhoyo apha, Mfundisi uStofile, ukuba soyisakele kukwenza umsebenzi wethu. Umsebenzi wethu kukushumayela inyaniso. Ukuba uGawulayo neNtsholongwane yakhe, Qabane uMongameli, ebesiza ngesonka, besiya kuthi abantu mabangasityi isonka. [Kwahlekwa.] Ngelishwa, Mongameli, akezi ngasonka. Ufuna ukuba thina singabashumayeli sikhwele eqongeni ecaweni sixelele abantu ngendlela yokuziphatha. Iza kusinceda loo nto … [Kwaqhwatywa.] … ndaweni yokuthi singabefundisi siphakame sigxeke inkqubo karhulumente. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[Hon President, if Rev Meshoe were here I would say to him and to Rev Stofile that we should accept the fact that we failed to do our job. Ours is to spread the Word and truth. If HIV/Aids, hon President, were in the form of bread, for instance, we would easily tell people not to eat it. [Laughter.] Unfortunately, hon President HIV/Aids does not present itself like that. We need to go to our churches and teach people about how to conduct themselves. That will help, rather than criticising government’s programmes. [Applause.]]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Order, hon members! Continue, hon Minister. I was giving you an opportunity to be heard. I wasn’t calling you to order, I was calling the members to order.

The MINISTER OF LABOUR: I am very obedient.

UMateyu uthi: “Akufuneki gqirha kophilileyo.” Ngoko ke, njengomshumayeli waseRhabe, andivumelani noMfundisi uMeshoe. Urhulumente uvala isikhewu esivulwe sithi ngokungafuni ukushumayela ngesondo phaya ecaweni. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Ngelishwa imihla nezolo siphehlelela abantwana babantwana. Into esiyenzayo kukuba, sisuka sisike la magosa enza amanyundululu apha ezicaweni, abantwana bona sithi kubo mabakhe baye kulala emakhaya, sithi sakugqiba sithi mabaphehlelelwe. Masivume, maKrestu, ukuba asiwenzi umsebenzi wethu. Mna ke Mongameli ndithi, inkqubo karhulumente mayiqhube kuba thina maKrestu sizizifede asifuni ukuwenza umsebenzi wethu. Isono sime emnyango, silinde thina ukuze sisilawule.

Mnu Seremane, malunga neZimbabwe, ndifuna nje ukuthi kuwe, mhlekazi, inkani ayigotywa ngenkani. Isankxwe nengxolo yenza inyongo nakubani na. Esi sankxwe nisenzayo ngezi vuvuzela zenu aziwenzi lula umsebenzi karhulumente phaya kweliya likaMzilikazi. Niza kutsha ke kuba nikhasela eziko. Mamelani xa nixelelwa. Hanewu! Sanukuyenza into yokucinga ukuba urhulumente waseZimbabwe yinkomo yomdongwe, yona uyibeka etafileni wakugqiba uthi: “Hamba”, ube uyihambisa ngokwakho. Ayizi kwenzeka ke loo nto. [Kwaqhwatywa.] Siyacela ukuba nithobele umthetho wamanye amazwe, niyeke ukutyhala ngesifuba kuba niza kwenzakala, niphinde nicele kwalo Mongameli ukuba aze kunikhulula xa nithe nonzakala. [Uwelewele.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[In Matthew 9:12 it says, “Healthy people do not need a doctor, the sick do.” As a lay preacher and a member of the Presbyterian Church of South Africa, I do not agree with Rev Meshoe. Government is trying to fill a gap created by our not wanting to address sexuality in our churches. [Applause.]

It is unfortunate that we baptise other children’s children in our churches every day. We only suspend those elders that would be found guilty of misconduct and later allow their illegitimate children to be baptised. As Christians we should accept that we are not fulfilling our mission. Let Christians accept the responsibility that they are not doing their work. Hon President, I would like to say that government must continue with its implementation programme, as Christians are not delivering. There is a serious problem facing us and we must solve it.

I would like to address hon Seremane on the matter of Zimbabwe. I want to say that we need not be stubborn here. If we want to address a problem we should seek reasonable means to do so. You are not making it any easier for our government in Zimbabwe, the land of Mzilikazi. If you crawl towards the hearth, you will get burnt. You must listen to others. Do not make a mistake and think that the Zimbabwean government is an ornament or toy that you can push around. [Applause.] We beg you to respect other countries’ laws and stop interfering in matters not of your concern because you will find yourselves in trouble and later expect the President to help you when you happen to get hurt. [Interjections.]]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C S Botha): Order!

UMPHATHISWA WEZABASEBENZI: … ingqondo uyayisebenzisa. [Kwahlekwa.] Ndikholelwa ekubeni noko ezi zinto ubuzithetha apha zinokuthethwa kuphela ngumntu ongayisebenzisi kakuhle ingqondo. Enkosi. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[You can use your brains. You can think. [Laughter.] I believe that it is only a person who does not use his mind who can only say all that you have said here. Thank you.]

Debate interrupted.

The House adjourned at 20:10.

                             __________




            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS



                      MONDAY, 15 NOVEMBER 2004

TABLINGS

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 Letter from the Minister of Arts and Culture dated 29 October 2004 to
 the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section 65(2)(a) of
 the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining
 the delay in the tabling of the Annual Reports of Arts, Culture and
 Heritage Institutions for 2003-2004:

     Dear Madam Speaker

     EXPLANATIONS FOR THE LATE TABLING OF ARTS, CULTURE AND HERITAGE
     INSTITUTIONS' ANNUAL REPORTS IN ACCORDANCE WITH SECTION 65(2)(a)
     OF THE PUBLIC FINANCE MANAGEMENT ACT, NO 1 OF 1999: 2003/2004

     In terms of section 65(1)(a) of the above-mentioned Act the annual
     reports and financial statements, and the audit reports on those
     statements, of the Arts, Culture and Heritage institutions listed
     below were tabled late or have been tabled.

     The following are reasons for late tabling of reports or for
     reports which have not yet been submitted:


     1. The completion of the Annual Report and Financial Statements of
          the National Arts Council was delayed as a result of the
          suspension of three memebrs of senior management, the
          completion of a forensic audit and the subsequent disciplinary
          procedure against the three persons.

     2. The Reports of the Robben Island Museum were delayed because
          the Auditor-General insisted the a count of fixed assets be
          conducted and that the asset register be brought up to date. A
          further contributing factor is that a CEO for the museum has
          to date still not been appointed.

     3. The Reports of the Windybrow Centre for the Arts were delayed
          due to the fact that the printer commissioned to do the
          printing went bankrupt and another printer had to be sourced
          to do the printing.

     Yours sincerely,

     signed
     Z PALLO JORDAN, MP
     MINISTER



                      TUESDAY, 16 NOVEMBER 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Bills passed by Houses - to be submitted to President for assent

 (1)    Bills passed by National Council of Provinces on 16 November
     2004:


     (i)     Finance Bill [B 13 - 2004] (National Assembly - sec 77)


     (ii)    Petroleum Pipelines Levies Bill [B 18 - 2004] (National
          Assembly - sec 77)


     (iii)   Securities Services Bill [B 19B - 2004] (National Assembly
          - sec 75)


     (iv)    Financial Services Ombud Schemes Bill [B 20B - 2004]
          (National Assembly - sec 75)

National Assembly

1. Submission of Private Members’ Legislative Proposals:

 (1)    The following private member's legislative proposal was
     submitted to the Speaker on 9 November 2004, in accordance with
     Rule 234:


     (i)     Admission of Advocates Amendment Bill (Adv H C Schmidt).

     In accordance with Rule 235 the legislative proposal has been
     referred to the Standing Committee on Private Members' Legislative
     Proposals and Special Petitions by the Speaker.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the Companies and
     Intellectual Property Registration Office (CIPRO) for 2003-2004,
     including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
     Statements for 2003-2004.

 (b)    The National Industrial Participation Programme for 2003-2004.

                     WEDNESDAY, 17 NOVEMBER 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Bills passed by Houses - to be submitted to President for assent

 (1)    Bills passed by National Council of Provinces on 17 November
     2004:


     (i)     National Small Business Amendment Bill [B 23B - 2004]
          (National Assembly - sec 75)


     (ii)    Water Services Amendment Bill [B 17 - 2004] (National
          Assembly - sec 75)


     (iii)   Revenue Laws Amendment Bill [B 24 -2004] (National
          Assembly - sec 77)


     (iv)    Second Revenue Laws Amendment Bill [B 25 -2004] (National
          Assembly - sec 75)


     (v)     Adjustments Appropriation Bill [B 21 - 2004] (National
          Assembly - sec 77)

1. Translations of Bills submitted

 (1)    The Minister of Trade and Industry


     (i)     Nasionale Kleinsakewysigingswetsontwerp [W 23 - 2004]
          (National Assembly - sec 75)

     This is the official translation into Afrikaans of the National
     Small Business Amendment Bill [B 23 - 2004] (National Assembly -
     sec 75).

National Assembly

1. Messages from National Council of Provinces to National Assembly in respect of Bills passed by Council and transmitted to Assembly:

 (1)    Bill, subject to proposed amendments, passed by Council on 17
     November 2004 and transmitted for consideration of Council's
     proposed amendments:


     (i)     Petroleum Products Amendment Bill [B 16 - 2004] (National
          Assembly - sec 75) (for proposed amendments, see
          Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 27 October
          2004, p 985).

          The Bill has been referred to the Portfolio Minerals and
          Energy of the National Assembly for a report on the amendments
          proposed by the Council.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the Registrar of Pension
     Funds for 2003.

 (b)    Exhange of Letters between the Government of the Republic of
     South Africa and the Government of the People's Republic of China
     concerning the provision of water supply materials [No. 198],
     tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of the
     Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

 (c)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Exchange of Letters between the
     Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of
     the People's Republic of China concerning the provision of water
     supply materials [No. 198].

 (d)    Exhange of Letters between the Government of the Republic of
     South Africa and the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany
     concerning the decentralised development planning programme [No.
     141], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of the
     Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

 (e)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Exhange of Letters between the
     Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of
     the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the decentralised
     development planning programme [No. 141].

 (f)    Exhange of Letters between the Government of the Republic of
     South Africa and the Government of the People's Republic of China
     concerning the Implementation of a Human Resources Project [No.
     579], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of the
     Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

 (g)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Exhange of Letters between the
     Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of
     the People's Republic of China concerning the Implementation of a
     Human Resources Project [No. 579].

 (h)    Programme Grand Agreement between the Global Fund to Fight Aids,
     TB and Malaria and the Government of the Republic of South Africa:
     Strengthening national capacity for treatment, care and support
     related to HIV and TB, building on successful behaviour change
     initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-G02-C-00) [No. 480], tabled
     in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of
     South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

 (i)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Programme Grand Agreement between
     the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria and the Government
     of the Republic of South Africa: Strengthening national capacity
     for treatment, care and support related to HIV and TB, building on
     successful behaviour change initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-
     G02-C-00) [No. 480].

 (j)    Programme Grand Agreement between the Global Fund to Fight Aids,
     TB and Malaria and the Government of the Republic of South Africa:
     Enhancing the care of HIV/AIDS infected and affected patients in
     resource - constrained settings in Kwazulu-Natal (SAF-102-G03-C-
     00) [No 462], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
     Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of
     1996).

 (k)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Programme Grand Agreement between
     the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria and the Government
     of the Republic of South Africa: Enhancing the care of HIV/AIDS
     infected and affected patients in resource - constrained settings
     in Kwazulu-Natal (SAF-102-G03-C-00) [No 462].

 (l)    Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South Africa
     and the Government of the Republic of Germany concerning financial
     co-operation for 2001-2002 [No. 612], tabled in terms of section
     231(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996
     (Act No 108 of 1996).

 (m)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the Government
     of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic
     of Germany concerning financial co-operation for 2001-2002 [No.
     612].

 (n)    Programme Grand Agreement between the Global Fund to Fight Aids,
     TB and Malaria and the Government of the Republic of South Africa:
     Strengthening national capacity for treatment, care and support
     related to HIV and TB, building on successful behaviour change
     initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-G01-C-00) [No. 479], tabled
     in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of
     South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

 (o)    Explanatory Memorandum on the Programme Grand Agreement between
     the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria and the Government
     of the Republic of South Africa: Strengthening national capacity
     for treatment, care and support related to HIV and TB, building on
     successful behaviour change initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-
     G01-C-00) [No. 479].

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

 (a)    Proclamation No R.49 published in Government Gazette No 26905
     dated 18 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing Special
     Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of the Special
     Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1995 (Act No 74 of
     1996).

 (b)    Proclamation No R.50 published in Government Gazette No 26912
     dated 20 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing Special
     Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of the Special
     Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1995 (Act No 74 of
     1996).

 (c)    Proclamation No R.51 published in Government Gazette No 26912
     dated 20 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing Special
     Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of the Special
     Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1995 (Act No 74 of
     1996).

 (d)    Proclamation No R.52 published in Government Gazette No 26912
     dated 20 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing Special
     Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of the Special
     Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1995 (Act No 74 of
     1996).

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert 1ATC1117

                      FRIDAY, 19 NOVEMBER 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Draft bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159

 (1)    Mineral and Energy Laws Amendment Bill, submitted by the
     Minister of Minerals and Energy on 5 November 2004. Referred to
     the Portfolio Committee on Minerals and Energy and the Select
     Committee on Economic and Foreign Affairs.


 (2)    Co-operatives Bill, submitted by the Minister of Trade and
     Industry on 11 November 2004. Referred to the Portfolio Committee
     on Trade and Industry and the Select Committee on Economic and
     Foreign Affairs.

National Assembly

1. Membership of Assembly

 The vacancy which occurred owing to Mr B W Kannemeyer vacating his seat
 in the National Assembly with effect from 1 November 2004, had been
 filled with effect from 11 November 2004 by the nomination of Mr B M
 Mkongi.

1. Annual Report of Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence

 The annual report of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence for
 the reporting period ended 31 March 2004 was tabled on 20 September
 2004 (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, p 806) as the
 report adopted by the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence on 31
 March 2004.

 As this was the report of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence
 of the previous Parliament, it was formally considered and adopted by
 the current Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence on 3 November
 2004.

 The Committee has requested that the report be considered.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the South African Veterinary
     Council for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (b)    Annual Financial Statements from the National Agricultural
     Marketing Council on the Statutory Levy Administrators on
     Agricultural Products for 2001-2002 and 2002-2003, including the
     Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2001-2002 and 2002-2003 [RP 1-2004].

1. The Minister of Transport

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of Vote 32 - Department of
     Transport for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements of Vote 32 for 2003-2004.

 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the South African Civil
     Aviation Authority (CAA) for 2003-2004, including the Report of
     the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004
     [RP 164-2004].

1. The Minister for the Public Service and Administration

 (a)    African Union Convention on the Prevention and Combating of
     Corruption, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution,
     1996.

 (b)    Explanatory Memorandum to the African Union Convention on the
     Prevention and Combating of Corruption.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of Trade and Investment South
     Africa (TISA) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
     164-2004].

 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the Industrial Development
     Corporation of South Africa Limited (IDC) for the year ended June
     2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for the year ended 2004.

 (c)    Sustainability Report of the Industrial Development Corporation
     of South Africa Limited (IDC) for 2004.

 (d)    Report and Financial Statements of the Estate Agency Affairs
     Board for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 (a)    Letter from the Minister of Finance dated 16 November 2004 to
     the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section 8(3) of
     the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999),
     explaining the delay in the tabling of the consolidated financial
     statements for 2003-2004:

     Dear Madam Speaker

     Reasons for the delay in submitting the consolidated statements in
     terms of section 8(3) of the PFMA

     I am writing to advise that the tabling of the consolidated
     financial statements in terms of section 8(3) of the PFMA will be
     delayed and to request an extension for the tabling thereof in
     Parliament as required by the Act.

     Section 8(3) of the PFMA stipulates "The Minister must submit the
     consolidated financial statements and the audit report on those
     statements within one month of receiving the report from the
     Auditor-General, to Parliament for tabling in both houses". The
     timing referred to in this instance is by the end of October 2004.
     Section 8(5)(a) requires me to provide a written explanation
     setting out the reasons for failing to submit the statements on
     time.

     The cause for the delay is due to the following:


     *  The financial year that ended on 31 March 2004 is the first for
          which such consolidated financial statements are required.
          Departments and entities have thus been exposed to the
          complexities of these requirements for the first time. The
          formats for the consolidation thus pose a challenge to all the
          stakeholders;

     *  The sequence of submitting the financial statements in terms of
          section 40 of the PFMA results in certain difficulties in
          meeting timelines;

     *  The consolidations done on the previous years' information
          raised serious issues with regard to the integrity of the
          information, hence the need for a more thorough approach
          during the first year of consolidation;

     *  The systems are not functioning optimally and are not readily
          aligned to cater for the new requirements. As a result, the
          consolidation is essentially done manually with the use of
          spreadsheets;

     *  Most public entities did not comply with the deadline for
          submitting the statements; and

     *  The audits for most of the departments were only finalised
          during September 2004. This was largely due to problems
          experienced with the quality of the information submitted to
          the Auditor-General.

     The National Treasury expects to table the consolidated financial
     statements in terms of section 8(3) of the PFMA by February 2005.
     I have instructed the National Treasury to put mechanisms in place
     to prevent the recurrence of these problems in future.

     The National Treasury and the Auditor-General have discussed the
     possibility of delaying the consolidated financial statements.
     Both parties have agreed that it would be sensible to delay
     publishing and first allow for the issues to be addressed
     comprehensively in order to ensure a firm foundation for the
     future.

     Kind regards,

     signed
     TREVOR A MANUEL, MP
     MINISTER OF FINANCE


 (b)    Letter from the Minister of Transport dated 19 November 2004 to
     the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section 65(2)(a)
     of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999),
     explaining the delay in the tabling of the Annual Report of the
     Department of Transport and other public entities for 2003-2004:

     Dear Madam Speaker

     WRITTEN EXPLANATION ON THE LATE SUBMISSION AND TABLING OF THE
     ANNUAL REPORT AND FINANCIAL STATEMENTS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF
     TRANSPORT AND OTHER PUBLIC ENTITIES FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31 MARCH
     2004

     I write to inform Parliament that in terms of sections 65(1)(a) of
     the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), as
     amended (PFMA), I was unfortunately not able to table the
     following Annual Reports and audited Financial Statements for the
     year ended 31 March 2004. The written explanations in terms of sub-
     section (2)(a) of the PFMA for the late tabling of the Reports
     are:-

     *  DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORT

          Certain editing and information changes took longer than
          expected to complete. (The Annual report has since been tabled
          on 19 November 2004).

     *  THE SOUTH AFRICAN CIVIL AVIATION AUTHORITY (CAA)

          Delay in the printing of the Annual Report - the printing
          company went bankrupt. (The Annual Report has since been
          tabled on 19 November 2004).


     *  THE SOUTH AFRICAN RAIL COMMUTER CORPORATION LIMITED (SARCC)

          Disclosures in the Financial Statements had to be amended to
          fully comply with Generally Accepted Accounting Practice.

     *  THE SOUTH AFRICAN MARITIME SAFETY AUTHORITY (SAMSA)

          The late completion of the 2003 Audit Report had a serious
          rollover effect on the 2004 audit and its completion in time.
          The Financial Statements also had to be re-submitted to the
          auditors.

     *  THE CROSS-BORDER ROAD TRANSPORT AGENCY (C-BRTA)

          The C-BRTA received the audited Financial Statements from the
          Auditor-General on the 31st August 2004. Thereafter, the
          combined Report had to be sent back to the Auditor-General for
          scrutiny to ensure that the Annual Report and the Financial
          Statements are not in conflict with each other.

     *  THE ROAD ACCIDENT FUND (RAF)

          The audit could not be completed in time due to the extent of
          the audit.

     *  THE ROAD TRAFFIC MANAGEMENT CORPORATION (RTMC)

          An unforeseen delay occurred in the auditing of the Financial
          Statements.

     *  THE RAILWAY SAFETY REGULATOR (RSR)

          Disclosures in the Financial Statements had to be amended to
          fully comply with Generally Accepted Accounting Practice. The
          Financial Statements therefore had to be re-submitted to the
          Auditor-General.

     I have instructed the DOT to ensure that the outstanding Reports
     are tabled as soon as possible.

     I trust that this will be in order.

     Kind regards,

     signed
     JEFF RADEBE, MP
     MINISTER OF TRANSPORT

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

CREDA PLEASE INSERT REPORT - Insert 1ATC1119

                     WEDNESDAY, 24 NOVEMBER 2004

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Calling of Joint Sitting of Parliament

 The Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms B Mbete, and the Acting
 Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Mr M J Mahlangu, in
 terms of Joint Rule 7(2), have called a joint sitting of the Houses of
 Parliament for Wednesday, 24 November 2004, at 14:00 to pay tribute to
 the late hon Ms Joyce Lesawana Kgoali, Chairperson of the National
 Council of Provinces, who passed away on Sunday, 21 November 2004.

1. Draft bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159

 (1)    Sectional Titles Amendment Bill, submitted by the Minister for
     Agriculture and Land Affairs on 17 November 2004. Referred to the
     Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs and the Select
     Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs.



                       MONDAY, 17 JANUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Finance Bill [B 13 - 2004] - Act No 26 of 2004 (assented to and
     signed by President on 28 November 2004).

1. Translations of Bills submitted

 (1)    The Minister of Health


     (i)     Wysigingswetsontwerp op Sterilisasie [W 12 - 2004]
          (National Council of Provinces - sec 76)

     This is the official translation into Afrikaans of the
     Sterilisation Amendment Bill [B 12 - 2004] (National Council of
     Provinces - sec 76).

National Assembly

1. Membership of Assembly

 The vacancy that occurred owing to Ms R Taljaard vacating her seat with
 effect from 1 January 2005, has been filled by the nomination of Ms A
 Dreyer with effect from 1 January 2005.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and Chairperson

 (a)    Activity Report of the Auditor-General for 2003-2004 [RP 211-
     2004].

 (b)    Special Report of the Auditor-General on the delays in the
     tabling of Annual Reports and Consolidated Financial Statements of
     National Government for 2003-2004 [RP 208-2004].

 (c)    General Report of the Auditor-General on the Audit Outcome for
     2003-2004 [RP 210-2004].

1. The Minister of Finance

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of the Financial Services Board
     on the Registrar of Friendly Societies for 2003.

 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the Government Employees
     Pension Fund for 2002-2003, including the Report of the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP
     1-2004].

 (c)    Government Notice No R1289 published in Government Gazette No
     26938 dated 5 November 2004: Determination of amounts in terms of
     sections 1 and 5 of the Military Pensions Act, 1976 (Act No 84 of
     1976).

 (d)    Government Notice No R1334 published in Government Gazette No
     26981 dated 19 November 2004: Exemption of Telkom SA Limited and
     its subsidiaries and any entities under its ownership control in
     terms of section 92 of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
     (Act No 1 of 1999).

 (e)    Government Notice No R1353 published in Government Gazette No
     27011 dated 19 November 2004: Amendments to the exemptions made in
     Government Gazette No 24176 dated 20 December 2003, in terms of
     section 74 of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, 2001 (Act No
     38 of 2001).

 (f)    Government Notice No R1354 published in Government Gazette No
     27011 dated 19 November 2004: Second Reporting Exemption in terms
     of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, 2001 (Act No 38 of
     2001).

 (g)    Government Notice No R1354 published in Government Gazette No
     27012 dated 19 November 2004: Amendment of prescribed fees, made
     in terms of section 36 of the Pension Funds Act, 1956 (Act No 24
     of 1956).

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry

 (a)    Report and Financial Statements of Mhlathuze Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the Sedibeng Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (c)    Report and Financial Statements of the Ikangala Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (d)    Report and Financial Statements of the Lepelle Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (e)    Report and Financial Statements of the Magalies Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (f)    Report and Financial Statements of the Rand Water Board for 2003-
     2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (g)    Report and Financial Statements of the Bushbuckridge Water Board
     for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on
     the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (h)    Report and Financial Statements of the Umgeni Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (i)    Report and Financial Statements of the Overberg Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (j)    Report and Financial Statements of the Botshelo Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (k)    Report and Financial Statements of the Bloem Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (l)    Report and Financial Statements of the Pelladrift Water Board
     for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on
     the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (m)    Report and Financial Statements of the Namaqua Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (n)    Report and Financial Statements of the Amatola Water Board for
     2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

 (o)    Report and Financial Statements of the Albany Coast Water Board
     for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent Auditors on
     the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

1. The Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism

 (a)    The following person has been appointed by Cabinet as a member
     and chairperson of the South African National Parks Board, in
     terms of section 8 of the National Parks Act, 1976 (Act No 57 of
     1976):

     Ms C Carolus.


 (b)    Report and Financial Statements of the South African Weather
     Service for 2002-2003, including the Report of the Auditor-General
     on the Financial Statements for 2002-2003 [RP 221-2003].

 (c)    Report and Financial Statements of the South African Weather
     Service for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
     on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 176-2004].

 (d)    Government Notice No 2483 published in Government Gazette No
     26969 dated 5 November 2004: Invitation to apply for experimental
     longline fishing permits for the catching of Patagonian tooth fish
     (Dissostichus SPP), tabled in terms of the Marine Living Resources
     Act, 1998 (Act No 18 of 1998).

1. The Minister of Public Enterprises

 Report and Financial Statements of the South African Forestry Company
 Limited for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent-Auditors
 on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 (a)    Letter from the Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism
     dated 1 December 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in
     terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act,
     1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of
     the Annual Reports of the South African Weather Service for 2002-
     2003 and 2003-2004:

     Dear Ms Mbete

     EXPLANATION ON THE LATE SUBMISSION AND TABLING OF THE ANNUAL
     REPORTS AND FINANCIAL STATEMENTS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN WEATHER
     SERVICE FOR 2002-2003 AND 2003-2004

     In terms of section 55(1)(d) of the Public Finance Management Act
     (PFMA), the South African Weather Service in its capacity as
     Public Entity must submit an Annual Report for approval by the
     relevant authority (Parliament). In terms of section 65(2)(a) of
     the PFMA, the responsible Minister must table a written
     explanation in the legislature explaining the reasons for the
     delay.

     In that regard, I would like to inform the legislature that the
     delay in tabling these reports is as a result of delayed audit
     reports from the Auditor-General. The audit report for the year
     2002/2003 was received on 26 August 2004 and the audit report for
     the year 2003/2004 was received on 27 August 2004. The Board of
     the South African Weather Service was able to approve these
     reports at its meeting of 23 October 2004, after which the text
     could be finalised and the reports printed.

     The Annual Reports are hereby submitted for tabling and I trust
     that this explanation will be received favourably in the National
     Assembly.

     Yours sincerely

     signed
     MARTHINUS VAN SCHALKWYK
     MINISTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND TOURISM


 (b)    The President of the Republic submitted the following letter
     dated 26 November 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly
     informing Members of the National Assembly of the employment of a
     member of the South African National Defence Force:

     EMPLOYMENT OF A MEMBER OF THE THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE
     FORCE IN FULFILLMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE
     REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE GOVERNMENT OF MOZAMBIQUE

     This serves to inform the National Assembly that I authorised the
     employment of a member of the South African National Defence Force
     (SANDF) to the Republic of Mozambique as part of the Southern
     African Development Community Electoral Observer Mission in
     fulfillment of the obligations of the Republic of South Africa
     towards Mozambique during the forthcoming elections in Mozambique.

     This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions
     of section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South
     Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996), read with section 93 of the
     Defence Act, 2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).

     One person will be employed from 24 November 2004 to 4 December
     2004.

     The total cost of the deployment is R 17 233, 00 will be funded
     from the Department of Defence's current allocation for the Joint
     Operations Division.

     I will communicate this report to the Members of the National
     Council of Provinces and the Chairperson of the Joint Standing
     Committee on Defence, and wish to request that you bring the
     contents hereof to the notice of the National Assembly.

     Regards

     SIGNED
     T M MBEKI


 (c)    The President of the Republic submitted the following letter
     dated 3 December 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly
     informing Members of the National Assembly of the employment of
     members of the South African National Defence Force:

     EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN
     FULFILLMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF
     SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE REPUBLIC OF MOZAMBIQUE

     This serves to inform the National Assembly that I authorised the
     employment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF)
     personnel to the Republic of Mozambique to provide logistical
     assistance in fulfillment of the obligations of the Republic of
     South Africa towards the Government of Mozambique during the
     forthcoming elections in Mozambique.

     This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions
     of section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South
     Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996), read with section 93 of the
     Defence Act, 2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).

     Sixty-six persons will be employed from 04 December 2004 to 10
     December 2004. The total cost of the employment is R 10 262 719-
     00.

     I will communicate this report to the Members of the National
     Council of Provinces and the Chairperson of the Joint Standing
     Committee on Defence, and wish to request that you bring the
     contents hereof to the notice of the National Assembly.

     Regards

     SIGNED
     T M MBEKI


 (d)    Reply from the Minister for Justice and Constitutional
     Development in regard to the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on
     Special Report of the Public Protector, as adopted by the House on
     24 June 2004, concerning a complaint by the Deputy President:

          REPORT OF THE MINISTER FOR JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL
          DEVELOPMENT ON THE MATTERS RAISED BY THE AD HOC COMMITTEE ON
          THE SPECIAL REPORT OF THE PUBLIC PROTECTOR CONTAINED IN ITS
          REPORT OF 23 JUNE 2004

          The National Assembly, towards the end of June 2004, accepted
          the report of its Ad Hoc Committee on the Special Report on
          the Public Protector dealing with the investigation of a
          complaint by the Deputy President against the National
          Director of Public Prosecutions and the Prosecuting Authority.
          In terms of the recommendations contained in the report, I had
          to report to Parliament on some of the issues within a period
          of 60 days. I, on 8 September 2004, in an interim report to
          the Speaker, a copy of which is enclosed herewith, however
          indicated that it was impossible for me to report back within
          the particular timeframe.

          On the relevant issues raised by the Ad Hoc Committee in its
          report to the National Assembly, I wish to report as follows:


          (a) Establishment of a Ministerial Co-ordinating Committee in
              terms of section 31 of the National Prosecuting Authority
              Act, 1998

              As indicated in my interim report, the Committee
              envisaged by section 31 of the Act has been established.
              It has already met on 4 occasions. The Committee is
              scheduled to meet on a regular basis in future.


          (b) Meeting between the National Director of Public
              Prosecutions and the Public Protector to resolve
              differences

              The National Director of Public Prosecutions at the time,
              Mr Bulelani Ngcuka, has, as Parliament is aware, vacated
              office with effect from 1 September 2004. I have
              nevertheless, prior to his departure, met with him and
              the Public Protector individually and, in the process,
              raised the relevant issues with them.

              I have since met with the Acting National Director of
              Public Prosecutions, Dr Silas Ramaite SC, and the Public
              Protector, Mr Mushwana, and discussed with them the
              development of effective measures to enhance co-operation
              between the Prosecuting Authority and the office of the
              Public Protector. It was a fruitful discussion and I
              believe that they will find a way to, in future, avoid
              differences of the nature in question.


          (c) The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development to
              take immediate steps to establish an effective system of
              information security within the Prosecuting Authority

              This matter is attended to on an ongoing basis.

          I trust that this would dispose of the matter.


          MS B S MABANDLA, MP
          MINISTER FOR JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

     Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional
     Development.



                      TUESDAY, 25 JANUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Public Investment Corporation Bill [B 6B - 2004] - Act No 23 of
     2004 (assented to and signed by President on 11 December 2004);


 (2)    Dental Technicians Amendment Bill [B 63 - 2003] - Act No 24 of
     2004 (assented to and signed by President on 25 November 2004);


 (3)    Public Audit Bill [B 1 - 2004] - Act No 25 of 2004 (assented to
     and signed by President on 14 December 2004);


 (4)    Adjustments Appropriation Bill [B 21 - 2004] - Act No 27 of 2004
     (assented to and signed by President on 1 December 2004);


 (5)    Petroleum Pipelines Levies Bill [B 18 - 2004] - Act No 28 of
     2004 (assented to and signed by President on 14 December 2004);
     and


 (6)    National Small Business Amendment Bill [B 23B - 2004] - Act No
     29 of 2004 (assented to and signed by President on 11 December
     2004).

1. Introduction of Bills

 (1)    The Minister of Minerals and Energy


     (i)     Minerals and Energy Laws Amendment Bill [B 1 - 2005]
          (National Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and
          prior notice of its introduction published in Government
          Gazette No 26778 of 17 September 2004.]

     Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Minerals
     and Energy of the National Assembly, as well as referral to the
     Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint
     Rule 160, on 18 January 2005.

     In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
     the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
     within three parliamentary working days.

TABLINGS

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 (a)    Letter from the Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry dated 17
     January 2005 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of
     section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act
     No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the Annual
     Reports of the Water Boards for 2003-2004:

     Dear Madam Speaker,

     EXPLANATION FOR APPARENT DELAY IN TABLING OF THE ANNUAL REPORTS OF
     FOURTEEN WATER BOARDS

     In terms of the Water Services Act (108 of 1997) all Water Boards
     which have their financial years ending on the 30th of June, must
     table their reports with Provincial Premiers and in Parliament by
     30th December of the same year.

     All of the Water Boards have indeed provided me, and the
     Provincial Premiers, with their Annual Reports for 2003-2004, and
     these have been forwarded to Parliament, for tabling at the first
     opportunity. These are Albany Coast, Amatola, Bloem, Botshelo,
     Bushbuckridge, Ikangala, Lepelle Northern, Magalies, Mhlatuze,
     Namakwa, Overberg, Pelladrift, Sedibeng, Rand and Umgeni Water
     Boards.

     Due to the rising of Parliament in mid-December, the first
     Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports (ATC) listing, will
     only appear in January 2005. This may create an erroneous
     impression that the Annual Reports of the Water Boards were
     provided to Parliament after the end of the year. I therefore
     write this explanation to ensure that Parliament is fully informed
     of the process we have followed.

     Please accept my assurance and the assurance of my Department that
     they will at all times adhere to guidelines and prescriptions for
     providing information to Parliament.

     Sincerely yours


     BP Sonjica, MP
     MINISTER



                      THURSDAY, 27 JANUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

1. Referrals to Committees of papers tabled

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Science and Technology. The Report of the Auditor-General on the
     Financial Statements of Vote 18 is referred to the Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 18 - Department of Science
     and Technology for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 145-2004].


 (2)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance:


     (a)     Government Notice No 850 published in Government Gazette
          No 26576 dated 23 July 2004: Appointment of members and
          alternate members of the Public Accountants' and Auditors
          Board in terms of section 3(6) of the Public Accountants and
          Auditors Act, 1991 (Act No 80 of 1991).

     (b)     Government Notice No 860 published in Government Gazette
          No 26576 dated 23 July 2004: Appointment of member to the
          Amnesty Unit in terms of section 23 of the Exchange Control
          Amnesty and Amendment of Taxation Laws Act, 2003 (Act No 12 of
          2003).

     (c)     Government Notice No 886 published in Government Gazette
          No 26602 dated 30 July 2004: Exemptions: Financial
          Intelligence Centre in terms of section 92 of the Public
          Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).

     (d)     Government Notice No 896 published in Government Gazette
          No 26603 dated 30 July 2004: Cancellation of appointment of an
          authorised dealer in foreign exchange in terms of paragraph
          (3)(a) of the Exchange Control Regulations Government Notice
          No R1112 of 1 December 1961 as amended: Regal Treasury Private
          Bank Limited in terms of the Currency and Exchanges Act, 1993
          (Act No 9 of 1933).

     (e)     Government Notice No 853 published in Government Gazette
          No 26588 dated 30 July 2004: The dimension of, design for, and
          compilation of, the commemorative R2 circulation coin in terms
          of section 19(1)(a) of the South African Reserve Bank Act,
          1989 (Act No 90 of 1989).

     (f)     Government Notice No 854 published in Government Gazette
          No 26588 dated 30 July 2004: The dimension of, design for, and
          compilation of, the new R5 bi-metal circulation coin in terms
          of section 16(2) of the South African Reserve Bank Act, 1989
          (Act No 90 of 1989).

     (g)     Government Notice No 855 published in Government Gazette
          No 26588 dated 30 July 2004: Amendment of schedule 2 section
          (b) of the South African Reserve Bank Act, 1989 (Act No 90 of
          1989).

     (h)     Government Notice No R1128 published in Government Gazette
          No 26853 dated 30 September 2004: Policyholder Protection
          Rules (Short-term Insurance), 2004, in terms of the Short-term
          Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 53 of 1998).

     (i)     Government Notice No R1129 published in Government Gazette
          No 26854 dated 30 September 2004: Policyholder Protection
          Rules (Long-term Insurance), 2004, in terms of the Long-term
          Insurance Act, 1998 (Act No 52 of 1998).

     (j)     Government Notice No 1130 published in Government Gazette
          No 26860 dated 30 September 2004: Statement of the National
          Revenue, Expenditure and Borrowing as at 31 August 2004 in
          terms of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of
          1999).

     (k)     Government Notice No 2174 published in Government Gazette
          No 26863 dated 4 October 2004: Draft Preferential Procurement
          Regulations, 2004, in terms of the Preferential Procurement
          Policy Framework Act, 2000 (Act No 5 of 2000).

     (l)     Amendment to the exemptions made in Government Notice No
          R1596 published in Government Gazette No 24176 dated 20
          December 2003, under section 74 of the Financial Intelligence
          Centre Act, 2001 (Act No 38 of 2001).

     (m)     Explanatory Memorandum on the second reporting exemption
          in terms of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, 2001 (Act
          No 38 of 2001).


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance. The Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
     Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
     Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of the Financial and Fiscal
     Commission (FFC) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
     Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 159-
     2004].


 (4)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Minerals and Energy, the Portfolio Committee on Health and the
     Portfolio Committee on Labour. The Report of the Auditor-General
     on the Financial Statements is referred to the Standing Committee
     on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the Mine Health and
          Safety Inspectorate for 2003-2004 [RP 142-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the Mine Health and
          Safety Council for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
          136-2004].


 (5)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Minerals and Energy. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements is referred to
     the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African
          Nuclear Energy Corporation Limited (NECSA) for 2003-2004,
          including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the National Nuclear
          Regulator (NNR) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
          113-2004].


 (6)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Sport and Recreation and to the Portfolio Committee on Health. The
     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements is
     referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
     consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of the South African Institute for
     Drug-Free Sport for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 118-2004].


 (7)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Education. The Reports of the Independent Auditors and the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements is referred to the Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 15 - Department of
          Education for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
          General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 144-
          2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African
          Council for Educators (SACE) for 2003-2004, including the
          Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements
          for 2003-2004.


 (8)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Education and to the Portfolio Committee on Labour. The Report of
     the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements is referred to the
     Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of the Education Labour Relations
     Council (elrc) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 151-2004].


 (9)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Education and to the Portfolio Commitee on Finance. The Report of
     the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements is referred to the
     Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of the National Student Financial
     Aid Scheme (NSFAS) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
     Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 172-
     2004].


 (10)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Justice and Constitutional Development. The Report of the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements is referred to the Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of the Public Protector of South
     Africa for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
     on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 114-2004].


 (11)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Justice and Constitutional Development for consideration:


     (a)     Report on the removal from office of Magistrate P P
          Mkalipi on account of his incapacity to carry out his duties
          of office efficiently.

     (b)     Government Notice No R880 published in Government Gazette
          No 26601 dated 23 July 2004: Magistrates' Courts: Amendment of
          the Rules of the Court, in terms of the Rules Board for Courts
          of Law, 1985 (Act No 107 of 1985).


 (12)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Reports of the Auditor-General
     on the Financial Statements is referred to the Standing Committee
     on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the Land and
          Agricultural Development Bank (Land Bank) for 2003-2004,
          including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
          Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 147-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the Agricultural
          Research Council (ARC) for 2003-2004, including the Report of
          the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004
          [RP 88-2004].

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of the Bala Farms (Pty)
          Ltd for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General
          on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 166-2004].


 (13)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Labour. The Reports of the Auditor-General on the Financial
     Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
     Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 17 - Department of
          Labour for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
          General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 64-
          2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the Commission for
          Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) for 2003-2004,
          including the Report of the of the Auditor-General on the
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 83-2004].

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of the Unemployment
          Insurance Fund (UIF) for 2003-2004, including the Report of
          the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004
          [RP 65-2004].

     (d)     Report and Financial Statements of the Compensation
          Commissioner for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
          65-2004].


 (14)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Water Affairs and Forestry. The Reports of the Auditor-General and
     the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements is referred
     to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 34 - Department of
          Water Affairs and Forestry for 2003-2004, including the Report
          of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004 [RP 131-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the Trans-Caledon
          Tunnel Authority (TCTA) for 2003-2004, including the Report of
          the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004.


 (15)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Water Affairs and Forestry:


     (a)     Government Notice No 897 published in Government Gazette
          No 26602 dated 30 July 2004: Proposal for the establishment of
          the Mvoti to Mzimkulu Catchment Management Agency in terms of
          section 78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
          1998).

     (b)     Government Notice No 898 published in Government Gazette
          No 26602 dated 30 July 2004: Proposal for the establishment of
          the Crocodile (West) - Marico Catchment Agency in terms of
          section 78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
          1998).

     (c)     Government Notice No 937 published in Government Gazette
          No 26649 dated 13 August 2004: Release of parts of state
          forests which are no longer required for forestry in terms of
          the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).

     (d)     Government Notice No 966 published in Government Gazette
          No 26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Jan
          Fourieskraal Irrigation Board, Division of Calitzdorp,
          Province of the Western Cape, into the Jan Fourieskraal  Water
          User Association, Water Management Area Number 16, Province of
          the Western Cape, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (e)     Government Notice No 967 published in Government Gazette
          No 26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the
          Stompdrift-Kamanassie Irrigation Board, Division of Oudtshoorn
          and Calitzdorp, Western Cape Province, into the Stompdrift-
          Kamanassie Water User Association, Water Management Area
          Number 16, Western Cape Province, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (f)     Government Notice No 968 published in Government Gazette
          No 26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the
          Stellenbosch, Helderberg and Lower Eertse River Irrigation
          Boards, Division of Stellenbosch, Province of the Western
          Cape, into the Wineland Water User Association, Water
          Management Area Number 19, Province of the Western Cape in
          terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (g)     Government Notice No 969 published in Government Gazette
          No 26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Zanddrift
          Irrigation Board, Division of Robertson, Western Cape
          Province, into the Zanddrift Water User Association, Water
          Management Area Number 18, Western Cape Province in term of
          the national Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (h)     Government Notice No 970 published in Government Gazette
          No 26663 dated 20 August 2004: Establishment of the
          Vanrhynsdorp Water User Association, Division of Vanrhynsdorp,
          Province of the Western Cape, Water Management Area Number 18,
          Western Cape Province in terms of the National Water Act, 1998
          (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (i)     Government Notice No 971 published in Government Gazette
          No 26663 dated 20 August 2004: Transformation of the Lower
          Sundays River Irrigation Board, Magisterial Districts of
          Alexandria, Jansenville, Kirkwood, Port Elizabeth, Somerset
          East and Uitenhage, Eastern Cape Province, into the Lower
          Sundays River Water User Association, Water Management Area
          Number 12, Eastern Cape Province in terms of the National
          Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (j)     Government Notice No 985 published in Government Gazette
          No 26698 dated 18 August 2004: Proposal for the establishment
          of the Breede-Overberg Catchment Management Agency in terms of
          section 78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
          1998).

     (k)     General Notice No 1767 published in Government Gazette No
          26704 dated 20 August 2004: Invitation for written comments on
          the Water Services Amendment Bill, 2004.


 (16)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Arts and Culture. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements to be referred to
     the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the National Museum of
          Bloemfontein for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
          84-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the William Humphreys
          Art Gallery for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
          General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African State
          Theatre for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (d)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African Blind
          Workers Organisation for 2003-2004, including the Report of
          the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004.

     (e)     Report and Financial Statements of the War Museum of the
          Boer Republics for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (f)     Report and Financial Statements of the Performing Arts
          Centre of the Free State (PACOFS) for 2003-2004, including the
          Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
          2003-2004.

     (g)     Report and Financial Statements of Business and Arts South
          Africa for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (h)     Report and Financial Statements of Artscape for 2003-2004,
          including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
          Statements for 2003-2004.

     (i)     Report and Financial Statements of the National English
          Literary Museum for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (j)     Report and Financial Statements of the National Library of
          South Africa for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (k)     Report and Financial Statements of the Northern Flagship
          Institutions for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP
          139-2004].

     (l)     Report and Financial Statements of the National Film and
          Video Foundation of South Africa for 2003-2004, including the
          Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
          2003-2004 [RP 109-2004].

     (m)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African
          Heritage Resources Agency for 2003-2004, including the Report
          of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004 [RP 112-2004].

     (n)     Report and Financial Statements of the Afrikaans Language
          Museum for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
          General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (o)     Report and Financial Statements of the Freedom Park Trust
          for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
          the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (p)     Report and Financial Statements of the Iziko Museums of
          Cape Town for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
          General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 104-
          2004].

     (q)     Report and Financial Statements of the Voortrekker and
          Ncome Museums for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (r)     Report and Financial Statements of the Pan South African
          Language Board (PANSALB) for 2003-2004, including the Report
          of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004 [RP 166-2004].

     (s)     Report and Financial Statements of the Natal Museum for
          2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004.


 (17)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Environmental Affairs and Tourism. The Report of the Auditor-
     General on the Financial Statements to be referred to the Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 28 - Department of
          Environmental Affairs and Tourism for 2003-2004, including the
          Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for
          2003-2004.

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African
          National Parks for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of South African Tourism
          for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on
          the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (d)     Report and Financial Statements of the Greater St Lucia
          Wetland Park for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004.


 (18)   The following papers are referred to the  Portfolio Committee on
     Communications. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements to be referred to
     the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the Independent
          Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) for 2003-
          2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 106-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 7 - Government
          Communication and Information System for 2003-2004, including
          the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
          for 2003-2004 [RP 148-2004].

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of Sentech for 2003-2004,
          including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004.


 (19)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Defence and to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence:


     (a)     The President of the Republic submitted a letter dated 29
          August 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing
          Members of the Assembly of the employment of the South African
          National Defence Force in the Republic of the Congo.

     (b)     South African Export Statistics for Conventional Arms for
          2003.


 (20)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Defence and to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence. The Report
     of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 22 to
     be referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
     consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 22 - Department of Defence
     for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
     Financial Statements of Vote 22 - Defence for 2003-2004 [RP 137-
     2004].


 (21)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Home Affairs and to the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs:


     (a)     Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
          Africa and the Government of the Republic of Rwanda on the
          Waiver of Visa Requirements for holders of Diplomatic and
          Official/Service Passports, tabled in terms of section 231(3)
          of the Constitution, 1996.

     (b)     Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
          Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of
          Rwanda, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution,
          1996.


 (22)   The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report of the Auditor-General on the Audit Outcomes of
          Local Government for the year ended 30 June 2003 [RP 123-
          2004].

     (b)     Letter from the Minister of Public Enterprises dated 1
          October 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms
          of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
          (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the
          Annual Report of Arivia.kom for 2003-2004.


 (23)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Enterprises. The Report of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements to be referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of Arivia.kom for 2003-2004,
     including the Report of the Independent Auditors on the Financial
     Statements for 2003-2004.


 (24)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Trade and Industry. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements to be referred to
     the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 32 - Department of
          Trade and Industry for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of Vote 32 for
          2003-2004 [RP 110-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of the Technology and
          Human Resources for Industry Programme (THRIP) for 2003-2004,
          including the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
          Statements for 2003-2004.

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of Khula Enterprise
          Finance Limited 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004.


 (25)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Water Affairs and Forestry and the Portfolio Committee on Labour:

     Employment Equity Report of the Department of Water Affairs and
     Forestry in terms of section 22(2) of the Employment Equity Act,
     1998 (Act No 55 of 1998).


 (26)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Safety and Security for consideration and report:

     Declaration of An Amnesty in terms of section 139(2)(a) of the
     Firearms Control Act, 2000 (Act No 60 of 2000).


 (27)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance for consideration and report and the Portfolio Committee
     on Provincial and Local Government:


     (a)     Government Notice No R.2458 published in Government
          Gazette No 26945 dated 29 October 2004: Draft Regulations
          published for public comment in terms of the Local Government:
          Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

     (b)     Government Notice No 1156 published in Government Gazette
          No 26866 dated 14 October 2004: Setting out particulars of
          areas demarcated by municipalities of Johannesburg and Cape
          Town, which shall constitute urban development zones, in terms
          of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).


 (28)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Communications. The Reports of the Independent Auditors on the
     Financial Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Group Annual Financial Statements of the South
          African Post Office Limited for 2002-2003, including the
          Report of the Independent Auditors on the Group Annual
          Financial Statements for 2002-2003.

     (b)     Report and Group Annual Financial Statements of the South
          African Post Office Limited for 2003-2004, including the
          Report of the Independent Auditors on the Group Annual
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004.


 (29)   The following papers are referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration and to the Portfolio Committee
     on Communications:


     (a)     Letter from the Minister of Communications dated 9
          November 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in
          terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management
          Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the
          tabling of the Annual Reports of South African Post Office
          Limited for 2002-2003 and 2003-2004.

     (b)     Letter from the Minister of Communications dated 9
          November 2004 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in
          terms of section 65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management
          Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining the delay in the
          tabling of the Annual Reports of The Universal Service Agency
          and the Universal Service Fund for 2003-2004.


 (30)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Defence for consideration and report and the Portfolio Committee
     on Foreign Affairs:


     (a)     Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mutual
          Defence Pact ("the Pact"), tabled in terms of section 231(2)
          of the Constitution, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

     (b)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Southern African Development
          Community (SADC) Mutual Defence Pact ("the Pact").

     (c)     United Nations Optional Protocol to the Convention on the
          Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed
          Conflicts, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
          Constitution, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

     (d)     Explanatory Memorandum to the United Nations Optional
          Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the
          Involvement of Children in Armed Conflicts.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Transport

 Report and Financial Statements of the South African Rail Commuter
 Corporation Limited (SARCC) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
 Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004 [RP 105-
 2004].

1. The Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry

 (a)    Government Notice No 1135 published in Government Gazette No
     26848 dated 8 October 2004: Establishment of the Ventersdorp-
     Dolomite Water User Association, Magisterial district of Coligny,
     Koster, Lichtenburg and Ventersdorp, in the North West Province,
     Water Management Area number 9 in terms of the National Water Act,
     1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

 (b)    Government Notice No 1136 published in Government Gazette No
     26848 dated 8 October 2004: Transformation of the Elands Valley
     Irrigation Board, Magisterial districts of Belfast, Waterval Boven
     and Nelspruit, Mpumalanga Province, into the Elands River
     Catchment Area number 5, Mpumalanga Province in terms of the
     National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

 (c)    Government Notice No 1138 published in Government Gazette No
     26848 dated 8 October 2004: Restrictions on the taking of water
     from the Tosca Molopo Dolomite Aquifer in terms of the National
     Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

 (d)    Government Notice No 1316 published in Government Gazette No
     26962 dated 12 November 2004: Proposal for the Establishment of
     the Crocodile (West)- Marico Catchment Management Agency in terms
     of section 78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
     1998).

 (e)    Government Notice No 2478 published in Government Gazette No
     26962 dated 12 November 2004: Prohibition on the making of fires
     in the open air: Districts of Clanwilliam, Piketberg, Ceres,
     Tulbagh, Worcester, Caledon, Paarl, Stellenbosch, Strand and
     Somerset West in terms of the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No
     84 of 1998).

 (f)    Government Notice No 2479 published in Government Gazette No
     26962 dated 12 November 2004: Prohibition on the making of fires
     in the open air: Districts of Swellendam and Montagu in terms of
     the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).

 (g)    Government Notice No 2480 published in Government Gazette No
     26962 dated 12 November 2004: Prohibition on the making of fires
     in the open air: Western Cape in terms of the National Forests
     Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 The Acting President of the Republic submitted the following letter
 dated 10 January 2005 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing
 Members of the National Assembly of the employment of the South African
 National Defence Force in Sudan:

 EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN SUDAN IN
 FULFILLMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH
 AFRICA TOWARDS THE AFRICAN UNION

 This serves to inform the National Assembly that I authorised the
 employment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF)
 personnel to Sudan for service in fulfillment of the international
 obligations of the Republic of South Africa towards the African Union,
 as part of the enhanced African Mission in the Sudan.

 This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions of
 section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,
 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996), read with section 93 of the Defence Act,
 2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).

 A total of 329 members of the SANDF will be deployed for the mission as
 from mid-January 2005 to March 2006.

 The total estimated cost to be borne by South Africa for the deployment
 of personnel to the mission until 31 March 2006 will be R76 570 247.

 I will communicate this report to the Members of the National Council
 of Provinces and the Chairperson of the Joint Standing Committee on
 Defence, and wish to request that you bring the contents hereof to the
 notice of the National Assembly.

 Regards


 SIGNED

 J Z ZUMA
 ACTING PRESIDENT


                      TUESDAY, 01 FEBRUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Revenue Laws Amendment Bill [B 24 - 2004] - Act No 32 of 2004
     (assented to and signed by President on 18 January 2005);


 (2)    Second Revenue Laws Amendment Bill [B 25 - 2004] - Act No 34 of
     2004 (assented to and signed by President on 18 January 2005); and


 (3)    Securities Services Bill [B 19B - 2004] - Act No 36 of 2004
     (assented to and signed by President on 18 January 2005).

1. Introduction of Bills

 (1)    The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development


     (i)     Judicial Matters Amendment Bill [B 2 - 2005] (National
          Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
          notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
          27001 of 18 November 2004.]

     Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Justice
     and Constitutional Development of the National Assembly, as well
     as referral to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for
     classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on 1 February 2005.

     In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
     the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
     within three parliamentary working days.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

 (a)    Report on the removal from office of Magistrate P W Phiri on
     account of his incapacity to carry out his duties of office
     efficiently.

 (b)    Proclamation No R.58 published in Government Gazette No 28990
     dated 19 November 2004: Amendment of Proclamation in terms of the
     Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1996 (Act
     No 74 of 1996).

 (c)    Proclamation No R.59 published in Government Gazette No 28990
     dated 19 November 2004: Referral of matters to existing Special
     Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal in terms of the Special
     Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1996 (Act No 74 of
     1996).

                      THURSDAY, 3 FEBRUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

1. Membership of Assembly

 (1)    The vacancy that occurred owing to the resignation of Mr B W
     Kannemeyer on 1 November 2004, has been filled with effect from 11
     November 2004 by the nomination of Mr B M Mkongi.

 (2)    The vacancy that occurred owing to the resignation of Ms R
     Taljaard on 1 January 2005, has been filled with effect from 1
     January 2005 by the nomination of Ms A M Dreyer.

1. Membership of Rules Committee

 (1)    The following change was made to the membership of the Rules
     Committee of the National Assembly:

     Appointed: Johnson, C B (Alt)
     Discharged: Gaum, A H

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development

 (a)    Report on the provisional suspension from office of Magistrate R
     Ameer.

 (b)    Report on the provisional suspension from office of Magistrate M
     S Makamu.

 (c)    Report on the provisional suspension from office of Senior
     Magistrate M J S Nhleko.

 (d)    Report on the provisional suspension from office of Magistrate M
     K Chauke.

 (e)    Report on the provisional suspension from office of Magistrate L
     D Monageng.

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 The President of the Republic submitted the following letter dated 27
 January 2005 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing Members
 of the National Assembly of the employment of the South African
 National Defence Force in the Democratic Republic of Congo:

 EMPLOYMENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE IN THE
 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, FOR SERVICE IN FULFILLMENT OF THE
 INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA TOWARDS THE
 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO

 This serves to inform the National Assembly that I authorised the
 employment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF)
 personnel to the Democratic Republic of Congo, for service in
 fulfillment of the international obligations of the Republic of South
 Africa towards the Democratic Republic of Congo in the provision of
 support in the integration and training of the new restructured forces.

 This employment was authorised in accordance with the provisions of
 section 201(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,
 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996), read with section 93 of the Defence Act,
 2002 (Act No 42 of 2002).

 A total of 40 members are employed as from mid-January 2005 for a
 period of 12 months.

 The total estimated cost to be borne by South Africa for the deployment
 of personnel is R 25 600 036.

 I will communicate this report to the Members of the National Council
 of Provinces and the Chairperson of the Joint Standing Committee on
 Defence, and wish to request that you bring the contents hereof to the
 notice of the National Assembly.

 Regards


 SIGNED

 T M MBEKI
 PRESIDENT

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Transport on the National Ports Authority Bill [B 5B - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 18 November 2004:

   The Portfolio Committee on Transport, having considered the subject of the National Ports Authority Bill [B 5B - 2003] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 5C - 2003].

                   MONDAY, 07 FEBRUARY 2005
   

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Introduction of Bills

 (1)    The Minister for Provincial and Local Government


     (i)     Intergovernmental Relations Framework Bill [B 3 - 2005]
          (National Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and
          prior notice of its introduction published in Government
          Gazette No 27031 of 26 November 2004.]

     Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Provincial
     and Local Government of the National Assembly, as well as referral
     to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms
     of Joint Rule 160, on 7 February 2005.

     In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
     the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
     within three parliamentary working days.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson

 (a)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
     Citrus Board for 2001-2002 [RP 204-2004].

 (b)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
     Meat Board for the year ended 31 December 2001 [RP 196-2004].

 (c)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
     President's Fund for 2002-2003 [RP 84-2004].

 (d)    Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
     Special Pensions Board for 2003-2004 [RP 193-2004].

1. The Minister of Finance

 (a)    Government Notice No 1474 published in Government Gazette No
     27124 dated 23 December 2004: Adjusted allocations in terms of the
     Division of Revenue Act, 2004 (Act No 5 of 2004).

 (b)    Proclamation No R.62 published in Government Gazette No 27139
     dated 22 December 2004: Fixing of date on which sections 121(1)
     and 148(1)(e) of the Second Revenue Laws Amendment Act, 2001 (Act
     No 60 of 2001), and section 164(1)(c), (i) and (j), sections
     169(1)(e) and section 170(1)(b) of the Revenue Laws Amendment Act,
     2003 (Act No 45 of 2003), shall come into operation in terms of
     the Second Revenue Laws Amendment Act, 2001 (Act No 60 of 2001)
     and Revenue laws Amendment act, 2003 (Act No 45 of 2003).

 (c)    Government Notice No 1429 published in Government Gazette No
     27070 dated 10 December 2004: Notice fixing amount of tax in
     dispute for purposes of appeal to Tax Board in terms of section
     83A of the Income Tax Act, 1962 and section 33A of the Value-Added
     Tax Act, 1991 in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
     1962).

 (d)    Government Notice No 1432 published in Government Gazette No
     27077 dated 10 December 2004: Notice setting out particulars of
     areas demarcated by Municipalities of Ethekwini, Tshwane,
     Emfuleni, Sol Plaatje, Manguang, Buffalo City and Mbombela in
     terms of section 13quat of the Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of
     1962), which shall constitute urban development zones.

 (e)    Government Notice No 1404 published in Government Gazette No
     27044 dated 1 December 2004: Exemptions from supply chain
     management provisions in terms of the Local Government: Municipal
     Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

 (f)    Government Notice No 1405 published in Government Gazette No
     27044 dated 1 December 2004: Amendment of Government Notice No 773
     dated 1 July 2004 in terms of the Local Government: Municipal
     Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

 (g)    Government Notice No 1433 published in Government Gazette No
     27084 dated 8 December 2004: Approval of allocations in terms of
     the Division of Revenue Act, 2004 (Act No 5 of 2004).

 (h)    Discussion Paper on Retirement Fund Reform.

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 Letter from the Minister of Public Enterprises dated 3 February 2005 to
 the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section 65(2)(a) of
 the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining
 the delay in the tabling of the Annual Report of Alexkor for 2004:

 Dear Madam Speaker

 Tabling of Annual Report: Alexkor

 In terms of Sections 65(1)(a) and (2) of the Public Finance Management
 Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), as amended, the Minister must table in
 Parliament Annual Report and Financial Statements within six months
 after the end of the financial year to which those Statements relates.
 As the financial year of Alexkor ended on 30 June 2004, the Annual
 Report and Financial Statements was supposed to be tabled in Parliament
 not later than 31 December 2004.

 Alexkor experienced difficulties with the printers. The printers
 indicated that the report had to go through various stages in the
 production process before delivery. Therefore, the report was only
 ready in January 2005.

 This written explanation is submitted in terms of Section 65(2)(a) of
 the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999) setting out
 reasons for the delay.

 Please accept my sincere apology.

 Yours sincerely

 signed

    Alec Erwin, MP

 Minister of Public Enterprises


                     TUESDAYS, 08 FEBRUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Membership of Committees

 (1)    The following changes have been effected to the Joint
     Committees, viz:

     Budget:

     Appointed: Burgess, Mr C V

     Defence:

     Appointed: Burgess, Mr C V
     Discharged: Jankielsohn, Mr R; Sinclair, Mr K

     Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Children, Youth and
     Disabled Persons:

     Appointed: Gore, Mr V C

     Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women:

     Appointed: Batyi, Ms F; Camerer, Ms S M (Alt); Mdlalose, Ms M M
     (Alt)

National Assembly

1. Membership of Committees

 (1)    The following changes have been effected to the membership of
     Portfolio Committees, viz:

     Agriculture and Land Affairs:

     Appointed: Green, Mr L M (Alt); Zikalala, Ms C N Z (Alt)

     Arts and Culture:

     Appointed: Biyela, Inkosi B P (Alt); Mdlalose, Ms M M

     Communications:

     Appointed: Ndlovu, Mr V B (Alt)

     Correctional Services:

     Appointed: Biyela Inkosi B P (Alt)

     Defence:

     Appointed: Ndlovu, Mr V B; Mncwango, Mr M A (Alt)

     Education:

     Appointed: Zulu, Prince N E (Alt)

     Environmental Affairs and Tourism:

     Appointed: Durr, Mr K D S (Alt); Zikalala, Ms C N Z; Zulu, Prince
     N E (Alt)

     Finance:

     Appointed: Wood, Dr G G (Alt); Durr, Mr K D S

     Health:

     Appointed: Sibuyana, Mr M W (Alt); Steyn, Mr A C
     Discharged: Waters, Mr M

     Home Affairs:

     Appointed: Chang, Prof E S (Alt); Mars, Ms I

     Housing:

     Appointed: Ngema, Mr M V (Alt)

     Finance:

     Appointed: Durr, Mr K D S; Van der Merwe, Mr J H (Alt)

     Foreign Affairs: Subcommittee on International Affairs

     Appointed: Van der Merwe, Mr J H (Alt)

     Foreign Affairs: Subcommittee on African Union

     Appointed: Joubert, Mr L K (Alt)

     Justice and Constitutional Development:

     Appointed: Joubert, Mr L K (Alt)

     Labour:

     Appointed: Mpontshane, Mr A M (Alt)

     Minerals and Energy:

     Appointed: Rabinowitz, Dr R; Zondi, Rev K M

     Provincial and Local Government:

     Appointed: Seaton, Ms S A (Alt)

     Public Enterprises:

     Appointed: Roopnarain, Dr U (Alt)

     Public Service and Administration:

     Appointed: Mdlalose, Ms M M (Alt)

     Public Works:

     Appointed: Khumalo, Rev M S; Ngiba, Mr B C (Alt)

     Safety and Security:

     Appointed: Vezi, Mr T E (Alt)

     Science and Technology:

     Appointed: Bekker, Mr H J (Alt); Bhengu, Mr M J
     Discharged: Chang, Mr E S

     Social Development:

     Appointed: Ngema, Mr M V (Alt); Waters, Mr M
     Discharged: Botha, Ms C S

     Sport and Recreation:

     Appointed: Dhlamini, Mr B W; Lucas, Mr E J (Alt)

     Trade and Industry:

     Appointed: Bhengu, Mr M J (Alt); Chang, Prof E S

     Transport:

     Appointed: Dhlamini, Mr B W (Alt); Swathe, Mr M M
     Discharged: Waters, Mr M

     Water Affairs and Forestry:

     Appointed: Joubert, Mr L K (Alt)


 (2)    The following changes have been effected to the membership of
     Standing Committees, viz:

     Private Members' Legislative Proposals and Special Petitions:

     Appointed: Burgess, Mr C V

     Public Accounts:

     Appointed: Bhoola, Mr R B (Alt); Pule, Mr B E; Vezi, Mr T E (Alt)

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson

 Supplementary Submission of the Financial and Fiscal Commission on the
 Division of Revenue Bill for 2005-2006 and the Medium Term Expenditure
 Framework (MTEF) for 2005-2008, tabled in terms of section 9(1) of the
 Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act, 1997 (Act No 97 of 1997).


                     THURSDAY, 10 FEBRUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Assent by President in respect of Bills

 (1)    Water Services Amendment Bill [B 17 - 2004] - Act No 30 of 2004
     (assented to and signed by President on 7 February 2005);


 (2)    National Environmental Management: Protected Areas Amendment
     Bill [B 2B - 2004] - Act No 31 of 2004 (assented to and signed by
     President on 7 February 2005);


 (3)    Protection of Constitutional Democracy against Terrorist and
     Related Activities Bill [B 12F - 2003] - Act No 33 of 2004
     (assented to and signed by President on 4 February 2005).


 (4)    Traditional Health Practitioners Bill [B 66B - 2003] - Act No 35
     of 2004 (assented to and signed by President on 7 February 2005);


 (5)    Financial Services Ombud Schemes Bill [B 20B - 2004] - Act No 37
     of 2004 (assented to and signed by President on 4 February 2005);
     and


 (6)    Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Amendment Bill [B 72D - 2003]
     - Act No 38 of 2004 (assented to and signed by President on 4
     February 2005).

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister in The Presidency

 Strategic Plan of Government Communication and Information System
 (GCIS) for 2005-2008.

1. The Minister of Trade and Industry

 (a)    Bilateral Trade Agreement between the Government of the Republic
     of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of Croatia,
     tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.

 (b)    Explanatory Memorandum of the Bilateral Trade Agreement between
     the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
     of the Republic of Croatia.


                      TUESDAY, 15 FEBRUARY 2005

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. Introduction of Bills

 (1)    The Minister of Trade and Industry


     (i)     Co-operatives Bill [B 4 - 2005] (National Assembly - sec
          75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior notice of its
          introduction published in Government Gazette No 27257 of 4
          February 2005.]

          Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Trade
          and Industry of the National Assembly, as well as referral to
          the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms
          of Joint Rule 160, on 14 February 2005.

          In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification
          of the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism
          (JTM) within three parliamentary working days.


     (ii)    Close Corporations Amendment Bill [B 6 - 2005] (National
          Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and prior
          notice of its introduction published in Government Gazette No
          27281 of 11 February 2005.]

          Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on Trade
          and Industry of the National Assembly, as well as referral to
          the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification in terms
          of Joint Rule 160, on 16 February 2005.

          In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification
          of the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism
          (JTM) within three parliamentary working days.


 (2)    The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development


     (i)     Citation of Constitutional Laws Bill [B 5 - 2005]
          (National Assembly - sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill and
          prior notice of its introduction published in Government
          Gazette No 27278 of 10 February 2005.]

          Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on
          Justice and Constitutional Development of the National
          Assembly, as well as referral to the Joint Tagging Mechanism
          (JTM) for classification in terms of Joint Rule 160, on 15
          February 2005.

          In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification
          of the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism
          (JTM) within three parliamentary working days.

1. Draft bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159

 (1)    South African Abattoir Corporation Act Repeal Bill, 2005,
     submitted by the Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs on 4
     February 2005. Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture
     and Land Affairs and the Select Committee on Land and
     Environmental Affairs.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Home Affairs

 The Employment Equity Report of the Independent Electoral Commission
 for 2003, tabled in terms of section 22 of the Employment Equity Act,
 1998 (Act No 55 of 1998).

COMMITTEE REPORTS

National Assembly

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