WEDNESDAY, 16 FEBRUARY 2005 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

                                ____

The House met at 14:06.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                 STATEMENT BY THE MINISTER OF LABOUR


                         (Draft Resolution)

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I hereby move:

That the House –

(1) debate the untrue statement by the honourable Minister of Labour during the state of the nation debate to the effect that the Democratic Alliance and its leader, the hon Tony Leon, had supported the labour legislation when it was debated in the House some years ago;

(2) further consider whether the honourable Minister deliberately misled the House in view of the fact that Hansard clearly indicates that the Democratic Party, the forerunner of the Democratic Alliance, voted against the Basic Conditions of Employment Act, as did the NNP, the ACDP and the FF, and that the Labour Relations Act was opposed by the Democratic Party, the IFP and the FF; and

(4) finally consider whether the attitude of the Minister of Labour contradicts the undertaking given by the President in introducing the state of the nation debate – the Minister’s speech hints at permit exemptions to applicants, rather than a new deal for small business and its deregulation and empowerment.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, there is a convention which hon Comrade Douglas knows very well.[Interjections.] That colleague . . .

The SPEAKER: … who I see has graduated to a comrade of yours. [Laughter.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Yes, I want to appeal to him because I want to be nice today. We had a meeting of the Chief Whips’ Forum and all of us had agreed that there would be no motions without notice. Please let the House not consider that motion, Madam.

Mr D H M GIBSON: May I address you on the hon Chief Whip’s …

The SPEAKER: May I address the Chief Whips?

Mr D H M GIBSON: Yes.

The SPEAKER: Hon members, this particular debate is really not the occasion for the Chief Whips of the two largest parties to be coming here in the House … [Interjections.] May I appeal that we get on with the debate? Please, hon Gibson, may I request that we respect the President’s debate.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam, I have the greatest respect for the President and for his speech. It is just that the hon Minister should not break the other convention of this House, and that is telling fibs. [Interjections.] When he does that, he has to be pulled up short. I asked for an opportunity for a personal explanation and that was denied. This is the only means open to me.

RESUMPTION OF DEBATE ON PRESIDENT’S STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I ask for an opportunity to address you on a ruling that was made yesterday, which has a bearing on the debate before we start. Yesterday the Minister of Labour used an expression in Xhosa, which we then went into pains of explaining. It is an idiom, an expression. The presiding officer, Madam Botha, ruled that it should not be heard in the House again. The implication of that militates against the language policy that we are promoting. Of course I do understand the limitation of the presiding officer in terms of understanding the language, as well as the quality of the interpretation services. We want to place it on record that that ruling please be reviewed at an appropriate time. Thank you.

The SPEAKER: Hon Chief Whip, may I request that when there is any issue relating to a ruling by any presiding officer, we deal with it outside the House itself. I would rather that we do not actually entertain that issue. We can discuss it outside the sitting.

Dr C P MULDER: Madam Speaker, may I address you on a point of order?

The SPEAKER: Hon Mulder?

Dr C P MULDER: Madam Speaker, my apologies to the President that I have to do this. We have a problem with regard to Rule 59 for today’s debate. Rule 59 deals with the list of speakers that we are going to follow today. The problem is that in terms of that list, times are allocated to parties to participate in today’s debate. By agreement by the parties, and from the ANC’s side, a certain period of time was allocated to opposition parties. In terms of that agreement, parties prepared for today’s debate. Some of the parties already yesterday participated in terms of that time allocation. Exactly the same happened for today. It affects the opposition parties. We were allocated 12 minutes per opposition party.

Today, after one o’clock, we were informed unilaterally that a third of our time was being taken away. We did not give our permission for this, for whatever reasons there may be, and we cannot accept this. Even if you look at today’s programme, Madam Speaker, you will see that the times have been reduced from 12 to eight minutes, but if you look at the schedule on the second page, it still indicates that these opposition parties each has 12 minutes.

I have consulted with the other opposition parties. None of them agrees or is happy that their time is suddenly reduced. I really want to ask about this. I know that this is something that the Whips should sort out, but I have to do it in this way, because we are starting now in terms of that list. What I am asking is that you please allow those parties to use the time that they have been allocated. Other parties have already had the benefit of their 12 minutes yesterday, and I cannot accept that we now lose a third of the time allocated. We have prepared our speeches in terms of that, and I ask the Chair to make that ruling to accommodate that.

The SPEAKER: I hope the Whips can deal with this. It seems to me it is very clear. Twelve minutes were allocated for each of the parties, and we have said in the past that, at least for the President’s debate, we have to make sure that every single party has adequate time to make whatever points they would like to make. So I would like the Whips to deal with this as a simple matter so that the parties will be able to exercise that.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: We will do that.

Prof B TUROK: Madam Speaker, I should say that I have also lost two minutes of my speech. [Interjections.] [Applause.] I think it is a loss for the House. [Laughter.]

Mr President, Mr Deputy President, Madam Speaker, it is an honour to stand before this Parliament of the people in my capacity as a veteran of our movement.

It is not the first time that I address a parliament of the people, although the circumstances at that time were very different. I was a very young man and, of course, I refer to the Congress of the People.

If I close my eyes now I see before me an amphitheatre with planks of wood placed on bricks in an open field in Kliptown. On the planks of wood there are 3 000 delegates, of whom over 2 000 are African, 320 are Indians, 230 are coloureds and 112 are whites. It was the largest nonracial gathering in South Africa at that time. [Applause.] Furthermore, in addition to the 3 000 delegates, there is a wire enclosure and outside the enclosure there are 10 000 observers, and among the observers there are clusters of police vehicles, there are police patrols on horseback and there are armed police everywhere.

It is obviously a show of force for us and for the country but, nevertheless, inside the enclosure among the delegates there is an atmosphere of a carnival, of a festival, because we are there for a special occasion. Most of the people are working folk, they have come from all the corners of South Africa, they have paid their own fare, they raised that money in their communities in order to be present at the outstanding Congress of the People.

In the middle of the amphitheatre there is a rough wooden platform, quite high, and on the platform there are speakers from the multinational Congress Alliance, the ANC, the Indian Congress, the Coloured Congress, the Congress of Democrats and the Congress of Trade Unions.

Before this congress there was a massive campaign in which some of us, myself included as a volunteer, went to the most remote corners of the country, places where the small groups of communities or villages would have meetings which had never been held before. We asked the people for their demands to incorporate these in the Freedom Charter.

Thousands of little scraps of paper were presented to us across the whole country and these were collected and collated, and that was the basis of the Freedom Charter. [Applause.] That is why it is such a concrete demand with lists of issues that some people now find out of date, because the new South Africa has managed to meet some of those demands.

I should also say that at that time, Nelson Mandela, Chief Luthuli and all the other leaders of the movement were banned. They could not attend the meeting and so I, as a very young cadre and very nervous in my twenties, was asked to introduce the economic clause and I did so at that gathering. [Applause.]

At the end of each session the meeting broke into songs such as “Mayibuy’ i- Afrika”, which we should not forget, and the other songs of the ANC.

In my mind’s eye I see before me a congress of the people having peaceful discussions on the second day of the meeting, the Sunday, when suddenly, at about 3 o’çlock, a posse of armed police entered the enclosure, marched into the arena, climbed onto the platform and told the chair to close the meeting. The chair got up and said, “I have been instructed to close the meeting. Do you approve the Freedom Charter?” Everybody got up and said “yes” and that is why South Africa has a Freedom Charter. [Applause.]

The police then had closed off the whole enclosure, took everybody’s names and addresses, and many of the delegates lost their jobs the next day, and the rest of us were charged with treason some time later.

What is the essence of the Freedom Charter? I believe one word summarises the whole Charter. We want to share South Africa with all its racial groups, we want to share its natural beauty, we want to share the cultural heritage and we also want to share the economic resources of this country, which we have not done yet. [Applause.]

By giving emphasis on sharing we will build the social cohesion that our President talked about in his speech the other day. The Freedom Charter is about creating economic opportunities, social opportunities, cultural opportunities and the rest.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: And nationalisation.

Prof B TUROK: Of course, it is true. He is shouting nationalisation. I will deal with you. [Interjections.]

You know, Madam Speaker, the problem with this gentleman is that he says he belongs to the largest opposition party in this country. That is true, but he also belongs to the smallest opposition in the world. [Laughter.] [Applause.] And the problem with the leader of the DA is that when he gets up here he is introduced as Tony Leon, but after a minute or two he thinks he is Tony Blair, and one is tempted to call him Prime Minister Tony. [Laughter.]

Madam Speaker, ours is a market economy. We understand that and there is a national consensus about the market economy. However, what there is no consensus about, is the question of sharing, and that is why the opposition cannot accept the Freedom Charter, because although they emphasise the market, they do not emphasise sharing. Let us be very clear on this: we accept the market economy, but we also know from basic economics that the market favours the strong. The market favours the strong and the advantaged, and that is why in South Africa we have a developmental strategy which is going to make up for the disadvantages of the weak.

You believe in the free market, the market of the strong, and we believe in the market for the disadvantaged. That is the difference. [Interjections.] That is why we have broadbased black economic empowerment, labour-intensive legislation, micro credit and co-operatives. All these are mechanisms to ensure that the market is not only for the strong. [Interjections.]

I have two minutes left and the left is making noise. I get very confused because the left is on the right. [Laughter.] Madam Speaker, they are drowning me out.

The Freedom Charter, I should say, was quite a radical departure for the fifties. Let us say that it was a radical departure, and some of us were very excited to be part of a new vision for the world. Why was it a radical departure? It was radical because after the Second World War the whole of the Third World began nationalisation. They nationalised foreign enterprises in the interests of national control of their economies. Even in Britain the Labour Party started the welfare state, and even in the socialist countries, despite distortions, there was an enormous emphasis on sharing and equality. In Africa the leaders of independence movements were beginning to talk about sharing their societies, based on traditional African values. There were also rising labour struggles, which were calling for greater equity and sharing. And so the ANC, in the context of the fifties, in the context of this upsurge of Third World militancy, and in the context of a belief in sharing and equality, adopted the clause that you find so unacceptable, but which we see as the future of South Africa.

I believe that South Africa can be not only a political miracle but also a social miracle. If we follow the Freedom Charter and if we follow the principles of sharing and equity, the world will look upon us as an example of what a country should be. My time is up. [Applause.]

Dr J T DELPORT: Agb Speaker, die agting waarmee die vorige spreker in sy eie geledere behandel word, en sy sienings oor nasionalisering, spreek uit die feit dat hy nog nooit bevordering in die ANC kon kry nie. Transformasie is nie ’n geykte term nie. Dit is nie ’n konstitusionele term nie. Dit is ook nie ’n regsterm nie. Dis ’n politieke beleidsterm.

Ek wil oor transformasie praat en veral die vraag stel: wat word bedoel met transformasie van die regsbank? Transformasie is ’n gegewe. Ek self het so lank terug as 1990 gesê dat daar radikale transformasie vir Suid-Afrika voor die deur staan, maar watter soort transformasie? Die Freedom Charter praat van, “all our people live in brotherhood, enjoying equal rights and opportunities”. In 1994 sê die witskrif oor die HOP transformasie is, “securing for each citizen liberty, prosperity and happiness”. Hiermee kan ons ons vereenselwig. Ook met spesiale stappe om die regsbank meer weerspieëlend van die diversiteit in ons land te maak.

Dit op sigself sal ’n bate wees, maar die inhoud wat die ANC aan transformasie gee, het in 1997 dramaties geskuif. Op die 50ste nasionale konferensie word transformasie beskryf as ’n “continuing battle to assert African hegemony in the context of a multiracial society”, en Joel Netshitenze sê die volgende jaar transformasie is die proses …

extending the power of the national liberation movement over all levels of power; the army, the police, the bureaucracy, intelligence structures, the judiciary, parastatals and agencies such as regulatory bodies, the public broadcaster and so on.

[Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.]

Dit gaan dus om beheer. Dit is transformasie, soos ’n mens uit die applous kon aflei wat ek nou gekry het, en dit sluit die regsbank in. Beheer oor die regsbank is deel van die program. Ons het die vordering van die program reeds beleef, van die kies van ’n Springbokspan tot by waar medici mag praktiseer. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Dr J T DELPORT: Hon Speaker, the esteem with which the previous speaker is regarded in his own ranks and his views on nationalisation point out why he could never attain promotion in the ANC. Transformation is not a stereotyped term. It is not a constitutional term. It is also not a legal term. It is a political term.

I want to speak about transformation and particularly ask the question: what is meant by transformation of the judiciary? Transformation is a given. I myself have said as far back as 1990 that radical transformation is imminent in South Africa, but what kind of transformation are we talking about? The Freedom Charter speaks of “all our people live in brotherhood, enjoying equal rights and opportunities”. In 1994 the White Paper on the RDP said that transformation is, “securing for each citizen liberty, prosperity and happiness”. We can identify with this; as well as with the special steps to make the judiciary more representative of the diversity in our country.

This in itself will be an asset, but the meaning that the ANC subscribes to transformation shifted dramatically in 1997. At the 50th national conference transformation was described as a “continuing battle to assert African hegemony in the context of a multiracial society”, and Joel Netshitenze said the following year that transformation was the process of . . .

extending the power of the national liberation movement over all levels of power; the army, the police, the bureaucracy, intelligence structures, the judiciary, parastatals and agencies such as regulatory bodies, the public broadcaster and so on.

[Interjections.][Applause.]

This is therefore about control. This is transformation, as one can deduce from the applause that I have just received, and that includes the judiciary. Control over the judiciary is part of the programme. We have already experienced the progress of the programme; from choosing a Springbok team to where medical practitioners may practice.]

The programme progresses – what about the judiciary? The independence of the judiciary is a fundamental principle on which our Constitution is built. It is the key to upholding the rule of law and to curtailing the old notion that the king can do no wrong. It’s the key to a truly constitutional state. Destroy it à la Mugabe, and your Constitution and your country will be destroyed à la Zimbabwe.

Recently, the ruling party called for the collective mindset of the judiciary to be transformed and for judges to be made accountable to the electoral masses. What is meant is that judges should start to become more executive-minded and that they should prosecute the Government’s policy agenda. No, it is not the role of the courts to represent the will of the majority, nor to implement government policy. It is the role and function of the judiciary to uphold the law and the Constitution as the highest law of the land, even despite and in the face of Government policy, if necessary. Let me sound a clear warning: Transformation of the judiciary according to the Joel Netshitenze programme may well be the beginning of the end of the soul and spirit of the South African Constitution.

Ek wil afsluit. Die President is die hoofbeskermheer van die Grondwet. Die Grondwet – die gees van die Grondwet - kan nie bly staan sonder ’n onafhanklike regsbank nie. Selfs om slegs te praat van beheer en gesag oor die regsbank is aggressie teen ons Grondwet. Mnr die President, beskerm die onafhanklikheid van die regsbank en herken die blinde magsug in u geledere, anders versaak u u verantwoordelikheid teenoor u land en my land, Suid- Afrika. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

I would like to conclude. The President is the principal patron of the Constitution. The Constitution – the spirit of the Constitution – cannot be upheld without an independent judiciary. Even just talking about control and power over the judiciary is aggression against our Constitution. Mr President, protect the independence of the judiciary and recognise the blind craving for power in your ranks, otherwise you forsake your responsibility towards your country and my country, South Africa.][Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF TRADE AND INDUSTRY: Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. Mr President, colleagues, members of Parliament, a country that is not prepared to learn from the experiences of the past will be doomed to make the same mistakes in the future. [Interjections.] So, sir, it is important that you understand that - that we have to learn from the mistakes of the past. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Had the government in 1955 listened to what our people said in the Freedom Charter and had it responded to the needs of our people, then our country and economy would not have wasted inherent potential and we would today be a highly developed and more equitable economy and society.

History has shown that the socioeconomic choices made by the government in 1955 were incorrect and left a burdensome legacy that will take many years to rectify. In overcoming these economic challenges, we have implemented a number of economic and social development policies which are broadly consistent with and draw inspiration from the Freedom Charter.

The challenges that our people faced in 1955 brought them together to create a historic document that 50 years later would be relevant to a democratic government. In 2005 the political, social and economic structures of the country are substantively different from 1955, yet when we look at the articulation of the economic needs expressed in the Freedom Charter, we can see their relevance even today.

It is important that we reflect on the economic conditions at the time when the Freedom Charter was born so as to better understand the approach to our current economic development and the interventions that are now required.

The fifties was a successful period in our country’s economic history. We had been going through a strong post-World War II economic boom of sustained manufacturing growth. The gold reefs in the Free State had been discovered a few years previously and the mining operations in this region started to take effect by the mid-fifties, which resulted in an expansion of our gold output and in concomitant manufacturing and services-sector growth as suppliers to the mining industry.

The oppressive laws of apartheid notwithstanding, there was substantial growth in the number of people that were employed in the manufacturing sector, which had increased by 81% when compared to a decade earlier. This expansion laid the foundations for the 1960s boom in which our growth rate was over 7% per annum and our manufacturing output grew by 120%.

In order to protect these nascent manufacturing industries, a number of import-substitution measures were implemented by the then department of trade and industry. As the domestic market in the fifties was small by world terms, the approach of the government was to protect domestic industry so that it was able to meet domestic needs and it did not develop manufacturing capacity for the export market. As the world increasingly isolated the apartheid state, the government in response pursued an import substitution industrialisation approach.

When one compares South Africa in 1955 with other developing countries which were in a similar economic position, we can see how our progress was further stifled by poor economic choices and the apartheid policies that tried to capture the benefits of the country’s wealth for one grouping only.

The drafters of the Freedom Charter were able to see this potential and wanted to be equal participants in its development, but because of the choices that were made as a country and as an economy, we did not live up to our potential.

These incorrect choices contributed significantly towards the slower growth that we had in the seventies and the negative growth that our economy experienced in the eighties. These policies resulted in years of technological advancement being lost as a result of international isolation, and they also led to slower growth of manufacturing output and lower rates of manufactured exports. Compounding this situation were the policies of systematic disempowerment and poor education and training for black workers, which led to low skill and productivity levels. Industry became uncompetitive and was forced to hide behind protective barriers, focusing on the domestic economy.

Our policy response in 1994 was to bring down those protections, improve the competitiveness of industry, become more export orientated as an economy, and create the conditions for sustained economic growth, while at the same time becoming more inclusive by facilitating and supporting the entry of black people, women and the youth into the economic mainstream.

Our approach, on the one hand, has been to ensure that there are greater levels of economic growth and, on the other, to create the framework so that our people indeed share in the country’s wealth and that there is work and security for all. Ensuring that these issues are addressed simultaneously is a critical part of our approach to providing leadership to the economy.

While the first decade of democracy has delivered success - such as macroeconomic stability, the opening up of our economy, the restructuring of the economy and the achievement of a more export-orientated industry - and given the major challenge that still faces us of higher and broadly shared growth, in terms of where we are today we have to embark on a new and deeper way of economic reform in order to overcome that challenge.

Of course we have to address the challenge of competitiveness, and there are a lot of things that are being done in order to address competitiveness, as articulated in the microeconomic reform strategy. However, perhaps a more important and critical success factor that we need in our country at the moment is to improve our industrial capabilities. International experience has shown that successful developing countries are those which invest heavily in their human resource capabilities and in attracting and developing technologies.

Given our legacy of inadequate education and training for the majority of our population, the low levels of investment in technology and insufficient research and development spending by both the public and private sector, we found ourselves lagging behind in terms of our industrial capabilities.

We have recognised that to improve our capabilities, there are a number of interventions that need to be made, such as having higher levels of education, particularly in maths and science; increasing the number of tertiary and postgraduate students in engineering and science disciplines; increasing our research and development spending in both the public and private sector; improving the cross-pollination of ideas between tertiary education institutions, government research facilities and the private sector; promoting greater levels of further education and training amongst employees; supporting the growth of our manufacturing sector through sector- development programmes; and, finally, mobilising and intensifying domestic investment, as well as attracting inward investment.

Inasmuch as we are pursuing higher growth, we are also pursuing the goal of broadening participation, as this will also contribute to higher levels of sustained growth. In this regard our broad-based black economic empowerment programme; our small, medium and microenterprise support programmes and focused interventions in the second economy will help achieve the goal of inclusivity. So, hon Delport, for as long as we cannot achieve that inclusivity, the peace that you enjoy today in a stable and democratic South Africa will not be sustained.

To conclude, the development path pursued in the fifties could not meet the objectives of the Freedom Charter. One can trace our current competitiveness problems to the economic policy choices that were taken in the fifties. As we celebrate the 50-year anniversary of the Freedom Charter, we can see how correct and far-sighted the drafters were, and we salute them. We owe it to them, to the present and future generations to declare with confidence that indeed our people will share in the country’s wealth and there will be work and security for all. Thank you very much. [Applause.]

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker, I have to admit today that I am disappointed in the state of the nation address by the hon President. [Interjections.] I am disappointed, because I had expected that the head of state would address us on critical national issues, but he merely skirted them. He hardly spent two minutes on the critical issue of HIV/Aids. [Interjections.]

I wondered why the President had only skirted those national issues, because he had all the time in the world. The reason, of course, lies in the admission by the hon President that the ANC is not coping with executing its own programme of action. Therefore, the point is that the ANC government is failing. That is the point. [Interjections.]

Take the criminal justice system, for instance. It is in a state of collapse. [Interjections.] It is not only the IFP that says so. Seven years ago already the then Director-General of Justice warned that the justice system was collapsing, and today, after seven more years, the answer is very simple: Failure!

In fact, our criminal justice system is now under critical threat, and be reminded, hon members, that when the justice system collapses, society collapses, and South Africa will become nothing less than a failed state. [Interjections.]

Last week 60 prominent jurists attended a workshop on the future of our justice system; among them were numerous judges of our High Courts. What they had to say about our justice system is almost too ghastly to mention. Allegations made by these top jurists almost caused panic. They made allegations such as that during the past 10 years a quarter of a million people have been murdered in South Africa. This is the peace that the previous speaker referred to.

In the year 2000, only 16 persons were convicted for every hundred murders. After 1994 crime increased. [Interjections.] Damning references were made by these top jurists to what they called “unspeakable violent crimes” and “barbarism instead of nation-building”. [Interjections.]

Heyi wena, thola wena! Ke nna ya buang mona. Dula fatshe o kwale molomo. [Laughter.] [Hey you! Keep quiet! I am the one speaking here. Sit down and shut up![Laughter.]

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: They referred to overcrowded court rolls. They referred … [Interjections.]

Wena ha o tsebe le ho buwa Sesotho hle, kwala molomo o dule fatshe! [You don’t even know how to speak Sesotho, shut up and sit down!]

They referred to an unacceptably high family violence rate. They referred to an inaccessible judiciary for ordinary people. They said that one third of all crimes in South Africa were violent crimes.

In some areas, people are organising their own judicial systems, and communities are increasingly developing more trust in these systems.

In some prisons up to 60 prisoners are locked up in cells intended for 18 people. Prison wardens are starting to admit that gangs run certain prisons. Then, Judge Fagan, the Inspector-General of Prisons, said - not the IFP, the Inspector-General – and I quote:

Our prisons have become breeding areas for crime instead of a place of rehabilitation.

Judge Fagan also said:

The conditions under which our prisoners have to live are totally inhuman.

You must listen, Minister of Correctional Services, but it is not your problem, as I will indicate later.

An HON MEMBER: It’s your problem!

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: It’s not my problem. It’s our problem. [Interjections.] Judge Fagan continues, and I quote:

In the youth section of a prison in Johannesburg, 101 youngsters have to use one toilet. When I was there …

The judge said -

… that one toilet could not flush, because the water tank was empty.

He says:

Skin disease and rape are rife.

Other judges were also extremely concerned. Judge Eberhardt Bertelsman said:

Our prisons were built to accommodate 113 000 inmates, but last September there were 187 000.

Overcrowding of 74 000 prisoners! The judge said, and I quote:

As matters stand at the moment, rehabilitation in our jails is virtually impossible.

The Minister of Correctional Services is smiling. I think you should cry, Minister. You shouldn’t smile! [Interjections.] [Applause.] Judge Mohammed Navsa, a judge of our Supreme Court of Appeal, said, and I quote:

I do not know what our people are to think of our judicial system.

The worst is still to come. Judge Dennis Davis said … [Interjections.] Why don’t you shut up or ask for an opportunity to speak? They never trust you to speak, because you always speak nonsense. [Laughter.] Judge Dennis Davis said, and I quote:

During a survey done under ANC elite …

The SPEAKER: Order, hon members! Please listen to the hon Van der Merwe. [Interjections.]

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker, I can excuse them for not listening, because the next sentence that I am going to read will be a real revelation. Now listen to this … [Laughter.] Ja, you can laugh! Judge Dennis Davis said:

During a survey done under elite ANC officials, it was found that 66% of them do not have any trust in the criminal justice system.

[Interjections.] Sixty-six percent of you with your big mouths, you do not have trust in the system! [Interjections.] [Applause.] What a disastrous admission! What an admission, Mr President! [Laughter.] [Interjections.]

The core reason for the crisis is that our prisons are in a horrible and inhuman state because of the massive failure of government over 10 long years to improve our crime rate. [Interjections.] I will come to that. [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Order!

Hanyane, hanyane! Wena dula fatshe, kwala molomo. Ha se wena ya buang, ke nna. [Slowly, slowly! You sit down, shut up. It is not you who are speaking, it’s me.]

The solution to overcrowded prisons is not larger prisons, but less crime. [Interjections.] The worst forms of human rights violations are committed in our overcrowded prisons, such as rape, murder, assault, corruption and human beings being subjected to horrible and inhuman conditions. Why is that so? Why are we saddled with a gross violation of human rights in our prisons? Why are our prisons overcrowded? Why are prisons the breeding ground for crime? Why the paralysing accusation … [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon members, can we have some order?

Mr D V BLOEM: [Inaudible.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Bloem, is that a point of order, or do you want to ask a question?

Mr D V BLOEM: Madam Speaker, it’s a point of question.

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: No, no questions. You cannot put an intelligent question, so sit down. [Laughter.] [Applause.] Why do we have …

The MINISTER OF HOUSING: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: Is it parliamentary for the biggest-mouthed member of Parliament to talk about other people’s big mouths? [Laughter.]

The SPEAKER: It’s fine for Koos. [Laughter.] Hon member, please proceed.

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker, I think the hon Minister tried to make a joke. Maybe we should laugh. [Laughter.] Why do we have this situation? I will tell you why. Because over a long period of 10 years the ANC has been underestimating the crime crisis. That is the problem. The problem does not lie with the prison departments. They are the victims of the system. [Interjections.] That is where the problems end. This is why I have a little sympathy for the Minister with the big mouth here. [Laughter.]

The IFP proposes an urgent change of mindset by the ANC, in fact, a paradigm shift.

Mnr D V BLOEM: Mev die Speaker, wie het die departement vir 10 jaar bestuur? Was dit nie ’n IVP-lid nie? Dit was die IVP. Dit was nie die ANC nie. [Gelag.] [Applous.] [Mr D V BLOEM: Madam Speaker, who managed the department for ten years? Was it not an IFP member? It was the IFP. It was not the ANC. [Laughter.][Applause.]]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member! Take your seat, hon Bloem. Hon Van der Merwe, please finish your speech.

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker, if that hon member will just open his ears, he will hear what I am saying. The problem is not caused by the prison department, but by the whole system, because the courts and the police are not in a position to finalise criminal investigations and trials, and then the victim at the end is the prison system. This is why I have sympathy for the loud-mouthed Minister over here. [Laughter.]

We propose an urgent change of mindset by the ANC, in fact a paradigm shift, namely that a total onslaught on crime be urgently launched, a total onslaught in which all state departments and civil society are involved.

I wish to refer to the word “transformation” that has in some instances been transformed into nothing less than racism, especially in appointing judges to the High Court. [Interjections.] Just listen to me.

When an excellent lawyer and loyal ANC struggle fundamentalist such as Adv Jeff Budlender is not made a judge because he is white, then the time has come for the President to intervene, because if Budlender cannot be appointed because he is white, which white man will ever be appointed as a judge? [Interjections.] And if white lawyers are not to be appointed judges, let us at least be honest and tell them: Because you are white, you will not be appointed as judges. [Interjections.]

The current attack on white judges is also based, to a degree, on racism. There is no need for any judge who was appointed before 1994 to line up at the doors of the Judicial Services Commission. They have all sworn allegiance to the Constitution. [Interjections.] Problems on the Bench should be dealt with much more sensitively, rather than to have dog fights between a Judge President and prominent advocates in the media. The victim then is the judiciary, which of course we cannot afford. [Interjections.]

In conclusion, Mr President, it is my right as an opposition speaker to voice my concerns and criticism. The IFP, however, does not only criticise, we also propose solutions. [Interjections.] Despite our well-intended criticism, we in the IFP honour and respect President Thabo Mbeki as the President of our country, and we wish him well.

Mooi loop, mnr die President. [Go well, Mr President.] Hamba kahle, Mzizi. [Ihlombe.][Go well, Mzizi. [Applause.]]

Dr J T DELPORT: Madam Speaker, will the hon member take a question?

The SPEAKER: No, he is gone, hon member. [Laughter.]

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Madam Speaker, no, I am not gone. [Laughter.]

The SPEAKER: Hon Van der Merwe, leave the podium.

Dr J T DELPORT: His time has not expired.

The SPEAKER: His time has totally expired.

The MINISTER FOR AGRICULTURE AND LAND AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, President, Deputy President, hon members, indeed it seems we don’t live in the same country. When hon Van Der Merwe said that nothing had been said in the state of the nation address, I wondered what he meant. He cited the issue of HIV and Aids that the President, indeed, articulated in his speech. I am not sure how much more we needed to have said.

Clearly, we cannot say that nothing has been said just because there are certain things that we ourselves wish could be said. Our participation in this debate allows us an opportunity to do exactly that. I am sure some members who will come after me, rather than saying that things have not been said, will articulate exactly what they want.

As we begin the second decade of freedom, we are conscious of the foundations we have laid in transforming our society. We are also proud, as a people and as a country, that we have been able to realise meaningful changes in our first decade of freedom. This would not have happened had it not been for the policies, legislation and programmatic intervention that our government has put in place. It is also true that such visible changes would not have occurred without your leadership, Mr President, and that of former President Mandela, supported by the collective leadership of the people’s movement, the ANC. [Applause.]

Mr President, during the opening of the third democratic Parliament in May 2004, you emphasised the important responsibility we all carry as the public representatives and government in ensuring that, through our actions, we push back the frontiers of poverty. Through the programme of action you outlined then, it became clear that the policy objectives we had set for ourselves as a country remained valid and that our most critical challenges lay in the implementation of such policies.

You also emphasised the strengthening of our system of governance as a critical element to support delivery. Most importantly, you also appreciated that the role of the state in economic growth cannot be distant or be that of only facilitating. Rather, as a developmental state, we would have to play an active role in growing our economy. Indeed, one cannot but agree with that analysis.

As a state, there are leverages that we have at our disposal to intervene in the stimulation of the economy. Some of these are in the areas of energy, infrastructure, water, telecommunication and transport. Regarding the area of infrastructure, we have already announced key projects that are going to be undertaken by our public entities. First of these investments will be in the region of R165 billion over a period of five years, and they are: the expansion of the Durban Port, the expansion of the Cape Town Container Terminal, and the improvement in the container facility to increase fruit export and the multiproduct pipeline between Durban and Johannesburg.

Mr President, you have announced that the key infrastructure providers will remain in the state’s hands in order to lead the investment programme. You have also indicated that this does not mean that there is no role for private sector investment. When we talk about sharing wealth, as our Freedom Charter states, we should also look at how we as a state can, in a meaningful way, redirect the economic activities to those depressed areas in order to spread the benefits to the majority of our people.

We have put in place the rural and urban renewal strategy so as to focus on those areas that are underdeveloped. The spatial development zone, which is an integral part of this strategy, has started to show some success. Those of us who may know or come from KwaZulu-Natal will know of the Lubombo Spatial Development Initiative which falls under the Umkhanyakude district

• one of our rural nodes. This initiative has opened opportunities for tourism, which are enhanced by the St Lucia Heritage Site. The Mbazwana market is now working and has created opportunities for local farmers and other traders to market their goods. The cotton ginnery in Makhathini has also expanded the agricultural opportunities for small-scale farmers in the area.

If one looks at some of the initiatives regarding urban renewal, I would like to cite the investment by the Public Investment Corporation in constructing the Mabopane shopping mall. This mall has rejuvenated the economic activity in that area. Through this project, we have created a link between the established retail sector and the informal or microbusiness enterprises. The support by other state entities, such as the Industrial Development Corporation, has also made an impact through bringing into light some new entrepreneurs in the economic mainstream.

Mangisho futhi ukuthi ukulungisa imithetho yokuxhasa labo abasafufusayo kwezamabhizinisi sekusenze sabona ukuthi mkhulu umsebenzi esiwenzile, njengohulumeni. Ngikhuluma nje, kuyo le Ndlu yesishayamthetho, kungekudala sizobe sikhuluma ngomthetho wamaco-operatives neco-operatives banking Bill. Lezo ngezinye zezinto ezizoxhasa osomabhizinisi abasafufusayo. Lokhu kuzoxhasa umsebenzi obusuvele wenziwa yimiphakathi engingabala kuyo izitokfela, omasingcwabisane kanye nama-village banks. Ngezinye zezinto lezo abantu abazama ngazo ukuthi babambe iqhaza kwezomnotho. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[I want to mention that the amendments to legislation regarding black economic empowerment have made us realise that we as the Government have done a lot of service delivery. As I speak, this Parliament will be debating the Bill on co-operatives and co-operatives banking. Those are some of the projects that will finance emerging businesses. This project is intended to finance projects that already exist, such as stokvels, burial clubs and village banks, to mention a few. Those are some of the projects through which the community can participate in the economy.]

Mr President, hon members, we must indeed be proud of the interventions that we have made. We are already seeing some positive impact of the implementation of the broad-based economic empowerment policy and legislation. The most recent of these is the birth of the uMzansi account – one of the deliverables of the Financial Sector Charter. Already, as we speak, about 570 000 accounts have been opened in almost all the major financial institutions. Through this facility, many of our people who not so long ago were considered unbankable and risky can now have access to our financial system. Again, this shows that, through the leadership of government in policy development and management, we can make even greater progress than what we have done today. [Applause.]

During the state of the nation address last Friday, in this very Assembly, the President gave an account of what our government has done in implementing the programme of action as announced in May 2004. At the centre of your input, Mr President, you reminded all of us that what we have done in the past years was to actually give meaning to what the people of South Africa envisaged in 1955 when they drafted the Freedom Charter in Kliptown. In doing so, you have raised our collective conscience that what the people of South Africa said then remains their wish even today, regardless of the many years that have passed since the drafting of this document. What it therefore means is that the Freedom Charter is a living document that must continue to find expression in our policies, legislation and programmes - even of this very House.

Mr President, when the people of South Africa said that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, they made a very profound declaration of our nationhood. Any people in the world would define who they are in relation to the territorial boundaries that belong to them. The patriotism that arises out of our affinity to the land is in itself the product of the relationship that we have to the land as an economic asset. It’s very interesting that even the former apartheid government’s national anthem - when one listens to the phrases - says, “Ons sal lewe; Ons sal sterwe; Ons vir jou, Suid Afrika”. It was indeed an indication of an affinity that they had with South Africa as a land. I think it is true today that when we remember Kliptown, we can say we are all South African.

However, our people in Kliptown did not end with that declaration. They further articulated interventions that would have to be undertaken to realise this vision. One of those was that the land must be shared among those who work it. What this clause in the Freedom Charter means is that we cannot talk of a South Africa that belongs to all who live in it if we do not, in a measurable way, deal with the equitable ownership and use of land by all South Africans. [Applause.] It was therefore correct that we included land reform in our Constitution as a fundamental principle for redressing inequality in the ownership and use of such land.

Ngingasho ngithi kule minyaka eyi-10 eyedlule kuningi esesikwenzile ukubuyisela imihlaba ebantwini. Sibonile-ke ukuthi yize imihlaba ibuyele ebantwini, okunye okubalulekile okufanele sikwenze ukuthi sibaxhase ngezinto zokulima ukuze bakwazi ukuwusebenzisa umhlaba, ukwazi ukubanikeza nomnotho njengesizwe. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[I can safely say that a decade ago we did a lot to give land back to the beneficiaries. We have realised that, although the land has been given back to beneficiaries, we still need to help them with equipment so that they are able to use the land, and can generate economic growth on their own as a nation.]

While we have moved on policy and legislation on these areas, it is sad to note that there are still those among us who feel that access to and use of land by the majority should and must not happen because it will disadvantage the privileges of some who have had access to and use of the land as a result of the dispossession. The Sunday Independent, in this Sunday’s edition, relates a very sad story of how tension is looming in Limpopo between the restitution claimants and the current landowners, where some of the landowners are questioning the validity of the claims.

The Freedom Charter, in its subclause about land, also deals with the support that is required to actually assist those who would have received the land. I think it is important for us to note one of our programmes here in Cape Town. Through the share equity scheme, the initiative of Paul Cluver has resulted in new black farmers who have actually entered the wine export market. The success story of Thandi wines, which now has become a well-known label in the export market, has come out of that share equity scheme where, indeed, we can say the land has been shared among those who work it.

Fifty years later, the voices of our people in Kliptown fill our lives as their vision of a South Africa finds meaning and reality in policies, legislation and programmes we implement here today. When we celebrate 50 years of the Freedom Charter, we must do so with complete awareness that the government of the people, led by the ANC, remains true to the wishes of our people carved over 50 years of painful struggle. [Applause.]

Mr M DIKO: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President, hon Cabinet Ministers and hon members, our Constitution is renowned throughout the world for the comprehensive expression that it gives to the freedom and equality of all South Africans. Central to the Constitution is the specific and implicit tone on social justice that it seeks to establish.

We are building a democratic state on the understanding that, irrespective of a person’s social standing, he or she is entitled to a certain basic quality of life. Yet in our country, millions of people live below the breadline. This grinding poverty, Mr President, mocks the tone of social justice that is so fundamental in our Constitution. For these millions of disadvantaged people their daily suffering is immediate, while the Constitution’s guarantees seem distant and ideal.

In this context, the provision of a safety net for these desperately poor millions is one of the foremost responsibilities of our government that would like to call itself democratic in the true sense of the word, in other words, a government that calls itself democratic not merely because it received the majority of votes, but a government that promotes and defends the rights of all its citizens.

The UDM therefore welcomes the hon President’s assurance, and I quote:

… that government has continued to allocate more resources and put in more effort to provide services to society at large and a safety net for the indigent.

However, the UDM, in its interaction with the public, has discovered disturbing reports of people who were registered for grants just prior to the previous elections, but who have now been cut off. Quite understandably, these people now feel that they were duped into being mere voting cattle. Whether this is true or not, the fact remains that they qualified for grants because they had real needs, and … “… basalamba Mongameli.” [… they are still starving, President.]

Similarly, there are widespread complaints and frustrations regarding housing, electricity, water, clinics, schools and community development. To the best of my knowledge, Mr President …

The SPEAKER: Order, hon member! Hon Minister?

The MINISTER OF ARTS AND CULTURE: Madam Speaker, on a point of order: Is it proper to say something as outrageous as the speaker has said, and then to qualify it by saying “whether it is true or not”? If it is not true, why is he saying it? [Interjections.]

The SPEAKER: Hon member, we will have to look at the Hansard to see what you actually said and how you put it. Then we will be able to determine … [Interjections.] Proceed, hon member. [Interjections.]

Mr M DIKO: These people are merely asking to receive that which has been promised to them and to have the correct and self-serving officials who neglect them removed. If the government fails to demonstrate more effectively that democracy can deliver social justice, then democracy itself comes under threat.

Declaring protests illegal will not remove threats. To the best of my knowledge, Mr President, these people are not rioting because they need luxury cars or designer clothes. What they need is basic services. I thank you.

The MINISTER OF SPORT AND RECREATION: Madam Speaker, His Excellency, the President of the Republic of South Africa, hon Deputy President and hon members, the editorial of Die Burger today warns the sporting fraternity of this country that it has already received a yellow card, and if it continues to tarry on transformation, it will soon be receiving a red card. [Interjections.]

Prof Gangat, writing to the Sunday Argus, warns that South Africa’s deprived majority is getting fed up with transformation which is beginning to engage the reverse gear. This immediately raises the question of why those who benefited from the apartheid legislation of the past, and indeed those who continue to lick their boots, want to make such a noise about transformation, when in fact they should be putting more energy into making it happen.

Mr Lee should begin to attend these meetings in the Eastern Cape when these serious matters are being discussed, instead of going to play golf at Walmer. [Laughter.] This is where he should be. Then he would begin to understand even the definition of the concepts.

He has the audacity to stand in front of this august House and distort the presentation by Abdul Minty to the United Nations on our desire to get to the merit selecting situation in this country. [Interjections.] What did he say? He said what we asked him to say. And this is what we said, when he was lolling in his erstwhile privileges, bestowed upon him by Hertzog in

1. This is what we asked Minty to say to the United Nations. There is no country in the world which, only on the basis of people’s skin colour, would deny them access to the facilities and amenities of their country. What are we doing today? What we are doing today is to get South Africa where we always wanted it to be - a South Africa where all its people belong to it, not only in terms of the Constitution, Mr Delport, but in real terms of access, better facilities and participatory democracy.

In respect of sport, the facilities are certainly not in Kwazakhele, Esikhawini and Manenberg; the facilities are elsewhere. It is our responsibility to make sure that our children and our communities also have access to equal or even better facilities. How do we do it? The way to do it is to dip our burners for those who went to Kliptown in 1955 and salute them for providing us with the lodestone that must continue to pull us towards that objective.

Nonracialism is not an event. The fact that we are sitting here now, enjoying the benefits of our miseries and our woes, our broken sorrows and our broken and sorrowful hearts, is because you yourselves were beneficiaries of that blood and those wheels that continue to bleed on our bodies. [Applause.]

Nonracialism, on the contrary, is going to come, Mr President, as you correctly said, when we transform every nook and crevice of our society. And there are no sacred cows in this respect. Not even our political parties, sport facilities or schools are sacred cows.

We cannot do what the DA is asking us to do – to just fold our arms and watch transformation taking its course spontaneously. There is nothing like that. Our government must and will intervene, and prod society along towards our ultimate goal.

South Africa cannot loll in the comfort of knowing that in 80 minutes they may win a soccer game, in 90 minutes they may win a rugby game, but in the long term they lose the cohesion and dignity of the rest of society. South Africa must get off the horse of individualistic ambitions and get onto the horse of wanting to build a nation. Whilst Mr Lee was lolling there in Port Elizabeth, nation-building was a product of our sweat. We ran up and down the length and breadth of this country, and indeed the world, to canvass support for the nation of South Africa to be born. Sport was able to deliver a seat for Mr Lee to sit in this Parliament today. [Applause.]

Mr President, we are not prepared to watch our children sit on the benches and sing in the choirs at the stadium. We want to move the situation forward. We want to assist them to catch up with those who were already put there for no reason other than being beneficiaries of apartheid and colonialism. Merit will come when that catching-up has happened.

You cannot expect the boys of Kearsney College to go and play a match against the boys of Esikhawini and call that an equitable situation based on merit. There is nothing like that. You can’t take the boys from Manenberg and let them play against the boys of Bishops College and call that … [Interjections.] I am pleased that they can now beat Bishops. That is transformation. [Laughter.] When Bishops is beaten by Manenberg, that is when we are able to say, this is transformation in the Western Cape. However, it cannot be the case elsewhere, because other places are still lolling in those benefits of yesterday.

For this reason, we have called upon the sports administrators to sacrifice a little in terms of wanting to win, because even when we use all these semi-lilywhite teams, we lose. [Interjections.] We therefore believe we must begin to look at the broader virtue, the value of a broader South African nation that is proud to be participating in the international fraternity. This will be what transformation is. [Applause.]

Today sport has a lot of economic perks. A lot of money goes into the pockets of those that play sport. [Interjections.] Whilst Mr Leon was patrolling the borders with the ships, I was playing sport in this country – on the veld. [Applause.] Whilst he enjoyed the greens of Kearsney College, I played among the bottles of Cradock and Alice in Port Elizabeth. That is where we come from, sir. It was not only discovered yesterday. It has been there a long time, whilst you were enjoying your benefits.

Whilst Mr Lee did not know even know how to spell the term nonracialism, we were espousing and propagating it. [Applause.] This is why he cannot differentiate, for instance, between Basil D’Oliveira and this young boy who was playing last week, Peterson. How can you compare these incomparables? It is precisely because you do not know where they come from, what the difference is and where you come from, as a matter of fact. [Applause.]

Our economic programmes, in our view, must also use sport to impact on the second economy. The 2010 World Cup must not only benefit the first economy. It must also begin to benefit the owners of bed-and-breakfast establishments, the taxi owners and the caterers of the hinterlands. That is what we want to do in accepting your challenge to move our community forward. We agree with you, Mr President. We have come a long way. The changes at school level and at the junior levels must be assisted to impact at the national level.

The Freedom Charter continues to be the lodestone that guides us in these things. Mr President, your leadership inspires us, irrespective of the gaunt skeletons that continue to rattle in the apartheid cupboard with years of injustice and greed. We will march on towards the vision of our forefathers and foremothers. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr L M GREEN: Madam Speaker, hon President, Deputy President, hon Ministers and members, in his state of the nation address, the President has sketched for us, broadly, the progress our country has made over the past 10 years, with a frank assessment of what the critical outstanding issues are that must be addressed by this government in the coming year.

With reference to the economy, the President said, and I quote:

… in May last year, in the aftermath of our third democratic elections, we set out the programme of action of government to achieve higher rates of economic growth and development, improve the quality of life of all our people, and consolidate our social cohesion.

In this regard, the President quoted Rudolf Gouws of the Rand Merchant Bank. I concur with Mr Gouws’ assessment that government has a good track record in implementing prudent fiscal policies. However, the slow economic growth and the persistent high unemployment figures in our country continue to concern us.

Government has chosen the path of trade liberalisation and we might argue that this is unavoidable in today’s fast-globalising world economy. Government must look at ways of limiting the negative effects of trade liberalisation, such as unemployment, especially on women. If we examine the effects of trade liberalisation on the clothing and textile industry in the Western Cape, we must admit that small and medium-sized enterprises have been most affected because they could not invest in the new technology needed to be competitive. More than 42 000 clothing and textile industry workers have been retrenched between 1997 and 2000, most of whom have not been able to find other jobs and this, of course, adds to the social burden on government.

With reference to the liberalisation of the telecommunications industry, I concur with the President that it is unacceptable that our fixed-line rates should be ten times those of developed countries, and I urge government to do everything in its power to remove the impediments that stand in the way of a second national fixed-line operator.

The President also mentioned in his speech the intended deployment of community development workers at local government level. My question, Mr President, is: What exactly will be the role of these workers? Will they be appointed by the municipalities, by the province or by national government? Will this deployment be done by way of a pilot project first to evaluate any teething problems? What will be the cost and extent of this programme, and what are the desired or intended outcomes?

Regarding safety and security, it is commendable that government has deployed the police on trains to secure the safety of passengers. There is, however, a great need for improved safety at our public hospitals and our schools. It is not enough for government to say these public places are no- go areas for criminals. Security personnel are needed to improve security.

I also believe that the hon Minister of Labour responded to the ACDP’s input on how to fight the HIV/Aids scourge that is facing our nation. The hon Rev Meshoe implored government to emphasise abstinence before marriage and staying faithful to one’s spouse during marriage. The Minister of Labour yesterday blamed the church and church leaders for failing to spread the message of abstinence.

Let me remind the hon Minister that the church has not failed. The Bible, which we believe is the Word of God, cannot lie. Abstinence is the answer. The church has preached this for centuries. The success of Uganda’s victory is that both church leaders and leaders of government, including the president and his wife, have promoted the message of abstinence. The day our government, including our President, follow their example, and we as a nation submit ourselves to God’s Word, is the day we will see the beginning of the end to the HIV/Aids scourge. I thank you.

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam speaker, the President, Deputy President, Ministers, comrades and hon members:

There shall be peace and friendship; South Africa shall be a fully independent state which respects the rights and sovereignty of all nations; South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of all international disputes by negotiations – not war;

Peace and friendship amongst all our people shall be secured by upholding the equal rights opportunities and status of all; The right of all peoples of Africa to independence and self-governing shall be recognised, and shall be the basis of close co-operation …

This is what the people of this country declared 50 years ago, led by the ANC which has always been the driving force for progressive change.

Mr President, in outlining the key elements of our international agenda and programme, you said:

We shall do all this, Madam Speaker, conscious of the responsibility that we have not only to our own citizens, but also to the rest of humanity in pursuing the goal of a better world.

In the first instance, our greatest challenge in this regard is to consolidate the African agenda, and we can draw inspiration from the many positive developments on the continent since we addressed the Joint Sitting of Parliament last May.

This illustrates that the ANC-led government has been true to the international vision and tradition of our people and the founding leaders of our movement.

We continue to give concrete expression to one of the fundamental aims and objectives of the ANC, which is the cause of the national liberation and the right to independence of nations in Africa and the rest of the world.

In our work on the continent, we continue to be guided by a basic understanding so simply put by our first Nobel Laureate, Chief Albert Luthuli, when he delivered his lecture at the University of Oslo on 11 December 1961. He said, and I quote:

All Africa has this single aim: our goal is a united Africa in which the standards of life and liberty are constantly expanding … This goal, pursued by millions of our people with revolutionary zeal … carries the only real promise of peace in Africa.

It is also in this same context that Africa’s liberation was expressed by President Mandela in his address to the OAU Summit in Tunis in 1994, when he said, and I quote:

If freedom was the crown which the fighters of liberation sought to place on the head of Mother Africa, let the upliftment, the happiness, prosperity and comfort of her children be the jewel of that crown.

This means that our engagement with the world is guided by the same goals that we pursue every day of our lives here at home, that is, pushing back the frontiers of poverty and underdevelopment, and the constant expansion of the vistas for human advancement and freedom.

Thus, Madam Speaker, the founding President of our democratic state redefined our relations with the continent, away from being a source of suffering and pain, towards being a potent force for good and the all-round regeneration and advancement of our continent.

It is this perspective that continues to inspire and guide us even today as we find our bearings through a maze of complexities in the execution of our tasks.

We remain consistent because our approach is rooted in a rich legacy of practical experience, intellectual interrogation and moral judgment.

It is in this context, Mr President, that we salute you for your leadership in ensuring that, no matter what the difficulties, we stay on course, that we do not betray our people simply because the alternative may bring short- term comfort and popularity. Aluta Continua! [Applause.]

It is also against this background that we wish to make it clear that, in whatever form it arises, any fundamental challenge to our expression of support to the advancement of our continent, such as the now fashionable questioning in some quarters of the time devoted by the President and the Deputy President to the affairs of the continent, we shall treat with the contempt it deserves. We do so fully confident of the support of our people and the verdict of history. We shall do so in the knowledge that the security of our own future objectively depends on an Africa that is free, peaceful, democratic and prosperous.

Thus we shall continue to strengthen the AU and its organs; we shall continue to support and advance the consolidation of democracy in the DRC and Burundi; we shall contribute what we can to the post-conflict reconstruction in Angola and the Comoros. We are consequently proud that our country is currently playing host to the prime minister of Angola, who is here as a guest of the Deputy President, and we will continue to support the legitimate struggle of the people of Western Sahara based on their right to self-determination.

South Africa and SADC shall continue to work with and support Zimbabwe. [Interjections.] As of now, we are looking forward to the coming elections in March. The registration of candidates of contending parties is going to be completed at the end of this week, which will then mark the formal beginning of the election campaign, and thereafter the invitations to the observers from the SADC and others will be issued. And, of course, SADC will then go to Zimbabwe, Tony.

As you indicated, Mr President, we are inspired by the comprehensive agreement between the government of Sudan and the SPLM, ending the decades- long conflict on our continent. On 18 February 2005, we shall be chairing the post-conflict reconstruction meeting here in the Mother City. Delegates at this meeting will discuss the agreement itself and map out the action plan for the committee in the coming years. The challenge is how to make sure that in the next six years the lives of the people in Sudan, especially southern Sudan, change for the better to an extent that they vote to stay in a united Sudan. The alternative will have wide-ranging negative implications.

Our government, together with Unisa, is participating in an important exchange of ideas with the senior leadership of the SPLM, and we have started a long process of human resource development and capacity-building in a trilateral agreement with Unisa, the SPLM and the South African government.

Mr President, we support you in your task in Côte d’Ivoire that you were asked to carry out by the AU.

The formation of the transitional Federal Government of Somalia heralds new hope. The re-establishment of the state of Somalia is not going to be easy, but we as part of the AU, have no choice but to participate in that herculean task.

Of course, we also support your position, Mr President, on Togo and the holding of democratic elections in line with that country’s constitution.

However, the attainment of sustainable peace and enduring stability on the African continent can only become a reality if there is also sustainable socio-economic development. Therefore we must focus on the implementation of Nepad programmes. The only concern is the much-needed resources to carry out this work. We must also strive to make resources available from our own continent for these processes.

We are indeed encouraged that the world’s decision-makers who gathered at Davos sought to address the global and African challenges of poverty, further paving the way for us, together with our international partners, to be able to realise our development objectives.

We are concerned by the report on the millennium development goals by Mr Jeffrey Sachs that Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrates a widespread shortfall for most of the MDGs and is at the epicentre of crisis, and as a consequence requires specific poverty scale-up interventions by all. Fortunately, the same report makes the bold statement that the MDGs can still be achieved by 2015 if there is renewed and intensive effort by all parties.

Mr President, Africa will only be able to boast about being free when its women are free. We ought to acknowledge your efforts, both in South Africa, and on the continent and globally. Of course, at the end of this month and the beginning of March, there will be a strong delegation to New York to participate in Beijing Plus Ten.

As part of our contribution in mobilising for the African Renaissance, we will be participating in a conference with members of the Caribbean diaspora in March.

We are in full agreement with what the President said about the Middle East. The resolution of that conflict will contribute tremendously to world peace.

In yesterday’s debate, the DA heckled hon A H Gaum. The heckling was rather unfortunate. They said, derogatively, that he should be an ambassador for South Africa, only because he was talking positively about his country. [Interjections.] I would have thought that all members of this House see themselves as ambassadors of South Africa. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

I also found it rather contradictory that the hon Sheila Camerer claimed that she supports the Homecoming Revolution, but then she went on, indirectly, to give a litany of reasons why South Africans abroad should not come home. In essence, she was saying she doesn’t support them coming home. [Interjections.]

However, Mr President, in support of what you have said, we are instructing our missions to work closely with Angel Jones and Marina Smithers of the Homecoming Revolution and hope that this project will be a great success. [Interjections.] [Time expired.]

Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, South Africa belongs to all who live in it. The question is: Is that true for black and for white? Economically this government did well – and I have said that more than once. However, I want to focus today on black-white relations. For ten years, sir, I have listened to speeches in this Assembly in which whites are accused of racism, while blacks can do no wrong. I am tired of double standards of political correctness that force us to silently bear these attacks. We must look each other squarely in the eye today and honestly talk about this. We must calculate what the effect of this is on all South Africans out there.

The ANC Youth League sees it very simply. Mr Ntshangase says the following, and I quote:

When a black person says he does not like white people that is not racism. It is prejudice. Blacks have no capacity to be racist. They can only respond to it.

Dr Rufus Nortjé, a young Afrikaner doctor, works in the Mmamethlake Hospital in Mpumalanga. Last week three young black men came into the hospital, placed a gun against his head and threatened to kill him after they asked him whether he was Afrikaans. What does being Afrikaans have to with something like this? According to the nurses, they warned him that they wanted to kill him because he was white. And it happened. The question is: What does the ANC Youth League say about this? Prejudice or blatant racism?

Yesterday the Indian shops in Mpumalanga were destroyed while the black shops were not touched. Prejudice or racism? I know these are dangerous things that we are talking about.

Mr Jack de Gouveia was a 70-year-old farmer in the Heidelberg area. He died in December last year. He was beaten on his head after which a rope was tied around his neck. He was fastened to a vehicle and dragged behind the vehicle. He died of strangulation as a result of being dragged behind the vehicle. Four young black men were arrested. Some of them are 15 years old. What does the ANC Youth League say: Is it prejudice or racism?

Where do these young people come from, sir? They were not in the struggle. They do not know teargas and police action. They were born in 1990 when Mr Mandela was set free. What motivates them to act like this? They were raised on political speeches by all of us and the ANC and one-sided television propaganda programmes. This has created a climate within which young people act in this racist way and believe that it carries the necessary approval of somebody somewhere. According to these speeches and television programmes, whites have done only bad things for 350 years and blacks have done only good. This is the distortion of our history. Our history is not that simple.

In our history there were bad white people and good white people, but also good black people and bad black people – and there are many examples. Let me give you one. In 1830 Mzilikazi, the leader of the Matebele, attacked the Barolong in what is today the Free State, killed many men, enslaved the children and took some of their women. The Matebele stole the Barolong’s land. Chief Moroka of the Barolong then signed a treaty with the Afrikaner Boers. In October 1836 Mzilikazi tried to kill the Afrikaners at Vegkop. He did not succeed, but he stole all the cattle. They had no food, no oxen and no means of moving their wagons. Chief Moroka of the Barolong then sent oxen to pull the wagons. The Afrikaners were moved to his place at Thaba Nchu. There they stayed for a month while he helped them to recover. Why don’t we also hear this part of history?

Go and read about the relationships between the Afrikaner and the Zulu people in Natal and how, after the Battle of Blood River in 1840, they handed rocks of peace to each other, and in 1866 came together at Blood River and stacked rocks as a symbol of their peace, how Cetswayo gave land to the Boers after they helped and protected him. The Republic of Vryheid dates from that period. Interestingly, eventually the Zulu King Dinizulu and the Boers ended up on St Helena, both banned to the island by the British.

Sir, you can interpret this history as you please. The point I would like to make is: Our history is not a simple black-white confrontation where the one side is always bad and the other always good, as it is sometimes portrayed around here.

The Ivory Coast was seen as one of the model states of Africa. The democracy and stability of the Ivory Coast was suddenly destroyed after 40 years by a military coup in 1999. What went wrong in the Ivory Coast? The question is: What will South Africa look like in 2034? It will then be precisely 40 years after the transfer of power to the ANC. Will there be harmony between the different groups? Let’s hope. Or will our children then fight each other, as in the Ivory Coast? The decisions taken in this Assembly and the speeches we make will largely determine this in the end, in 40 years’ time.

The ANC Youth League says that one can have 40 years of antiwhite speeches, because it won’t have any effect on black people because blacks have no capacity to be racist. What nonsense, sir!

The big hero of the ANC Youth League is Mr Mugabe. This weekend Mr Mugabe launched an attack on the American secretary of state, Ms Condoleezza Rice. According to Mr Mugabe Ms Rice should know, because she comes from a history of slavery, that the white man is not a friend. Sir, that is crude racism and a generalisation. All whites are enemies, according to Mr Mugabe. Why is this not condemned? If that is the type of politics we are going to practise, we will end up like the Ivory Coast.

I prefer the old Mugabe. During the independence celebrations of Zimbabwe in April 1980, Mr Mugabe said the following, and I quote:

  Oppression and racism are inequalities that must never find scope in
  our political and social system. An evil remains an evil, whether by
  white against black or black against white.

Sir, the ANC is as guilty in creating this climate. Read the documents on the ANC website. If you do not join the ANC, you are the enemy, according to those documents. Attack the enemy on all fronts, say the documents. We on this side of the Assembly are described as, “broadly speaking, counterrevolutionaries”. [Interjections.]

Sir, during the past ten years we in the FF+ have spoken in this Assembly about co-operation and reconciliation. Read my speeches. They are all available in Hansard, and you will remember what I said. What does the ANC write in its strategy documents on reconciliation? On page 9 they write:

The deliberate policy of reconciliation adopted by the liberation movement is to narrow the space for those forces which might have had plans to subvert this process.

Does the ANC’s reconciliation come from the heart? Or is it a deliberate strategy to outmanoeuvre the enemy? I need to know that. We cannot blame the ANC Youth League if this is correct. The young lion cubs act as they were trained. South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, says the President, and I agree and support it.

I received a letter from a young South African last week. He had just been affected by affirmative action. He is a qualified clinical psychologist who completed his community year at the Defence Force. He did such excellent work that the directorate of psychology asked him to stay with the Defence Force. He had an attractive offer to go and work overseas for much more money. After consideration he decided to stay with the Defence Force - coincidentally the Minister last week asked that more whites should join the Defence Force. Last week he received a phone call and he was told that his application had been turned down and that he had to leave his post within the next month. The directorate of psychology did not turn him down, but human resources did. Why? They said because the quota of black psychologists had to be filled and he unfortunately was white. All indications are that his position will not be filled because black psychologists did not apply for the position. What do I write to him? I must respond. Do I quote Minister Lekota who says that whites should join the army? Do I quote the President that says South Africa belongs to all who live in it, both black and white?

Recently a study was completed that showed that affirmative action was the single biggest factor that leads to alienation amongst young whites and we must take cognisance of that. The FF+ has suggested solutions. We tried to solve these problems and not make it worse. We have suggested a cut-off date, as well as that young people of a certain age be exempted. The ANC says it is important and that we will talk about it, but that is where it stays.

As the leader of a political party, what do I say to my supporters? Must I copy the ANC Youth League and say that whites have no capacity to be racist, but can only respond to it? That would also be nonsense. Then I would be justifying throwing a person into a lion’s enclosure or dragging him behind a vehicle because he is of a different race. We condemned those incidents, but the ANC did not condemn the black racist incidents I referred to. The easy way is to reward racism with racism, but that will bring us nowhere. An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and then we end with the whole world being blind.

Meneer, ek noem nog enkele voorbeelde wat hierdie polarisasie versterk. As jy mense wil kwaad maak, moet jy hulle geskiedenis, hulle helde en hul voorvaders beledig. Dit is wat die ANC tans met die Afrikaner doen, omdat hulle geen beleid het oor die verandering van plekname nie. Ek het met verskeie Ministers gepraat en probeer om die beleid te bepaal. Vanaf 1850 tot op hede het die Britte nog net een oorlog verloor. Dit was teen die Afrikaners in 1881. Die Boereheld van daardie oorlog was Piet Joubert, en Pietersburg is na hom vernoem. Dit is nou Polokwane.

Kom ek gee vir u ’n persoonlike voorbeeld uit my hart uit. My oupa Mulder was met ’n Potgieter getroud. Muldersdrif naby Krugersdorp is na hierdie voorvader vernoem en Potchefstroom na Hendrik Potgieter, my ouma se voorvader. Die ANC wil altwee hierdie name verander. Ek sê: U beledig my en my voorvaders, en u verwag van my om vriendelik hier te sit en dit net te aanvaar. Natuurlik is hierdie ’n aanslag op die Afrikaner. Britse koloniale name soos King William’s Town, Queenstown, Durban en Victoria-Wes is nie onder druk nie, net Afrikaanse name.

Daar is egter oplossings. Soos die 1913-afsnypunt vir grondaansprake, kan ons soortgelyke riglyne ontwikkel vir plekname, want ek weet u wil name verander. Kom ons praat daaroor. Hoekom sê ons nie byvoorbeeld alle name na ’n spesifieke datum mag nie verander word nie en ontwikkel riglyne? Die President het verlede jaar in hierdie debat gesê dat hy graag hierdie sake met ons wil bespreek. Intussen gaan die ANC sonder beleid en met verskillende standpunte voort.

In sy nuusbrief van 7 Januarie 2005 verwys President Mbeki na die NP- regering wat altyd geweet het “what is best for the Bantu” – en ek verstaan dit - maar binne tien jaar is die ANC presies soos die vorige regering. Die ANC glo hulle het al die antwoorde; hulle weet “what is best for the Afrikaner and the minorities”. In die DRC onderhandel President Mbeki oor magsdeling en sê dat almal in die saak geken moet word. In die Ivoorkus word voorgestel die opposisie moet om ’n tafel gaan sit en praat, maar in Suid-Afrika weet die ANC egter wat is die beste vir die Afrikaners en die ander minderheidsgroepe.

Ons betaal almal belasting, maar ons kan nie bepaal waarheen ’n enkele sent daarvan gaan nie. Dit is nêrens so duidelik as in die huidige geveg om skole nie. Net 3% van alle skole in Suid-Afrika is eentalig Afrikaans. Hierdie skole is nie meer wit nie. Tog is die ANC deurlopend met hierdie skole besig. Moenie Afrikanervriendelikheid met swakheid verwar nie. Gaan kyk in ons geskiedenis wat gebeur het toe die Britte alle skole probeer verengels het.

Ek droom van ’n model Suid-Afrika oor 40 jaar - gaan lees my vorige toesprake - ’n Suid-Afrika waar ek en my kinders nog steeds sal wees. U sal nie van my ontslae raak nie. Ek droom van ’n land wat werklik aan almal behoort, waar daar vir elkeen ’n plek in die son gegun word, maar nie op hierdie manier nie. Lees saam met my die internasionale dokumente oor minderheidsregte en selfbeskikking, oor hoe ons die regte resep kan kry om almal te akkommodeer. Moenie dat ons die lang pad van konflik loop nie. Moenie dat ons uit die Ivoorkus en ander lande leer, terwyl ’n kortpad beskikbaar is om by hierdie droom uit te kom nie. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Sir, I want to mention a few more examples which strengthen this polarisation. To make people angry, one has to insult their history, their heroes and their ancestors. This is what the ANC is doing to the Afrikaner at present, because they have no policy with regard to the changing of place names. I have spoken to various Ministers to try to ascertain what the policy is. Until today the British have lost only one war since 1850. It was against the Afrikaners, in 1881. The Boer hero of that war was Piet Joubert, and Pietersburg was named after him. It is now Polokwane.

Let me give you a personal example straight from my heart. My grandfather Mulder was married to a Potgieter. Muldersdrif near Krugersdorp was named after this ancestor, and Potchefstroom after Hendrik Potgieter, my grandmother’s ancestor. The ANC wants to change both these names. I say: You insult me and my ancestors, and you expect me to sit here and be friendly and simply accept that. Of course, this is an onslaught on the Afrikaner. British colonial names such as King William’s Town, Queenstown, Durban and Victoria West are not under pressure, only the Afrikaans names.

However, there are solutions. We can develop guidelines for place names similar to the 1913 cut-off point for land claims, because I know you want to change names. Let us talk about that. Why don’t we say, for example, that all names may not be changed after a specific date, and develop guidelines? The President said in this debate last year that he would like to discuss matters with us. In the meantime the ANC continues without policy and with differing points of view.

In his newsletter of 7 January 2005 President Mbeki referred to the NP government who always knew “what is best for the Bantu” - and I understand that - but ten years later the ANC is exactly the same as the previous government. The ANC believes they know all the answers; they know “what is best for the Afrikaner and the minorities”. In the DRC President Mbeki negotiates about power sharing and says that everybody is to be considered in this matter. In the Ivory Coast it is proposed that the opposition sit at a table and talk, but in South Africa the ANC knows what is best for the Afrikaners and the other minority groups

All of us pay tax, but we cannot stipulate where a single cent is going. Nowhere is this as clearer than in the current fight about schools. Only 3% of all schools in South Africa are single-medium Afrikaans. These schools are no longer white, and yet the ANC is continually busy with them. Do not mistake Afrikaner friendliness for weakness. Have a look at our history and see what happened when the British tried to anglicise all schools.

I dream about a model South Africa in 40 years’ time – go and read my previous speeches – a South Africa where my children and I will still be. You will not get rid of me. I dream of a country that really belongs to everybody, where everyone is granted a place in the sun, but not in this manner. Read the international documents about minority rights and self- determination with me, about how we can arrive at the right recipe to accommodate everybody. Let us not walk the long road of conflict. Let us not learn from the Ivory Coast and other countries when there is a short cut to realise this dream. Thank you. [Applause.]]

The MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: Chairperson, hon President, hon members, first of all I want to say, without being accused of not acknowledging other faiths and beliefs, I want to greet you in the name of the Lord.

Mr President, in response to your speech, I really want to address some of the issues that we are left with, that are challenges and that will bring the public works programme forward, but the teacher in me wants to do something before I do that.

When you spoke in this House in May 1996, and said “I am an African”, amongst other things, you said:

I have seen what happens when one person has superiority of force over another, when the stronger appropriate to themselves the prerogative even to annul the injunction that God created all men and women in his image.

You also said:

Among us prowl the products of our immoral and amoral past – killers who have no sense of the worth of human life, rapists who have absolute disdain for the women of our country, animals who seek to benefit from the vulnerability of the children, the disabled and the old, the rapacious who brook no obstacle in their quest for self-enrichment.

And you said “you know all this because you are African”.

Around this House on that memorable day responses came from all the benches that people were Africans, and what I want to say today is that if you are such Africans, what are you doing about it? In my little illustration – former teacher Stella Nomzamo of Ohlange – I will use my little toys. As a teacher, I don’t even know how to string my own bow and arrow … [Interjections.] It doesn’t matter, you can see that it is a bow and then somewhere there is an arrow.

There are those people who will shoot at anything, no matter how good, just for the sake of saying “we are shooting”. However, amongst us there are those who will say “this is South Africa, and we are proud to be South Africans”, who will find solutions easily by just using a nut and a bolt … [Applause.] … and I want to believe it is those nuts and bolts that are going to build our future.

I deal with a department entrusted with dealing with the issue of poverty, and everywhere we go, as all these political parties, we always fight on that weekend. Are we all sincere? And if we are all sincere, we shall, as of today, say that we are Africans who fight together, because the issue of poverty, Mr President, should straddle political lines; it should be a common agenda. If we say we are truly African, this is the agenda for all of us.

When you spoke in your address, you spoke to people whose formations actually come out of Nedlac – labour is there, civil society is there, as well as government and business - where they came up with an agreement that there should be movement on the fight against poverty. Some of the formations here are made up of the same composition as Nedlac. So, what I want to say, Mr President, is that we all have to work together on this issue, and we all have to be sincere about it.

As you said in your speech, we spent the first six months of the programme, up to September 2004, ensuring that the EPWP meets its targets in terms of the number of work opportunities created, and you also illustrated that in the first six months we created 75 of those opportunities. However, what are we doing, and where are we now, sir? The programme, I want to assure you, is on track, because we believe at the end of the day we shall have created 13 000 work opportunities.

We have put in place training programmes and implementation guidelines to make sure that … [Interjections.] There is Mr Bow-and-Arrow yapping away. The training programmes we have put in place will create 300 work opportunities per annum until we reach the third year, and our government is in the process of rolling out a sustained and substantial investment in economic and social infrastructure. We are putting in place a number of capacity-building measures, including a learnership programme that has been put in place by the construction sector for emerging constructors and their supervisory staff to develop capacity to use labour-intensive methods.

Before I lose what I wanted to give to you, we received the most encouraging letter from a true South African, who wrote as follows, Mr President:

While we are aware of the challenges that remain in improving the lives of our people, we can boldly say that South Africa is a better place to live in as a result of the government’s efforts in eradicating poverty and reducing unemployment.

The First Rand Group has always acknowledged the importance of partnering with government in ensuring that its programmes are executed. Thus, the First Rand Group would like to invite you to a luncheon with all our executives to share with us the following: Challenges faced by your department, and how we can assist in ensuring that the key departmental areas of focus, the expanded public works, are carried out effectively.

We would also like to share with you our initiatives regarding SME support and development, and I would appreciate that we discuss this at the earliest convenience.

Sir, this comes from a nongovernmental body and they are saying, “we want to help government to succeed in its programmes”. What better accolade could our government receive! [Applause.]

I further want to say, sir, in our learnership programme we are actually going to be using labour-intensive programmes that will involve up to 950 learners, for which we have signed certain things with the various departments of public works around the country. Twenty-six sectors within the provinces and municipalities around the country have taken up these 950 learnerships, and these learners are currently undergoing classroom training and undertaking practical training projects.

Each of the learner contractors typically employs a hundred workers in their practical training projects. By the end of 2005 there will be 1 500 learners under this particular learnership. We are moving, and I want to assure you, sir, that as we gather strength, as we understand the programme, as we understand the challenges, we will make sure that we meet those challenges. Thank you. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you. Order! Hon members, we will now take a comfort break for ten minutes.

BUSINESS SUSPENDED AT 16:01 AND RESUMED AT 16:19.

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Deputy Speaker, hon President, Deputy President and hon Ministers, we have noted with great appreciation the President’s frankness about our government’s delivery record and programme of action to address prevailing challenges. This time around the President has managed to spell out unambiguously how he intends to achieve his stated delivery goals, as expressed in his speech last Friday. It is on the basis of these pronouncements he made, that he will be judged in terms of to what extent he delivered the promised land to the people of South Africa.

It is a fact that the poor of the country, who gave him an overwhelming mandate to govern, expressed themselves on the need to deliver, not because they don’t trust him, but simply because they expect him to do so on the basis of their confidence in him.

It is heartwarming to know that the President has acknowledged the realities which our government is faced with. He spoke of nondelivery, and said that the democratic state would not walk away from the obligation to come to the aid of the poor, bearing in mind available resources. This is a sensible and considerate statement from the President. It is on the basis of this realisation and commitment that the opposition party supports him in his endeavours to bring about a better and just society for all. We expect him to lead the country as a president of a united South Africa. We are beginning to see signs that the President appreciates the difference between a party and a government leader, and if he continues on this path, we see no reason why he cannot achieve his stated objectives, though perceptions do exist that the government tends to deliver along party lines, a classic example being black economic empowerment beneficiaries.

We as opposition have to emphasise and acknowledge that South Africa today is a better country under this democratic government. We have an opportunity to accelerate this change to benefit all South Africans, irrespective of race or political affiliation. We might be on the high path to prosperity, but more still needs to be done through hard work and dedication to serve our people. If we don’t, there is a real possibility that development will slow down and we will reverse what we have achieved thus far.

It must be said that the President is very aware that nonperformance on the part of government will fail South Africans. Surely this is an undesirable possibility, especially when not enough is done fundamentally and materially to change the lives of ordinary people. His dream of a better life and the African Renaissance will simply remain a dream which will be quickly forgotten when he exits politics. However, given the rate at which he works, he believes that he is within reach of achieving this dream.

Then what is the challenge for our President? The challenge for him is to address unidentified failures on the part of our government and to take another look at the priorities of our government to find what went wrong. On his scorecard of delivery, those challenges come out clearly in the following areas: the economy, job creation, water, sanitation and poverty alleviation.

We are witnessing an economy that is doing well, but much still needs to be done to achieve incentives for business and attract investment. As an intervention to the identified challenge, the government is set to increase investment and lower the cost of doing business, improve economic inclusion and provide the skills required by the economy. This is a welcome move. However, we still have an unacceptable level of unemployment, at 35% plus. Our economy is not creating enough employment opportunities to meet the growing rate of unemployment.

We have also noted efforts by the government to fight poverty through the public works programme. As things stand, the President said that to date over R1,5 billion has been spent on the programme, and as a result 75 000 jobs have been created. The question is: Are these jobs sustainable? Is there any skills transfer taking place during the implementation of these projects? We are, however, pleased to know that the government has achieved the 10 million mark in terms of South Africans who have gained access to a basic service such as water.

In health, the government is still faced with a major challenge to improve the working conditions of health workers. We know for a fact that we are losing our good and well-trained nurses to other countries because of attractive benefits offered to them. On the question of HIV/Aids, we have seen positive efforts on the part of the government to educate the public about the disease, but still feel that more can be done to investigate ways to improve the delivery of much-needed medication to the sufferers.

Regarding education, much has been said about not meeting educational targets in terms of classrooms, as the President acknowledged on our government’s shortcomings in this regard. However, we are pleased to learn that the government has prioritised that. Our major concern is the declining standards of education in our country, especially at secondary level. The fact that some universities are exploring new ways of admitting matriculants to their institutions bears testimony to the fact that matric results are no longer reliable criteria to determine the readiness of learners to cope with the academic demands of higher learning.

The other important issue is the high cost of education for our learners at tertiary institutions. We know that the majority of the learners come from impoverished backgrounds.

In foreign policy we have noted the shift in term of how our government is involved in international matters. Sometimes you find alliance partners fighting about how to handle countries considered to be undemocratic. We welcome the President’s stand on Zimbabwe, where he has called for a free and fair election so that the people of Zimbabwe can have an opportunity to exercise their democratic right to vote for the party of their choice, and his stand on Swaziland, for Swazi nationals to map out their destiny in a changing world order.

We hope that the President will work hard and with vigour to meet these challenges and targets for the coming year, as expressed. These include introducing community courts, expanding the number of police areas from 69 t0 169, further improving law enforcement and security at ports of entry, and readily reducing the number of children in police and prison custody.

Mr President, we believe that a collective approach in this regard will help the government to deliver on its promises. We have to advise you that, as you may know, if we don’t capacitate our delivery engines, the local governments, we shall remain where we are. We are pleased to know that you have identified the shortcomings of the councillors in effecting change or imparting your vision. Let us all work together for a better South Africa.

Mr President, we in the UCDP can’t agree more with the President when he says there has to be law and order in the country. If people have grievances, they should present them to their authorities properly. We strongly condemn the unbecoming conduct of the prison warders who desecrated our national symbols by tossing their insignia around and trampling on them. In our view, this unbecoming behaviour, which has led people to think through their blood, borders on treason, if it is not treason. National symbols are there to be protected, respected and defended by citizens, regardless of their state of agitation. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Madam Speaker, Madam Deputy Speaker, Mr President, Deputy President, Cabinet colleagues, members of the House, I just want to start off by saying to the hon Mulder …

… dat ek kennis geneem het van daardie spesifieke saak wat hy genoem het, en ek sal dit opvolg. Ons sal sien wat ons later aan die saak kan doen. [… that I have taken note of that specific matter that he mentioned, and that I will follow it up. We shall see what we can do about the matter later.]

The clarion call that went out to the people of South Africa, in preparation for the Congress of the People, said in part, “Let us speak together, Africans and Europeans, Indian and coloured, voters and voteless, privileged and rightless, the happy and the homeless, all the people of South Africa, of the towns and of the countryside, let us speak together of freedom.”

A part of the reply to that call - my comrade, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, read it in full, but I just contend myself with this sentence – was that the people said, “South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the settlement of international disputes by negotiation, not war.”

The conditions that informed the minds of the authors of this reply were those of the aftermath of the Second World War. They were informed by the memories of South Africans, black and white, from towns and countryside, who had been drafted into the union armed forces, and had seen service in European and African theatres. Amongst those at the Congress of the People were those who had been rewarded with bicycles and jackets and overcoats, when the majority of them had been better rewarded.

Those who were there included men who had seen the front at Tobruk, who came back with a memory that was summarised as follows, and I quote:

The Germans attacked the 5th South African Infantry Brigade from the south, killing 224. The dead, in the aftermath of the battle, were initially buried together in a common grave, white infantrymen and black native military corps, stretcher-bearers, side by side, but not long, however.

An order from South African army headquarters soon had the corpses exhumed and properly sorted out. One grave for the whites, and another for the blacks.

With memories and accounts such as these fresh in their minds, the people of our country, through their representatives at the Congress of the People, adopted a positive outlook. They decided that nonracialism and peace would become critical components of the agenda of our freedom, and therefore committed us to this element of freedom in our country, in our region, on our continent, and in the world.

It is important for all of us to keep this in mind, if we are to understand the obligations that we now carry in this country, on the continent, under the leadership of the President. This mandate informed the letter and spirit of our national Constitution and all other relevant laws. It is the foundation of South Africa’s current involvement in peace support operations in Southern Africa and the continent.

As signatories to the United Nations Charter, we have bound ourselves to international law to strive and work for the maintenance of world peace. It is from there that we derive the mandate for the SANDF, a nonracial and unifying force, its doctrine that of a defensive posture. Our commitment is to international peacekeeping and development, and a policy of nonproliferation of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons.

I wish to concentrate, in this regard, on two areas of our work with regard to the African agenda. The first is the question of the consolidation of democracy in our region and the continent. The examples of the participation of the SANDF in supporting electoral processes in a number of countries in our region speak loudly of our commitment as a nation to advancing and deepening democracy in the region and on the continent.

At the present time we are holding tight that the Burundi process for preparing for the elections is sustainable, and that it concludes with the holding of credible elections later this year. We have to support the people of Burundi in completing the process of integrating the armed formations in that country.

Similarly, in the DRC we are collaborating closely with the Congolese and other friendly nations in ensuring that the integration of the armed forces and preparations for the elections maintain momentum and are concluded successfully later this year.

The second issue, that of peacekeeping, and the creation of stability for the purpose of development on the continent, enjoins us to lead. Africans, including South Africans, must lead this process of eliminating conflict and creating stability in Africa, because it is we Africans who understand the conditions on the continent best, and it is us who will directly benefit from the fruits of stability and growth on this continent.

I therefore wish to urge the collective elected leadership of the people of South Africa that on this issue, in this House, in the NCOP, in the provincial legislatures, in local government, South Africa’s leaders must speak as one. This is not an issue to debate. We must not only take it to heart; we must make sure that we persuade increasing numbers of South Africans that the duty of peace is one which cannot be debated or doubted.

When sceptics therefore question our ongoing and deepening involvement in the resolution of disputes and the maintenance of peace missions, South African leaders from all walks of life and of all political convictions must speak with one voice. This is particularly important in this year, when South Africa is honoured with chairing the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security and allied ministerial committees.

In this region we are the leading nation. We cannot afford dissenters on the question of peace. We cannot, as a nation, be divided on this issue. The obligations are huge, regionally. Our responsibilities include participating in the finalisation and operationalisation of the SADC Brigade, one of the five brigades of the African Union Standby Force.

The timeframe is that the SADC Brigade should be up and running, ready to participate in peace missions, under the direction of the African Union by the end of June this year. Through such means, we will contribute to the stability of the continent and our region.

Mr President, I must take this opportunity to assure you and the House that members of the SANDF, young men and women, black and white, from all stations in life, are carrying out their responsibilities in the field, in the DRC, in the Sudan, in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Burundi and so on. They are doing so, united and very determined to make these projects a success. [Applause.] If there is any doubt about their determination on this matter, we can look at the records of their performance since we deployed them the first time, which was even before other nations deployed in other theatres. When we look at the record of their performance, their relations with the communities in which they serve, their management of citizens in those countries, we find that they are spoken of in very high terms. They are holding the flag of the nation high. [Applause.]

It is the sterling example of these men and women over the years since their deployment that persuaded the United Nations late last year to rank South Africa as the tenth nation in the world that participates in the peacekeeping missions of the UN. [Applause.] And yet, Mr President, I must add with a measure of humility that we are following the outstanding example of fellow African countries. Ethiopia is ranked number five, Ghana number six, Nigeria eighth, Kenya number 11, Morocco number 12, Senegal number 13, and Namibia number 18. Of the top 20 nations of the world, these African nations are today leading nations around the world in peace support operations. [Applause.]

I think, therefore, whilst we may be proud of what we ourselves have done, we have to have humility when we look at what other nations of Africa are doing with regard to peace and its advancement. I say this is further evidence of Africa’s commitment to support peacekeeping under the United Nations from a base of very limited resources. Look at some of those nations which are ahead of us.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister, your time has expired.

The MINISTER OF DEFENCE: Madam Speaker, you took my time last year, but I will not insist on it this time. [Laughter.] [Applause].

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon Minister, we actually added two minutes because of the information you were giving us. So don’t ever refer to last year - we are squared up now!

Miss S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Speaker. His Excellency, our hon President, hon Deputy President, hon members of Parliament, honoured guests, I take this opportunity to convey to our hon President, our hon leader Mr A Rajbansi’s best wishes. He requested me to convey his applause for your most frank and honest diagnostic analysis of the country’s progress over the past ten years in your state of the nation address. [Applause.]

In view of our economy, we note that the hon President made reference to the research of two independent institutes, namely the Rand Merchant Bank and Unisa’s Bureau of Market Research. The observations of these economists clearly serve to substantiate two excellent figures noted by the MF in the hon President’s address on Friday. To have achieved a great rate of 5,6% against the background of a long period of a -3% growth rate before 1994, means that the country has had an effective growth rate of 8%, which a country such as India took 50 years to achieve. Since 1994 our two Presidents have set targets.

The analysis of our first 10 years of democracy has served to validate both our achievement and shortfalls. We admire and support our hon President in his pledged commitment to remove the tears and suffering from the broadbased masses and we applaud the achievement rate of 72%.

Throughout the length and breadth of this nation, and both nationally and internationally, our hon President’s state of the nation address is hailed for its honesty. The media has even referred to the hon President in this instance as being his own best critic. His honesty has affirmed the reality of the South African situation, and the same honesty shall be our insurance that the remedial measures our hon President has undertaken to deliver shall succeed.

Hon President, this country has experienced the greatest peaceful political resolution the world has ever seen, against the predictions of the prophets of doom forecasting the collapse of South Africa. Hon President, under your leadership and your able team of executives you have established South Africa as the economic engine of Africa.

The MF suggests, hon President, that you ignore the criticism from the pipsqueaks on the left side of this House about the time you spend in other African countries. The MF values your efforts to bring about peace and reconciliation in our neighbouring countries and abroad, as part of our commitment to world peace and for the benefit of South Africa. These pipsqueaks must realise that on this issue, cheap political point-scoring leads nowhere, as the rise of Africa means the rise of South Africa. The realisation needs to be embedded that South Africa belongs to a much larger entity, and that entity is Africa. The components of this larger entity supported us in our liberation struggle. Today we stand liberated and committed to liberating, strengthening and advancing all of Africa.

In the same breath, I stand to support all the President’s and South Africa’s efforts, both in the Pan-African Parliament and SADC. We further share in the honour of being the permanent venue for the PAP, as well as being the chair of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security.

All of Africa appears to be supportive of the growth of this continent. However, concern has been expressed over the Zimbabwean elections and the delay of invitations to oversee the democratic elections as free and fair. We trust that our hon President, together with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is working with SADC and PAP to ensure that the interests of the Zimbabwean people are upheld.

Hon President, we applaud the good relations you are building for South Africa abroad, not only in relations that will benefit our economy, but with regard to our proud assistance with disasters, such as the recent tsunami disaster. You are an inspiring example of selflessness, and a true ambassador to the pride of our nation. We salute you.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: You might get a job if you go on! [Interjections.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: I have my own job, thank you.

The MF acknowledges that in another forum the hon President made reference to the revolutionary engine which must be of high quality, thereby issuing a notice to public servants. Once again, your honesty has shown the failures of the previous decision to make do with less, and the need to expand the Public Service. It is comforting and encouraging to note that this increase in the government’s personnel costs will not mean a decrease in social spending.

The shortage of qualified individuals in professions in health, education, engineering, the police and sectors of the economic service will, once supplied, improve the service and help to overcome unemployment and poverty, contributing to the sustainable development of our nation. However, here too the influx of personnel should be monitored and all sectors subjected to systems of transparency, as a shortage of personnel is not the only reason for our setback in delivery, since the evils of incompetence and corruption have been spotted in our corridors. Transparency is key to stamping out such crime. However, the MF supports an increase of personnel in the Public Service as a means of addressing the shortfall.

How is it that the first and second provincial commissioners of Gauteng, who are people of colour, happen to be Indians from KwaZulu-Natal, and yet they are unable to attain promotion in their own province? Can this country afford qualified South Africans who attained such medical qualifications abroad with their own finance, who are unable to find employment in South Africa? Yet the government is employing medical personnel from abroad. There are a few glitches in our system that deserve to be looked at even closer. Hon President, we are, however, confident of your commitment to correct this, and that your commitment advances to all South Africans.

When listening to your state of the nation address, hon President, the MF was reminded of a famous phrase by the renowned Mahatma Gandhi: Do not judge India by the bright lights of the city; judge them by the millions in the villages who suffer.

In conclusion, Mr President, the MF holds your honesty in the highest esteem, and the day that you retire, the people will say in all honesty, “Thank you, sir.” The Soccer Bid for 2010 was a hard battle to win. Remember it happened during your Presidency, and we pray that you will still be with us in 2010.

Mnu Mongameli, qhubeka ndodana yaseNingizimu Afrika. Sikanye nawe sizobambana ukulungisa inkinga yaseNingizimu Afrika ngoba izandla ziyagezana. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of isizulu paragraph follows.)

[Mr President, go ahead, son of the soil of South Africa. We support you and shall work together with you to solve the problems faced by South Africa since one hand washes another. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Nkk N C KONDLO: Sekela-Somlomo, uMongameli, uSekela Mongameli, amalungu abekekileyo aleNdlu namaqabane ngokubanzi, mandothulele umnqwazi uKhongolozi ngesakhono, umonde nomxhino wokuthi emva kweminyaka engamashumi amahlanu wamkela umqulu wenkululeko, abe nanamhlanje uthi la malungelo, uninzi lwabantu baseMzantsi Afrika bayawaxhamla kwaye akabuyi ngamva ekuqinisekiseni ukuba ekugqibeleni bonke abantu nabemi baseMzantsi Afrika abamnyama nabamhlophe baya kuwaxhamla lamalungelo ngokulinganayo, nangokwasemthethweni njengoko usitsho loMqulu.

Sohlala siwakhumbula amadelakufa ancama ubomi bawo khona ukuze mna nawe, nabo bonke abanye abantu sibe sikhukulekile. Ndithetha mna ngabantwana besikolo semfundo ephakamileyo iNompendulo eMpuma-Koloni, abemka nomlambo ngexesha babeleqwa ngamapolisa orhulumente wephandle iCiskei kuba besithi abasifuni isibhulu njengolwimi lokufunda. Ndithetha kwanangaxhoba ka- “Azikhwelwa” awabulawa esitishini sikaloliwe eMdantsane ngamapolisa aseCiskei ngelo xesha kuba ayengafuni kukhwela ziibhasi kuba kwenyuke amaxabiso. Ndithetha mna ngabo itshoba lalala umbethe kubo ngomhla wesixhenxe kuSeptemba ka1992 eBhisho.

UMzantsi owakhiwa nguKhongolozi umiselwe kwiinjongo zaloMqulu. Lo mqulu njengoko igama lawo lisitsho ubeka elubala onke amalungelo ababengawaxhamli abantu bethu phantsi korhulumente wengcinezelo. Ukuba ke uwufunda kakuhle lomqulu wophawula ukuba ugxininisa amalungelo abantu. Unozala woku ke kukuba ingcinezelo nocalucalulo phantsi korhulumente wamabhulu lwalungabavumeli abantu bakuthi ukuba bawaxhamle la malungelo. Ukuba ke umongo walo mqulu yayikukuba, kwaye isekukuqinisekisa ukuba abantu bayawaxhamla la malungelo, umbuzo ekufanele ukuba siwuphendule ngowokuba ungakanani na umgama esele uhanjwe ngurhulumente okhokelwa yi-ANC ekufezekiseni ezi njongo nalemibono.

Oneendlebe zokuva makeve. Kule minyaka ilishumi nje kuphela igqithileyo, sinomgaqo-siseko oqulethe amalungelo abantu ngokwalo Mqulu weNkululeko. Sinamaziko afana neekomishoni ezijongene namalungelo abantu, ezijongene nesini, ezolutsha, uMkhuseli woLuntu kunye namanye amaziko amaninzi aqinisekisa ukuba la malungelo axhanyulwa sithi sonke ngokufanayo nangokulinganayo phambi komthetho. Okwesibini, lo rhulumente unemithetho emininzi ayisusileyo nebinjongo zayo ikukucinezela abantu bethu nje kuba bengemhlophe ngebala. Okwesithathu, mininzi imithetho ewiswe yile Ndlu enjongo zayo ibikukuphumeza imibono yabantu beli lizwe njengoko iqulathiwe kuMqulu weNkululeko, ukusukela kwiminyaka engamashumi amahlanu egqithileyo.

Undoqo ke kuyo yonke le miba ingentla kukuqinisekisa ukuba abantu baseMzantsi Afrika bephela, kwaye ngokungaphandle kocalucalulo basela amanzi acocekileyo, banezindlu ezindilisekileyo, banelungelo kumhlaba, umbane, impilo engcono, njalonjalo. Ukuza kuthi ga ngoku baninzi abasele bewaxhamla la malungelo kwaye baphila ubomi obungcono nobunesidima ngenxa kaKhongolozi. EMpuma-Koloni nje kuphela zifikile kuma-216 iikliniki ezithe zalungiswa, nezazibubugoxo phantsi korhulumente wangaphabili. Zifikile kwi- 131 iikliniki ezakhiweyo kwiminyaka emihlanu egqithileyo. Zingaphezulu kwama-600 izikolo ezakhiweyo. Zingaphezulu kwamashumi amahlanu iindawo zokudlala nezokonwaba ezakhiweyo kweli phondo, ngeenjongo zokuphuhlisa isakhono sokudlala kulutsha lweli phondo. Noxa urhulumente okhokelwa yi-ANC eqhubela phambili ngokumilisela lamalungelo, mininzi imiqobo ahlangana nayo endleleni, ephakathi kwayo kukho urhwaphilizo. Bambi baluchaza urhwaphilizo njengendlela abantu abasebenzisa ngayo amandla noxanduva kwii-ofisi ezo babekwe kuzo ukufezekisa iimfuno zabo.

Zikho ke iindidi ezichazwa ngokwahlukeneyo, bambi bazichaza ngokwezopolitiko, bambi bazichaza ngokwezomnotho. Ngokwezopolitiko ke urhwaphilizo luchazwa njengokusebenzisa ii-ofisi ezo ubani abekwe kuzo khona ukuze azizuzele. Obu buqhophololo ke nolurhwaphilizo buzalwa phakathi kwezinye, ngorhulumente abathatha izigqibo beligcuntswana; ukungabikho selubala kwendlela asebenza ngayo urhulumente lowo; izimali ezinkulu zikarhulumente ezijongene nemisebenzi eyenziwayo ukuphucula ubomi babantu; ukungabikho ngqingqwa komthetho, maxa wambi zithi ezi ngcali zichaza urhwaphilizo, lwenziwa yimali encinci ehlawulwa abasebenzi bakarhulumente. Kambe ke, loo nto ayithethi kuthi ukubakho kwezi zinto kuwo nawuphina urhulumente urhwaphilizo lukhona.

Urhwaphilizo ke lungumceli-mngeni onzima kakhulu kuba luchasene nophuhliso nenkqubela phambili. Lusengela phantsi ulawulo lwesininzi norhulumento olusulungekileyo, kuba zonke iindlela ezizizo zokusebenza ziyaphetshwa. Loo nto yenza ukuba iinkonzo zize ngokungalinganiyo eluntwini kuba kaloku akukhathalelwanga ndlela isemthethweni yokusebenza. Ekugqibeleni le nto ide idelise urhulumente onyulwe sisininzi. Iinkqubo zikarhulumente azixhanyulwa ngabo zibafaneleyo njengesizwe kodwa zixhanyulwa ngabo bazithengayo ngokungekho mthethweni. Bonke ke oorhulumente basesichengeni sokuba ngamaxhoba oorhwaphilizo. Simbonile urhulumente wengcinezelo indlela amilisele waluphumeza ngayo urhwaphilizo ngokwasemthethweni ngenqwaba yemithetho awayimiselayo, khona ukuze urhwaphilizo lungene nzulu kwisizwe sethu. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Ms N C KONDLO: Deputy Speaker, President, Deputy President, hon members of the National Assembly and comrades at large, let me take my hat off to the African National Congress for the efforts, patience and perseverance it has shown fifty years after the Freedom Charter was accepted. Today all South Africans, black and white equally, legally benefit from the rights as stipulated in the Freedom Charter.

We shall remember all the patriots who died so that we can enjoy our freedom. I refer to the pupils of Nompendulo High School in the Eastern Cape who drowned while fleeing from the police of the former independent state of the Ciskei, after protesting against the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. I refer also to the victims who were killed at the Mdantsane train station by the Ciskei police because they refused to ride on a bus because of raised fares. I also refer to those who died at Bisho on 7 September 1992.

The South Africa developed by the ANC has its objectives based on the Freedom Charter. The Freedom Charter, as the name states, mentions all the rights regarding which people were previously discriminated against by the apartheid government. If one reads the Freedom Charter carefully, one will notice that it emphasises human rights. This emanates from the fact that the apartheid government did not allow people to enjoy human rights. If the essence of the Freedom Charter was to ensure that people enjoy human rights, then a question we are expected to answer, is how far has the ANC- led government succeeded in achieving those goals?

Those who have ears must listen. Only for the past ten years have we had a constitution based on the Freedom Charter. The Human Rights Commission, Gender Commission, Youth Commission, Public Protector and many others now see to it that we equally and legally benefit from human rights. Secondly, the government has done away with the laws that discriminated against nonwhites. Thirdly, so many laws are passed in the House with the aim of satisfying the expectations of the people of this country for the past fifty years.

The main aim of the points above is to ensure that the people of South Africa have access to clean water, decent houses, rights to the land, electricity and better health, etc.

In the Eastern Cape alone, there are 216 renovated clinics that were uncared for by the previous government. About 131 new clinics were built during the past five years. There are more than 600 newly-built schools. More than fifty recreational centres and playgrounds have been developed in this province to improve youth skills in sport. Although the ANC-led government continues to ensure human rights, there are obstacles in the way, such as corruption. Some people describe corruption as the way people manage their office, by using their power to fulfil their needs.

There are many different ways to describe corruption, sometimes it politically or economically. Politically, corruption is explained as using an allocated office for one’s own benefit. These cunning acts and corruption stem from, among other things, unilateral decisions by the previous minority government; secrecy about a code of conduct; huge sums of money for community development; unavailability of strong governing laws; and sometimes the low salaries of government officials. Nevertheless, this does not mean the abundance of the above in any government implies corruption.

Corruption is a challenge, as it goes against development and progress. This squanders the majority rule and pure governing, as the right channels are avoided. This hampers delivery, because of unscrupulous ways of working. This act despises majority government. Government development programmes no longer benefit those they were intended for, but only those who get in illegally. All governments are exposed to corruption. We have witnessed how the apartheid government succeeded in planting the seed of corruption, legally, in order to strengthen it roots in our country.]

Apartheid colonialism was corruption. Denying the majority of our people, on the basis of their colour, access to clean water, education, decent houses, social security, land and participation in sport was corruption. A justice system that commanded little authority because of its role in maintaining apartheid was corruption.

Ngendlela ephucukileyo luye lwendela urhwaphilizo ngexesha lorhulumente wengcinezelo. Kambe imizila isekho isabonakala. Noxa kunjalo simothulela umnqwazi urhulumente okhokelwa yi-ANC kuba uzenzile iinzame zokulususa neengcambu olu rhwaphilizo. Ndiza kuthi gqaba nje, ndibethe koomofu ngemizekelo emininzi yaseMpuma Koloni, apho urhulumente alususe neengcambu urhwaphilizo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)

[In a polite way, corruption increased during the apartheid era. Nevertheless, the traces are still there, but we take our hats off to the ANC government for trying to stamp out corruption. I will quickly state some examples from the Eastern Cape where corruption has been rooted out.]

I am referring here to the case of the State versus Bongani Booi, the first money laundering conviction in the province; the case of the State versus Baijoo, the second money laundering conviction in the province; the case of the State versus Madosi; the case of the State versus Simawusi; and the case of the State versus Nolundi Yanta.

Bonke ke aba barhwaphiliza iimali zenkamnkam kwiphomdo laseMpumakoloni kodwa sithetha nje bakwezimnyama izisele. [These persons were all involved in the social grants affair in the Eastern Cape and they are now in jail.]

I want to share with the House current cases that are before the courts. A case that involves a pharmaceutical company which defrauded the Department of Health and made corrupt payments to government officials, was heard in court yesterday. There is also the case of the contractors who were hired to build 818 houses, but failed to build the required number, even though they claimed the full price.

An attorney practising in Port Elizabeth devised a scheme in terms of which he invited shareholders to invest in his brother’s business venture. Fifty- three investors responded. Over R3 million was invested, but the shareholders never received any returns.

Somlomo, xa ndigqibezela, ndifuna ukuthi, ndivumele ndiveze imiceli-mngeni esinayo ekuqhubeleni phambili, ngokutshintsha ubomi babantu bube ngcono ngokuphumeza umqulu wenkululeko.

Okokuqala, liphulo lokuqinisekisa intatho-nxaxheba yabantu bethu ngokwesininzi sabo ekuguquleni ubomi babo khona ukuze bawaxhamle ngokupheleleyo la malungelo. Okwesibini, iPalamente ifanele ngalo lonke ixesha ukuba yenze umsebenzi wayo wokuqinisekisa ukuba amaziko amiselwe ukuba aqinisekise ukuxhanyulwa kwamalungelo, akwenza oku ngokwamagunya awanikiweyo.

Okwesithathu kukutshintsha ingqondo nendlela yokusebenza kwabo banolona xanduva lukhulu lokusa iinkonzo ebantwini. Inzima ke loo nto kuba akukwazi kuyabela nemali, nokuyigcwangcisela imali ukutshintsha abantu iingqondo. Kananjalo isakhono sikarhulumente ngokwamasebe akhe ngokuphathelene nezemali abelwa zona ukwenza lo msebenzi. Nesakhono sabasebenzi bakhe ukwenza lo msebenzi mkhulu kangaka wokuphumeza iinjongo zoMqulu weNkululeko.

Xa ndiza kuhlala phantsi Sekela-Somlomo, ndifuna ukuxelela amalungu eNdlu asekunxele, ingakumbi abesakuba ngamaxhoba engcinezelo ukuba namhlanje kulaa lali ndakhulela kuyo ndandisikha amanzi echibini ndivuka ndiye kutheza iinkuni khona ukuze kuphekwe ekhaya. Namhlanje impompo yamanzi ixele apha kuwe phaya ekhaya. Ungena nje endlwini ucofe incukudu edongeni, ulayite umbane. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Speaker, in conclusion, allow me to highlight the challenges that we are faced with in trying to change the lives of people in accordance with the Freedom Charter.

Firstly, it is to ensure people participation in enjoying their rights and changing their lives for the better. Secondly, Parliament must ensure that the departments responsible for the rights of people do their work accordingly. Thirdly, we need to change the mind-set and the way of working of those who have a greater responsibility of delivering services to the communities. This is a difficult task, as no budget can be set to change people’s mind-set. There is a lack of strength among government departments in handling their budgets, as well as a lack of skills among the employees to deliver and fulfil the aims of the Freedom Charter.

In brief, Deputy Speaker, I want to tell the members of the opposition, and also those who were victims of apartheid, that in the village where I grew up, I used to go and fetch wood and draw water from a well in order for us to prepare a meal. Today fresh water taps are nearby, and we now use electricity to light up.]

Let us for once in our lifetime, as opposition parties, just accept the truth that, indeed, the freedoms enshrined in the Freedom Charter are being enjoyed by the majority of people in our country. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Chairperson, the President of South Africa, the Deputy President, Ministers, all the hon members of Parliament, it is an honour for me to respond to the state of the nation address. As we close the first decade of democracy and begin the second one, we should ask ourselves the following questions: How far away from poverty are the poor today after the first decade of democracy? Has the quality of the lives of our people improved, and to what extent? Have we closed the gap between the poor and the rich in our society?

On behalf of Azapo, I will attempt to present to you some of the situations and conditions that still need our collective attention in order to improve the lives of the poor in our society. I implore those of you who have either lived or have observed what I am going to say to continue to listen, for what I am about to reveal is merely an attempt by Azapo to reflect on the South African reality as we experience it today.

Before attempting to depict this reality, allow me to steal a word or two from a discussion document written by D. Callear for the Kagiso Trust in

1. She suggests the following: The poor have certain inabilities when engaging in meaningful entrepreneurial activities. I quote:

They have the lowest level of education, the poorest ability to obtain access to resources. They often, especially women, have responsibility for others and many calls on their time and earnings. They find it difficult to separate enterprise earnings from household budget, and to plan, and then stick to enterprise development. They have little information about markets; or possible niches within the economy. Azapo agrees with these observations, and that is why, when government puts emphasis on the review of regulatory frameworks governing small, medium and micro enterprises that will result in the exemptions of certain taxes and levies, we rejoice. The same goes for the setting up of the Small Enterprise Development Agency.

Azapo has noticed, though, that over the past 10 years, our country has embarked on a process of transformation in all the spheres of our lives. Parliament passed the relevant laws consistent with the transformation agenda, thereby leaving the implementation process to the sphere of government departments. More importantly, Parliament also left the independent judiciary with the task of interpreting the spirit and letter of all laws passed. Little did Parliament suspect that some persons who are part and parcel of the decision-making processes within the judiciary needed transformation themselves.

At some time in 2004, South Africans woke up to learn that racism still exists within the judiciary, and that there were still judges and magistrates who were clinging to the past norms, values and standards of apartheid. The mistake made was to assume that changing the laws would, by itself, lead automatically to the changing of the hearts and minds of racists. The racists who are part and parcel of our judiciary, Azapo believes, should be rooted out. In fact, Azapo can say without fear of contradiction that racism is still alive and kicking in our country, and that it is still being used to discriminate against black people. Azapo believes that drastic steps have to be taken to root out this evil phenomenon.

You will remember that our people have also come to realise that Rugby SA still needs to be transformed. Our people have also realised that Cricket SA still needs to be transformed. [Interjections.] We cannot allow people who believe that criminality and incapability is rooted in the genes of black people to continue to be part and parcel of the judiciary. [Applause.] We cannot allow them to continue to be selectors of our sportsmen and women. We run the risk of never having black players in their numbers in the national rugby and cricket teams. [Interjections.]

Azapo also believes that as we open chapters in the second decade of democracy, we should confront racism squarely. Azapo, therefore, is encouraged by the actions of the Judge President who has appointed a team to investigate the presence of racism within the judiciary. This kind of investigation should be extended to cover the police, the army and business. [Applause.]

Allow me now to turn to other aspects of the lives of black people. A report commissioned by the Nelson Mandela Foundation and written by the HSRC reveals that more than 90% of rural people in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape, as well as Limpopo earn less than R6 400 a year. Expanded unemployment is about 54% in the Eastern Cape, and 49% in KwaZulu-Natal and Limpopo.

The report goes further to state that under these circumstances, and I quote the report:

Even those with good matric passes are unlikely to find employment if they remain in the villages. Each village has a large group of young people with a sense of nowhere to go and nothing to do. Their presence preys on the minds of the youth still at school.

Statistical figures aside, we can conclude with a fair degree of confidence and a small margin of error that it is tough out there for the rural youth and the adults. The picture painted leaves us with no option but to urge government to accelerate the Expanded Public Works Programme and to increase the capacity of municipalities to deliver.

To this end, Azapo agrees with government’s intention to build school infrastructure, increase transport facilities and to provide training for women and the youth. Azapo has, during the years of the struggle, come to the conclusion that peace, truth, freedom and democracy, as well as national independence cannot be defended by good laws alone, but that good governance and progressive laws should be accompanied by efforts that raise the standard of living of the poor and the marginalised.

At the same time, the readiness of our security forces to protect and defend the territorial integrity of our country is equally important. [Applause.] Azapo therefore agrees with government’s intention to better salaries and conditions of employment for the police, for that reason and that reason alone.

Azapo further commends the government’s commitment to seeing to it that electricity is made available to all citizens. Azapo has come to realise that speeding up the supply of electricity and water can contribute immensely to the liberation of rural women and girl children. The supply of water and electricity eases the burden of having to carry water and wood for long distances. [Applause.]

Azapo has, over the past years, complained about the quality of houses being delivered to the poor. Quite often, inspectors were not overseeing the process of construction of these houses, with the result that their occupation is always accompanied by unending complaints of poor workmanship. They are very small and leave no room for improvement or for small gardens. The newly announced strategy on housing seems to cover some of the areas mentioned. Azapo is, however, convinced that the question of land availability is still a problem. To this end, we urge government to co- ordinate spatial development plans at national, provincial and local level in order to make sure that land is available for housing the poor.

I shall not have done justice to my presentation if I do not call upon those municipalities in which pit and bucket toilet systems still exist to get rid of those systems as speedily as possible. The central government must crack the whip in this regard. [Applause.]

Azapo believes that if we accomplish all these things and more, then, in the words of Steven Bantu Biko, “In time, we shall be in a position to bestow upon South Africa the greatest possible gift - a more human face.” Thank you. [Applause.]

Ms M SMUTS: Chairperson, the hon Nefolovhodwe is going to have to improve his electoral base and some of his arguments before what Azapo believes begins to matter. [Interjections.] However, there were some useful ideas we can all share.

Some of this debate has made me nostalgic again for the old transitional ANC. It has been good to hear for a change, and over and over again, how South Africa belongs to all who live in it – live in it, and yes, to the hon Minister of Defence, those who have died for it, especially when they were volunteers.

The only problem is that this nonracial credo is from the wrong document. Expressions of adherence to our actual Constitution have been very few and far between. Another problem, it seems to me, is that more of South Africa seems to belong to some economically empowered persons than to the rest of us, black and white. And it is not, for the information of the hon Ben Turok, because the market favours the billionaires, but because of ANC intervention in the market, and a lurch to the left is the last thing that we need.

A further problem I’d like to note is that South Africa also appears to belong to retired Caribbean politicians with poor human rights records. [Interjections.] I must say, and I’d like to say this with feeling, that I found Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s presence in the gallery on Friday extremely uncomfortable, as was the acknowledgement of him alongside President Mandela. [Interjections.] Our hon President has told us in his online letter number 39 how, in his view, Haiti in 1804 and South Africa in 2004 were both victims of Afro-pessimist plots, to paraphrase paragraph 12, read with 11 thereof.

Aristide’s presence in the gallery does therefore tend to illustrate, perhaps, an attachment to the view ascribed to the hon President by the Financial Mail, namely that some in our country have “a preconceived idea of black government’s potential for dictatorship, war, poverty and chaos”, even if the hon Minister Pahad replied in Thursday’s edition of the Financial Mail that the hon President had said no such thing.

The hon Dr Pahad himself, and the ruling party itself, has most emphatically said that whites and certain brainwashed blacks mistrust and misrepresent a black ruler. In fact, six full pages of the ANC’s 19-page submission to the Human Rights Commission’s Media Racism Inquiry were devoted to that proposition.

Now, a storm of dispute has finally begun blowing up with the force of Friday’s southeaster against the use of race as an instrument of censorship and control. It rages everywhere, including on the ANC’s own website.

The series running there on the Sociology of the Public Discourse, I have to tell hon members, reminds me sharply of the Human Rights Commission’s Inquiry Report after the Media Racism Inquiry, which likewise engaged in what it called “social analysis… rather than mere legal certainties”. Mere legal certainties, please!

I want to make an appeal: We have to break free now from this sterile, circular disputation in which the censorious ANC accuses its accusers of censorship in turn.

It is nonsense to assert, as the discourse did this Friday, that the Leader of the Opposition argues that race is no longer a factor in South African society and should not be raised in discussion. [Interjections.] That is nonsense.

On the contrary, we took a strong position against prohibiting free speech on racial issues when negotiating the Constitution. I argued that race would always be part of politics in South Africa, and that if you inhibited its discussion you would inhibit democracy. Only the advocacy of actual hatred constituting incitement to cause harm was defined out of the protection of the free speech right. However, the systematic erosion of such “mere legal certainty” has begun to close down democratic debate and the open society we briefly were.

The closed black society, which guaranteed seamless control, cannot survive the struggle for succession, and it cannot survive the doctrinal tensions within the tripartite alliance, Freedom Charter or no Freedom Charter.

The only place where a closed society can be kept intact is North Korea! [Interjections.][Applause.]

The MINISTER OF SAFETY AND SECURITY: Chairperson, comrades, President, Deputy President and hon members, all speakers from the ANC have recalled the Freedom Charter. You also, Comrade President, made reference to that document when you delivered the state of the nation address.

We have used the Freedom Charter, not as a ritualistic incantation of principles of a bygone era, but as reaffirmation of our commitment to the building of a better South Africa where, as our Constitution says, “The divisions of the past would be healed and a society would be established based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights.”

We have been speaking to the stipulations of the Freedom Charter to remind ourselves of the work we still need to do to advance the cause of ongoing freedom, nonracism and nonsexism for our people. All of these principles underpin our democratic dispensation.

Njengoko isigqeba esikhulu sikaKhongolozi sisoloko sisenza minyaka le, umhla wesi-8 kuJanuwari usetyenziswa njengekhwelo kubo bonke abathandi bolawulo lwenkqubo yedemokhrasi eMzantsi Afrika lokuba bayiqinise imibhinqo bezabalazela ulawulo olululo, uxolo elizweni, ubulungisa, indyebo nentlutha kumntu wonke ukuze siqinisekise inkululeko epheleleyo yabantu bethu.

Ngundoqo lo wesifundo esasifundiswa ngamatshantliziyo ezwe lakowethu ngomnyaka ka-1955, eyigqithisela kuthi le mfundo ngoMqulu weNkululeko yabantu owaba yinkwenkwezi eqaqambileyo nesikhokelo sobomi obutsha. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[As the National Executive Council of the ANC annually does, the 8th of January is marked as a day to remind all those who are committed to democratic rule in South Africa to re-affirm their commitment to proper governance, peace in the country, justice, wealth and prosperity for all, so as to assure complete democracy for our people.

This is the original lesson taught to us by the compatriots of our country in 1955, which they carried over to us through the people’s Freedom Charter, which became the milestone of new life.]

The cadres of the ANC and of its allies, the SA Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, as well as members of the population who are mobilised under the SA National Civics Organisation, are committed to this.

We know their calibre. We can best describe the majority of those cadres in the words of that professional revolutionary, President Fidel Castro, leader of the Cuban revolution and head of state of that country. When responding to a sustained systematic, reactionary campaign against Che Guevara, he said on September 28 1959, and I quote:

We know from abundant experience who will stay through difficult times. We know from abundant experience who will fight to the death and who will jump ship. We know how far each person will go, and we have the right to know which comrades can always be counted on to defend this revolution.

The members and supporters of the ANC and Congress alliance who stay the course will be available always, Comrade President, to discharge the obligations they have to make the lives of our people better … [Applause.] … and together with government and the security services will create conditions for peace and stability in our country.

The safety and security of our people is a key element of peace and stability. In 1992 the ANC defined what kind of police structure would be necessary to create the circumstances that would lead to safety and security in our country. The first thing was to reorientate and refocus the police, and to transform them from a militaristic structure to one whose main thrust would be service to the people.

Xa sasiwuxovula lo mba, sathi amapolisa kunyanzelekile ukuba asebenzisane nabantu, kuba sabona mhlophe ukuba eyona ndlela yokulwa ulwaphulo-mthetho kukuhlanganisa amapolisa nabantu, bekunye bajongane nabenzi bobubi abangqondo-gqwirha. Wathi uKhongolose ke ngoko, ingekho le ntsebenziswano akukho mapolisa anokusebenza ngempumelelo.

Kwakucacile kuthi, sikhokelwa yi-Freedom Charter, ukuba phantsi kweempembelelo zenkululeko eyeza ngonyaka ka-1994, uxolo nobudlelwano phantsi kolawulo lwabantu lulo olwaluya kusiphathela ubomi obutsha nozinzo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)

[When we discussed this issue, we said it is high time that the police work hand-in-hand with the community, because we saw clearly that the best way of combating crime is through a joint effort between the police and the community, confronting criminals whose minds are like that of a witch, together. The ANC said that without this co-operation the police would not be able to do their job with success.

It was clear to us, guided by the Freedom Charter, under the influence of the democracy which we achieved in 1994, that peace and friendship, under the people’s governance, would bring new life and stability.]

That is the reason we argued for a democratic election in South Africa soon after 1990, when the people’s organisations were unbanned, political prisoners freed and those who had gone into exile allowed to return home. That is the reason the legitimate government, installed in the aftermath of the all-inclusive democratic election, became the best instrument to bring peace and stability to our country.

Indeed, third-force activities were brought to a halt. The struggling masses saw a return to peace in their communities and the path towards freedom, democracy, peace, justice and prosperity became clearer.

In the first decade of freedom our people have participated as a nation united in action to create conditions for peace and stability. In their commitment to the building of a better South Africa and a better world, they continue to say: “There shall be peace and friendship. Kuya kulawula uxolo nobudlelwane.”

Shenge, allow me to assure you that the security services under our democratic control will never allow for the resurgence of political violence from whatever quarter, not in KwaZulu-Natal and not anywhere else in our country.

The matters you raised yesterday will be investigated, and will be investigated thoroughly. I have a report that refers to some of the matters that you raised, which I will share with you.

However, the one thing that I want to raise here relates to the murder of the mayor of Nongoma, Mr Sikhonde. It is a matter of public record that investigations happened in that case and, finally, at the trial in the High Court at Mtubatuba one Clifford Nkuna was brought in as a witness. He had made certain allegations, but in court he not only failed to substantiate those allegations, he was thoroughly discredited by the court.

Just listen to what the judge said in his summary referring to the evidence that Nkuna had given, and I quote: “It was wild, nonsensical and a frolic of his own.”

However, the police were still instructed to continue to investigate the allegations that he had made, and in the end it was proved that the allegations were false, and consequently Nkuna was arrested and charged with perjury. So it is incorrect that all the Nkuna allegations should be brought out, because they were false and proven to be false.

The SA Police Service celebrated the 10th anniversary of its existence on 27 January, and there are many things that they were celebrating that day.

There are a number of people who have come into partnership with the police in order to deal with crime as crime fighters. I want to mention the fact that many of the people involved with crime have also indicated that crime has gone down. However, when we reported last year that the levels of crime had gone down in South Africa, the hon Leon said we lied.

Of course, he will not say that big business is lying when they say the same thing. He will not say that the American Chamber of Commerce is wrong when it says that crime and personal safety are no longer the primary concerns of American business people wanting to invest in our country. He will not accuse the banks of lying when they say that bank robberies and cash-in-transit heists have subsided.

There are a number of leaders of the opposition parties here who, when I sit there or am speaking here, I admire - very respectable people, from Shenge here right down, people who are disciplined. [Interjections.] They never behave the way that the leader of the DA does, who cackles like a hen all the time when people are speaking here. [Interjections.] He does not care who is at the podium. When the President speaks, he cackles on like a hen. Whenever I speak or any of the people here speaks, he continues to cackle like a hen.

Well, I suppose he is doing this because his advisers have said to him: “It is correct to do so.” So let us not blame him; let us blame those advisers. They are wrong. [Interjections.] He believes that what he is doing is correct. [Interjections.] Let us allow him to continue cackling like a hen, as he usually does … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Order! Do you have a point of order, hon Minister?

The MINISTER OF HOUSING: Thank you very much, Chairperson. I just needed to be advised on the Rules of Parliament in relation to whether members are allowed to take photographs in the Chamber. I chanced on Mr Leon taking a photograph of Minister Nqakula. I know he admires him, but is it parliamentary? [Interjections.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: I will delete it.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): The Leader of the Opposition has indicated that he will delete the photograph. [Interjections.]

The MINISTER OF HOUSING: Chairperson, the point is the principle, whether or not members of Parliament are allowed to bring cellular phones and use them in that way.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Hon Minister, you are quite correct; it is not permitted in terms of the Rules of Parliament. [Interjections.] Order!

Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: Chairperson … [Interjections.] Hon members should please take the advice of their hon Minister. He spoke about the opposition heckling. Will members allow me my constitutional right, please? [Interjections.]

Mr Chairperson, Mr President, Deputy President, hon members of Parliament, I also share the observation made by the Minister that every single ANC member who came to this podium referred to the Freedom Charter. I understand and appreciate the historical value of that document. I also share the sentiments they have. I can understand that. However, the Freedom Charter does not suspend the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. [Applause.] And the Freedom Charter does not absolve the government from accountability. Let’s talk about that.

History will judge the Mbeki presidency harshly for its key policy failures and its inability to give life to the values of transparency and accountability enshrined in the Constitution. No single issue better illustrates the misallocation of resources and corruption than the arms deal. [Interjections.] The squandering of resources on the arms deal represents the worst kind of betrayal of the priorities and values demanded by the Constitution. Idasa describes the arms deal scandal as the litmus test of South Africa’s commitment to democracy and good governance.

There is no escaping the fact that the government has failed this test. The President himself needs to take a large share of responsibility for this failure. The President chaired the Cabinet subcommittee that negotiated the arms deal package. He must therefore take responsibility for the fact that officials of the Department of Defence now plead in Parliament that the costs of the arms deal are such that the SANDF cannot even maintain its existing equipment and that many millions more are required for the integration and operationalisation of the strategic defences packages. Ask the Minister of Defence: he will tell you more about that.

Still more bizarre is the acknowledgement of an equipment mismatch which is so severe that the weapons we have purchased are unsuited for peacekeeping operations in Burundi and the DRC.

The first arms deal revealed the abuse of powers of public office by the President and his Ministers and other large-scale irregularities. Undaunted by these failings, government has now embarked on a second arms deal which was rushed through in mid-December when Parliament was in recess. The proposed purchase of up to R14 billion worth of A400M military transport aircraft has never been referred to Parliament, nor has it been shown to meet the requirements of section 217 of the Constitution, which requires government’s procurements to be conducted in accordance with a system that is fair, equitable, transparent, competitive and cost-effective.

Furthermore, government has also failed to explain why the deal is being negotiated by the Department of Transport and not the Department of Defence. Is this because the Department of Transport is not compelled to follow the recommendations made in the JIT report which sought to avoid the sort of irregularities that blighted the first arms deal?

It appears that government has clearly not learned from the mistakes of the first arms deal. The affordability study that went to Cabinet in 1999 warned Ministers about the risks of the first arms deal. It warned that the expenditure on the arms deal would crowd out social investment in housing, education, health and welfare. It noted that the government would face mounting fiscal, financial and economic difficulties. It also noted that instead of creating 65 000 jobs, the negative economic consequences would see the loss of between 115 000 and 200 000 jobs. It is also known that senior military officials and other officials within government opposed the arms deal.

I do not have much time. I just want to ask four questions in conclusion, Mr Chair, if you will allow me to do so. Firstly, what pressure did the President apply to the Auditor-General to effect changes to his draft report? Secondly, why did he disband the Heath Special Investigating Unit, when this was the one unit with the requisite legal powers to uncover instances of corruption? Thirdly, why did he and his colleagues ignore the unambiguous warnings of the affordability study and why was that report never referred to Parliament? Finally, how could the President have been so gullible as to believe that R30 billion spent on the arms deal would magically translate into off-set benefits of over R100 billion? Please answer these four questions. [Interjections.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Rev K M ZONDI: Deputy Chairperson, on Friday the President spoke of a strong and vibrant nation invigorated with hope and promise – a country reborn, a country that is striving day by day to leave the divisions and discords of yesterday behind, a country that has taken its place in the family of nations and is respected as an African continental leader.

The picture the President painted was one which I think we all recognise, support and promote. The President also drew attention to South Africa’s solid market fundamentals and bullish economic outlook, with growth edging towards 4%. Macroeconomic stability has been achieved.

Parts of the economy have been liberalised and some economic sectors have become more competitive. These are major achievements. The IFP, as a constructive opposition, acknowledges the government’s role in helping to create this virtuous framework. However, we urge government to quicken the pace of change and economic liberalisation. If we are to compete successfully in the global economy, this is not the time to be complacent or to go wobbly.

Economic growth remains low compared to other developmental states and is lower than government’s own stated aspirations. Most alarming, the number of entrants to the labour market is growing three times faster than the economy is able to create jobs. We are in many ways experiencing what some economists have described as jobless growth and, paradoxically, it is the crippling rigidity of the labour market legislation which was designed to protect workers that in our view makes it onerous for work seekers to gain access to the labour market.

The Expanded Public Works Programme, which we fully support, no matter how laudatory, cannot be an economic panacea or a solution to create sustainable employment. Despite an investment of R1,5 billion, so far only 76 000 jobs have been created. These, we must be reminded, are only short- term for three to six months duration. In order to create jobs, government must do more to attract direct foreign investments, which are lagging behind other developing states, as well as increase internal investments.

Investors, of course, we are informed, are also concerned about the impact of HIV and Aids on our work force. We therefore urge companies to follow the example of Anglo-American and other progressive companies, which have over the past two years implemented extensive voluntary counselling and testing for HIV infection, coupled with antiretroviral therapy for employees progressing to Aids.

Investors have also invariably expressed concern over the manner in which black economic empowerment is implemented. The IFP fully supports the principle of black economic empowerment. However, it calls upon government to give opportunities to companies that comply with social transformation requirements and on their ability to add commercial value to the business.

Potential conflicts of interest must be avoided at all times. The reluctance of government to develop standards, anti-trust and pro competition legislation to break the grip of our private and public cartels and monopolies on our economy is also a matter of concern. Indeed, these negative factors are ominous clouds on the horizon, which could, if unchecked, compromise our long-term political and social stability. We would nevertheless like commend President Mbeki for his candour in acknowledging that government has fallen short in its endeavour to create 1 million jobs, and in meeting its own service delivery targets which the President gave in his state of the nation address last year.

The IFP believes that Parliament must exercise a greater public policy oversight role over the executive. It is equally important that government itself is accountable to this forum. We commend the President for taking the lead in this regard. We look forward to hearing Ministers explain to this House how and why their departments failed to live up to the President’s targets. I must strike a cautionary note and say that it is vital to our public discourse and national stability that the ruling party does not make promises that it cannot realistically fulfil.

The ANC campaigned on the basis that it would create 1 million jobs and laid out ambitious proposals to provide housing, improve transport and basic services. In making promises that are difficult to keep, we must be careful not to raise unrealistic expectations and thus create a culture of entitlement and dependency. The state has limited resources and capacity – the President reminded us last Friday. Real transformation is brought about by a community taking initiatives about their plight and only assisted by government and others to success in a bottom-up approach. It is vital that we give people a hand up, not a hand down, and rather equip them with life skills of self-help and self-reliance.

We were encouraged by the President’s condemnation of the constitutional charade in Togo, and his upholding of tenets of good governance and transparency, as enshrined also in Nepad and throughout the African continent. We must be vigilant in defending democracy and the rule of law at home and abroad at all times. We are particularly mindful at this time of the people of Zimbabwe who will soon be going to the polls. The question that must be posed is: Is all we have done pertaining to Zimbabwe all there is to do, is that the best we can do? Is there no more we can do as this great self-respecting nation?

We have achieved much. In many ways the next decade will be more difficult than the last, as the imperatives of nation-building and reconciliation give way to the pursuit of progress and prosperity for all, not just an elite few. We believe we will achieve this by building healthy partnerships between government and society, between the individual and the community for the betterment of the situation for us all. I thank you. [Applause.]

Dr S C CWELE: Chairperson, as the President was speaking on 11 February, we were touched by the spirit of John Langaliballe Dube …

… uMafukuzela onjengezulu, uzikhala zemithi ngokudedela imisebe yelanga, umongameli wokuqala we-ANC, ivolontiya loxolo eladlulela kwelokhokho ngaye futhi umhla ka-11 February ngo-1946.

Sathintwa umonya wenkosi u-Albert Luthuli owahola u-ANC ngezikhathi ezinzima zesihluku sikahulumeni wobandlululo. Nango-1955 amaBhunu aze amvimba ukuthi aye kwinkomfa eKliptown eyayiyobumba umqulu wenkululeko yabantu baseNingizimu Afrika. Yiwo lo mqulu owaba umthombo wamandla okulwisana nobandlululo ezizukulwaneni ezalandala, uhlahla indlela eya enkululekweni. (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[Those who know him would say…Mafukuzela who is like heaven, spaces between trees letting the sun shine through. The first President of the ANC. The volunteer of peace who died on 11 February 1946.

We were touched by the spirit of Albert Luthuli who led the ANC during tough times of the apartheid government. In 1955 the Afrikaners prevented him from taking part in the Kliptown conference that made the Freedom Charter for the people of South Africa. It was that charter that became the power to fight against apartheid for the generations that followed and that mapped the way to freedom.]

Chair, we bring greetings of peace from the people of KwaZulu-Natal, who have emerged from three decades of chaos, intolerance and violence that has claimed more than 20 000 lives. They, like the rest of South Africans, have committed themselves to an irreversible path of peace, freedom and development. As the communities wash each others’ wounds, they say: We are not afraid of our past. Together we must start building memorials for the dead as a reminder that never again will we revert to conflict.

These community initiatives started in places such as Gcilima and Mgababa and they are happening all over KwaZulu-Natal. This year marks the tenth anniversary of the Shobashobane massacre.

Lapha Mongameli nawe Sihlalo, sivakashelwe ngomunye ubaba owasinda kulesi sigemegeme, ubaba uPhansi Cele uphelezelwa yinkosi yakwaVukuzithathe nemeya yogu uMagaye. [Ihlombe.]

Lezi zithunywa ziyakumema Mongameli, ukuthi ubuye, hhayi ukuzocosha izidumbu kodwa uzogubha uxolo nokubuyisana emiphakathini.

Ngemizamo kaHulumeni we-ANC namuhla sebephumile ebumnyameni. Banogesi, abasaphuzi amanzi nezilwane, sebenamanzi ahlanzekile. [Ihlombe.]

U-ANC ukwazile ukuletha uxolo ngisho nasezinhlanganweni zamatekisi ezintathu ebezilwa endaweni yakwaNongoma. Lezi zinhlangano beziholwa nguSputla Mpungose, nguNkalankala Zungu kanye noMangisi Buthelezi. Laba osomotakisi balwe iminyaka elinganiselwe ku-15, sebesetshenziswa nangamaqembu ezombusazwe angathandi uxolo nokuthula.

Namuhla kunqamukile ukugobhoza kwegazi endaweni yakwaNongoma nasoLundi. Abantu bakhona bathi bakhathele ukulwa sebezinikele ekuthuleni. Namuhla ngemizamo yalaba baholi endaweni yakwaNongoma sekuqale uhlelo lokulima ummbila emakhaya olunconywa Umhlaba wonke. Abantu bakhona Mongqmeli bayabonga kakhulu bathi uHulumeni kaKhongolose usitholile isixazululo sokuxosha indlala emakhaya ngokulima.

Pho ngabe liyini icala lalaba baholi esibathunaza kule Ndlu? Ngabe ukuthi sebeqoke ukujoyina u-ANC? Ngabe yingoba besebenzela uxolo nentuthuko? (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[Today, Mr President, Chairperson, we are visited by the survivor of that massacre, Mr Phansi Cele, accompanied by Inkosi from Vukuzithathe and the Mayor of Ugu, Mr Magaye.

These delegates are inviting the President to go there, not to fetch corpses, but to celebrate peace and reconciliation of communities.

They have come out of darkness because of the ANC-led government initiatives. They now have electricity. They no longer share water with animals. They have clean water. [Applause.]

The ANC has succeeded in bringing peace to three taxi factions in the Nongoma area. The taxi factions were led by Sputla Mpungose, Nkalankala Zungu and Mangisi Buthelezi. The taxi owners fought for almost 15 years. They were also used by political parties that hate peace.

There is no bloodshed in the Nongoma and ulundi areas. People from these areas say that they are tired of fighting and they are committed to peace. The initiatives by these leaders in Nongoma area have led to the programme of growing mealies which is admired all over the world. President, people from this area are thankful to the ANC-led government for coming up with the solution of stopping hunger through the growing of mealies. What is the crime against the leaders we normally condemn in this House? Is it because they have joined the ANC? Is it because they are working for peace and development?]

Chairperson, the Sunday Times reported that Sipho Nhlapo, the chairperson of the DA youth at Phumolong in the Free State, claimed that, and I quote:

People have been unhappy. We are trying to attract attention to our problems. We are burning tyres and setting barricades.

Does the leader of the DA, Tony Leon, approve of these actions of sabotage? [Interjections.] What will they gain from this chaos, except short-term political expediency? We call for calm. We call upon all patriots in the Free State province to work with the government to address these challenges that confront them today, but are the result of years of deprivation.

As we celebrate this peace and friendship we will continue to forge partnership between our communities and our security establishment. We will build on the community police forums and create all-inclusive community safety forums in order to allow people to participate in shaping all aspects of their security.

We may not achieve lasting peace if weapons still flood our communities. Masses of people are responding positively to the national call to surrender weapons to the police. We will intensify this campaign as we move towards 31 March.

Lo mkhankaso wokubuyisa izikhali uzofika kuzo zonke izindawo. Izibhamu siyazi zisebantwini, zisezinhlanganweni. Labo abayozithola besaqhinqe nalezi zikhali emuva kosuku lomnqamulajuqu bayozithola bebhekene nengalo ende yomthetho. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)

[This operation of returning all firearms will reach all places. We know that the firearms are with people and organisations. Those who will be found in possession of weapons after the expiration of the indemnity date will face the long arm of the law.]

Today, Mr President, we have a South Africa that is at peace with itself, its neighbours and the world. We will continue to be inspired by the demands of the Freedom Charter that there shall be peace and freedom rooted in the firm foundation of equal human rights, opportunities and status for all the people. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr I O DAVIDSON: Mr Chairman, at the outset let me state that the DA joins the President in welcoming the fact that South Africa’s real domestic output growth accelerated to 5,6% in the third quarter of last year, a result, primarily, of macroeconomic stability, limited liberalisation and increased competitiveness of certain sectors of our economy. Four-quarter results, however, were a more modest 4%, while the annual growth-rate figure of 3,8% was more modest still, as are the projections for the future.

There is a consensus in South Africa that economic growth in excess of 6% is the key to halting the rising unemployment, alleviating poverty and achieving reasonable standards of living for all South Africans. Yet we are unable to achieve this. Contrary to what the President says, we do lag behind our peers in emerging markets. Thailand is growing at 6%, India at 6,6%, and Malaysia and Chile at 6,8%, to quote just a few. There are many other examples.

Now the question has to be asked: Why are we unable to achieve these levels of growth, on a sustainable basis? One of the constraints, if we are frank, has been identified by the Economic Freedom of the World Index, compiled by the Fraser Institute, namely over-regulation of labour markets and administrative obstacles facing the start-up of new businesses, particularly small business. Here let me welcome the President’s commitment to address this, particularly exemptions with regard to what he terms “central bargaining and other labour arrangements”.

Let me immediately commend to the President an agreement reached last week between the National Union of Leather and Allied Workers – not a Cosatu union, I might add – and the footwear industry. The arrangement, by exempting some employers from industry wage rates, effectively introduces a form of two-tier labour market, a policy long advanced by us and long slammed by the ANC. The result of this agreement will not only stop the loss of jobs, but it is estimated that within five years, Mr Turok, could be doubled to 32 000. This is what we should be doing: unshackle the economy, unshackle the workers, unshackle the jobless, and create opportunity.

However, increasingly another constraints are emerging, those of skills. It is estimated that South Africa suffers from a current shortage of about 500 000, workers, and this figure is rising. The exodus of expertise by way of emigration is worrying, and from the Public Service alarming and short- sighted.

Let’s not play with words, Minister Moleketi. Whether one calls it voluntary severance packages or retrenchments, the fact is that government in the late-1990s spent R1 billion encouraging teachers to leave their posts, and today we are spending R600 million encouraging them to come back.

Let’s also be frank about the Setas. The potential for them materially affecting our skills shortage is minimal, even if they spend their entire budgets, and we know from history they haven’t spent their entire allocations. The 25 Setas have a target of 85 000 trainees for the present year and 200 000 trainees for the next three years. Even if the Setas reached the target of trainees, a Mail & Guardian survey revealed that only 14% of the trainees actually complete their training. That constitutes just over 11 000 graduates. Now we have to be frank and admit that in terms of our skills requirement this is just a drop in the ocean. We have fundamentally change the way we tackle the skills shortage. Setas, we have to acknowledge, have been a dismal failure.

Let’s also be frank about our immigration policy, or lack thereof. Even the latest draft regulations can only be described as investor-unfriendly. Small and medium-sized businesses create more jobs than large businesses, yet these draft regulations, particularly the high cash guarantee requirement and the requirement that the businesses shall contribute to the geographic spread of economic activity, hit small businesses particularly.

Government needs to stop telling business what to do and where to do it. It needs to get out of the business of business and remove the constraints on business. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS: Chairperson, Comrade President, Deputy President, hon members, colleagues, comrades, we dedicate this debate to 50 years of the Freedom Charter, to the aspirations that our people had for their country, their wish for the future their children should have and the undiminished hope that such a future is realisable.

We’ve made a lot of reference in the past to a group of people called the architects of apartheid. Today, I think, the time is right for us to make some reference in recognition of what I want to call “the architects of freedom” or “the architects of democracy”.

At a time when it was difficult to hope and our nation was embroiled in war, hatred and suffering, these architects of freedom envisaged for our country a future that to many seemed an utopia that could only remain a dream. They declared, through the Freedom Charter, that indeed South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.

Our President has challenged us to test the reality of such a commitment and to assess whether we are on track to realise the goals of the Freedom Charter and, most importantly, whether we have the capacity to implement that which is outstanding in this work. In essence, what have we been doing to justify our eminent place in the architecture of freedom and democracy? Comrade President, siyavuma - we agree.

We also believe that this is a challenge to which we should respond and with which we should engage honestly, with a view to isolating those areas in our respective responsibilities that have been addressed, identifying the limitations and shortcomings, and properly planning for the tasks ahead.

Ten years on, an assessment of our work as government cannot merely be based on policy statements and commitments in principle. The Freedom Charter was not meant for implementation by the apartheid government. We were committing ourselves to the standards by which a future government should be measured. We made these bold undertakings and today we will be honest enough to judge our work against that basis.

This is what we said: “All shall be equal before the law!”

We further said:

No-one shall be imprisoned, deported or restricted without a fair trial; No-one shall be condemned by the order of a government official …

In the past 10 years we’ve moved swiftly to transform a judiciary whose purpose in the past was to perpetuate the subjugation of the majority of our people to oppression and indignity.

We’ve emphasised the need for a criminal justice system that is based on the uttermost respect for human rights and sanctity of human life. At our own insistence, no one individual is above the law and even all of us here are subjected to the same law. Of course, we are accorded similar rights as everyone else.

At times, Chairperson, we’ve been accused of interference in the judicial system. If we ever had this opportunity, why would we have allowed a man widely known to be the mastermind behind the poisoning of our people to walk free in our streets? Wouldn’t we have intervened, for instance, to ensure that a man who is responsible for frustrating our President’s efforts towards peace in Africa through the funding of mercenary activities does not walk free, whatever our views?

Whatever power we are perceived to have, we’ve chosen to suffer in silence. Instead we’ve defended rulings as decisions of the court that need to be respected. For the record, the ANC government is the only government in this country that has ever guaranteed the independence of the judiciary, and we will continue to defend it … [Applause] … the way we have defended the many other gains of democracy.

The principle of a fair trial, as envisaged in the Freedom Charter, is centrally embedded in our system. Of course, there have been those that have sought to undermine it. And if anybody dares to challenge some of the dubious decisions taken in our courts, we are then intimidated into accepting these in the name of the independence of the judiciary.

To demonstrate that this is neither about independence nor interference, we’ve seen people within the judiciary itself being attacked for challenging some of these decisions. Maybe the problem with this argument is the attempt at separating the transformation of the judiciary from the independence of the judiciary. For us it is not a question of one or the other. In a nutshell, the ANC is transforming a judiciary, which, by the way, was never independent. [Applause.]

The independence of the judiciary, therefore, is a result of the transformation that we introduced in this country. If the argument is that the judiciary is not a subject for transformation, then those who advance such an argument have never come out clearly to say so.

The transformation of the judiciary in this country therefore remains a key challenge for this government and for this country, for the record, since

1. Statistics indicate that 58% of the judiciary is white, 42% black and 13,3% women. We saw them walking in here on the day of the opening of Parliament, and we actually had to say, “Malibongwe igama lamadoda”.

The entire membership of the Constitutional Court was here, but Yvonne was not here, and we are saying the judiciary must not be transformed. We also said that all laws that discriminate on the basis of race, colour or belief should be repealed.

The biggest challenge facing the architects of democracy has always been that of reversing the damage done to our society by years of racial discrimination and animosity throughout our country. Today our entire nation has been mobilised behind the commitment to build a nation and reconcile our past.

I must say, Chairperson, that because racism was so institutionally and systematically entrenched, the mere repealing of laws was not going to suffice in healing our society of this scourge.

Understandably, there have been a lot of areas in our society that have served to perpetuate racism. These have included access to mainstream economic activity, particularly outside the public sector and other social engagements. So while a lot of work has been done in this regard, the challenges indeed continue.

Yesterday the Leader of the Opposition challenged us from this podium to choose one path or the other. We were challenged not to continue our obsession with the race issue, because we would fall short of the practical goals we’ve set for our country’s progress. This sounded like a man with a stomach full of food who tries to ask those who are hungry not to speak of their hunger, because, for the sake of progress, they must forget their hunger and concentrate on the work to be done. [Interjections.]

It did not end there. We were told, in an opportunistic way, that Afrikaans- speaking South Africans should be allowed to have Afrikaans-medium schools, to the exclusion of others, because the rest of us have our own English- medium schools. The presumption is that the rest of us who constitute the majority of this country are English.

If the argument should be made that Sepedi-speaking children should go to Sepedi-medium schools and that Zulu-speaking children should do the same, what implications will that have for a South Africa that is nonracial and unified, a country that belongs to all those who live in it, black and white? [Interjections.] [Applause.]

Let’s no advise one another to keep quiet about the past, lest we forget about it. There is a great danger that future generations might repeat the same mistake we made.

In this regard, Comrade President, we are encouraged by your recognition of those white South Africans who, when it was difficult, took the first initiative to make contact with the ANC. To their list I would like to add a group of women who were the first to come and meet with other women in Zimbabwe. Those women were mostly mothers of children who were in the apartheid army fighting in the frontline against us. They shared with us their reasons for sacrificing their children in defence of a system we were fighting, and their pride in washing and ironing their children’s military uniforms.

We also shared with them our perspective and our own commitment to the cause, and the things their sons and husbands were doing to the children of South Africa. We spoke, we shared and we understood one another. We cried, we agreed, we broke the barriers. These are the things that we need to talk about amongst ourselves. [Applause.]

There are those amongst us in this House who never made an effort and who are resisting to make an effort towards reconciliation. However, they find it comfortable, because the seats are warm, to point fingers at people who seem not to want to reconcile. [Interjections.]

It is unfinished business because you don’t want to talk about these things. You better open the wounds so that they can heal. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mrs C-S BOTHA: Chairperson, on Friday the President presented a detailed and considered evaluation of the state of the nation, but he had very little to say about the biggest employer of labour in the country, namely agriculture, while this employer is in deep, deep trouble.

Drie jaar gelede is daar op ’n strategiese plan ooreengekom tussen President Mbeki, as verteenwoordiger van die regering, en georganiseerde landbou, as verteenwoordigend van bestaande en ontluikende boere. Hierdie plan het ’n vennootskap tussen landbou en die regering in die vooruitsig gestel wat sou streef om toegang tot en deelname in die landbou te vergemaklik, terwyl internasionale mededinging tegelykertyd ontwikkel en instand gehou sou word. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Three years ago agreement was reached on a strategic plan between President Mbeki, as representative of government, and organised agriculture, representing existing and emerging farmers. This plan envisaged a partnership between agriculture and Government that would strive to facilitate entry into and participation in agriculture, while at the same time developing and maintaining international competitiveness.]

The President did mention the aspects of broadening access and participation, albeit almost in passing, considering the importance of the exercise and the magnitude thereof. However, he did not address the aspect of international competitiveness. He made no reference to it at all, despite agriculture in this respect facing its worst crisis in years, if not decades.

This is a direct result of the dumping of undergrade, subsidised wheat in South Africa. The World Bank Report: Global Agricultural Trade in Developing Countries clearly states that developing countries are investing to increase their agricultural productivity, but these gains will not be fully translated into poverty reduction, unless industrial and some middle- income countries reduce agricultural trade protection.

The report goes on to say that continued subsidies by developed countries, coupled with increased productivity in poor countries, will inevitably result in overproduction and price declines, causing even greater rural poverty.

Dis presies wat nou in Suid-Afrika gebeur het. Subsidies in ontwikkelde lande stimuleer oorproduksie wat die wêreldprys afdwing, en dan word daardie oorproduksie in ontwikkelende lande soos Suid-Afrika gestort, wat die plaaslike prys op sy beurt laat ineenstort, soos nou gebeur.

Dit is algemeen bekend dat boere in ontwikkelende lande soos Suid-Afrika weerloos is teen sulke subsidies. Daarom is daar ruimte geskep in die reëls van die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie om beskerming te verleen by wyse van tariewe.

So kan Suid-Afrika ’n invoertarief van 72% op ingevoerde koring hef, en daarmee die Wes-Kaapse koringbedryf, die plattelandse ekonomie en ook die infrastruktuur red. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[This is exactly what has happened now in South Africa. Subsidies in developed countries stimulate overproduction, which forces down the world price, and then the overproduction is dumped in developing countries like South Africa, which causes the local price to collapse, as is happening now.

It is generally known that farmers in developing countries like South Africa are defenceless against such subsidies. Therefore provision has been made in the rules of the World Trade Organisation to provide protection by means of tariffs.

In this way South Africa can impose an import levy of 72% on imported wheat and thus save the Western Cape’s wheat industry, the rural economy and the infrastructure.]

In her speech today the Minister said: “Give the farmers the resources to use the land.”

Dit is onverklaarbaar dat die Minister nog nie ‘n rede gevind het om dit vir die koringboere te doen nie, en dat daar met die huidige 2% tarief volstaan word. [It is inexplicable that the Minister has not yet found a reason do to this for wheat farmers, and that the current tariff of 2% should suffice.]

To aggravate this, ineffective quality controls at the point of importation allows in products containing so much poisonous seed that a South African producer would not be allowed to deliver such a product at grain silos in this country.

In addition, the imported wheat mostly does not measure up to the stringent milling and baking standards set for South-African-produced wheat, and is only suitable for use after mixing it in with high-quality locally produced wheat. The cumulative result is extremely unfair international competition, with the poorest South Africans in essence - I do not know if this is what you wish to happen - subsidising the European and American producers’ subsidies.

Added to this parlous state of affairs is the newly legislated property rates regime on agricultural enterprises, notwithstanding the reservations of the Fiscal and Financial Commission.

The Free State legislature, in fact - I do not know if everybody is aware of that - recently voted unanimously for a moratorium on the implementation of property rates on agricultural enterprises.

While rejoicing in the positive mood …

The PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC: [Inaudible.]

Mrs C-S BOTHA: Thank you, Mr President … of a country on the rise, all in agriculture will remain on the desperate fringes if we do not intervene proactively. Thank you. [Applause.]

Dr E NKEM-ABONTA: Chairperson, our President has again raised the issue of the so-called second economy in his state of the nation address. In his rather statesmanlike speech, he opines that the people now trapped in the second economy should not be left behind as the benefits of growth accrue mainly to skilled persons and members of the black elite. The President is right.

Indeed, a major goal of our economic policy should be to reduce the size of the second economy as the vibrant first economy absorbs participants of the second. In the medium to long term, we do not want, and should not have, any second economy at all. Unfortunately, the first economy is currently unable to exert any tractive force on the second, because the government is yet to bridge them and the transmission mechanism linking the two is too weak and clogged – the result of a decade of over-regulation.

Participants in the second economy typically engage in the informal sector to which over-regulation has confined them. This has prevented them from joining the formal sector and engaging in more lucrative activities. For a long time now the DA has been calling for an easing of the regulatory burden that stifles the development of the small business sector and the creation of formal sector jobs.

Over-regulation is swelling the ranks of the unemployed. The government’s recent 10% wage hike for farmworkers, at a time when drought and the strong rand have virtually brought agriculture to its knees, will put thousands out of work. Similarly, the liberalisation of textile imports without changing the inflexible wage policy for the textile industry has already cost 30 000 jobs.

The DA therefore cannot but welcome the President’s plan to deregulate the small business environment. However, the President gave no details regarding his plan. [Interjections.] The DA suggests that any plan to deregulate the small business environment should aim to exempt small businesses from Bargaining Council wage-setting arrangements which impact negatively on small labour-intensive businesses; establish a second-tier labour market substantially to enhance overall labour market flexibility; ease the restrictions on employment and retrenchment and relax the employment equity legislation; streamline complaints and appeal processes at the CCMA and Labour Court; simplify the process of registering new businesses, particularly small businesses; and reduce the effective corporate tax rate by significantly lowering the tax rates on small businesses and eliminating much of our hidden or payroll taxation and simplify the tax code.

The DA has repeatedly called for these measures and will enthusiastically support any government plan to address them. If the plan achieves these things, the President will go down in history as the one who built a bridge between the first and second economies and laid the basis for the building of a single, deracialised vibrant economy.

Such a plan will, of course, meet with stiff opposition, alas, from the President’s own camp. We ask him to brace himself and stand firm, for what is at stake is the economic emancipation of millions of black people now trapped in poverty. Mr President, we urge you to work to make the second economy history, no matter the cost. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

Mr M STEPHENS: Chairperson, His Excellency the President and hon members, as the President stated in his address, we are indeed at a very auspicious confluence of events in our history. Bold leadership is required. Now is the time to take the tide at the flow. [Interjections.]

Mr Mboweni’s pusillanimous response to the country’s economic challenges is thus doubly regrettable. He says there are risks involved in lowering interest rates, but there will always be risks! Will he wait until there are no risks? He will wait until hell freezes over – and even then there is a risk. Hell might thaw out again. Ambition should be made of sterner stuff, said the Bard.

Risks that should concern him, he ignores: the stifling of economic growth

• we see it already in Statistics SA’s latest report - and unrelenting unemployment and poverty that will not be made history soon. He discounts the vast opportunity cost of not lowering interest rates. Interest rates, Mr President, are kept high on the backs of the unemployed and the poor.

No, we require vision and leaders with the intestinal fortitude to go where none have gone before. It is not useful to remind me that the Reserve Bank is independent, as His Excellency did previously. The bank is only operationally independent. Government appoints the Governor, sets the targets and monitors the performance. Its own programme requires it to work closely with the bank. Mr President, the buck stops with you. The bank’s operational independence gives you no succour. Get Mr Mboweni to come on board or cut him loose! Set him adrift, but let him not delay this ship any longer. The tide will not always be in our favour.

Even sound economic growth will not turn the second economy soon. South Africa’s formal sector is just too small to absorb the unemployed masses by incremental growth. Private enterprise and entrepreneurs convert growth into employment very parsimoniously. Drastic intervention is required.

The second economy will develop by the growth of state enterprises and new strategic industries, enterprises not primarily driven by profit, but by beneficiation and service. Yesterday the hon Holomisa reminded us of Iscor’s and Sasol’s history in this context. New strategic industries must be given the highest priority. For example, Biomass is one of the planet’s most important energy resources. It is the only renewable alternative for liquid transportation fuel. We would be myopic to ignore such a massive opportunity.

Transportation fuels, commodity chemicals and combined heat and power technologies have already been developed. We don’t have to invent them - they already exist. [Time expired.]

Mnr W P DOMAN: Agb Voorsitter, agb President en lede, plaaslike regering is tans ongelukkig vir alle Suid-Afrikaners die konsentrasiepunt van teleurstelling. Die daaglikse ervaring van veral armer Suid-Afrikaners is dat munisipaliteite nie die nodige dienste lewer nie, en dat magsmisbruik, korrupsie en nepotisme deur raadslede aan die orde van die dag is.

In die Vrystaat, na die sogenaamde September-revolusie, het onluste nou weer uitgebreek op dieselfde dag wat die President sy rede gelewer het. Op televisie sien ons hoe ANC-raadslede in Casspirs gered moet word van hul eie kiesers. As dit nie vir die ANC se houvas op gemeenskappe in ander munisipaliteite was nie, sou onluste nog wyer uitgebreek het oor die gebrek aan dienslewering.

In Johannesburg gaan die ligte letterlik van tyd tot tyd af, en is daardie magtige stad nie in staat om ordentlike rekeninge te lewer nie, soveel so dat die Randse Waterraad nou sy eie waterrekeninge apart wil lewer.

Die instelling van “community development workers” is klaarblyklik noodsaaklik, omdat ten spyte van oor die miljoen staatsdienswerkers en honderde duisende plaaslike regeringsamptenare en raadslede, nie genoeg gedoen word om die publiek by regeringsdienste uit te bring nie. Gaan hulle nie maar net betaalde politieke agente vir die ANC wees nie? [Tussenwerpsels.] Indien hulle op enige wyse betrek gaan word by die plaaslike regeringsverkiesing, sal dit die regverdigheid van daardie verkiesing in gedrang bring.

Die nasionale departement sê self: 139 munisipaliteite is disfunksioneel. Dat Project Consolidate wil ingryp by 136, byna 50% van die 284 munisipaliteite is, is ’n bewys van die nood.

Van die Tesourie hoor ons nou dat hulle nooit geken is deur die Afbakeningsraad in die lewensvatbaarheid van munisipaliteite nie. Die regering vind dit nou nodig om met allerhande maatreëls kapasiteit en dienslewering by munisipaliteite te verbeter, en ons verwelkom dit, mnr die President, maar ten minste op drie terreine het die ANC self hierdie toestand teweeggebring.

Eerstens, terwyl die Vryheidsmanifes bepaal dat almal deel behoort te neem aan die administrasie van die land, voel veral wit en bruin amptenare dat hulle uitgesluit word. Net soos in onderwys, het die sogenaamde transformasie van personeel, soos toegepas deur die ANC-beheerde munisipaliteite, gelei tot die uittog van duisende kundige amptenare wat oor die vermoë beskik het om te lewer. Die huidige uittog, wat deur pensioenfondse bevestig kan word, toon dat die verwerping steeds ervaar word.

Om mnr Truman Prince, wat gisteraand op Special Assignment was, aan te stel as munisipale bestuurder vanaf burgemeester, is ’n tweede advertensie spesiaal geplaas sodat hy kon kwalifiseer. ’n Vorige lid, Bruce Kannemeyer, is nou die munisipale bestuurder op Stellenbosch. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hy mag bekwaam wees, maar het hy die kundigheid om klaar te kom sonder vyf topamptenare wat afgedank is? Kaapstad wil 4 600 hoofsaaklik bruin amptenare uit diens stel.

Die DA, mnr die President, steun die sosiale kohesie waarvan u gepraat het. Dit kan veral versterk word as kundige amptenare welkom voel, politieke lojaliteit nie vergoeilik word nie, en die omgewing geskep word waar goeie amptenare kan gedy. Tweedens, terwyl die Vryheidsmanifes sê “The people shall govern”, is dit ongelooflik dat die ANC misbruik maak van die uitvoerende burgemeesterstelsel deur burgemeesterskomitees soos geheime kabinette te laat regeer.

’n Goeie voorbeeld hiervan is die Big Bay fiasko in Kaapstad wat in volkome geheimhouding geskied het. Daar is vandag baie meer geheime besluite op plaaslike regeringsvlak as wat daar ooit in die ou bedeling was. Ander raadslede, veral van opposisiepartye, het eintlik oorbodig geword, want hulle word totaal in die duister gehou.

Die DA staan vir ’n oop regeringstelsel, want alleen dit sal goeie dienslewering verseker.

Derdens en ten slotte, waar die Vryheidsmanifes mense en diens aan mense eerste stel, veroorsaak swak dissipline van veral die ANC, wat verreweg die meeste munisipaliteite beheer, dat burgemeesters en raadslede by die een skandaal na die ander betrokke is weens selfverryking.

Waarom moet die publiek wag vir kriminele en siviele sake teen raadslede, terwyl die ANC al lankal op partypolitieke vlak kon opgetree het? Hoe is dit moontlik dat burgemeesters en raadslede ten spyte van skuldigbevindings en ondersoeke nog steeds aanbly in hul posisies? In dieselfde mate as wat die regering wil optree teen staatsamptenare wat nie presteer nie, behoort ook met partypolitieke dissipline opgetree te word teen raadslede wat betrokke is by wanadministrasie en korrupsie. [Tyd verstreke.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mr W P DOMAN: Hon Chairperson, hon President and members, local government is unfortunately the focal point of disappointment for all South Africans at present. The daily experience of especially the poor in South Africa is that municipalities do not deliver the necessary services and that abuse of power, corruption and nepotism on the part of councillors are the order of the day.

In the Free State, after the so-called September revolution, unrest once again flared up on the same day that the President delivered his state of the nation address. We saw on television how Casspirs had to rescue ANC members from their very own voters. Had it not been for the hold that the ANC has over communities in other municipalities, unrest would have erupted over an even wider area because of the lack of service delivery.

In Johannesburg the lights literally go out from time to time, and this powerful city is not able to provide decent billing, so much so that the Rand Water Board now wishes to undertake its own billing.

The establishment of community development workers is clearly necessary because, in spite of over a million Public Service workers and hundreds of thousands of local government officials and councillors, not enough is being done to bring the public into contact with government services. Will they not just become paid political agents for the ANC? [Interjections.] If they are in any way involved with the local government elections, this will impact negatively upon the legitimacy of that election.

The national department itself has stated that 139 municipalities are dysfunctional. The fact that Project Consolidate wants to intervene in 136 or almost 50% of the 284 municipalities is proof of the crisis.

We now hear from the Treasury that the Demarcation Board did not consult them with regard to the feasibility of municipalities. The government now finds it necessary, by way of various steps, to improve the capacity and service delivery of municipalities, and we welcome this, Mr President, but in at least three areas the ANC itself has brought about this state of affairs.

Firstly, although the Freedom Charter provides that everyone should participate in the administration of the country, white and coloured civil servants in particular feel excluded. As with education, the so-called transformation of personnel as applied by the ANC-controlled municipalities has led to an exodus of thousands of skilled officials who had the capacity to deliver. The current exodus, which can be confirmed by the pension funds, indicates that rejection is still being experienced.

To appoint Mr Truman Prince, who appeared on Special Assignment last night, as municipal manager from the position of mayor, a second advertisement had to be placed to ensure his eligibility. A former member, Bruce Kannemeyer, is now the municipal manager at Stellenbosch. [Interjections.] He may be competent, but does he possess the necessary skills to survive without five top officials who have been dismissed? Cape Town wants to retire 4600, mainly coloured, officials.

The DA, Mr President, supports the social cohesion you have mentioned. It can be strengthened especially if competent officials are made to feel welcome, political loyalty is not an excuse and a climate is created in which officials can thrive. Secondly, whilst the Freedom Charter dictates that “the people shall govern”, it is incredible that the ANC abuses the executive mayoral system by allowing mayoral committees to govern like secret cabinets.

A good example is the Big Bay fiasco in Cape Town that took place in complete secrecy. There are currently far more secret resolutions at local government level than was ever the case in the old dispensation. Either councillors, especially those from opposition parties, have actually become superfluous, because they are kept completely in the dark.

The DA stands for open governance, because only that will ensure good service delivery.

Thirdly and in conclusion, whereas the Freedom Charter gives priority to people and service rendered to people, a lack of discipline, especially in the ANC, which controls by far the most municipalities, has led to mayors and councillors being involved in one scandal after another due to self- enrichment.

Why must the public wait for criminal and civil action to be instituted against councillors when the ANC could have taken action a lot earlier at party-political level? How is it possible that mayors and councillors alike, in spite of being found guilty and ongoing enquiries, are still occupying their posts? To the same extent that the government wishes to take action against public servants who do not perform, councillors involved in mal-administration and corruption should also be subjected to party- political discipline. [Time expired.] [Applause.]]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Thank you, Chairperson. Unfortunately, I can only refer to two hon members from the other side: one needs a little tender-loving care and the other needs a kick in the bottom. The one who needs the tender-loving care is my friend, the hon Minister of Home Affairs. I want to assure her that the DA has a far better opinion of her than that held by the ANC Youth League. We do not regard her or her organisation as holy cows.

Talking about the bovine brings me to the hon Minister of Labour, who seems to have had a rush of blood to the head as a result of all this reference to the Freedom Charter, and already he seems to be running away from the President’s commitment to do something significant and substantial about deregulating small business in South Africa. I think the hon President should talk to that Minister and pull him into line by the time we have a reply tomorrow.

For the past 11 years we have heard virtually nothing about the Freedom Charter. Over the past two days, on the other hand, every single governing- party speaker has referred to it in hushed and reverent tones. Some of the promises of the Freedom Charter are universal, and are still valid. Other aspects have been overtaken by the tide of history.

When the main author of the Freedom Charter, Rusty Bernstein, penned its ringing phrases, he and others still believed that socialism was the way of the future. The fall of the Berlin Wall confined socialism to the dustbin of history, and that it is the way of the future is believed nowadays only by millionaire communists such as Ben Turok. [Applause.]

One of President Mbeki’s achievements has been to reject populist socialism and move South Africa towards a market economy, to the incredible benefit of the freedom and the prosperity of this country. It is strange then that the ANC should measure itself against a political manifesto espousing a defunct ideology, when there is a much more important document. It is one which most South Africans committed themselves to in a grand and moving national consensus. I refer to the Constitution of South Africa.

Our Constitution contains all of the worthwhile features of the Freedom Charter, including some of the wonderful values of equality, freedom and justice, which should guide us. The ANC should measure itself against that Constitution and its promises, rather than an outdated political manifesto of 50 years ago. [Interjections.]

Ironically, the ANC is doing something which Rusty Bernstein then, and the drafters of our Constitution now, would never have believed. It has moved significantly away from nonracialism towards racial nationalism, and the re- racialisation of our country. We have the Registrar of Deeds suggesting that race classification must be introduced in the title deeds of property transactions. Doctor Verwoerd would be smiling. Are we really going back to group areas affidavits, front companies, nominee owners and legislative attempts at defining whether people are black, white, Asian, coloured or “other coloured”? Are we going to try the pencil test and the fingertip test again to check? [Interjections.] No wonder that the hon Marthinus van Schalkwyk and people of his type are fitting in so well with the ANC today. [Applause.]

The commitment to fairness, equality and justice enshrined in the Constitution should apply not only to ordinary citizens, but also to members of this Parliament. We have recently been confronted by allegations that senior government officials met in secret and tried to thrash out a special deal, a gentlemen’s agreement, for disgraced ANC Chief Whip Tony Yengeni. Whatever else Yengeni might be, he is not a gentleman.

South Africans find it unacceptable that a special deal for the politically powerful elite is also looming in the Travelgate scandal. [Interjections.] The DA insists that the innocent must be exonerated, but those who betrayed the trust of the people, and stole the people’s money, must be criminally punished. [Interjections.] They must also refund the people’s money and they must lose their seats in Parliament, and those sanctioned must include the 35 or 40 members currently taking the blame, as well as the other 60 that we hear about who seem to be getting off scot-free.

The ANC has delayed the investigation and it tried to intimidate the Scorpions. My hon friend, the ANC Chief Whip, went out of his way to point his finger at the Scorpions instead of blaming the crooks. Why didn’t he talk about the people who were responsible, and not the people who are investigating? I want to warn hon members that this scandal will not go away unless it is properly concluded. Like the arms deal, it will continue to fester away with bits and pieces leaking out if, at the end, justice is not done and not seen to be done. We owe it to the people to ensure that there are not two types of justice in our country, one for the political elite and friends of the ANC on the one hand and another for ordinary voters and ordinary citizens. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

If the ANC were to measure itself against the Constitution today, could it credibly say that it had achieved the goal of equality before the law, as set out in that document, in the Constitution? Would it be possible for the ruling party to say, with any integrity, that its obsession with race-based transformation conforms to the spirit of equality, of liberty, of justice, as enshrined in the Constitution of South Africa?

It is time that the ANC reviewed its commitment to our Constitution before turning to the populist rhetoric of an outdated political manifesto, which is obviously going to be used to present themselves as the victims on the outside, bravely putting on this fight for the people of South Africa.

It’s false, it’s absolutely false, and what you need to do is accept the responsibilities of power. You have been in power for 11 years, and the people must be told that. And they must also be told what you are doing to carry out the promises and the values of the Constitution, because the Freedom Charter might have been wonderful 50 years ago, but the Constitution of South Africa is the one you and we are sworn to uphold. Thank you. [Applause.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, a day before the funeral of Chris Hani, the hon Govan Mbeki was interviewed by Felicia Suttle. Telling us about the life on Robben Island, he summarised it in four words. He said, “We longed for bread”. They longed for bread on Robben Island.

You can understand why all these people, all of them, speak in the manner in which they do. From their leader, hon Tony Leon, down to Mr Douglas Gibson, what they have in common is that they never longed for bread. [Applause.] They have a romantic relationship with poverty. They romanticise poverty. They imagine what poverty is about. That’s why the sum total of all those inputs has no mere mention of the words, “poor people”. [Interjections.]

You can understand, because I conducted a survey in the street where hon Tony Leon stays. I asked people in that street whether they know him or not. They said they did not know him at all. He pulls out in his car, greets nobody and rushes to a media briefing. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

We received the state of the nation address, which is an honest assessment on the part of government in the quest of giving meaning to the people’s contract to create work and fight poverty. We would like to make a brief contribution about the central role that Parliament should play to assist that process. Yesterday, the Speaker alluded to some of the factors that constrain Parliament’s ability to contribute to this process - as much as we would have desired to do so. This relates to both the resource and capacity challenges.

This year, our approach to constituency work and oversight will have to put these matters into context. We will have to use all instruments at the disposal of Parliament to ensure effective oversight over the programmes that the President tabled before this House. This is a role of a tribune of the people.

As Parliament and as South Africa, the major problem we face in this regard is that not all of us buy into this vision that the President is placing before us. It’s a vision that is based on the Freedom Charter. Not all of us buy into it. There are those who see their only duty to the nation as being to grab every opportunity to stare at the media cameras and microphones, blurting out abstract sound-bite criticism without providing any solutions. This year, the possibility exists for all parties to come together in a non-partisan manner to support government programmes as a further contribution to the goal of bettering the lives of our people. As Parliament, this must be our way of celebrating 50 years of the Freedom Charter.

Mr Douglas Gibson said it’s only now that he heard us speaking of the Freedom Charter. He could not have heard because he never listened. Regarding the RDP in which some of your committee members participated, that committee arose out of the Freedom Charter. [Interjections.] That’s why it preaches and talks of a people-centred development. The Freedom Charter speaks of the people governing.

What is the difference there? [Interjections.] It’s true because all progressive legislation that is informed by the charter and has been placed before this House, the DA has voted against. [Interjections.] Now he comes and says we never spoke of the Freedom Charter. As a fitting tribute, I want to repeat this: on the 50th anniversary celebration of the Freedom Charter, we must locate constituency work at the centre of parliamentary programmes. In connection with that, the budget process, debates of votes, questions, statements and interpellations must increasingly be utilised to enhance the oversight role of the legislatures.

Let me talk about practical examples of what this government has done to actually give effect to the Freedom Charter, President. One of your Ministers, the Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry, Comrade Sonjica, went to a community that is experiencing grinding poverty in Cradock. She gave that community 2 000 trees: 1 000 pear trees and 1 000 apple trees. She was joined in that process by the provincial government which gave the same community 500 citrus trees. Total South Africa donated 600 citrus trees to that very same community. Those trees were distributed to all the homesteads there. People now have fruit trees in their houses. This, they say, is part of a process of a people-based horticulture – where they want to receive seeds, distribute them through the area committees and street committees. Mr Leon would never be elected even as a street committee chairperson where he stays. [Laughter.]

Those people want those who come with practical solutions to these problems that are facing our nation: deprivation, hunger and want. Your Minister, hon Marthinus Van Schalkwyk, went to that very community on a drive- through. He came back and said to the people there, “Tourism is booming in Cradock, but it’s not benefiting the African people at all.” He made a commitment to that community and said, “I will come back in May. I am going to help some of you to benefit from the tourism industry.” There he is. [Applause.]

President, regarding that community, white farmers came together with the government and some business people. They are designing a sugar beet project, which has the possibility of creating no less than 4 000 jobs. They came up out of their own will. Government supports them because the Eastern Cape government has given them R10 million, and R5 million of that is for helping that proposal become a bankable proposal so that funders can be galvanised. That is a very important intervention because it will not only change the life of Cradock, but it will change the whole life in the Karoo Midlands area. There are many DA supporters there. They are waiting for leadership from Mr Leon in order to deal with these problems. He is nowhere to be found. [Interjections.]

President, all of them look forward to the day when you will visit that area, sir, because this year is the 20th anniversary of the murder of the Cradock Four. Incidentally, the last public appearance of the Cradock Four was on 26 June 1985 where a meeting on the Freedom Charter was held in the community hall in Lingelihle. I remember vividly. When Matthew Goniwe spoke there, he spoke of something that seemed to be far away: a government of the people. He ended his input by saying, “These freedoms we shall fight for side by side.” [Applause.]

When you listen to the stories that are told in the inquest, you cannot help but feel that not only him, but many cadres of this movement, as they were tortured in the chambers in this country, as they were led to their unsuspecting gruesome deaths, certainly said, “These freedoms we shall fight for side by side.”

President, because I don’t have any time left, let me make this last point. Where you sit, President, you represent the embodiment of the will of the people. You represent the most progressive interpretation and application of the vision of the Freedom Charter. You are surrounded by a cloud of witnesses, by the aspirations and the wishes of revolutionaries past and present. You have placed in front of us, not only on this occasion but also in many others, a well-thought-out programme to lift our entire nation and the entire continent out of the abyss of poverty, want and deprivation. All that we ought to say is what our forebears said in 1955 when they said, “These freedoms we shall fight for side by side.” I thank you. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 18:49. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

ANNOUNCEMENTS

National Assembly

1. Membership of Rules Committee

 (1)    The following change was made to the membership of the Rules
     Committee of the National Assembly:

     Appointed: Van den Heever, Mr R P Z

1. Referrals to committees of papers tabled

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Transport. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent
     Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to the Standing
     Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African Rail
          Commuter Corporation Limited (SARCC) for 2003-2004, including
          the Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
          for 2003-2004 [RP 105-2004].

     (b)     Report and Financial Statements of Vote 32 - Department of
          Transport for 2003-2004, including the Report of the Auditor-
          General on the Financial Statements of Vote 32 for 2003-2004.

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African Civil
          Aviation Authority (CAA) for 2003-2004, including the Report
          of the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for
          2003-2004 [RP 164-2004].


 (2)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Water Affairs and Forestry:


     (a)     Government Notice No 1135 published in Government Gazette
          No 26848 dated 8 October 2004: Establishment of the
          Ventersdorp-Dolomite Water User Association, Magisterial
          district of Coligny, Koster, Lichtenburg and Ventersdorp, in
          the North West Province, Water Management Area number 9 in
          terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (b)     Government Notice No 1136 published in Government Gazette
          No 26848 dated 8 October 2004: Transformation of the Elands
          Valley Irrigation Board, Magisterial districts of Belfast,
          Waterval Boven and Nelspruit, Mpumalanga Province, into the
          Elands River Catchment Area number 5, Mpumalanga Province in
          terms of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (c)     Government Notice No 1138 published in Government Gazette
          No 26848 dated 8 October 2004: Restrictions on the taking of
          water from the Tosca Molopo Dolomite Aquifer in terms of the
          National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (d)     Government Notice No 1316 published in Government Gazette
          No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Proposal for the
          Establishment of the Crocodile (West)- Marico Catchment
          Management Agency in terms of section 78(3) of the National
          Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).

     (e)     Government Notice No 2478 published in Government Gazette
          No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Prohibition on the making of
          fires in the open air: Districts of Clanwilliam, Piketberg,
          Ceres, Tulbagh, Worcester, Caledon, Paarl, Stellenbosch,
          Strand and Somerset West in terms of the National Forests Act,
          1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).

     (f)     Government Notice No 2479 published in Government Gazette
          No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Prohibition on the making of
          fires in the open air: Districts of Swellendam and Montagu in
          terms of the National Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).

     (g)     Government Notice No 2480 published in Government Gazette
          No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Prohibition on the making of
          fires in the open air: Western Cape in terms of the National
          Forests Act, 1998 (Act No 84 of 1998).


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the Joint Standing Committee
     on Defence:

     The Acting President of the Republic submitted a letter dated 10
     January 2005 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing
     Members of the National Assembly of the employment of the South
     African National Defence Force in Sudan.


 (4)    The following papers are referred to the Standing Committee on
     Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
          of the Citrus Board for 2001-2002 [RP 204-2004].

     (b)     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
          of the Meat Board for the year ended 31 December 2001 [RP 196-
          2004].

     (c)     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
          of the President's Fund for 2002-2003 [RP 84-2004].

     (d)     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements
          of the Special Pensions Board for 2003-2004 [RP 193-2004].


 (5)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
     Government:


     (a)     Government Notice No 1474 published in Government Gazette
          No 27124 dated 23 December 2004: Adjusted allocations in terms
          of the Division of Revenue Act, 2004 (Act No 5 of 2004).

     (b)     Government Notice No 1432 published in Government Gazette
          No 27077 dated 10 December 2004: Notice setting out
          particulars of areas demarcated by Municipalities of
          Ethekwini, Tshwane, Emfuleni, Sol Plaatje, Manguang, Buffalo
          City and Mbombela in terms of section 13quat of the Income Tax
          Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962), which shall constitute urban
          development zones.

     (c)     Government Notice No 1404 published in Government Gazette
          No 27044 dated 1 December 2004: Exemptions from supply chain
          management provisions in terms of the Local Government:
          Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

     (d)     Government Notice No 1405 published in Government Gazette
          No 27044 dated 1 December 2004: Amendment of Government Notice
          No 773 dated 1 July 2004 in terms of the Local Government:
          Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

     (e)     Government Notice No 1433 published in Government Gazette
          No 27084 dated 8 December 2004: Approval of allocations in
          terms of the Division of Revenue Act, 2004 (Act No 5 of 2004).


 (6)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance:


     (a)     Proclamation No R.62 published in Government Gazette No
          27139 dated 22 December 2004: Fixing of date on which sections
          121(1) and 148(1)(e) of the Second Revenue Laws Amendment Act,
          2001 (Act No 60 of 2001), and section 164(1)(c), (i) and (j),
          sections 169(1)(e) and section 170(1)(b) of the Revenue Laws
          Amendment Act, 2003 (Act No 45 of 2003), shall come into
          operation in terms of the Second Revenue Laws Amendment Act,
          2001 (Act No 60 of 2001) and Revenue laws Amendment act, 2003
          (Act No 45 of 2003).

     (b)     Government Notice No 1429 published in Government Gazette
          No 27070 dated 10 December 2004: Notice fixing amount of tax
          in dispute for purposes of appeal to Tax Board in terms of
          section 83A of the Income Tax Act, 1962 and section 33A of the
          Value-Added Tax Act, 1991 in terms of the Income Tax Act, 1962
          (Act No 58 of 1962).

     (c)     Discussion Paper on Retirement Fund Reform.


 (7)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and the Joint Budget Committee for consideration:

     Supplementary Submission of the Financial and Fiscal Commission on
     the Division of Revenue Bill for 2005-2006 and the Medium Term
     Expenditure Framework (MTEF) for 2005-2008, tabled in terms of
     section 9(1) of the Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations Act, 1997
     (Act No 97 of 1997).


 (8)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Enterprises and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
     for consideration:

     Letter from the Minister of Public Enterprises dated 3 February
     2005 to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section
     65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of
     1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the Annual Report of
     Alexkor for 2004.


 (9)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Housing. The Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial
     Statements is referred to the Standing Committee on Public
     Accounts for consideration:

     Report and Financial Statements of the South African Housing Fund
     for the period ended 31 March 2004, including the Reports of the
     Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004, 2000-
     2003, 1998-2000 and 1994-1998 [RP 154-2004].


 (10)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Arts and Culture and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
     consideration:

     Letter from the Minister of Arts and Culture dated 29 October 2004
     to the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section
     65(2)(a) of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of
     1999), explaining the delay in the tabling of the Annual Reports
     of Arts, Culture and Heritage Institutions for 2003-2004.


 (11)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Trade and Industry. The Reports of the Auditor-General and the
     Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements are referred to
     the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the Companies and
          Intellectual Property Registration Office (CIPRO) for 2003-
          2004, including the Report of the Auditor-General on the
          Financial Statements for 2003-2004.

     (b)     The National Industrial Participation Programme for 2003-
          2004.

     (c)     Report and Financial Statements of Trade and Investment
          South Africa (TISA) for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-2004
          [RP 164-2004].

     (d)     Report and Financial Statements of the Industrial
          Development Corporation of South Africa Limited (IDC) for the
          year ended June 2004, including the Report of the Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for the year ended 2004.

     (e)     Sustainability Report of the Industrial Development
          Corporation of South Africa Limited (IDC) for 2004.

     (f)     Report and Financial Statements of the Estate Agency
          Affairs Board for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004.


 (12)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Trade and Industry:


     (a)     Bilateral Trade Agreement between the Government of the
          Republic of South Africa and the Government of the Republic of
          Croatia, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
          Constitution, 1996.

     (b)     Explanatory Memorandum of the Bilateral Trade Agreement
          between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
          Government of the Republic of Croatia.


 (13)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Communications:

     Strategic Plan of Government Communication and Information System
     (GCIS) for 2005-2008.


 (14)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and the Portfolio Committee on Health:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the Registrar of
          Pension Funds for 2003.

     (b)     Exhange of Letters between the Government of the Republic
          of South Africa and the Government of the People's Republic of
          China concerning the provision of water supply materials [No.
          198], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of
          the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

     (c)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Exchange of Letters between
          the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
          Government of the People's Republic of China concerning the
          provision of water supply materials [No. 198].

     (d)     Exhange of Letters between the Government of the Republic
          of South Africa and the Government of the Federal Republic of
          Germany concerning the decentralised development planning
          programme [No. 141], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
          Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108
          of 1996).

     (e)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Exhange of Letters between
          the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
          Government of the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the
          decentralised development planning programme [No. 141].

     (f)     Exchange of Letters between the Government of the Republic
          of South Africa and the Government of the People's Republic of
          China concerning the Implementation of a Human Resources
          Project [No. 579], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
          Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108
          of 1996).

     (g)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Exchange of Letters between
          the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the
          Government of the People's Republic of China concerning the
          Implementation of a Human Resources Project [No. 579].

     (h)     Programme Grand Agreement between the Global Fund to Fight
          Aids, TB amd Malaria and the Government of the Republic of
          South Africa: Strengthening national capacity for treatment,
          care and support related to HIV and TB, building on successful
          behaviour change initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-G02-C-
          00) [No. 480], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
          Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108
          of 1996).

     (i)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Programme Grand Agreement
          between the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria and the
          Government of the Republic of South Africa: Strengthening
          national capacity for treatment, care and support related to
          HIV and TB, building on successful behaviour change
          initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-G02-C-00) [No. 480].

     (j)     Programme Grand Agreement between the Global Fund to Fight
          Aids, TB amd Malaria and the Government of the Republic of
          South Africa: Enhancing the care of HIV/AIDS infected and
          affected patients in resource - constrained settings in
          Kwazulu-Natal (SAF-102-G03-C-00) [No 462], tabled in terms of
          section 231(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of South
          Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

     (k)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Programme Grand Agreement
          between the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria and the
          Government of the Republic of South Africa: Enhancing the care
          of HIV/AIDS infected and affected patients in resource -
          constrained settings in Kwazulu-Natal (SAF-102-G03-C-00) [No
          462].

     (l)     Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
          Africa and the Government of the Republic of Germany
          concerning financial co-operation for 2001-2002 [No. 612],
          tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution of the
          Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).

     (m)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Agreement between the
          Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government
          of the Republic of Germany concerning financial co-operation
          for 2001-2002 [No. 612].

     (n)     Programme Grand Agreement between the Global Fund to Fight
          Aids, TB amd Malaria and the Government of the Republic of
          South Africa: Strengthening national capacity for treatment,
          care and support related to HIV and TB, building on successful
          behaviour change initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-G01-C-
          00) [No. 479], tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
          Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No 108
          of 1996).

     (o)     Explanatory Memorandum on the Programme Grand Agreement
          between the Global Fund to Fight Aids, TB and Malaria and the
          Government of the Republic of South Africa: Strengthening
          national capacity for treatment, care and support related to
          HIV and TB, building on successful behaviour change
          initiatives in South Africa (SAF-102-G01-C-00) [No. 479].


 (15)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Justice and Constitutional Development:


     (a)     Proclamation No R.49 published in Government Gazette No
          26905 dated 18 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing
          Special Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of
          the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act,
          1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).

     (b)     Proclamation No R.50 published in Government Gazette No
          26912 dated 20 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing
          Special Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of
          the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act,
          1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).

     (c)     Proclamation No R.51 published in Government Gazette No
          26912 dated 20 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing
          Special Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of
          the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act,
          1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).

     (d)     Proclamation No R.52 published in Government Gazette No
          26912 dated 20 October 2004: Referral of matters to existing
          Special Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of
          the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act,
          1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).


 (16)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Agriculture and Land Affairs. The Reports of the Auditor-General
     and the Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements are
     referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
     consideration:


     (a)     Report and Financial Statements of the South African
          Veterinary Council for 2003-2004, including the Report of the
          Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2003-
          2004.

     (b)     Annual Financial Statements from the National Agricultural
          Marketing Council on the Statutory Levy Administrators on
          Agricultural Products for 2001-2002 and 2002-2003, including
          the Reports of the Auditor-General and the Independent
          Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2001-2002 and 2002-
          2003 [RP 1-2004].


 (17)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Service and Administration for consideration and report:


     (a)     African Union Convention on the Prevention and Combating
          of Corruption, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
          Constitution, 1996.

     (b)     Explanatory Memorandum to the African Union Convention on
          the Prevention and Combating of Corruption.


 (18)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Finance and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
     consideration:

     Letter from the Minister of Finance dated 16 November 2004 to the
     Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section 8(3) of the
     Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999), explaining
     the delay in the tabling of the consolidated financial statements
     for 2003-2004.


 (19)   The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Transport and the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
     consideration:

     Letter from the Minister of Transport dated 19 November 2004 to
     the Speaker of the National Assembly, in terms of section 65(2)(a)
     of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999),
     explaining the delay in the tabling of the Annual Report of the
     Department of Transport and other public entities for 2003-2004.

TABLINGS

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister of Finance

 Municipal Investment Regulations and Municipal Public-Private
 Partnership Regulations, in terms of section 168 of the Municipal
 Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).

National Assembly

1. The Speaker

 Report of the Public Service Commission on the State of the Public
 Service, 2005 [RP 216-2004].