National Assembly - 14 June 2005
TUESDAY, 14 JUNE 2005 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:31.
The Speaker took the Chair.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
SEVEN DA YOUTH LEAGUE MEMBERS DEFECT TO ANCYL
(Member’s Statement)
Ms T V TOBIAS (ANC): Madam Speaker, yesterday ushered in a moment of reality in the political arena when seven senior members of the DA youth leadership joined the ANC Youth League. This included the national chairperson, Douglas Bheki Nkosi; the secretary-general, Lawrence Lekhanya; the national organiser, Louis Sauls, and other senior leaders.
The decision by these wise, patriotic and young South Africans coincided with the DA Federal Council’s threats to penalise members who chose to leave the party. These threats didn’t stop the senior DA youth leadership to leave this rightwing party and join the masses in the progressive youth movement known as the ANC Youth League.
These fearless and innocent young people were welcomed with open arms to join the progressive and advanced catchment of the current generation of youth in the ANC Youth League. This also symbolises the fact that our people will continue to resist being coerced to rally against the popular and democratic liberation movement. [Interjections.]
We believe that we will continue to realise that indeed the DA represents a racist agenda and is a cabal aligned on the basis of racial segregation seeking to take advantage of our people. [Interjections.]
Therefore, as the ANC Youth League, we will continue to say: “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.”
The only rightful political home for these young people remains the ANC, because it is the only liberation movement that has adopted the Freedom Charter and represents their ideals at all times.
Aluta Continua! [Applause.]
DECISION TO REMOVE DEPUTY PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA FROM OFFICE
(Member’s Statement)
Mr A J LEON (DA): Madam Speaker, the great Nobel Peace Laureate, Chief Albert Luthuli, once said: “What we need is courage that rises with danger.”
Today, I believe, President Mbeki has shown that courage. He faced a very difficult decision with clear political costs. Yet, in the end, he chose to uphold principle over politics and we in the opposition salute him for it. [Applause.]
The President today, in his remarks before Parliament, said that he and the country were called upon to make an original judgment, which was without precedent. Indeed he is right, but he also, in our view, made the right judgment. Therefore, today will be remembered as a great victory for our young democracy.
The fight against corruption, however, is far from over.
The truth about the arms deal continues to haunt South Africa like a vengeful ghost. It will not be put to rest until we finally conduct a full, independent, judicial investigation into the arms deal and the corruption at the heart of it.
I believe that the President should fulfil the example he set here today and shine the light of justice in every corridor of government until the trust of the people has been fully restored.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]
SHAREHOLDERS TO BENEFIT FROM BARCLAYS-ABSA MERGER
(Member’s Statement)
Mr L K JOUBERT (IFP): Madam Speaker, I will move that the IFP has noticed with appreciation the approval by the shareholders of Absa of the merger and therefore accepting the fact that the controlling equity of Absa will in future be held by Barclays. This approval by the shareholders opens the way for Barclays to invest more than R30 billion in South Africa.
The South African business sector welcomes this investment and the significant boost to our economy. The IFP sincerely believes in the multiplier effect on our economy and trusts that this massive investment will only be the start of many other investments to follow. Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Order! Hon member, it sounds as if you are putting a motion before the House. We are dealing with statements, so I will not be dealing with that as a motion. It’s on record and it will be dealt with as a statement.
RIDDING THE COUNTRY OF CHILD PORNOGRAPHY
(Member’s Statement)
Mr M P SIBANDE (ANC): Madam Speaker, South Africa must intensify the fight to uphold the rights of its children. In this connection, the ANC applauds the recently held conference organised by the Department of Home Affairs and the Film and Publications Board in search of a sustainable programme of action against child pornography.
We share the sentiments expressed by the Minister of Home Affairs that our country needs to strengthen efforts to protect children. As a society, political parties, business, civil society and communities, we need to join together to rid our country and the world of the vampires who feed on the defenceless and the weak.
The initiative by the Department of Home Affairs and the Film and Publications Board constitutes a call to all of us to open our eyes to our children’s suffering and to hear their pleas for the enjoyment of their right to be children. Let us work to ensure that all our children enjoy the fruits of freedom. Let us ensure that they enjoy the better life we worked to create. Let us, on a daily basis, work together to create the conditions for them to realise the dreamy future at the end of their cognitive horizon. I thank you. [Applause.]
MINISTER LIABLE FOR DAMAGES IN POLICE RAPE CASE
(Member’s Statement)
Ms N C NKABINDE (UDM): Madam Speaker, the UDM welcomes yesterday’s ruling by the Constitutional Court in the case of the woman who was raped by three policemen in 1999. The brutal gang rape by three on-duty policemen resulted in life imprisonment for all of them.
However, the rape survivor’s quests to claim damages from the government for the conduct of these three policemen were refused by two courts before the matter came before the Constitutional Court.
It is important to note that the rapists were on duty, wearing police uniforms and driving a police vehicle when they committed their despicable deeds.
We salute the Constitutional Court for confirming that it is the duty of government, through the Police Service, to protect women from crimes such as rape.
These criminals abused their position of trust to lure this woman into their vehicle and then proceeded to abuse everything that the Police Service stands for.
There are many dedicated policemen and women in our country who are fighting a relentless battle against crime. Often they do this in spite of insufficient resources and under immense strain. They follow this calling for a small salary and put their lives on the line every day. They know that there are many criminals out there who are prepared to kill them instead of facing justice.
Despite these overwhelming odds, the majority of members of our Police Service diligently execute their duties. In such circumstances it must be highly demoralising for them to discover that in their midst there are people such as these criminals who would abuse their uniforms to commit the very crimes that their colleagues are dedicating their lives to fighting.
This judgment sends a strong message to all of those who want to abuse their position to commit rape. Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]
DEBT RELIEF ANNOUNCEMENT BY G-8
(Member’s Statement)
Mr S SIMMONS (NNP): Madam Speaker, on Saturday the world’s wealthiest countries announced the cancellation of multilateral debts owed by 18 countries, mainly African nations, to the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the African Development Bank. The cancellation of debt will enable governments of the developing countries to determine priorities to sustain the lives of the people living in their countries. These countries will now be able to channel money into much-needed human development programmes.
Other steps would see an international facility paying for vaccinations in poor countries, a doubling of development aid and an end to trade- distorting farm subsidies in rich countries.
Nine other countries will become eligible for 100% debt relief, totalling an extra $11 billion over the next 12 to 18 months, after which 11 nations could receive similar debt cancellation of $4 billion, bringing the total amount of debt relief to $55 billion.
Debt relief is a vital part of a broad strategy to wipe away chronic poverty in Africa. Therefore, the NNP welcomes the announcement by the G8 industrialised nations to write off more than $265 billion of African debt.
Thank you, Madam Speaker.
PRESIDENT’S DECISION TO REMOVE DEPUTY PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA FROM OFFICE
(Member’s Statement)
Mr S N SWART (ACDP): Madam Speaker, the ACDP welcomes President Thabo Mbeki’s announcement this afternoon to “release” Deputy President Jacob Zuma from office.
The ACDP has consistently called for the resignation of the Deputy President following Judge Hilary Squires’s finding that Schabir Shaik and the Deputy President had a “generally corrupt” relationship.
There can be no doubt that the President’s decision is the right thing to do, particularly in view of his commitment to rid the government and the ANC of corruption. This decision sends a strong message that the President will not pay lip service to his commitments but is prepared to act toughly against corruption, despite political pressure.
The ACDP believes that the country stood at the brink of a great moral impasse following the judgment and the calls to protect the then Deputy President Zuma. President Mbeki is to be commended for taking decisive action and not bowing to political pressure that would have undermined the collective morality of the nation.
We trust that this decision also implies that Deputy President Zuma will no longer head the Moral Regeneration Movement.
We maintain that Deputy President Jacob Zuma should be prosecuted in view of the overwhelming evidence against him in the Shaik trial. This will give him the opportunity to put his side of the story. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
HUMBULANI THENGA CONGRATULATED ON HER ATHLETICS PERFORMANCE
(Member’s Statement)
Mrs T J TSHIVHASE: Ri fhululedza muhali wa vhahali: “The girl child in the sports field”. Halalaa! Humbulani Irene Thenga, aged 17 in grade 12. Ri khou fhululedza gombakomba Humbulani Thenga wa Shayandima Secondary, hune nda dzula hone, Venda. O gidima fhethu hunzhisa ri tshi katela na mashangodavha, a tshi dzhia vhuimo ha u thoma na ha vhuvhili.
Ngei France o gidima nahone a wana khaphu na mendele muthihi ngeno ngei Switzerland kha track na field nahone o wana khaphu nthihi na mendele muthihi. Fhano hayani Afurika Tshipembe o gidima mitambo ine ya nga sa marathon 10km, 15km na 21km; track field; cross-country; na land of lagans. O wana mimendele ya 75 sa pfufho dzawe – (Translation of Venda paragraphs follows.)
[Mrs TJ TSHIVHASE: We congratulate the heroine of heroines: A 17-year-old, Humbulani Thenga, a girl child in the sports field who is currently doing grade 12. We shout, “Halala!” to this young girl from Shayandima Secondary School in Venda, where I come from. She participated in many international races, securing positions one and two respectively.
In France she received a cup and medal, and in Switzerland she got the same in both track and field events. Here at home, she participated in 10km, 15km and 21km marathons, as well as in track and field, cross-country and the Land of Legend Marathon. She has so far earned about 75 medals as awards.]
She got 40 gold medals, 30 silver medals, 5 bronze medals, 5 trophies and 10 certificates.
Halalaa! gombakomba, Humbulani, Halalaa! Ni farese. Ri di tongisa nga inwi. [We again say, “Halala! Humbulani, Halala!” Hold on. We are very proud of you.]
We are proud of you, my girl.
Ni takulele vhuimo uhu ntha. Ni futelele mpho iyi ye na newa nga Mudzimu. Hu do itea zwimangadzo. Ni ri takulele ntha musidzana. Ndo do dzula na Minisita nga u tavhanya, u itela uri vha vhone zwauri vha nga ita mini kha tshipida tsha uri hoyu nwana a wane thuso ngauri, (Translation of Venda paragraph follows.)
[Keep on stepping forward. This is a God-given talent. A lot more is still coming. Keep on uplifting us, young girl. I have spoken to the Minister with a view to him devising a means to assist this girl child.]
She is an outstanding child – the girl child. [Applause.]
DIVISION IN WESTERN CAPE ANC
(Member’s Statement)
Mnr S E OPPERMAN (DA): Speaker, die aanloop tot die ANC se Wes-Kaapse provinsiale kongres, die aggressie gedurende die kongres . . . [Tussenwerpsels.] . . . en die uitslae het die diep verdeeldheid wat daar in die ANC se Wes-Kaap geledere is duidelik na vore gebring.
Die algemene indruk dat die verdeeldheid ook rasgebaseerd is, plaas ’n demper op dienslewering in die provinsie. Die feit dat Ebrahim Rasool in die toekoms as ’n lam, tandlose premier sal optree, sal ook tot gevolg hê dat die baie swak diensrekord van sy administrasie tot rampspoedige vlakke sal daal. [Tussenwerpsels.]
Die neiging van die ANC om slegs sy eie ondersteuners te beloon, sal dramaties toeneem. Die party se beleid om eerder in die behuisingsbehoeftes van nuwe aankomelinge te voorsien, ten koste van inwoners wat baie jare op die waglys is, is ’n duidelike bewys van die blatante onreg wat onder die ANC-regering plaasvind. [Tussenwerpsels.] ’n Provinsiale regering wat nie die steun van sy kieserskorps het nie, sal hierdie onreg verder laat toeneem.
Teen dié agtergrond bied die DA ’n sterk alternatief, wat goeie regering, ’n einde aan wanadministrasie én ’n verwerping van die huidige boetie- boetie-beleid van die ANC tot gevolg sal hê. Ek dank u. [Tussenwerpsels.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr S E OPPERMAN (DA): Speaker, the run-up to the ANC’s Western Cape provincial congress, the aggression during the congress . . . [Interjections.] . . . and the results brought the deep divisions that exist within the ANC’s Western Cape ranks to the fore.
The general impression that the division is also race based places a damper on service delivery in the province. The fact that Ebrahim Rasool will act like a tame, toothless premier in future will also result in the very poor service record of his administration declining to devastating levels. [Interjections.]
The tendency of the ANC to reward only its own supporters will increase dramatically. The party’s policy of rather providing for the housing needs of new arrivals, at the expense of residents who have been on waiting lists for many years, is a clear example of the blatant injustice that occurs under the ANC government. [Interjections.] A provincial government that does not have the support of its electorate will let this injustice escalate further.
Against this background the DA offers a strong alternative that will result in good governance, an end to maladministration and rejection of the current buddy-buddy policy of the ANC. I thank you. [Interjections.]]
DEPUTY PRESIDENT’S RELEASE FROM DUTY
(Member’s Statement)
Mr B E PULE (UCDP): Madam Speaker, the UCDP accepts that a person is not guilty until proven guilty. The UCDP accepts that the outgoing Deputy President has to be given a chance to clear his name. The UCDP accepts that the ANC and its alliance partners have the right to retain the Deputy President as the Deputy President of their organisation.
The UCDP has, however, been very concerned about the unrelenting attack on the good dignity of the office of the Deputy President of the country. The announcement, by the President of the Republic of South Africa, to relieve the Deputy President of his duties has therefore been received with great enthusiasm by the UCDP. Thank you.
MINISTER OF EDUCATION CONGRATULATED
(Member’s Statement)
Ms L L MABE (ANC): Madam Speaker, as the ANC we would like to congratulate the Minister of Education . . .
. . . mo legatong la baagi ba Maologane, bakgatla le baagi ba Moses Kotane, morago ga dingwaga-ngwaga bana ba ntse ba tsenela sekolo mo meagong e e sa babalesegang e bile batsadi ba sena madi a go ka ikagela sekolo se seša, puso e tlisitse meago ya namaotshwere e mentle, e e bothitho, e e babalesegileng. Bana ba rona jannong, ba ya sekolong ba le matlhagatlhaga.
Setšhaba se ka itumela thata fa sekolo se se kopantsweng, e leng sekolo se se potlana le sekontari, se ka tsenngwa mo tekanyetsong gore ba agelwe sekolo se se maleba mo nakong e e sa fediseng pelo, ka gore ga baa bolo go ema dingwaga-ngwaga ba letile gore sekolo se agiwe.
Re lebogela kutlwisiso le bopelotelele ba lona bakgatla le matsapa a puso le Lefapha la Thuto le a dirileng. A pula e le nela bakgatla. A pula e le nele Maaforika Borwa. Ke a leboga. [Legofi.] (Translation of Tswana paragraphs follows.)
[. . . on behalf of the Bakgatla tribe, residents of Maologane and Moses Kotane. For many years, their children have been learning in unsafe school buildings, because the parents did not have money to build new ones. The government has erected beautiful temporary structures which are sound and safe. Our children will now be motivated to go to school.
The community would be very appreciative if the merged primary and secondary sections of the school could be budgeted for, so that a better one can be built in the near future. They have already waited too long.
We would like to thank the Bakgatla tribe for their understanding and patience; and the Department of Education for the efforts they made. Let there be peace unto the Bakgatla tribe and the rest of South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]]
SITUATION IN OCEAN VIEW IN CAPE TOWN
(Member’s Statement)
Ms H ZILLE (DA): Madam Speaker, the people of Ocean View in Cape Town have been marginalised and neglected by the Cape Town Metro Council. After 11 years of ANC rule, the Mountain View section still has no RDP housing. Attempts earlier this month to talk to the Metro council about their plight have left them frustrated, because they feel their concerns were not addressed.
The community has hopelessly inadequate and unhygienic drainage and sewage systems. In addition, the children of people living in the navy houses are forced to move out of the homes when they turn 18. These children have nowhere else to go. Parents are faced with an impossible choice: lose their home or evict their children.
The ANC’s plans for housing in the Metro appear to ignore established communities who have been waiting patiently. Instead, the focus is on ANC strongholds in the run-up to the local elections. The DA urges the government to deliver houses and services to all the people, irrespective of race or voting allegiance. [Applause.]
DEPUTY PRESIDENT’S RELEASE FROM DUTY
(Member’s Statement) Prince M G BUTHELEZI (IFP): Madam Speaker, following the President’s announcement that he is relieving the Deputy President of his responsibilities in government in the aftermath of Judge Hilary Squires’s ruling, I would like to appeal to the nation to unite at this sombre moment. President Mbeki was, of course, correct in exercising his constitutional prerogative to relieve the Deputy President of his responsibilities, because the situation hung like a dark cloud over South Africa and would eventually have paralysed the executive.
It would have, for instance, been difficult for President Mbeki to travel to Gleneagles for the G8 summit next month and request additional aid for Africa if the Deputy President was still in office, as transparency and accountability are the basic tenets of governance. In fact, all Africa’s commitment to the Nepad peer review would have been rendered meaningless if the President had not acted decisively in this tragic affair.
On a personal note, I am naturally saddened that a leader of his stature from our province has fallen. Like many people, I have great respect for Msholozi and share the pain of losing a leader of his calibre. He brought a certain charm, warmth and empathy for his people to his office. The breadth of Mr Zuma’s support from the trade unions to the youth testifies to his humanity, which is the hallmark of the man. He will be sorely missed, and I hope that Mr Zuma will take the opportunity to take whatever legal remedies he feels are necessary to clear his name.
AmaZulu anesisho esibhekise kulabo abaklolodayo esithi inxeba lendoda alihlekwa. [The Zulu nation has a saying referring to those who are boasting, namely: What goes around comes around.] [Applause.]
DECISION BY G8 TO WRITE OFF MORE THAN $40 BILLION IN DEBT
(Member’s Statement)
Ms M M MADUMISE (ANC): Madam Speaker, we welcome the announcement made by the finance Ministers from the Group of 8 most-industrialised countries to write off more than $40 billion owed to the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund by the 18 poorest countries of the world. The decision to cancel the debt will help the listed African countries to invest in the fight against diseases, the development of infrastructure, as well as the building of institutional capacity for good governance and service delivery.
The commitment made over the weekend by the finance Ministers is a major victory for progressive humanity in its struggle for a better life for the people of the world. The ANC commits itself to work tirelessly with the world’s progressive community, governments and the multilateral institutions to intensify our campaign for a comprehensive response to the challenges of poverty and underdevelopment in Africa.
In addition to the scrapping of debt, this response must include greater aid, grant funding and a fairer world trading system. Thank you. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER: Hon members, before I call for Ministers’ responses, I would like to take this opportunity to recognise a veteran Southern African politician, the hon John Nkomo, the Speaker of the Zimbabwean parliament, and his delegation. [Applause.]
WELCOMING OF DEBT RELIEF, DA’S FAILURE TO SPEND RESOURCES ON HOUSING IN THE WESTERN CAPE AND THEIR NEW KIND OF RACISM
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER OF FINANCE: Madam Speaker, just a brief comment on two of the statements, one by the NNP and the other by the ANC, that welcome the debt relief and additional aid and also make a strong call for a timetable to lift the trade-distorting subsidies, as decided by the G8 this weekend: it’s exceedingly important for Africa, and I want to commend both statements.
But more importantly, I would like to respond to the statements by the hon Opperman and the hon Zille, because they are completely out of order. Firstly, they failed to get up in this House and remind us of the role of the DA - in whatever shape or form it’s been in government in this province and in this city for the bulk of the past 11 years. [Applause.] They are failing to recognise or advise South Africans of the deficits that have grown because of their failure to spend resources on housing the poor over the bulk of the 11 years in this province. [Applause.]
They are now involved in a vain attempt to play Pontius Pilate and suggest that the housing shortages arrived after the ANC came into power in this province. It’s a shameful attempt on the part of the DA, because these housing shortages have been there.
Moreover, we must not allow them to get away with this new kind of racism, which seeks to exclude those whom they call “recent arrivals” into this province. It we allow them to take forward this notion of “amaguduga” we will in fact be instilling a new racism, a new class formation in this province. We shouldn’t allow it; we should resist it with every fibre of our being. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
THE DA SHOULD CONTRIBUTE TO OUR DEMOCRACY
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER OF PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Madam Speaker, earlier today, in what will be a statement long remembered, our President reminded us of the fundamental tenets of this democracy that we all fight for and strive for. One of the key tenets was respect for the Constitution that we have and for the institutions enumerated in that Constitution. I would urge the DA to listen, because we all have a duty to contribute to this democracy.
It’s with great regret that we have to point out that the leader of the opposition stood up immediately after this profound moment in our history and completely disrespected the constitutional structures. [Interjections.] The President outlined in some detail what had been decided by the constitutional structures of this country, but the Leader of the Opposition immediately thereafter stood up and denied the findings that had been read out quite clearly and explicitly. [Interjections.]
I think if this party would like to contribute to this democracy, they should respect the institutions that have made determinations on this matter, and I think they should take some wise council from the leader of the IFP and recognise it. This is not the moment for politicking. This is a moment in our democracy that we should all reflect on and treat soberly, and not be a bunch of empty, bloody, useless cans. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
JUDGMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER FOR SAFETY AND SECURITY: Madam Speaker, I appreciate the remarks which were made by the hon Nkabinde with respect to the judgment of the Constitutional Court the other day, particularly when she made the observation that the great majority of members of the SA Police Service do their work conscientiously. In fact, it is because of that conscientious work, the loyalty to our democracy and the mandate that they have for the protection of our population that they exhaustively investigated the case against those three perpetrators. They will consequently be put away behind bars for life.
I just want to take a few seconds to explain how we have arrived at this issue. To us, the principle we wanted to emphasise was that nobody who committed serious and violent crimes should fall back on the state for sustenance. This is all we were saying, namely that as far as we were concerned, the book ought to be thrown at these three people. They themselves ought to have ensured that they continued to be responsible for their actions and therefore they should not call upon the state to fund them with respect to the ramifications of that particular matter.
Of course, I have been told that one of the newspapers in this country had a headline that read: “Minister for Safety and Security liable for rape”. Fortunately I have a partner who understands that I will never be liable for rape. [Applause.]
PROVISION OF CLASSROOM FACILITIES
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, I want to respond to the hon member Mabe. With respect to the provision of classroom facilities for children in the North West province, I want to indicate that, in fact, in each of our provinces where facilities are required for our children, sod- turning is happening as we speak. It is in fact my colleagues in the provinces who are responsible for providing infrastructure and who should be congratulated on every achievement that we make in this regard.
We have undertaken that we must accelerate provision of classrooms for our children. I’ve been very pleased to note the movement of children into school buildings in the North West province, in Limpopo and in areas of Gauteng, and we hope that we will continue our work to eradicate the inadequacy of infrastructure for children in our education system. [Applause.]
PRECEDENCE TO ORDERS OF THE DAY
(Draft Resolution)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the draft resolution printed in my name on the Order Paper, as follows:
That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rules 29(8) and 113(1), Questions shall not have precedence tomorrow, 15 June 2005.
Agreed to.
EXTENDED DATES OF THE AD HOC COMMITTEE ON APPOINTMENT OF DEPUTY PUBLIC PROTECTOR
(Draft Resolution)
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, on behalf of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party, I move the draft resolution printed in his name on the Order Paper, as follows:
That the House, with reference to the resolution adopted on 17 May 2005, extends the date by which the Ad Hoc Committee on Appointment of Deputy Public Protector has to report to the House to 18 August 2005.
Agreed to.
MOTION OF CONDOLENCE
(The late Queen Makobo Modjadji of Bolobedu)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes -
(a) with shock and profound sadness the untimely death of
Queen Makobo Modjadji of Bolobedu community in Limpopo;
(b) that the Bolobedu community have been led by Rain Queens
for more than two centuries and that Queen Makobo Modjadji
was crowned Queen of the Bolobedu in April 2003;
(2) believes Queen Modjadji leaves a legacy of consistent commitment
to community development and her outstanding leadership was
further proof of the capacity of women to unite our people as we
work for a better life for all; and
(3) expresses its condolences to the members of the Modjadji royal
family and the Bolobedu community.
Agreed to.
CREATE YOUTH EMPLOYMENT AND FIGHT POVERTY
(Debate on Topic)
The MINISTER OF EDUCATION: Madam Speaker, I am aware that there are many young people from schools across all the provinces of our country and we welcome them to Parliament today. [Applause.] Many of them participated in a parliamentary youth debate in the NCOP Chamber this morning. I listened in on their debate and I have to say that they would put some of us to shame if they were with us in this House today - very good. [Applause.]
On 16 June each year, we remember and commemorate the 1976 Soweto protests. On 16 June 1976, Soweto exploded. The protests soon spread to all parts of the country. Young learners were the key actors and student leaders were the key leaders. The protest began with a rejection of the imposition of Afrikaans in education and ended by rocking the old regime to its foundations. Hundreds died and were injured, as the authorities struggled to assert control over our people.
This massive protest marked the emergence of a new generation of leaders. In its aftermath, thousands fled the country into exile, formed mass-based organisations and the old regime became increasingly isolated by this example set by the young people of our country. The rest, as they say, is history. Their participation and leadership in the protest meant many young people never finished their schooling and never had the opportunity for education.
All of us know that June 16 is inextricably bound up with the name of young Hector Peterson, but there were many other heroes and heroines. These young people fought against an illegal regime, invigorated the struggle for freedom and drew world attention to South Africa. They began on that day what was to become a national and world mobilisation against apartheid.
Today, we have a single education system, and education is now compulsory for children of school-going age. We have a participation rate that is nearly a 100%. We have parity of access between boys and girls in our country and we have transformed the institutional landscape of higher and further education.
Yet, as we celebrate our freedom and the advances we have made in building our new democracy, where increasingly our youth have access to high-quality opportunities, unemployment remains stubbornly high on the list of social problems that confront young people.
No matter how successful we are in creating jobs – and we have been successful – we are still not creating enough jobs and alternative development opportunities for school-leavers and young people graduating from our universities.
We cannot allow this situation to continue. We must provide viable opportunities that make a real difference to young people. Urgent action is required. Youth unemployment must be tackled with seriousness, focus and purpose.
Our government has created a range of opportunities that addresses these concerns. Apart from school access, there are many other areas of response. The Umsobomvu Fund is doing much to promote skills, development enterprise support and other ways of empowering young people. Opportunities beyond school level have also grown.
University students were predominantly white in 1993 and now 75% of those in our universities are black. Even more worthy to report is that just over 50% of students in higher education are female today.
Yet this is not all. Government-supported learnerships through Setas benefit young people. Government departments run active programmes for internships and in the private sector attempts are being made to create new opportunities for our youth.
The community-development-worker programme of government is supporting young graduates to enter the Public Service through local government internships. Yet, despite this progress, as young people have told me robustly in the last week, we must do more.
We need to create a wide and diverse range of skills-development programmes – in the arts, film-making and music development for young people, the writing of new poetry and novels, as well as access to opportunities in the sciences.
We also need to attend to programmes that would address the needs of youths who have never been to school. Some need basic literacy support while others need skills training.
Our work, with the FET colleges, will in the next five years make technical training a viable choice for young people in our country. We will also, in partnership with the Department of Communications, attend to skills development in information communications technologies, both at the technology-skills level as well as at the business-creation side.
Furthermore, all of us must work with the private sector - the real job creators - to formulate youth development partnerships in the form of skills development programmes. In order to address all these areas, however, we need data, and not speculation.
Has the time not arrived for our country to create youth information offices in every municipality so that young people have a visible place to go to for help and information? We also must refer to the immense courage, integrity and community concern that the young people of 1976 exhibited. Perhaps we need to have more than a national day to celebrate the youth who stood up against the might of apartheid and did what was right. We should look into developing real post-school opportunities on a mass scale for young people. Partnership between public and private institutions can, I believe, offer real economic opportunities for young people.
In the education sector, especially at higher level, we should develop strategies to draw young people into careers in knowledge production and innovation. Currently, our leading scientists are male and ageing. Young researchers should be developed and given opportunities for knowledge creation.
We also must continue our fight against poverty. But what are the enduring lessons of the youth of 1976? Firstly, the courage to rise against oppression, no matter the odds; secondly, the integrity of sacrificing self- interest for community and national aspiration; thirdly, the realisation that principled action and leadership are necessary partners in a struggle for freedom; fourthly, that national struggle should be supported by strong mass-based organisation and be based on the ideals of democratic nonracism, equity and a resistance to oppression.
These lessons have a deep resonance in the South Africa of today. The opportunities created by government require this resolve and hard work from our youth. The challenges of today, such as the plight of HIV and Aids, require a determined, courageous focused youth that will change negative lifestyles and adopt a positive living campaign to assist the young in remaining free of this disease.
Our present-day youth are challenged by the example of the young South Africans of 1976; our country is now a free and vibrant democracy. Our young people must take on these new opportunities and challenges and make them work for building a South Africa that will never again put young people, parents and communities through the agonies that were part of the struggle as represented by 1976.
We have also acted to fight poverty. We have exemptions from fees at the school level. We have a nutrition programme to address the needs of the poor in our schools. This year we have invested over R1 billion in higher- education training by providing financial support to the poor. We have access to health care for young children in our public hospitals and clinics. We provide social grants for children whose parents have no income. We have the Expanded Public Works Programme, providing employment in municipalities to community members that enjoy no economic opportunity.
In each of these areas there are opportunities for young people to make a difference in our society. Our youth have made a clarion call for opportunities. I have shown that there are many programmes and opportunities. Our focus should now turn to ensuring that all our young people have the information, access and opportunity that allow them to realise their fullest potential in our society. If we can achieve this, we will truly build the South Africa of opportunity that the children of 1976 sacrificed themselves and their opportunities for. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M R MOHLALOGA: Madam Speaker, hon members, on Thursday, 16 June 2005, our country celebrates one of the important days in the evolution of the history of our struggle against apartheid, an epoch-making day whose rise, some 29 years ago, marked a turning point in the determination of our youth to fight the demon of apartheid and injustice; a day whose rise brought the end of apartheid much closer and made it more inevitable.
As we commemorate the 29th anniversary of 16 June, we recall the bravery and the sacrifices of our youth who had perished in pursuance of our people’s yearning for freedom and democracy. Many of our youth had to perish, linger in jail and be separated from their loved ones in order for us to be free today. Many of them are not here with us; they died not knowing what it meant to be a free South African. Their families and children continue to ponder how life would have been with them in their midst. They have a sense of permanent loss, a sense of grief - a void that cannot be filled. As the ANC, we will continue to be guided by the vision, the will and the desires of these fallen heroes. This day reminds us of the role young people played throughout the history of mankind and continue to play today. Young people are the lifeblood of every nation. They are the brick and mortar of every society. They are the future of every society.
The sustenance or defeat, reproduction or creation of any social organisation depends on the political and social moulding of the youth. Even the most backward and retrogressive regimes relied on young people. For instance, Hitler relied on young people to build a Nazi state, whose orientation was murder and genocide in pursuance of a “purified” Germany. The progressive forces, including the Bolsheviks and so on, relied on the important role of young people in the defeat of the Tsarist regime and construction of a new state.
Here at home, the colonial and apartheid regimes introduced compulsory military training for white youth to defend the apartheid system. They invested a great deal in the education of white youth to reproduce the intellectual capital necessary for the sustenance of the apartheid system.
On the other hand, the youth under the leadership of the ANC mobilised themselves for a noble goal – the emancipation of our people. Consequently, young people swelled the ranks of the ANC Youth League over successive generations; young people swelled the ranks of MK; they swarmed our streets in acts of defiance and militancy, coming face to face with apartheid killer machine.
If anything, it will be correct to say that the most defining feature of the South African society at that time was the battle between the white youth, who sought to perpetuate the demon of apartheid and the black youth, who sought to liberate our country and its people - both black and white.
We are here today because we honour these youth, without whom there would be no freedom and democracy to talk about. It is these youth who, as we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Freedom Charter this month, went out on volunteer work, going from house to house to solicit freedom demands. It is these youth that took it upon themselves to ensure that the kind of society that our people yearn for is realised.
It will always be a concern to all social forces what political posture the youth assumes and they will always seek to influence them in a particular direction to reinforce and mature the existing paradigm or to obliterate it.
The dialectic about the important role of the youth in the sociopolitical life proceeded and continues to proceed side by side with an attempt to paralyse them into inaction, in an instance where they do not subscribe to the agenda of those who are threatened by their continued participation in sociopolitical life.
This has been a prevailing feature, both during apartheid and since 1994. Before the unbanning of political organisations, those who were threatened with the continued mobilisation of the youth used to refer to these young people as the “lost generation”. This reference was repeated every day by the media to drive home the message that the things that the youth were doing to fight against apartheid could only be done by a generation that was lost. Young people at the time refused to be lost and asserted that they would always be found in the trenches in the fight for freedom and democracy. They said, we would rather be lost to the forces of oppression and apartheid than to remain found and oppressed. They said we will always remain the sons and daughters of Luthuli, of Lembede, of Mandela, of Mxolisi Majimbosi. They rebelled and called themselves the young lions of O R Tambo who would render the apartheid government unworkable and South Africa ungovernable.
Post-1994, these forces of youth depoliticisation have not tired in their agenda. They attempt to sow in our minds that our democracy has failed them as the youth. They attempt to sow a sense of disillusionment and thus refer to us as apathetic. Thus, we are just this amorphous mob of malcontents, who have no interest in our future or that of our country; we are people who miss the good old days of apartheid. We disagree!
If anything, those of us who are involved on a daily basis as youth activists know of the ANC Youth League, which has become a home for young South Africans, both black and white. If anything, it is the opposition parties that are bleeding, that are strange to the youth. They are unknown and young people have no hope and confidence in them. They know that it is only the ANC that represents both their short and long-term interests. They know that they cannot define their future outside that of the ANC.
Yesterday we welcomed seven of the nine senior leaders of the DA youth - the national chairperson and the secretary, as well as other members of the national executive committee. [Applause.] Just watch this space, we are going to finish it off, and the DA will be the next! [Applause.]
The response of the DA to these developments has not been unexpected. They have described these young people as incompetent and so on. Was it surprising that they responded in that manner? No, it wasn’t. All black people who leave the DA are labelled as such - incompetent and insane. In other words, blacks in the DA are either incompetent or insane or both. [Laughter.] We only have to wait until they leave the party, as a result of the heavy weight of racism under which they are suffocating, for us to know about their abilities and state of mind. In any event, this is part of that party’s perception of black people in general. It is not surprising.
During the state of the nation address, hon Mulder drew our attention to the views that the ANC Youth League has expressed about the notion that black youth and people in general are incapable of being racist. I think that it is important that we are able to speak about that as well. The point is, how do these young people, who are unemployed, with no economic means, have the ability to decide who gets what kind of education, what kind of a job and gets paid how much as a salary? How are these people who are marginalised able to decide who accesses this or the other opportunity?
For me, for as long as patterns of economic ownership are still skewed in favour of our white compatriots, practices of racism would always be one way and blacks will always be the victims. To this end, economic transformation is fundamental to realising the vision of a nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous society.
In the last 11 years, we have made tremendous strides with regard to youth development. We have created institutional mechanisms through the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and the National Youth Commission to respond to the challenges of youth development.
In fact, a review of government youth development programmes suggests that there has been progressively greater commitment to youth development in government departments since 1994. As government, we have made strides in ensuring that we invest in skills, learnerships, the Expanded Public Works Programme and so on. Having achieved all of these and more, the challenge that faces us as young people is the issue of youth economic participation. In this regard, young people yearn for economic empowerment that can be broadly defined as an integrated and coherent socio-economic process that directly and deliberately integrates youth into the mainstream South African economy in a manner that creates sustainable livelihoods for them through programmes that increase their income, asset and skills opportunities, and increase the numbers of young people that manage, own and control productive enterprises, including co-operative enterprises.
According to Census 2001, young people constitute 73,8% of the unemployed, whatever definition one uses. Given this reality, the extent to which progress in reducing unemployment will be determined by the extent to which we are able to reduce the number of young people who are unemployed.
Complicating this scenario is the fact that of the graduates who come out of our tertiary institutions, more than 70% of black graduates do not get absorbed into the labour market whilst only 3% of white graduates do not get absorbed. So, the issue of race is still a factor in terms of absorption of young people in the labour market.
The issue of increased youth employment is a matter that we will have to deal with vigorously and the private sector has an important role to play in this regard. We call on the private sector to implement the learnerships programme to deal with the skills deficiencies resident in our youth.
It is important that at the end of the learnerships, these young people are absorbed and those that are not absorbed should be accommodated through entrepreneurship support. We call on the big companies to ensure that their procurement should benefit youth co-operatives and enterprises. This will lead to economic growth and increased employment.
We call on BEE charter councils to accommodate youth representation and ensure that the implementation of these charters address issues of youth economic participation.
One of the important impediments for the entry of young people in the economy is access to finance. Most of the African youth do not have collateral to back their applications for finance. Unfortunately, they have nothing to inherit from their parents as collateral, except if one is lucky and one’s father can give one an emaciated cow, which one may either sell or use to pay for lobola.
We think that it is possible for the private sector to work out financing models that specifically address this particular sector of our society. And to our youth it is important to serve our people, to go to school, study and pass and seize the opportunities brought about by our democracy. They must know that opportunity does not equal a chance to get money without working for it. They must work very hard in whatever they do and in that way the sky will not even be the limit.
Thank you very much, Madam Speaker.
Mr M M SWATHE: Madam Speaker, hon members, South Africa needs more investment to overcome the problem of high unemployment, especially amongst the youth. It is unfortunate that 60% of the people between 18 and 25 are unemployed. We need labour-intensive economic growth. For us to achieve that, we need policies that are consistent for turning South Africa into an effective modern economy. The ANC’s policies are not good enough.
South Africa needs skills to work in a modern economy. The DA believes that government should be allocating R7 billion per year to education and skills development. One third of the budget should be directed into opportunity vouchers to allow people to start their own businesses and get the training they need. This DA proposal would empower young people by giving them choices.
The principle of demand and supply should be looked at if we are serious about making South Africa a working nation, and therefore if more young people were skilled, they would be absorbed into the labour market. Tax incentives needs to be introduced to encourage business to employ more labour. For at least five years, businesses should be entitled to deduct 150% of the first R2 000 per month of the employees’ salaries for tax purposes. Individual households should be entitled to deduct up to R2 000 per month for the taxable income for permanent regular employment provided by them. This could be especially helpful in providing jobs and experience and gathering opportunities for less-educated people, particularly the youth in our society.
The introduction of increased labour-market flexibility will help new business to employ more labour. Exemptions from minimum wage and employment regulations for the first five years of the existence of individual small business will ensure greater success and more jobs. The CCMA and Labour Court structures should be enhanced and streamlined to limit the costs they impose on small business.
The DA is not calling for the removal of fundamental labour rights as they affect the trade unions and workers. However, the current set of labour laws has tilted the balance unduly in favour of those already in employment and neglected the unemployed. The laws we have continued to have a major impact on business, small business in particular, and needs to be changed.
Go ya ka DA, mmušo o swanetše go šomiša R12.6 billion mengwageng ye mehlano go fediša tšhalelo-morago ya dišomišwa le mehlodi ya go ruta dikolong; go hloma lenaneo la bosetšhaba leo le lebantšego nepo ya go ruta bana; go fa barutwana ba 350 000 lenaneo la thušo dithutong tša bona, bao batswadi ba bona ba ihlokelago monyetla ya thuto ye kaone.
Re rata go tseba ka ga tšhelete ya sekhwama sa baswa ya Umsovombovu Youth Fund gore e thušitše baswa ba bakae go hwetša mešomo. Baswa bao ke ba kae? Naa ke dikgwebo dife tšeo di hweditšego thušo ya mašeleng? Ke dikgwebo tše kae magaeng tša baswa tšeo di holegilego lenaneong leo?
Re rata go kwa ka ga South African Youth Commission gore yona e šoma bjang ka mašeleng a setšhaba. E ka ba ba hlotse mešomo ye mekae ya go hola baswa? Ge e le gore ba hlotše mešomo, ke ka lebaka la eng go be go le ditšhupetšo ka la 9 June 2005 mabapi le sello sa mešomo go la Polokwane Profensing ya Limpopo? Go ya ka pego ya bona ya baswa, ba laetša ka fao ba sepetšego maeto go ya mafaseng a ntle, go swana le boBelgium, Bahrain, Mali le Mexico. Naa maeto ao a thušitše go hlola mešomo ye mekae go baswa ba Afrika- Borwa? Go itaetša mešomo e fiwa baswa ba bona.
Youth Commission e swanetše go laetša bohlokwa bja yona, goba e phatlalale. Ka nako ya dipego ngwageng wo tlago, e swanetše go laetša mešomo yeo e e hlotšego le tlhatlho yeo e e tšweleditšego go thuša baswa. Dingwalwa tša bona le tshepedišo di laetša mošomo wo mobotse dipampiring. Efela ke mešomo yeo e nyakegago, ya go bonagala.
Afrika Borwa ke naga ya go se dumele therešo. Re na le baswa ba bantši ba go hloka mošomo, efela Moporesidente ga a dumele gore bohlokatiro ke bjo bontši mo nageng. Go ya ka Statistics South Africa, bohlokatiro ke tlhobaboroko. Afrika Borwa e ka šoma gabotse ge e ka dumela go fiwa maele, ya kopanya ditsebi tša yona, ya lebelela dikgopolo tšeo di kago tliša tharollo, ya tlogela go lebelela dipolitiki, bong le bosemorafe. China e šoma botse ka ge e dumela gore batho ba naga ya bona, ba a fapana ka dikgopolo le gona kgwebo ke lehumo gomme ba a e thekga.
Re rata go tseba ka ga tšhelete yeo e filwego Mokgatlo wa Cosatu magareng ga ngwaga wa 1997 le 1998 ya bašomi le beng-mešomo ya letšatši le tee, yeo e bego e beetšwe go hloma mešomo. Naa tšhelete yeo e kae? Ke bokae? E tlile go šoma neng? Bjang? Ke ka lebaka la eng e se ya šoma?
Ke a leboga, Modulasetulo. [Legofsi.] (Translation of Pedi paragraphs follows.)
[According to the DA, the government is supposed to use R12,6 billion in five years to clear the backlog in resources and educational aids that are used in schools, to launch a public programme that is focused on appropriate ways to teach the children, and to offer education to the 350 000 learners whose parents are unable to afford it.
We would like to know how many youths have benefited from the Umsobomvu Youth Fund to get jobs. How many are they? Which businesses managed to get a start-up fund? How many businesses in the rural areas owned by the youth benefited from that programme?
We would like to hear about the South African Youth Commission and how they used the people’s money. How many jobs have they created to help the youth? If they did create jobs, why were there demonstrations at Polokwane in Limpopo on 9 June 2005 with regard to unemployment? According to the youth report, it is shown how they have travelled abroad to places like Belgium, Bahrain, Mali and Mexico. How many jobs have those trips helped to create for the South African youth? It looks like the jobs are given to their own youth.
The Youth Commission must show its value or dismantle. They must show how many jobs they have created as well as the kind of training offered to the youth in next year’s reports. Their documents and processes look good on paper. It is the practical work that is important, though.
South Africa is a country that does not really believe in the truth. We have plenty of youth without jobs, but the President refuses to believe that there is a high level of unemployment in this country. According to Statistics South Africa, unemployment is a nightmare. It would be much better if South Africa would accept advice and, together with the experts, look into opinions that would yield better solutions, and stop looking into politics, gender equality and racism. China is doing well because they have accepted that their people have different opinions and that business is wealth, and they support it.
We would like to know about the money that was given to Cosatu around 1997 and 1998 for employees and employers for one day, money that was put aside for job creation. Where is the money? How much is it? When will it be used? How? Why has it not been used yet?
Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]]
Mr B W DHLAMINI: Hon Chairperson and colleagues, 16 June 1976 has gone down in history as the date that changed the face of liberation politics in South Africa for good. It put young people in the forefront of the struggle for liberation in a manner that had not been seen before in this country.
The participation of black youth in the struggle for liberation was heightened to unprecedented levels. The repressive state, on the other hand, stepped up its conscription of white youth to join the SA Defence Force to alarming proportions. Apartheid thus succeeded in polarising blacks against whites, using the notion of the so-called “swartgevaar”. Thus the foundation of what later crystallised into a total onslaught strategy had been firmly laid.
The rest of what the black youth did in the struggle for liberation from 1976 onwards is now history. It will suffice to say that scores of young people skipped the country to join the then-banned liberation movements. Others remained within the country to join the underground forces, and many more remained within the country to pursue the struggle in various ways above board.
Young people became the very hallmark of the struggle to liberate and democratise this country. They shared their sweat, tears and blood in the quest to see their country free. Our youth in South Africa today are free and privileged in that they are allowed to feel as if anything is possible and that there are absolutely no limitations or boundaries to what they can achieve or do.
Their imaginations can run wild and they are not inhibited by the restrictions and boundaries that apartheid set for the youth in the past. When you are young, you are full of creativity and boundless energy. The fact that today’s youth are not limited in their career choices, because of their race or gender, has been made possible the sacrifices that so many young people in the past had to make.
Along with the many atrocities that apartheid committed, it also robbed many children of their youth and forced them to grow up too quickly. It is therefore important that Youth Day is seen as more than just a day off or a holiday. The sacrifices that were made, the many lives that were lost and the many challenges and obstacles that the youth had to overcome should be remembered and appreciated, especially on 16 June.
Although the prospects that our youth have today are infinitely brighter than they were in the past, they still face many obstacles and challenges, including poverty, HIV/Aids and unemployment. If we do not find ways of meeting these challenges soon, we will be faced with added social problems that will only get worse and escalate in future.
These are not issues that can be swept under the rug, they have to be dealt with and solutions have to be found. We need to create more opportunities for young people.
If we are to make inroads into the creation of employment for our youth, we need to be more creative and come up with innovative initiatives that will harness their enthusiasm and creativity. These will ultimately lead to job creation and poverty reduction. These initiatives should not be created in isolation and independent of the very people they are aimed at. The youth should play an active and leading role in the development and the implementation of these initiatives.
There are institutions and organisations that provide support and assistance to the South African youth, such as Umsobomvu and the Youth Commission, but whether they have the capacity to deal with this great challenge and to succeed in making a substantial impact is debatable. These organisations also need to broaden their range and visibility so that they are accessible to a much wider audience and not a selected few. If they are to have any chance of impacting on the creation of employment amongst the youth, we must face head-on the various challenges of poverty and deprivation in which many of them live.
The best tribute we can give to our youth and those who laid down their lives in the struggle is to ensure that never again will our society produce the circumstances under which those young people had to grow up. Never again should we allow our society to decline to such a level that it would be necessary for any young person to have to lay down his or her live for freedom in our country. I thank you.
Ms N M MDAKA: Chairperson and hon members, surveys on unemployment indicate that 60% or more of the unemployed are in the age group that is younger than 35. This is of great concern. The success of our society and, indeed, of our democracy depend on the youth. A generation without jobs is a generation losing faith and hope and that could spell disaster. When a significant proportion of the next generation does not believe that the current system can realise their hopes and aspirations, it is in such circumstances that discontent and revolt flourish.
However, whilst many of us are gravely concerned about the dangers of massive unemployment and how it affects the youth, the old political trick of questioning the statistics has resurfaced. Both President Mbeki and Minister Manuel have, in the past few months, expressed scepticism about the unemployment statistics.
We cannot help but notice that this sort of questioning of the statistics was a prominent aspect of the denials and delays that characterised government’s response to HIV/Aids for many years. Let us not fall into this trap again and waste valuable time and resources on futile bickering about statistics. The problem is massive and deserves our unambiguous and united response.
It is doubly ironic that senior members of the ruling party are now questioning the extent of unemployment. The last time we looked, the ANC was elected to government with a manifesto built on the promise of a million new jobs. Why make these promises if unemployment is not a major crisis?
Or is the question rather whether this election . . .
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr N P Nhleko): Order!
Ms N M MDAKA: Thank you.
Ukuba bangavuka aba bantwana babe fe ngo-’76, banganibetha nonk’apha. [Uwele-wele.] [If all those children who died in 1976 could wake up, they would beat all of you.] [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr N P Nhleko): Order! Order! [Interjections.] Order, hon member! [Applause.]
Mr L W GREYLING: Thank you, Chair. The title of the speech today sounds like a call to action. The ID has taken up this call, and in May of this year we launched the YID initiative in terms of which we have given the youth a platform to fight for the issues affecting them.
The new struggle in South Africa is to give our youth hope and opportunities for the future. My interactions with young South Africans have convinced me that it is they who are truly transforming our country.
I have seen unbelievable talent in many different spheres, and I have witnessed children overcoming the most horrendous situations to become leaders in our society. Of particular note is the My Life Project, in which former homeless children are now living productive lives and creating waves in the music scene. It is up to us as government, though, to create the structures and support systems to allow the creativity and the new ideas of the youth to flourish.
Today I turned 32 years old, which means that I will soon no longer be able to call myself a member of the youth, something I’m beginning to deeply regret. I therefore felt it necessary to allow the younger members of our party to speak on this important debate. The chairperson of YID in KwaZulu- Natal, Simo Dladla, expressed these powerful sentiments:
Hon members, we are a country that is 11 years old. Our disadvantaged youth of the 1970s are the advantaged ones, and it just shows what freedom is. They are the members of national Parliament, provincial parliament, CEOs, millionaires and billionaires.
If we are preaching the gospel of the previously disadvantaged youth, which has become the national anthem of this country, who are we talking about? Aren’t we supposed to be the advantaged ones? Aren’t we supposed to be benefiting from the freedom our fathers fought for? Aren’t we supposed to be enjoying the fruits of the country?
These are the words that should be guiding us when we consider whether we are truly living up to the aspirations of the youth in our country.
Lastly, with the Speaker’s indulgence, being my birthday and all, I want to relay some other powerful words of the youth, this time taken from the My Life CD. These former homeless children had this to say:
We want you to know we don’t feel self-pity, there are some points in our life that have been real pretty! We don’t see ourselves as victims We’re stronger – it’s true, man We ask you to do the same - see us as human We’re not asking you for something else from your handbook What we are really asking you is to try and understand that you can help, assist, encourage and support us But your assistance stops there – you can never do it for us It’s impossible to keep away the pain, suffering and strife Just let us walk through it It’s My Life!
I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr N P Nhleko): Happy birthday, hon member.
Ms P BHENGU: Chairperson, hon members of Parliament, the youth of South Africa, ladies and gentlemen, my speech is to remind you of the history of June 16 and the challenges facing the youth of South Africa.
In 1953 the apartheid government enacted the Bantu Education Act, which established a black education department in the Department of Native Affairs. The role of this department was to compile a curriculum that suited the nature and requirements of the black people.
Therefore, the author of the legislation, Dr Hendrik Verwoerd, the then Minister of Native Affairs, stated clearly that the natives – blacks - must be taught at an early age that equality with the Europeans – whites - was not for them. Therefore the black people were not to receive an education that would lead them to aspire to positions they would not be allowed to hold in society. Instead they were to receive education designed to provide them with skills to serve their own people in the homelands, or to work in labouring jobs under the white minority.
Bantu education did enable more children in Soweto to attend school than the old missionary system of education, but there was a severe lack of facilities. Nationally, the pupil-to-teacher ratios went up from 46:1 to 58:1 in 1967. Overcrowded classrooms were used on a rota basis. There was also a lack of teachers, and many of those who did teach were underqualified. By 1961 only 10% of black teachers held a matriculation certificate. Because of government’s homelands policy, no high schools were built in Soweto between 1962 and 1971. Students were meant to move to their relevant homelands to attend the newly built schools there.
In 1974 the government gave in to pressure from business to improve the Bantu education system to meet business’s needs for a better-trained black workforce. Forty new schools were built in Soweto. This increased the number of pupils at secondary schools from 12 656 to 34 656. One in five Soweto children attended secondary school.
This increase in secondary-school attendance had a significant effect on youth culture. Previously, many young people spent their time between leaving primary school and obtaining a job - if they were lucky - in gangs, which generally lacked any political consciousness. But now secondary- school students were forming their own much more politicised identity. Clashes between the gangs and students furthered the sense of student solidarity.
In 1975 South Africa entered a period of economic depression. Schools were starved of funds – the government spent R644 a year on a white child, but only R42 on a black child. The Department of Education then announced that it was removing Standard 6 from primary schools. Previously, in order to progress to Form 1 of secondary school, a learner had to obtain a first or second-degree pass in Standard 6. In 1976, 257 505 pupils enrolled in Form 1, but there was space for only 38 000. Many of the students therefore remained in primary school.
Yaqala-ke inkathazo. Inhlangano yabafundi yabamnyama, i-African Student Movement, eyayibunjwe ngo-1968 ukuba izwakalise izwi labafundi nezinhlupheko ababebhekene nazo, yabe isishintsha igama layo-ke ngenyanga kaMasingana ngonyaka ka-1972 yaba yiNhlangano yabaFundi baseNingizimu Afrika (SA Student Movement). Inhloso kwabe kungukwakha inhlangano yabafundi kazwelonke ukuze isebenzisane nenhlangano ye-black consciousness, inhlangano eyabe ikhona emanyuvesi yabamnyama ne-SA Student Organisation, Saso. (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)
[And then the trouble began. The organisation for black students, the African Student Movement, that had been formed in 1968 to air the students’ concerns and the plight that they were facing, changed its name in January 1972 and became known as the SA Student Movement. The intention was to build a national student movement that was to work with the organisation of black consciousness, which was the dominating movement at the universities, and the SA Student Organisation, Saso.]
This link with black consciousness philosophy was significant because it gave students an appreciation of themselves as black people and it helped politicise students. So when the Department of Bantu Education issued its decree that Afrikaans was to become the language of instruction at school, it was at a time when the situation was already volatile. Students objected to being taught in the language of the oppressor. Many teachers themselves could not speak Afrikaans, but were now required to teach their subjects in it.
Therefore the tide began to turn as students in Soweto came together in
- This shook the state power to its roots and its foundations began to crack. When high-school students in Soweto started protesting for better education on 16 June 1976, the police of the apartheid government responded with tear gas and live bullets. Many young people lost their lives. So, hon members and young people of South Africa, we are commemorating today – honouring today - all the young people who lost their lives in the struggle against apartheid and Bantu education.
There are challenges facing the youth of today. The commencement of our democracy in 1994 had its challenges of economic reconstruction and job creation. The issue of unemployment is crucial, but the ANC-led government has established Setas, and the National Skills Development Strategy. Workshops have been conducted with stakeholders to develop strategic plans around learnership implementation, funding, marketing and communication; and there has been group training for SMMEs, as well as employment service functions, such as the recruitment and placement of learners. The Further Education and Training Colleges - FETs - have been established to oversee the integrity of assessment in schools and colleges, and offer academic curricula as well as a range of vocational subjects to cater for out-of-school youth and adults. This has played an important role for the youth, especially those in rural areas. The other challenge facing the youth is the abuse of drugs and other substances, such as alcohol.
The issue of HIV/Aids has been a challenge. The Department of Education has a five-year plan focusing on limiting the spread of HIV/Aids through life- skills education, providing social support to educators and learners who are affected, and managing the impact of HIV/Aids on the education system within the curriculum.
The youth are now engaged in various programmes, such as home-based and community-based care programmes as community development workers, in the women and children against violence and abuse programme, and in the victim empowerment project that provides trauma support and counselling services for the victims of violence and crime, focusing on empowering community workers and professionals with skills and knowledge for the effective delivery of services to such victims.
Therefore today the story of South Africa after 10 years of democracy is a happy and successful one, that is, if you consider where we came from and where South Africa could have ended up. However, there are some dark clouds hovering over our nation that seem to threaten and undermine the successes and happiness achieved by our new democracy.
We have seen the youth being used by people who do not like the way our government is transforming from the apartheid era, in demonstrations on the lack of service delivery. We, as the ANC-led government, will no longer tolerate those young people who have forgotten where we come from.
Sengiphetha, ngithanda ukweluleka abantu abasha ukuba bazimbandakanye nezinhla zomphathi, futhi bazimisele ukuze sivikele leli zwe kubantu abanomona futhi abangathandi ukulibona liba nezinguquko. Sisonke asilwe nobubha nenhlupheko. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of Zulu paragraph follows.)
[In conclusion, I would like to advise the youth to take part in community capacity building and to be prepared so that we can defend this country from jealous people who do not want transformation. Let us all fight poverty and destitution. I thank you. [Applause.]]
Adv Z L MADASA: Chairman, creating youth employment and fighting poverty is a good thing and I believe this is happening already. The critical thing that we must, as adults, talk about today concerning the youth is how to encourage discipline. If you take a look at the quality of past youth leadership since the 1944s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s, there is no comparison with the current youth leadership. If you look back, you will notice that the past youth leadership was knowledgeable, articulate and disciplined. Today’s youth leadership is a far cry from that of the past.
Historically, the youth filled the gap left by absent leadership and addressed national political issues. With competent leaders now available, post-1994, is there a need for the parallel and duplicate role the youth leadership is playing today? Beyond employment, the youth is confronted with the following challenges: the culture of overentertainment, the culture of not learning, unaffordable school fees, academic and financial exclusions, violence, drugs on campuses and, yes, unemployment as well. These are the current challenges to the youth.
Instead of addressing these challenges, which are pressing, we see the current youth leadership holding frequent press conferences on how to lower Reserve Bank rates, embroiled in political power struggles and vacuously criticising judges without looking at the judgments. When they appear in press conferences, you have to hold your breath. What we should debate is: What is the proper role of political formations after 10 years, post-1994? I believe that that should be the debate. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mnr W D SPIES: Agb Voorsitter, wanneer jongmense om werk aansoek doen, doen hulle aansoek op die onderste posvlakke. Dit is die vlakke van ongeskoolde, semigeskoolde en pasgekwalifiseerde werkers. Byna 90% van alle werksgeleenthede in die land is op hierdie drie vlakke en twee derdes daarvan is op die vlakke van ongeskoolde en semigeskoolde werkers. Volgens die jongste verslag van die Kommissie vir Gelyke Indiensneming kom slegs 9,8% van die werkers op die onderste twee posvlakke vanuit die sogenaamde wit groepe. Dit is ’n onderverteenwoordiging van witmense op die intreevlak van meer as 22%. Die afname van witmense in die onderste twee posvlakke was meer as 86% die afgelope jaar en dit verklaar ook die drastiese styging in armoede onder veral witmense sedert 1990. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[Mr W D SPIES: Hon Chairperson, when young people apply for jobs, then they apply at the lowest post levels. These are the levels of unskilled, semi- skilled and newly qualified workers. Almost 90% of all job opportunities in the country are on these three levels and two thirds thereof are on the levels of unskilled and semi-skilled workers. According to the latest report of the Commission for Employment Equity only 9,8% of the workers on the two lowest post levels are from the so-called white groups. This is an under-representation of whites at entry level of more than 22%. The decrease in whites at the two lowest post levels was more than 86% for the past year and this also explains the drastic increase in poverty, especially among whites, since 1990.]
To these young people, the concept of employment equity becomes a contradiction in terms, because they experience no equity when they apply for a job and not even the official government funds are mandated to assist these people.
Vroeër vanjaar het die hoof van Umsobomvu Jeugfonds, mnr Malusi Kekana, voor die portefeuljekomitee gesê ingevolge sy mandaat is die fonds tans net ingestel op die swart jeug. Wanneer daar na indiensnemingsyfers gekyk word, word daar slegs klem gelê op die boonste 10% van die arbeidsmag. Dit is nie waar jongmense vir werk aansoek doen nie. Jongmense begin by die intreevlakke. As hulle nie op die intreevlakke gehelp word nie, verval hulle in ’n spiraal van armoede of werkloosheid of word net nog ’n statistiek van die diaspora uit Afrika.
Vanjaar word Jeugdag vir die 11de keer in Suid-Afrika herdenk, maar elke jaar word meer en meer jong, witmense ontnugter met die wrede werklikhede van sogenaamde “employment equity”. Hierdie mense ken nie apartheid nie, maar hulle word toenemend daarmee gekonfronteer en daarvoor gestraf. Daarom begin die VF Plus vanjaar met ’n veldtog om gelykheid vir alle jongmense te kry. Die bestuur van die VF Plus-Jeug gaan op 16 Junie van Pretoria af na die Konstitutionele Hof in Johannesburg stap met ’n versoek om gelykheid vir almal. Ons sien u daar. Baie dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[The Chairperson of the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, Mr Malusi Kekana, has stated earlier this year before the portfolio committee that in terms of his mandate the fund is currently only focused on the black youth. When we look at employment figures we see that the emphasis is placed on the top 10% of the workforce. This is not where young people apply for jobs. Young people start at the entry levels. If they are not assisted at the entry levels they will fall into a spiral of poverty or unemployment or they will become just another statistic of the diaspora from Africa.
This year Youth Day will be celebrated for the 11th time in South Africa, but every year more and more young whites are disillusioned by the grim realities of so-called ‘employment equity’. These people do not know apartheid, but they are increasingly being confronted with it and punished for it. Hence, this year, the FF Plus is commencing with a campaign to acquire equity for all young people. On June 16 the management of the FF Plus Youth will march from Pretoria to the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg with a request of for equity for all. We will see you there. Thank you very much.]
Mr B E PULE: Chair, it is unfortunate that we, as government, talk about the plight of our youth but do nothing concrete to make sure that they earn a living en route to their responsible adulthood. Taking refuge in the past and embellishing commonplace events with an aura they do not deserve will not assist us at this juncture.
Youth is our future nation and unless government stops paying lip service to employment, they will definitely be a national calamity. There are many young people roaming the streets without jobs, some of whom are university graduates. The President had indicated in his state of the nation address, in 2004, that a register would be compiled but we have heard nothing about it thus far.
Some many young people have just been given parole last week and unless we, as government, create employment for this youth the devil will definitely find work for their idle hands. Skills development has been a household word for every department and we have to empower our youth with entrepreneurial skills so that they also help create employment for themselves, because it will be equally dangerous to create a dependency syndrome amongst our youth. Thank you, Chair.
Mnr J J COMBRINCK: Agb Voorsitter, agb lede, kamerade en vriende, op 16 Junie 1976 het die jeug van ons land hul stem dik gemaak teen die bestel van daardie tyd. Die viering van Jeugdag dien nie net as herinnering aan die historiese wending nie, maar laat ons veral hoop op ’n nuwe toekoms vir die jeug van Suid-Afrika. Ons sien veral daarna uit om ’n dag te kan beleef wat goeie onderwys vir almal sal verseker en nie net vir ’n uitgesoekte groepie wit en swart ouers wat dit kan bekostig om hulle kinders in privaatskole te sit nie.
Ons doen ’n beroep op die jeug van Suid-Afrika om van hulle te laat hoor en hulle regte as volwaardige burgers van die land op te eis. Die tyd van “kinders moet gesien word en nie gehoor word nie” is verby. Dit is jou reg om jou eie taal te gebruik en te ontwikkel, terwyl jy ander tale leer en bemeester. Wanneer ons aan ’n nie-rassige Suid-Afrika dink, kan ons nie aangaan sonder om terug te dink aan mense soos oom Beyers Naudé nie. Die grootste motivering agter sy politieke loopbaan in ’n kritieke tyd staar ook Suid-Afrika in hierdie tweede dekade van demokrasie in die gesig, en betrek die vraag van hoe om die reg tot kulturele, etniese en rasse- identiteit, waarvan dié van minderheidsgroepe nie die minste is nie, te bevestig. Hoe kan ons die energieke deelname van alle Suid-Afrikaners bevorder sonder om van enige groep te verwag om hulle kulturele wortels te negeer of te onderspeel? Hoe kan ons ’n waarlike veelvoudige Suid- Afrikaanse samelewing vier?
Die oorgrote meerderheid van noemenswaardige konflikte wat tans in die wêreld voorkom, is tussen gemeenskappe binne nasionale state, eerder as tussen nasionale state self. Die meeste van hierdie konflikte is minstens gedeeltelik gewortel in die mislukking van etniese, kulturele en godsdienstige gemeenskappe om vreedsaam naas mekaar te bestaan. Terselfdertyd is dit belangrik om te erken dat etniese, kulturele en godsdienstige konflik feitlik sonder uitsondering vervleg is met die een of ander vorm van materiële onthouding en/of politieke uitsluiting.
Dit is in wese wanneer individue en groepe ’n sin van uitsluiting van hierdie staatshuishouding en van sy materiële voordele ervaar, wat hulle steun op identiteitsbelange om hulle politieke en materiële agendas aan te dryf. Daar is ’n groeiende globale bewustheid dat nasies - en veral nasies in oorgang van onderdrukkende regerings en volgehoue geweld - wat in gebreke bly om hierdie bedreiging om groepe uitgesluit te hou uit nasiebouprosesse, aan te spreek. Dit is tot hul eie nadeel.
Die balans wat hier nodig is, is delikaat, om die skepping van ’n gedeelde en inklusiewe kultuur uit te stel en om weerstandsgroepe toe te laat om die ou orde voort te sit. Om daarenteen te vinnig vorentoe te beweeg, is om wrewel en potensiële destabilisering te bevorder.
Die vraag na hoe om ’n inklusiewe staat te bou onder omstandighede van diepe historiese kulturele, godsdienstige en materiële verdeeldheid, bied ’n politieke uitdaging aan ontluikende demokrasieë waarop die akademie, die politici en alle redelike burgers verstandig sal wees om te let.
Tien jaar later is daar aanduiding dat hierdie eenheid toenemend van balans gegooi en selfs uitgedaag word deur ’n groeiende sin van partikuralisme. Die Khoisan se herkoms word gevier. Daar is groeiende trots onder diegene wat hul identiteit herlei na die aankoms van slawe in die sestiende eeu. Afrikaners eis hulle plek op as ’n stam van Afrika. Suid-Afrikaanse Indiërs bevestig hul kulturele afkoms en Moslemvroue word toenemend in die openbaar met swart sluiers gesien. Algemeen gesproke lyk dit of dit nog slegs Suid- Afrikaanse Engelse is wat probeer om hulle voorvaderlike afkoms anderkant die een of ander soort taalglobale oorheersing te soek. Die meerderheid van swart Afrikane is geensins meer eenvormig as enige ander groep nie en tog, miskien weens ’n nuwe sin van oorheersing, staan hulle grootliks onverskillig teenoor die soektogte en twiste wat die identiteitstryde van minderheidsgroepe kenmerk.
Dit is hier waar enkele van die verskillende nasies begin om deurmekaar te woon en te beweeg. Hulle weier om te vlug na die ghetto van wit of swart eksklusiwiteit. Dit bied ’n uitgang wat geen Suid-Afrikaner, wit of swart, kan bekostig om te ignoreer nie. Hulle oorstyg stamchauvinisme en uit hoofde van hul sterk Afrikaanidentiteit daag hulle verskillende blinde begrippe van liberale inklusiwiteit uit. Hulle kerm nie. Hulle vra geen spesiale guns nie. Hulle kla nie oor ’n behoefte aan wit/swart voorregte of minderheidsregte nie. Hulle eis hul regte op om ’n Suid-Afrikaan in ’n nierassige demokratiese Suid-Afrika te wees. Miskien is hulle in staat om dit te doen vanweë hul geworteldheid in hul eie Afrikaanidentiteit, sonder om aan te neem dat die eie belangriker is as die ander. Die inklusiewe Suid- Afrikaanse visie wat sowel uitnodiging as uitdaging inkorporeer, is om ras, kultuur en voormalige identiteit te oorstyg, sowel as klasverskille. Gesondheidstatus, die onmiddelike maatskaplike behoeftes en die uitdaging betrek die implikasies daarvan om te leef in die land wat steeds deur die ongeregtighede van die verlede geteister word. Uitnodiging en uitdaging is keerkante van dieselfde munt, wat ’n bevestiging is van die inherente skakel tussen versoening, maatskaplike insluiting en ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Tog eenvoudig dat versoening en insluiting nie soseer te make het met huidige werklikhede nie. Dit herinner ons daaraan dat vir versoening om te oorleef en vir kulturele verdraagsaamheid om te gedy, moet die materiële en die subjektiewe behoeftes as keerkante van dieselfde muntstuk bevorder word.
Apartheid was natuurlik gebou op multikulturele verskille en die bevordering van groepsidentiteit is voorgehou as voorwendsel vir oorheersende boerestaatpolitiek en Zulunasionalisme. Op hul beurt gaan hulle voort om die reg om anders te wees te bevestig om ’n samelewing te bou waarin verskillende kulture en etniese groepe sy aan sy leef, in plaas daarvan om die moontlikhede om met mekaar in omgang te tree. Dit hou duidelik sy eie stel probleme in; gegewe dat menslike aard en politiek is wat dit is, leen die stryd om oorheersing hom tot dié soort nasionalisme.
Dit gaan oor die oorweging van wat more mag inhou, eerder as om die onafwendbare te probeer voorkom. Dit is om te erken dat nuwe, komplekse identiteite in Suid-Afrika na vore begin tree. Ongelukkig het ons en ons voorsate sowat 40 jaar gevat om hierdie en vele ander saamgestel in die Vryheidsmanifes te kon uitleef.
Doeltreffendheid is ons antwoord op die beperkte bronne. Soos ons almal weet, is mynbou een van die grootste verskaffers van werk aan alle fasette van die samelewing. Ons sal egter moet begin na ander oplossings vir die verskaffing van werksgeleenthede kyk. Die natuurlike kapitaal van die omgewing word meer as ooit tevore bedreig deur die voorgestelde bevolkingsgroei en die dramatiese toename van nywerheidsaktiwiteite.
Ons is nader as ooit aan die perke van groei in ons gebruik van hulpbronne. Ons put op die oomblik sommige mineraalbronne en fossielbrandstowwe nie so vinnig uit as wat gevrees is nie, maar die impak van die gebruik daarvan op die omgewing word kritiek. Indien nywerheidsgroei voldoende was om die armoede in die ontwikkelende dele uit te wis, sou die verbruik van bronne toegeneem het tot bo vlakke wat die omgewing kan volhou.
Produksie en verbruik moet daarom meer doeltreffend word en ons as die jeug moet ’n skuif maak na ’n meer rasionele gebruik van hulpbronne deur hernieubare bronne en sirkulasie van produksie en bronne waarvan afval hergebruik word, te benut. Ons moet ook veel meer waarde voeg by die bronne wat ons wel gebruik, deur ’n skuif van materiële goedere na dienste. Die jeug in hierdie land moet aan die stuur staan om die klem te verskuif van die ontgin van natuurlike hulpbronne, na die bemagtiging van hul menslike kapitaal met ’n ander konsep van groei. Die vraag na energie kan aansienlik verlaag word, deur ’n meer rasionele gebruik daarvan. Dit mag egter meer arbeidsintensief wees en moet plaaslike gemeenskappe in staat stel om hul eie energieverbruik self te bestuur. Die voorsiening van energie moet verskuif van steenkool na hernieubare en skoon bronne.
So ’n skuif is moontlik met geloofwaardige, wetenskaplike tegnologie. Wat die ontwikkelings betref wat in die vooruitsig gestel word op hierdie gebied, moet die jeug van hierdie land besef, is daar ‘ʼn groot tekort aan reg opgeleide mense om sulke verskille te kan laat plaasvind. Nietemin is aansienlike beleggings in navorsing steeds nodig. Inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie is deurslaggewend vir die produksie, logistiek en verbruik en mosaïek van die leefstyle wat omgewingsvriendelik is.
Ten einde hierdie uitdagings aan te pak, moet ons al die bestuursmeganismes aanwend wat nodig is om raamwerke vir ontwikkeling gereed te kry. Belastingstelsels moet die gebruik van hulpbronne ontmoedig en ondernemingsgees en waardeskepping aanmoedig ten einde die klem op materiële goedere te vervang met nie-materiële dienste. ’n Grootskaalse skuif na belasting op materiële bronne, energie, land- en padvervoerfasiliteite is nodig. [Tyd verstreke.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr J J COMBRINCK: Hon Chairperson, hon members, comrades and friends, on 16 June 1976 the youth of our country protested against the dispensation of that time. The celebration of Youth Day not only serves as a reminder of this historic turn of events but also gives us hope, especially for a new future for the youth of South Africa. We are especially looking forward to a day when good education will be ensured for all, and not only for a select groups of white and black parents who can afford to send their children to private schools.
We appeal to the youth of South Africa to make their voices heard and to claim their rights as fully fledged citizens of the country. The time has passed when children were to be seen and not heard. It is one’s right to use and develop one’s own language, while one masters other languages. When we think of a nonracial South Africa, we cannot continue without thinking of people such as Beyers Naudé. In this second decade of democracy, South Africa is also faced with the greatest motivation behind his political career at a critical time, and this involves the question of how to confirm the right to cultural, ethnic and racial identity, of which that of minority groups is not the least. How can we promote the energetic participation of all South Africans without expecting any group to negate or to underplay its cultural roots? How can we celebrate a truly manifold South African society?
The vast majority of noteworthy conflicts that exist in the world at present are between communities within national states, rather then between national states themselves. Most of these conflicts are at least partially rooted in the failure of ethnic, cultural and religious communities to co- exist peacefully. At the same time it is important to acknowledge that ethnic, cultural and religious conflict is invariably entwined with some or other form of material abstinence and/or political exclusion.
It is essentially when individuals and groups experience a sense of exclusion from this state household and from its material benefits that they rely on identity interests to further their political and material agendas. There is an increasing global awareness that nations – and especially nations in transition from oppressing governments and sustained violence – are failing to address this danger of excluding groups from the nation-building processes. This is to their own disadvantage.
The balance that is necessary here is delicate, to delay the creation of a shared and inclusive culture and to allow opposition groups to continue with the old order. On the other hand, by moving forward too fast, we can promote resentment and potential destabilisation.
The question of how to build an inclusive state under circumstances of deep historic cultural, religious and material division poses a political challenge to budding democracies which academics, politicians and all reasonable citizens will be wise to note.
Ten years later there is an indication that this unity is increasingly being thrown off balance and is even being challenged by a growing sense of particularism. The Khoisans’ origin is being celebrated. There is increasing pride amongst those who can trace their identity to the arrival of slaves in the sixteenth century. Afrikaners are claiming their place as a tribe of Africa. South African Indians are acknowledging their cultural origin and Muslim women are increasingly being seen in public with black veils. On the whole it seems to be only South African English-speaking people who are trying to seek their origin behind some or other kind of global language domination. The majority of black Africans are in no way more uniform than any other group and yet, perhaps because of a new sense of domination, they are largely indifferent to the searches and disputes that characterise the identity struggles of minority groups.
This is where a few of the various nations are starting to live and move together. They refuse to flee to the ghetto of white or black exclusivity. This affords a way out that no South African, white or black, can afford to ignore. They are transcending tribal chauvinism and because of their strong African identity they are challenging various blind concepts of liberal inclusivity. They are not complaining. They are not asking for special favours. They are not complaining about a need for white/black privileges or minority rights. They are claiming their rights to be South Africans in a nonracial democratic South Africa. Perhaps they are capable of this owing to being rooted in their own African identity, without assuming that the own is more important than the other. The inclusive South African vision that incorporates an invitation as well as a challenge is to transcend race, culture and former identity, as well as class differences. Health status, the immediate social needs and the challenge involve the implications of living in a country that is still racked by the injustices of the past. Invitation and challenge are opposite sides of the same coin, being a confirmation of the inherent link between reconciliation, social inclusion and economic development. Quite simply, reconciliation and inclusion do not necessarily pertain to present realities. That reminds us that for reconciliation to survive and for cultural tolerance to prosper, the material and the subjective needs have to be promoted as opposite sides of the same coin.
Of course, apartheid was built on multicultural differences, and the promotion of group identity was proffered as a pretext for dominating “Boerestaat” politics and Zulu nationalism. These, in turn, proceeded to confirm the right to be different, to build a society in which different cultures and ethnic groups live by side, instead of exploring the possibilities of associating with one another. This clearly entails its own set of problems; given that human nature and politics are what they are, the struggle for domination lends itself to this kind of nationalism.
This concerns the consideration of what the future may hold, rather than trying to prevent the inevitable. It means admitting that new, complex identities are beginning to emerge in South Africa. Unfortunately it took our forefathers about 40 years to realise these and many other principles contained in the Freedom Charter.
Efficiency is our answer to the limited resources. As we all know, mining is one of the largest providers of jobs to all facets of society. However, we shall have to start looking at other solutions for the provision of job opportunities. The natural capital of the environment is being threatened more than ever before by the prospective population growth and the dramatic increase in industrial activities.
We are closer than ever before to the limits of growth in our use of resources. At present we are not depleting certain mineral resources and fossil fuels as fast as was feared, but the impact of their use on the environment is becoming critical. If industrial growth had been adequate to eradicate the poverty in the developing areas, the consumption of resources would have increased to levels above those that the environment could sustain.
Production and consumption must therefore become more efficient and we as the youth must make a shift to a more rational use of resources by utilising renewable resources and through the circulation of production and resources of which the waste can be reused. We must also add far more value to the resources that we do in fact use, by way of a shift from material goods to services. The youth in this country must be at the helm of changing the emphasis from the exploitation of natural resources to the empowerment of their human capital by means of a different concept of growth. The demand for energy can be decreased considerably by a more rational use of it. However, it may be more labour intensive and must enable local communities to manage their own energy consumption themselves. The provision of energy must shift from coal to renewable and clean sources.
Such a shift is possible with credible, scientific technology. Regarding developments proposed in this field, the youth of this country must realise that there is a huge shortage of correctly trained people who can enable such changes to take place. Nevertheless, considerable investments in research are still necessary. Information and communication technology is imperative for the production, logistics, consumption and mosaic of lifestyles that are environmentally friendly.
In order to tackle these challenges we must use all the managerial mechanisms that are necessary to complete frameworks for development. Taxation systems must discourage the use of resources and encourage entrepreneurship and the creation of value in order to replace the emphasis on material goods with non-material services. A large-scale shift to taxation on material resources, energy, land and road transport facilities is necessary. [Time expired.][Applause.]]
Mr N T GODI: Comrade Chairperson, comrades and hon members, today’s debate should not be misconstrued as an engagement in an annual ritual about the youth. It must be understood and appreciated that we are talking about and focusing on the youth, because on this day in June 1976, and since then until our liberation, the youth played a pivotal role in dislodging white minority rule.
It was the Guinea-Bissaun revolutionary Amilcar Cabral who said that when people engage in a liberation struggle, they are not fighting for ideas or anything in anyone’s head but for material benefits and that they want a practical improvement in their lives. Creating youth employment and fighting poverty, therefore, is an imperative that seeks to give practical and material expression to our liberation struggle.
The youth as a percentage of our population is very high. It is also a fact that measures taken so far have not made a serious dent in the employment levels. It is a fact that, massively, the youth – both young graduates and dropouts - constitute the army of the unemployed and destitute. I think Comrade Mohlaloga quantified that.
It is in the interests of the country’s long-term social stability to urgently and practically address the scourge of joblessness. The PAC would like to challenge private capital, which has lobbied and eulogised the developmental paradigm of a minimalist state, to rise to the logical challenge of their economic responsibility and create jobs – jobs and more quality jobs for all and especially our youth.
Since the historic compromises of 1993 in the Codesa negotiations, private capital has not fulfilled its side of the bargain hammered out with its political representatives. Up until now it has not met obligations it committed itself to in the Growth and Development Summits. The PAC believes that the youth should raise their voice of legitimate expectations to private capital, and I believe this House will support them.
The PAC, however, also calls on government agencies, like the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and other funding agencies, to play their role effectively and efficiently. The bureaucracy and expensive projects that yield few jobs must be discouraged. The financial cake must be cut more thinly and widely.
The PAC also calls on the youth not to yield to the vagaries of bourgeois society and degenerate into lumpens. They must direct their energies, talents and creativity towards initiating their own projects, especially now that we have passed the Co-operatives Bill, which is deliberately biased towards, amongst others, the youth in terms of funding. The economic dividend for our youth is long overdue. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr R B BHOOLA: Chairperson, we all know that one of our biggest challenges is poverty and that poverty alleviation, besides being first on our agenda, is an extended responsibility upon all. One way of bringing about poverty alleviation has been through job creation.
The MF in all ways objects to any form of child labour, but as children enter their teens they have to be taught responsibility. Youth empowerment is such a means and proves to be even more beneficial for poverty-stricken families that need assistance in many ways.
The morals and values of responsibility and delivery in terms of responsibility will assist in socialising our youth into responsible adults and will allow them a window into the economic world that may give them direction regarding the path to take as an adult in order to fend for themselves and their families. Employment shall also offer skills that will contribute to their future.
However, the MF may support employment and the skills development of our youth at a certain age but we object to all forms of exploitation of child labour and earnestly request that mechanisms, policies and legislation be put in place to ensure the safety and protection of our youth in employment.
Further, children and youth at these callow stages of their lives need to be allowed to celebrate and enjoy their youth and to indulge themselves in being children and being educated. The MF upholds that employment should in no way hinder the education and rights awarded to them by our Constitution.
In terms of youth employment, the MF seeks oversight and policies to ensure that the best interests of our youth are upheld. We also feel that our youth can contribute to poverty alleviation and that orchestrating our youth from about the age of 16 years into suitable employment will assist poverty alleviation. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Chairperson, June 16 was indeed a turning point in the history of our country. On that day schoolchildren in Soweto took to the streets in what seemed to be a struggle against Afrikaans. But those who were in the leadership of Saso, the BPC and Sasm knew very well that the uprising was planned and constituted an act that was part and parcel of the liberation efforts that our people were engaged in.
It is now common cause that the might of the apartheid regime came down upon innocent children and took the lives of many of them, including that of a 13-year-old boy, Hector Peterson. Another young man marching next to him who has disappeared – nobody knows where he is – picked him up and, together with Hector Peterson’s sister, took him to a parked car.
Azapo joins the nation in remembering all those heroes and heroines of our struggle who laid down their lives for the noble goals of freedom, peace and democracy.
As we celebrate we should also remember that education then was a struggle issue. We must be aware of the fact that education for blacks was designed to be poor in quality and was specifically intended to keep blacks out of the modern sector of the economy, thus ensuring a steady supply of cheap labour particularly for the agricultural, mining and domestic sectors.
Allow me to join the hon Bhengu in quoting Verwoerd on this matter. At the time Verwoerd was Minister of Native Affairs. He asked: “What is the use of teaching a Bantu child mathematics when it cannot use it in practice?” The aim was to perpetuate white supremacy by giving whites better quality education than that given to blacks. Because of these past policies of the apartheid regime, our country is now faced with an unskilled labour force, unskilled educators and a black youth that is excluded from the economy.
Right up to now we still have black children that go to school in dilapidated buildings where toilet facilities are filthy and inadequate; where there are broken windows, few desks and not enough books; and where overcrowding in classrooms remains the order of the day. Under these circumstances the question of youth unemployment is unavoidable. I thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr G R MORGAN: Hon Chair and members, the need to create employment opportunities for our young people is of crucial importance. It is so important that it should be practically the only focus of organisations that claim to speak for the youth.
The clowns in the ANC Youth League claim to speak for the youth, but they in practice are a poor example for the youth, behaving constantly like spoilt brats. The invectives of Youth League President Fikile Mbalula have become exceedingly predictable. Attacking Judge Squires, a member of the judiciary, as “an old apartheid Rhodesian” was downright appalling. Backing former Deputy President Zuma was downright stupid. “Zuma 100%”, they screamed.
And perhaps that is the problem with members of the Youth League – they have a complete lack of judgment. Being attacked by the Youth League should actually be viewed as a badge of honour, because those who find themselves under attack, which is hardly a terrifying prospect, are obviously doing something right. Their chosen form of attack is to call the target a racist or a fascist, with a number of other libellous statements attached for descriptive value. So much for their supposed fight for a nonracial society. They are the racists.
What message do they send out to the youth on respecting the institutions of our new democracy, which so many young people fought to achieve? What message do they send out to young people about the stance this country should take against corruption? Mbalula must put on his dunce cap and go sit in the corner.
An hour ago in Durban, the National Youth Council dissolved the proceedings of the youth conference and took to the streets of Durban in support of Jacob Zuma. This is a display of blatant immaturity on the part of the leadership of the council and shows that political gain, and not creating jobs, is the top issue on their agenda this week.
And yet the hon Alec Erwin has the nerve to criticise the hon Leader of the Opposition’s entirely reasonable and supportive statement delivered earlier today in the House. Hon Erwin should place his attention on the disrespectful event unfolding in Durban as we speak.
Last week the ANC Youth League called for more jobs for young people. The DA could not agree more with this. Indeed, 60% of people between 18 and 25 are unemployed. Our youth require opportunities to skill themselves and to find gainful employment, and, by doing so, to realise their dreams. But the Youth League in its infinite wisdom decided to target business, especially the mining houses, during marches in various centres. Attacks on the mining houses from within the ANC have become commonplace in recent times. It is obvious from this march and from the blind support for the former Deputy President that the Youth League is not an independent organisation, but a mere instrument used by senior ANC leaders to settle scores. [Interjections.]
If it was an independent organisation and it was really serious about fighting for more jobs for young people, then it would march on Parliament or the Union Buildings because it is the ANC government’s labour and educational policies that prevent the significant employment of youth.
If we want to create jobs we need to grow this economy at more than 6% and give businesses the necessary incentives to create employment opportunities. The ANC Youth League can march all it wants – that is their right – and indeed the hon Minister of Health will be happy, because at least they are getting exercise, which is good for emerging fat cats.
So, what is the point of the ANC Youth League since they offer no valuable contributions on the discourse surrounding job creation? Well, besides being an instrument for senior ANC leaders, it exists for the self- enrichment of its members. One only needs to look at the Youth League’s website to see how it has begun to erode its own struggle credentials. Yes, you can now get lifestyle tips, including what Mercedes to buy, what trendy nightspot to go to, or what to wear. That’s a universe apart from the 60% of young people who are unemployed and is downright insensitive to the plight of these people. But it is not surprising because the Youth League is full of careerists that make poor judgments, and those that join them share those attributes. [Applause.]
Ms N R MOKOTO: Chairperson, hon members, members of the public, I greet you. The ANC has created an environment that allows for each and every citizen to voice or express himself or herself in the freest way possible without fear of being arrested, of being detained or of being tortured. It is very surprising today that the DA, which has flourished under that environment, has the audacity to criticise the ANC Youth League as brats of the ANC.
HON MEMBERS: Yes, they are!
Ms N R MOKOTO: The DA has benefited from apartheid and today it is abusing democracy to push its agenda. Youth unemployment and poverty are massive challenges that the government cannot ignore. Researchers have hinted that close to 70% of the unemployed in the world are young people and rates are even higher amongst women and, worse of all, the disabled and quite astronomical for those with lesser education.
This assertion is supported by the ILO Report on Youth and Unemployment, which states that youth unemployment is twice as high as that of adults. This gap widens further in developing countries. Youth unemployment contributes to economic exclusion, poverty and the probability of future joblessness. It is a major cause of crime and drug abuse and also obstructs the development of young people from adolescence to adulthood. A high level of youth unemployment can lead to alienation from the society and distrust in the democratic political process.
Many of us do not understand these challenges that continue to affect our youth on a day-to-day basis. Ten years ago, when the democratic forces of change prepared themselves for an official takeover of political power, this issue, like many others that we inherited from the apartheid regime, remained prominent on the agenda of the democratic government.
As government we are ready to give guidance to the nation on how we intend to deal with this growing joblessness, particularly amongst our youth. As a point of departure it is critical to note the following: that joblessness and poverty amongst our people are not political gimmicks, like the DA is doing, but a national problem. We are aware that some parties - whose agenda we don’t understand and who don’t have the slightest idea or experience of poverty and joblessness, except in theory - are currently using this as a tactic to gain votes for themselves.
We have noted the calls for government to abandon its policies to redress the imbalances of the past, amongst black people in particular. As a government we will not be harassed or intimidated by such calls, because they wish to undermine our good intentions for our youth. Government will push forward with these programmes, since they are supported by the people – the 70% of the population that voted for the ANC.
We want to tell you that the Employment Equity Act, the Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment Act and other legislation meant to redress those previous imbalances will remain relevant, and the ANC is going to go forward in implementing them. It is very sad and disgraceful to see that some of the right-wing parties are practising double standards and pretending to be on the side of the impoverished masses of our people, speaking vociferously on their behalf on issues of poverty, and they are the ones who are to blame for this high rate of joblessness and the scourge of poverty that is engulfing our people. [Interjections.]
We are warning you that the masses are watching you and they know your evil deeds and your track record and they will expose you and your insatiable intention to exploit them. It is an issue that cannot be used to undermine or destabilise our good work and our achievements in the democratic order. We are also aware that certain developments that are taking place in our country, especially at local government, are being engineered by some of you with the intention of reversing the gains of our democracy.
It is important to note that such actions will not shake the hegemony of the ANC and instead they will further strengthen our democracy. Our youth are not ignorant. Our people are working day in and out to ensure that we root out these elements – those who are behind these protest marches.
I will now go into the substance of this debate. Job summits and national growth summits that were held at national, provincial and municipal levels have identified the triple effort needed and also identified priorities to be utilised to totally eradicate poverty and to wipe out joblessness amongst our people. We are confident that the commitment made by government through its programme of action will facilitate rapid implementation on this matter on time to reach our national deadline to wipe out joblessness and poverty by the year 2014.
We have to note that youth unemployment and poverty will be eradicated and we intend that this will be used to reverse the legacy of apartheid. Like all other social ills we have inherited from the apartheid regime, unemployment represents a history that can be traced back to pre-1994, characterised by job reservation, the colour bar and racialised limitations to entry into jobs and skills training which exacerbated poverty amongst our people. Very few people in social and political youth formations have been able to put into context the plight of our youth and on the agenda of both government and the private sector.
We appreciate the inroads made by government in setting up the agencies that are currently supporting or advocating youth interests. It is in this context that the ANC-led government has emphasised that alone we cannot or we will not be able to tackle joblessness and poverty exhaustively, hence the need for partnerships between business, government and the public in dealing with this matter. I am not surprised by your bad behaviour.
As young people we will continue to support the efforts by the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, the National Youth Commission and the SA Youth Council to engage business and government departments together with the private sector in ensuring that youth powerlessness and exclusion in the mainstream economy remains a thing of the past. The Jobs for Youth Campaign, the call for a 30% youth quota in procurement and adopt a learnership programme waged by the ANC Youth League, which is a leader of the youth movements in South Africa, are very commendable programmes and serve as good reinforcement to youth empowerment taking place in our country. I hope the DA will develop a programme around youth issues. [Interjections.]
AN HON MEMBER: We have one.
Ms N R MOKOTO: We are specifically referring to programmes like the National Youth Service, learnerships and the promotion of youth entrepreneurship. We are truly convinced that these programmes will in the long run enable us to bridge the huge economic disparities that continue to affect young people, especially our young women. The EPWP is a national programme, which will draw significant numbers of unemployed youth into productive employment, so that workers acquire skills while they are gainfully employed and so that they increase their capacity to earn an income once they leave the programme.
The EPWP is aimed at employing one million unemployed youth during the first five years. The centrepiece of this programme is a large-scale programme of using labour-intensive methods to upgrade rural and municipal roads, municipal pipelines, storm-water drains and paving, as well as fencing of roads, community water supply, housing, schools, clinics, rail, ports and infrastructure electrification and so on. The youth of our country are significant stakeholders in this reconstruction and development plan. They are part of our population, many of whom fall in the category of economically active.
Across all levels of the government we are striving to ensure that the youth are given the opportunity to create wealth and income for themselves and for our country. A lot of energy has gone into infusing a youth development approach in delivery in the public systems, though the results are still uneven. Through the National Youth Commission and the UYF it has been possible to provide guidance to departments and interact with senior managers to ensure that youth development is supported internally. Youth development must become an integral part of what we do in the provinces and municipalities. Youth development and participation must form part of our development in integrated development plans. The partnership between National Youth Commission, the Umsobomvu Youth Fund and the SA Youth Council has developed a strong impetus for decisions we took in terms of establishing and implementing a National Youth Service. In the coming months we have seen the National Youth Service being jerked up from pilot service project, administered through the three partners, into a coherent national effort, involving key national and provincial departments.
Other innovative interventions that can and must be made to address the challenges of the second economy are also exemplified by the public/private partnership ICT initiative between the Mogalakwena District Municipality in Limpopo province and Hewlett Packard. This is an exciting programme, which utilises modern communication and information technology to bring all-round development to the Mogalakwena rural area. We must work to expand this kind of programme into other rural areas.
The Expanded Public Works Programme has been one specific programme that has yielded good results and continues to pave ways for brighter prospects for our young people, especially in terms of movement from the second to the first economy. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
RECENT PROTESTS BY CERTAIN SECIONS OF COMMUNITIES OVER DELIVERY AND
CHALLENGES OF GOVERNANCE
(Subject for Discussion)
Mr M J G MZONDEKI: Chairperson, it’s an honour for me to participate in this very important debate today. I also want to wish the Youth League success in their activities on 16 June. The recent protests by certain sections of our communities against delivery and challenges of governance are surely a matter of concern to many of us sitting here today, whether on the right or the left of this House. And as the ANC we understand that our laws allow for peaceful demonstrations whereby people seek to raise concerns, whether genuine or not.
And it is in that understanding that we find it important for this House to debate this matter. We hope that out of such a debate we may find solutions to some of the challenges that face us as a nation. We invite members of this House to debate this, because we believe that our collective effort can enable us to find solutions. We invite you because we believe that in a South Africa that belongs to all we all have a responsibility to improve the lives of those who live in it and to strive for a better life for all.
What do these protesters say? What makes them to take to the streets, blockade roads, burn tyres and sometimes loot businesses? They say they are getting impatient. They say they want attention, they say they want be heard. But what do they say are the issues of concern? They say there is homelessness and that the housing backlog is not being addressed as urgently as they think it should be. They say there are problems with waiting lists; they say they do not understand why they stay so long on waiting lists. In some instances they say all they need is a space to build a roof over their heads. They do not understand why they cannot build houses on the open spaces they see.
I don’t want to be tempted to talk about some of the reasons that could justify some of these backlogs, such as the scrapping of influx control, which has enabled people from rural areas to locate closer to the towns where there are jobs. Another factor is the curtailment of agricultural activities on the farms, which has caused people to move to the townships. The people also say that there is poor sanitation, that there are still areas where the bucket system is used and where sewerage from leaking pipes fill the streets. They say in some areas there is poor water supply and in some instances the water supplied is not clean. They complain about corruption as well. But what is the real situation on the ground?
The real situation is that some of these concerns are real. But others are a reflection of a distance between our local municipalities and our communities. In my constituency, for instance, there is a complaint about the absence of a 24-hour clinic. One young person was stabbed at night and bled to death because an ambulance had to be called from another town, which is approximately 30km away. The community feels that if there was a 24-hour clinic in the vicinity, his life could have been saved. But nobody had informed the community that there are certain requirements for a 24- hour clinic, such as population density and so on.
There is also a concern that ward committees are not functioning properly, or not functioning at all, and this is true if you look at the MPs’ reports from my province, who say that the participation in the IDP review meetings is poor and that there is a need for more public education on how participation in IDPs can improve service delivery.
Modulasetulo, baipelaetsi ba Phomolong e leng moo eleng lebatowa la ka, ba tletleba ka hore ditoropong tse nyane jwaloka ya bona ba fumantshwa thuso e nyane mme, boholo ba tjhelete le ditshebeletso di lebiswa ditoropong tse kgolo jwalo ka Welkom. Nnete ke hore, mmasepala o leka ka hohle ho aba tjhelete hoya ka ditlhoko tsa lebatowa ka leng. Empa ka ha dikomiti tsa mabatowa ha di sebetse hantle, baahi ha ba fumane tlhalosetso e ntle esitana le ho tseba bohlokwa ba ho nka karolo ha bona dipuisanong tsena tsa di IDPs. Ke nnete hore ho ntse ho ena le dibaka ka hare ho motse moo eleng hore ditshebeletso tsa dikgwere-kgwere ha di jese ditheohelang. Baahi ba bang ha ba elellwe hore mmuso o na le mosebetsi wa motonana wa ho kenya ditshebeletso tsena dibakeng tse neng di sa rallwa ditshebeletso tsa mofuta oo, mmusong wa kgethollo. Le ha ho le jwalo, ho bohlokwa hore setjhaba se behwe leseding ka bothata bona. (Translation of Sotho paragraph follows.)
[Chairperson, protesters from my ward in Phomolong complain that people from small towns, like themselves, receive little assistance, and that most of the money and services are channelled to big towns like Welkom. The truth is that the municipality tries by all means to allocate the money according to the needs of each ward. But because the ward committees are not functioning properly, citizens do not get proper explanations and the importance of attending IDP meetings is not properly impressed upon them. It is true that there are areas within the community where sanitation is poor. Some citizens are unaware that the government has a huge task of bringing services to areas for which such services were not planned by the former apartheid government. However, it is of the utmost importance that people are informed about this problem.]
Let us examine the impact of these protests on service delivery. These protests in many areas have disturbed service delivery. When roads are blockaded, service delivery is affected in that delivery vehicles and contractors are unable to operate. In some areas, such as in Ventersdorp, attempts were made to blockade the N1 road, which would have had serious implications to some businesses due to delayed deliveries or nondeliveries. School going has been disrupted and public transport blocked.
All these actions, while intended to raise awareness, have negatively impacted on service delivery. The concerned group in Phomolong, for instance, confirms that it is not their intention to disturb schools, but learners get excited to join when there is a demonstration. The people have also settled themselves in underdeveloped areas, which were under survey for development.
With regard to alleged corrupt officials, due legal processes are taking place. The concerns of the groups in this regard indicate that there is a lack of understanding of such processes. The challenges highlighted by some of these protests need our combined efforts. I believe that as this collective in this House we are better placed to assist in dissemination of information about government and services; and better placed to observe blockages and raise alarms in time. We are also better placed to explain processes for service delivery at all levels.
We need to encourage problem-solving at a local level by encouraging public participation. Our government remains committed to improving service delivery through programmes such as your community development programme and Project Consolidate, which I believe some of my colleagues will dwell on. These programmes aim to give hands-on support to struggling municipalities. They also aim to address challenges of the distance between local municipalities and the people, as well as the capacity of some of the municipalities to deliver.
We do not rule out the element of opportunism in some of these actions, those who would use this opportunity to position themselves for certain situations. The ANC believes that leaders are put in place through democratic processes, not by manipulation. We, therefore, appeal to our communities to make use of structures put in place and raise these critical issues.
Whilst the communities have complained about lack of contact with the councillors through ward meetings, I also want to emphasise that it is irrespective of which parties own those wards. In the constituency that I am from not all wards belong to the ANC - for example, one of the wards belongs to the DA. When the committees complain, they do not say that it is the ANC that is not calling meetings. They actually say that the DA also do not call meetings in their ward.
I think in the media there is an understanding or a misconception that it is because of the ANC delaying to deliver that these protests are taking place. I just want to indicate that that is not necessarily true. I think it is a challenge for all of us, and that all of us have a responsibility to ensure that people understand some of these processes and some of the constraints that we are facing. I want to thank you. [Applause.]
Mr W P DOMAN: Chair, can I congratulate hon Mzondeki on the very honest approach that he showed in this speech just now. He will find that although I point out problems, I also suggest solutions in each and every case.
Wat die patroon van onluste by gemeenskappe betref; dit het verlede jaar met die sogenaamde Septemberrevolusie in die Vrystaat begin omdat die ANC aldaar baie verdeeld was en nie die deksel op die pot kon hou nie. Sedertdien is feitlik geen provinsie ongeskonde gelaat nie, en loop ANC- beheerde munisipaliteite oral deur. Dit is asof alle gemeenskappe wil seker maak dat hulle ook gehoor word.
Die DA verwerp ’n derde mag as die rede vir die onluste. Ten eerste, dit is té verspreid en té spontaan om deur ’n derde mag georkestreer te word, ten tweede, die ANC beheer 250+ van die 284 munisipaliteite landwyd. Die ANC is dus baie goed ingegrawe en sou die eerste gewees het om ’n sogenoemde derde mag agter te kom. Ten derde, niemand kan tot vandag toe naastenby identifiseer wie agter die onluste sit nie. Die ANC moet baie bekommerd wees dat sy ondersteuners deur ander magte opgesweep kan word, veral as die DA nogal die eer hiervoor gegee word.
Die DA verwerp ook die ANC se verskoning dat swak kommunikasie die oorsaak van die onluste is. Die probleem is eerder dat die ANC niks het, behalwe verskonings vir verbreekte beloftes, om te kommunikeer aan die gemeenskappe nie. Die gemeenskappe glo nie meer raadslede nie, en baie raadslede het bang geword vir hulle gemeenskappe. Ons sien op televisie hoe raadslede deur die polisie van hulle eie mense gered moet word in gepanserde voertuie. Ja, kommunikasie het verswak, maar dit is omdat uitvoerende burgemeesterskomitees agter geslote deure vergader. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[With regard to the pattern of riots within the communities, this started with the so-called September Revolution in the Free State last year because the ANC there was very divided and could not keep the lid on the pot. Since then virtually no province has been spared and all ANC-controlled municipalities have borne the brunt of this. It is as if all of the communities want to ensure that they will be heard.
The DA rejects the notion of a third force as the reason for these riots. Firstly, they are too widespread and spontaneous to have been orchestrated by a third force. Secondly, the ANC controls approximately 250 of the 284 municipalities countrywide. The ANC is therefore deeply entrenched and would have been the first to detect a so-called third force. Thirdly, nobody can, until today, come close to identifying who is behind these riots. The ANC must be very worried that its supporters can be incited by other forces, especially if the credit for this is given to the DA.
The DA also rejects the ANC’s excuse that poor communication caused the riots. The problem is rather that the ANC has nothing to offer the communities, apart from excuses for broken promises. The communities no longer believe councillors, and many councillors have become afraid of their own communities. We see on television how councillors have to be rescued from their own communities by police in armoured vehicles. Yes, communication has deteriorated, but it as a result of executive mayoral committees having meetings behind closed doors.]
And yes, communication with communities has broken down to a great extent precisely because of poor service delivery. The government has now established community development workers to plug this gap, amounting to a duplication of councillors and MPs responsibilities. The creation of CDWs effectively absolves councillors and their constituency ward offices of any responsibility. This is highly disturbing when one considers that CDWs are unelected and in fact, if their ANC T-shirts at the opening of the Western Cape legislature is anything to go by, these people are accountable only to the ANC and will effectively serve as state-funded election campaigners in the upcoming local elections. That will put the fairness of that election in jeopardy.
As far as communication is concerned, the ANC has a totally misguided trust in ward committees. The ANC regularly boast how many wards committees have been established all over the country, as if they will solve all the problems. When will the ANC realise that wards committees are fundamentally flawed? How can 10 people represent the diversity in wards of 10 000 voters? How can one person represent all religious groups in that ward? Or the diverse local government interest groups like Sanco, ratepayers organisations, etc.
When will the ANC concede that ward committees actually create a barrier between groups and individuals on the one hand and councillors on the other? These days councillors hide behind the ward committees as if they are the only official groups that they recognise. It has become widespread practice for councillors to attempt to manipulate ward committee elections so that only their cronies are represented. And if not, councillors view these ward committees members as a threat to their own re-election. No wonder that the Department of Provincial and Local Government and municipalities have to organise workshop after workshop in an attempt to make ward committees work.
At these workshops the same fundamental questions are dealt with over and over gain and no answers are found. Let’s just take one example: will only the wards committees be consulted about IDPs? No, it must be whole community. Then what purpose does those ward committees serve if in any event you have to consult with everybody in the ward?
No ward committees have been established in the Western Cape until recently, and its municipalities were on average the best run in the country. And provinces that have been controlled by the ANC since 1994 have battled for five years now to make ward committees work, and the majority of these municipalities are still in a mess. So what difference does the ward committees make?
We should scrap these provisions in law about how society must organise itself and rather concentrate on what councillors should do. The answer lies in what we already have in legislation, namely that councillors must report back to the community. We must just tighten it by prescribing it must be monthly and at a public meeting, with proper notification to all interested, registered groups and the public at large.
As swak kommunikasie nie die oorsaak is nie, maar eerder die gevolg, wat is dan die oorsaak van al hierdie onluste? Die antwoord is natuurlik: swak dienslewering en nogmaals swak dienslewering deur die ANC. Die ANC het vir homself ’n lat gepluk, eerstens, deur onrealistiese beloftes te maak net om stemme te werf. Onverantwoordelike beloftes, wat die ANC leiers geweet het hulle nooit sou kon uitvoer nie, is in die aanloop tot die 2 000 munisipale verkiesing gemaak.
Toe het ons nie gehoor dit sou tyd neem om uit te voer nie, toe het ons nie gehoor dit sou geld neem en dat hulle dit nie het nie. Nee, daar is net beloftes gemaak, goedkoop beloftes, en die ANC sal vandag hierdie saak self moet regmaak deur vir die mense te begin sê: wees realisties, dit neem tyd, en middele is beperk.
Die tweede is, vanaf 2000 het die ANC rade met personeel transformasie op rassegrondslag kundigheid verjaag, veral wit en bruin amptenare is vervreem, en die wat nog daar is, is totaal ongemotiveerd, want hulle sit met ’n bevorderingsplafon waarteen hulle vaskyk. Hier weer is die antwoord dat daar ’n onmiddellike en dringende antwoord moet kom om die kundige amptenare te laat tuis voel … [Tyd verstreke.] [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[If poor communication is not the cause, but rather the result, what then is the cause of all these riots? The answer is, naturally, poor service delivery and once again poor service delivery on the part of the ANC. The ANC has made a rod for its own back, firstly by making unrealistic promises simply to canvass votes. Irresponsible promises, which the ANC leadership knew they could never keep, were made in the run-up to the 2000 municipal elections.
At the time we did not hear that these would take time to implement, and we did not hear that it would require money which they did not have. No, promises were simply made, cheap promises, and today the ANC will have to rectify this matter themselves by beginning to tell the public to be realistic, that these things take time and that the means are limited.
Secondly, since 2000 the ANC councils, with their staff transformation policy based on race, have driven away expertise, alienating especially white and coloured officials, and those who have remained are totally demotivated because they have reached their ceiling for promotion. Once again the answer here is that an immediate and urgent solution should be sought whereby these competent officials may be allowed to feel at home . . . [ Time expired.] [Applause.]]
Mr P F SMITH: Chairperson, the IFP would like to start by congratulating hon Mzondeki for this motion. We think it is very opportune to discuss it now. In the short time I have, I would like to just raise three issues in relation to it. The first is how people perceive these protestors and the protests. Let me quote for example the Cape Town exco member dealing with housing, Carol Beerwinkel, who said that she believed that the protest was a political ploy to undermine the government. And she saw it as an electioneering ploy.
Another member, the hon Housing Minister, Lindiwe Sisilu, was quoted as saying that the protest was out of sync with what was being achieved and that the protest was caused by political opportunism. Both of those responses are inappropriate, and in fact the correct way of approaching the matter was shown by the President of the Republic, who said that the protests were apparently driven “by feelings amongst the poor that so far the democratic order had failed them” and again, the general secretary of the ANC had this to say: “Our major worry is what we have not done which drives people to do such actions”. I quote again: “Protestors are crying out to be heard”. This is in fact the correct response to the problem. It does not solve the problem, of course, but you must always start when you have a problem by acknowledging the reality, and we believe that that is the correct approach.
The second issue is that we need to know what the hard realities are that we are dealing with. Firstly, I think all the protests have two common themes. One is the lack of delivery, especially in respect of housing, and the other a lack of responsiveness by government to people’s needs.
It is obvious; we have been here for 10 years. There has been delivery in the last 10 years and the delivery is fairly significant in many regards, but politics is as much about perceptions as it is about reality and the extent to which the people’s expectations are not met. Then, of course, this is a problem and I think that this is what is happening in this instance.
If one looks at what an appropriate response to the protest could possibly be, may I offer the following suggestion. First of all, protestors are not the enemy and that means that we should not demonise protestors and that we should not downplay their concerns.
Secondly, associated with these, we should not view the protest as being ideologically motivated, as if they were antistate, which is one of the response we have had. In fact, we do not need the NIA to investigate the protest and we do not need to charge protestors with sedition, which has happened in one instance.
Thirdly, we should minimise the use of force. This means that police services need to be sensitive to people’s concerns and their angers and their vulnerability and we should not be either heavy-handed in our response to them, or, as has happened in a number of instances, refuse to engage with the protestors and listen to them. Of course we do accept that law and order has to be maintained, and that is the minimum approach to the issue, but we do not want it done with a “kragdadigheid” approach.
Fourthly, is the protest going to derail government and to what extent can the protests be seen as something that will derail government from its broad development trajectory?
We could like to say to this that government must not succumb to populism, especially to populism that is non-sustainable. In fact, if one thinks about it, populism and sustainability are often mutually exclusive.
The real solution lies in better delivery. Better delivery means stronger political will to deliver more local government support and, in particular, more listening. There needs to be more communication between residents of municipalities and the political office-bearers at local level. More delivery will address the problems. Thank you.
Mr J BICI: Chair, the UDM has witnessed with uneasiness the protests that have erupted in various municipalities all over the country. These protests have been characterised by two major complaints: firstly, the failure to deliver the services that we promised and that are legitimately expected by these communities and secondly, the fact that the ANC councillors have in the view of these communities, failed to acknowledge the concerns of their communities. When so many different people in so many different places all raise the same complaints, it constituted for us overwhelming evidence that many municipalities have utterly failed to fulfil their constitutional duties. We do not think that it points to the activities of a third force.
National government itself has on numerous occasions acknowledged that local government is suffering from a severe lack of capacity, yet national departments are increasingly devolving programmes to assist at local government level. Similarly the local government’s share of the national revenue is steadily increasing.
Finally, we must evaluate the wisdom of increasing local government budgets and responsibilities when many of them are clearly struggling to deliver on the most basic of services. Thank you.
Mrs P DE LILLE: Chairperson, protesting is a natural expression of people’s unhappiness about nondelivery. Linked to this is the right to protest, as enshrined in the Constitution.
We must never underestimate the ability of our people to distinguish right from wrong. After all, it is the same people who spontaneously rose against an oppressive system and defeated it.
People understand the history of imbalances created under apartheid, but they are no longer prepared to accept the excuse of not having the resources to attend to their problems. The issue is not that we do not have the money, but that government doesn’t have its priorities right.
The ID feels for the people and understands their grievances, but we must draw a line when it comes to violent protest. Violent protest must be condemned in the strongest possible terms.
What are the solutions? We must stop wasting billions of rands on consultancy. We must consult the people because they know best what their needs are. We must align infrastructure development and service delivery with the goals of a developmental state.
We must avoid roll-overs of budgets. We must root out corruption. We must prioritise spending, especially spending on socio-economic needs.
The ID will encourage communities to protest peacefully to make their point, and no one can stop them, not even the third force. Thank you.
Nksz N J NGELE: Mhlalingaphambili, ndifuna ukuthi kukho abantu abangoongqondo-zijijekile, de babe zizidenge. Uthi umntu ejonga nje abe eligxwem, ngoba uthi ejonge phambili kanti amehlo ajonge kwelinye icala.
Kukho abantu abangayiboniyo into eyenzekileyo, yokwakhiwa kwezindlu. Nanamhlanje basakhala bathi akwakhiwa zindlu. Bubudenge nobugxwem obo. (Translation of Xhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Ms N J NGELE: Chairperson, I am inclined to say that some people’s minds seem to have turned upside down because they behave as if they are stupid. They look at things as though they were squint.
Some people have, for some reason, not noticed what has happened. Today they are still complaining about houses not being built. That is like being squint-eyed and stupid.]
When the democratically elected government came to power 10 years ago, there was an immediate realisation of the fact that government machinery and the overall design of service delivery were not geared towards ensuring that the previously marginalised sections of our society would receive services in a manner that would change their lives for the better.
As a result there was a need for systematic macro reorganisation and transformation of state machinery to become responsive to the service- delivery needs of all South Africans, as opposed to the pre-1994 system, which supported delivery of services to a privileged few.
Kuthe ngomhla wesi-8, kwinyanga yoMqungu, kulo nyaka, uMongameli wacaphula kuMqulu weNkululeko, wathi: “Kuya kuba kho izindlu, ukhuseleko nobutofotofo.” Iyenzeka loo nto. (Translation of Xhosa paragraph follows.)
[On 8 February this year, the President cited this quote from the Freedom Charter: “There shall be houses, security and comfort.” That is precisely what is happening.]
Local government was to become the first point of contact between the citizens and government. It was critical, in the transformation process, for South Africa to: One, build effective intergovernmental systems that would eliminate governance fragmentation; two, enable co-ordinated government delivery efforts and, three, encourage integrated development planning in order to achieve maximum impact.
A recent survey indicates that 28% of municipalities in the country currently require basic institutional and administrative infrastructure to be established and strengthened before they are ready to undertake, manage and drive proper integrated development planning.
This is not the only challenge facing us as the ANC, with regard to the contract that we have entered into with our people. Rome was not built in one day.
The former President Nelson Mandela once said that we need to double the amount of energy that we used in destroying apartheid to rebuild this country.
When the people came in big numbers in the past elections to renew the mandate they gave to the ANC, we listened. We stick to our guns as the ANC, and we will make the lives of ordinary citizens a better one. This daunting task comes with challenges, which from time to time need to be communicated to our people.
The houses being built in every corner of South Africa are testimony to the success of our ANC-led government and the battle to push back the frontiers of poverty. Local government is not just an important site for the delivery of services, but is also crucial for the social and economic development of people.
Capacity is still a problem to many municipalities, which hinders progress in service delivery. As we debate in this House, there are municipalities that do not have people with expertise in the housing field. Despite the gaps in capacity, the ANC-led government has delivered.
Many South Africans, for the first time in their lives, have shelter and assets. The ANC is making strides in improving the lives of the poorest of the poor.
Much as we are faced with challenges in the delivery of services, we also have a problem with regard to the landscape in the rural areas. This impacts on the holistic approach of service delivery.
The Constitution of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996, in section 26, states that, and I quote:
(1) Everyone has the right to have access to adequate housing. (2) The state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realisation of this right.
One of the fundamentals is to fulfil what we promised our people in the guiding document that drives the ANC’s programmes. Fifty years ago we said, as the ANC, and I quote: “All people shall have the right to live where they choose, be decently housed and to bring up their families in comfort and security.”
The above quotation was relevant 50 years ago, and is still relevant today.
The Minister of Housing, Comrade Lindiwe Sisulu, has just signed a memorandum of understanding with the banks in order to fast-track delivery of better houses for our people. The tried-and-tested, and oldest, liberation movement is the hope for all our people.
This organisation has a plan, which is stipulated in our 2004 manifesto, of pushing back the frontiers of poverty and has entered into a contract with the people to create work.
During the third democratic elections in April 2004, the masses of our people reconfirmed their confidence in our movement as the best defender of the vision of the Freedom Charter.
Not only do we have the responsibility to ensure the realisation of the goals of our fallen heroes during the struggle for freedom but we also have the task to lead the people of South Africa to act in unity to achieve these goals.
As the ANC we want to plead with our people to be patient in the wake of these unrests. We also urge the councillors to communicate government policies to the people. As members of this House, let us use the constituency offices as resource centres for information.
We are faced with a mammoth challenge in delivering services. Some people are jumping the queue, and this causes conflicts within communities. We urge people to be tolerant towards one another, and the needy ones should be prioritised. I thank you. [Applause.]
Rev M S KHUMALO: Hon Chairperson, the need for shelter is one of the most basic of human needs. The recent wave of anger has arisen as a direct result of impressive promises, which were not followed by impressive service delivery. Impressive promises create unrealistic expectations. The government needs to present realistic facts to its people. It further needs to check its capacity for service delivery before making such promises. The housing backlog in the country is huge and must be cleared as a matter of urgency. The government needs to pinpoint those factors that are putting a halt to effective service delivery. The ACDP supports the call for reviewing and aligning of existing housing legislation. We believe that this will provide the key to eradicating the alarming backlog that currently exists. The ACDP further calls for an end to all forms of corruption, political party interference and nepotism in the housing allocation processes.
We are experiencing bitter cold this winter. Let our thoughts be with those babies and children who suffer because they do not have adequate shelter.
There has been talk of mysterious third forces that are inciting protesters. Whether or not this is true is not an issue. The issue is that we have a housing crisis on our hands. We must work tirelessly to give people what they deserve.
The ACDP calls for a monitoring unit for all three spheres of government that will deal with political and organisational visibility of a housing delivery mechanism.
Mnr P J GROENEWALD: Agb Voorsitter, die ANC is in die moeilikheid. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hy’s in die moeilikheid van die topstruktuur af tot op grondvlak.
Hoekom is die ANC so bekommerd oor die protesoptogte op plaaslike regeringsvlak, want die ANC het die kultuur van protes en protesoptogte geskep? U het mos daardie kultuur geskep om as instrument te dien sodat wanneer mense ontevrede is met hul bestaande orde hul dit kan verander. Daarom is die mense op grondvlak moeg en gekant daarteen om die bestaande orde op plaaslike regeringsvlak te handhaaf.
Daar is net twee redes wat ek vinnig wil aanraak. Die redes waarom dienslewering so swak is, is as gevolg van ’n gebrek aan geld en ’n gebrek aan kundigheid. Hoekom is daar ’n gebrek aan geld? Eerstens, as gevolg van die buitengewone hoë salarisse vir burgemeesters, munisipale bestuurders en topamptenare. Daar is burgemeesters wat motiveer dat hul 4x4-voertuie nodig het, want die strate is so swak in die woonbuurte dat hul nie met gewone motors daar kan ry nie, maar hul verwag dat die mense wat daar woon met hul gewone motors deur daardie strate moet ry.
Dít is die kern van die probleem. Die geld word bestee aan salarisse en byvoordele, plaas daarvan dat dit bestee word aan dienslewering. Die tweede aspek is die nie-betaling van dienstegelde. As mense nie betaal vir hul dienste nie kan daar nie dienslewering wees nie. ’n Ander gebied waarop daar geld vermors word deur plaaslike regerings is met naamveranderings. Miljoene rande word daaraan bestee eerder as om dit te bestee aan behuising. Laastens, daar was ’n uittog van kundigheid uit plaaslike regerings as gevolg van die … [Tussenwerpsels.] [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr P J GROENEWALD: Hon Chairperson, the ANC is in trouble. [Interjections.] It is in trouble from its top structure down to grass- roots level.
Why is the ANC so concerned about the protest marches at local government level when it was the ANC who created the culture of protest and protest marches? Surely you created that culture to serve as an instrument for people to use for changing the existing order when they are dissatisfied with it. For this reason people at grass-roots level are tired of and opposed to maintaining the existing order at local government level.
There are two reasons I want to mention quickly. The reasons service delivery is so poor are a lack of money and a lack of expertise. Why is there a lack of money? Firstly, because of the exceptionally high salaries that are being paid to mayors, municipal managers and top officials. There are mayors who motivate their need for 4x4 vehicles by saying that the streets in the townships are so poor that they cannot drive there in ordinary motor vehicles, yet they expect the people who live there to drive through those streets in their ordinary motor vehicles.
That is the root of the problem. The money is spent on salaries and perks rather than on service delivery.
The second aspect is the nonpayment of service fees. If people do not pay for their services, there cannot be service delivery.
Another area where money is wasted by local governments is on name changes. Millions of rands are spent on this rather than on housing.
Lastly, there has been an exodus of expertise from local authorities as a result of the … [Interjections.] [Time expired.]]
Mr I S MFUNDISI: Chairperson and hon members, in recent months and weeks we have seen sporadic outbursts of marches and demonstrations which the President characterised as posing no threat to the peace and stability of the country. The marches are a sign of discontent with nondelivery of services and a failure to fulfil unsolicited promises made over the years.
The denial syndrome besetting some members of the ANC should be shedded and replaced with candidness, as displayed by the hon Mzondeki this afternoon. It is not unreasonable for people to rise against those in power when, even after 10 years of promises of some utopia, they have to live with the stench of buckets of night soil that are not collected regularly.
It is equally not unreasonable for people to call for the resignation of municipal officials who do not serve the communities as expected. It is not unreasonable for the people of Bokmakierie, who were promised houses a decade ago, to take to the streets when they realise that the Langa and Nyanga communities have jumped the queue in being housed. Such marches are a result of frustration.
Tebello Motapanyane, one of the ringleaders of the 1976 June 16 uprisings, put it succinctly in the Sunday World of 12 June 2005 when he said, and I quote: “People will always rise against a system that does not serve their interest”.
The establishment of Project Consolidate is a tacit admission by the government that service delivery is lacking. The project has to pull 136 municipalities out of the doldrums. This is almost 50% of all municipalities. If central government has had to come down to intervene, it is foolish for anyone to pretend all is well in the delivery of service.
The greatest challenge facing the government is a lack of officials of substance. Those involved in the delivery should not pay lip-service to sloganeering such as “Batho Pele, I am proud, I serve and I care”. All of this is meaningless unless they are internalised.
We in the UCDP have never favoured marches because it is in their very nature to end in destruction of property, injury to some and even acts that lead to anarchy. Marches that are concomitant with violence have been the trademark of the present government. It is the ANC and its allies who have told people to march when they are dissatisfied. The challenge for the government is to re-educate the masses that there are other alternatives to follow.
Thlaloganyang bagaetsho gore molakgosi o a itaela. [Understand, people, that if you teach someone something bad, he or she will apply the same lesson to you.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, we are all human and as humans we like to see the good getting better. We have ignorant and blinded people who disrupt our communities with ill-fed lies about our government. The ignorant people often fall victim to opportunistic opposition lies that this government is failing. We need to inform our community that, firstly, we are a government for the people by the people; secondly, our priority as Parliament is the people and, thirdly, we have delivered and we are delivering.
Changes have seen great success in our 10 years. Unfortunately we are still cleaning up the mess the apartheid regime caused and our foreign debts have not made it easier on us. The strategy and resources shall deliver upon our people’s needs and I can go on and on. We have to reach out to our communities and show them our progress. Members should be present in their constituencies. The people need to know that they have made the right choices when they voted. Their needs should be prioritised, delivery should be first on our agenda and success should be our biggest aim.
We exist for the people and there is no gravy train. This train will travel to all ends of South Africa and we will not stop until poverty has been eradicated and every South African stands proud, free and democratised. [Applause.]
Mr C T FROLICK: Chairperson and hon members, the first edition of the SA Cities Network, published in 2004, noted the devastating effect of apartheid policies on governance in South African cities. While focusing on the type of city that prevailed in the predemocratic order, the report states that –
A key challenge has been . . . in conflictual relations between communities and municipalities, poor public participation, and discord between and within communities . . .
Another problem was weak institutions of government. Despite appearances –
. . . that have been created of the order that existed in the predemocratic city, municipalities were generally poorly structured, undercapacitated and hugely inefficient.
Since the advent of democracy the ANC has laid the foundations for local democracies, which culminated in the local government elections of 2000. Despite the positive progress that has been made, local authorities still carry the many marks of apartheid, while facing new challenges resulting from the freedom of movement of people, urbanisation, rapid settlement and institutional reform.
The challenge for provincial and local authorities was and still is to provide housing and basic services to its citizens. Faced with the huge backlogs in this field, provincial and local authorities embarked on a range of methods and strategies to deal with these local problems. For example, in the latest census the number of informal settlements existing in the Nelson Mandela Metro was put at 60 000. Faced with competing priorities and having commenced from a weak basis of financial sustainability, the odds are heavily stacked against the eradication of housing backlogs in informal settlements.
It’s against this background that the reasons for protests by communities in the Free State, Eastern Cape and Western Cape must be analysed. Certain projects could simply not be completed within the anticipated timeframes, hence the dissatisfaction that arose within certain communities.
The following constraints affecting the delivery of houses were highlighted by local authorities that we visited: Firstly, there’s resistance by communities to relocate to new designated areas owing to the unsuitability of the areas they currently occupy. For example, in one instance the community is living on a hazardous dumping site, which does not conform to health standards.
Secondly, we do have cases of beneficiaries who sell RDP houses to foreigners and to other locals, and then they move on to informal settlements, where once again they claim the right to a house.
Thirdly, projects approved by the provincial housing board without prior consultation with the municipality on its state of readiness is a source of concern. There’s also the occurrence of blocked projects, that is, projects which could not be completed owing to community instability because of the escalation of the project subsidy and the changing needs of the local community.
Lastly, projects were initially undertaken by private developers and provincial authorities over which the municipality had no authority, except for a land agreement that was in place. In my constituency, the Nelson Mandela Metro, a dedicated housing division was only established in August
- Prior to this, housing delivery was implemented on an ad hoc basis by private developers, and staff whose primary responsibility was not housing delivery was transferred to this department.
The metro acknowledged that as a result of these aforementioned challenges and the utilisation of private contractors without adequate supervision and control, the quality in certain instances was compromised. Realising these challenges, the metro developed various strategies to deal with the situation.
The strategy to date resulted in approximately 14 000 units being built in the previous financial year. Staged payments were introduced and in instances where such a stage had not been completed or agreed quality standards not been met, no payment is effected.
Agreements are also performance based and allows for the reduction in the scope of work where clearly defined milestones are not met. In addition, training programmes have been developed to assist emerging contractors in various disciplines relating to construction and administrative management. In terms of the IDP, the metro has developed a 10-year housing delivery programme which guides the planning and delivery of projects.
Now where do the protests come from? We do agree that residents in areas such as KwaZakhele, Missionvale, Veeplaas, KwaNoxolo and Motherwell have legitimate concerns. As a result, local communities were able to either mobilise themselves or allow themselves to be mobilised around issues predominantly associated with housing infrastructure.
From the outset the affected communities were very clear that the protests were not directed against the ANC, but was rather against processes associated with service delivery. The ANC recognised the right of communities to embark on protest action. However, it must be stated that we do not agree with actions undertaken by groups and individuals who prove to be destructive and in certain instances violent. These actions leave a lot to be desired and cannot be condoned.
When engaging these communities, unlike members in the opposition who, I doubt, ever visited the places where the unrest and upheavals took place, they highlighted the following concerns. They highlighted the nonapproval of housing projects for the next financial year; projects that were not completed by the target date set; poor workmanship and construction, resulting in cracked walls and loose roofing materials.
However, this is not where it ended. Upon interacting in these areas, we could sense that the genuine concerns of the communities were systematically being hijacked by individuals who have come to profile themselves as alternative candidates for the upcoming local government elections by capitalising on the volatile issue of housing. Small groups began targeting informal areas and places where delivery of housing and other services are problematic.
For instance, in other areas, such as in Extension 12, a DA councillor came forward and started raising issues unrelated to housing and basic services, which were the bone of contention. Adding to the melting pot, the councillor said former members of the National Council of the Leather Industry of SA complained about the outsourcing of their provident fund to a private financial group and called on the metro to investigate it, failing which they threatened to burn tyres and barricade roads. Reactionaries from the opposition and the media jumped at the opportunity to portray a picture of large-scale chaos and crisis in townships, and likened it to the scenes prevalent in war-torn Iraq.
The ANC leadership responded to these challenges by engaging the local communities directly on finding solutions to these problems. Contrary to the utterances by the opposition, not once was the local ANC leadership in the area prevented from engaging the protesters and moving into these areas. After a visit to the metro, the provincial government made funding available to commence with the implementation of delayed projects, and in order to avoid unrealistic expectations, joint meetings were held between the affected communities, the provincial government and local councillors to discuss the timeframes and implementation of these outstanding projects.
In order to avoid the reoccurrence of similar protest action, attention should be given to the following: We do need to improve communication between the provincial housing boards and departments, the metro and communities on all issues affecting the delay on the implementation and finalisation of announced projects. We also need to create greater synergy between the work of provincial department officials and of those in local government. Residents must be encouraged to participate in community consultation processes such as community development forums, the designing of IDPs, ward committees, imbizos, etc. Lastly, allegations of corruption involving officials, private developers, contractors, beneficiaries and other stakeholders must be investigated and if necessary, criminal charges must be laid against those who are implicated.
Ek sal my plig versuim indien ek nie reageer op ’n basiese boodskap wat deurgekom het vanaf die opposisie in die algemeen nie. Die boodskap wat deurgekom het, is dat, soos die VF Plus gesê het, ons in die moeilikheid is. Ons is geensins in die moeilikheid nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Ons teenwoordigheid in daardie gebiede het duidelik geïllustreer dat daardie mense slegs in die ANC vertroue het om hulle probleme aan te spreek. [Tussenwerpsels.] Die verskillende opposisiepartye het gesidder en hulle het geskitter in hulle afwesigheid in daardie gebiede. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[I will be failing in my duty if I do not respond to a basic message that came through from the opposition in general. The message that came through is that, as the FF Plus said, we are in trouble. We are by no means in trouble. [Interjections.] Our presence in those areas clearly illustrated that those people trust only the ANC to address their problems. [Interjections.] The different opposition parties shuddered and they were conspicuous in their absence in those areas.]
You see, comrades, when we go home to our constituencies, we go to our constituencies to engage them. Unlike them, we don’t go home to go and sit and play with our cats and dogs and drink whiskey. [Interjections.] We go to our people, we engage our people and we know what needs to be done to satisfy the needs of our people. [Interjections.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
OVERSIGHT VISIT TO MILITARY ACADEMY AT SALDANHA
(Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Defence)
Prof A K ASMAL: Mr Chairperson, hon members and comrades, the President’s statement to the joint Houses of Parliament was one of the most important in the life of this Parliament. It is a pity, therefore, that we are trying the patience of hon members by having this debate so late in the day, but it is an important one.
I am pleased to introduce this debate on the report prepared by the Portfolio Committee on Defence, concerning the South African Military Academy at Saldanha. One of the purposes is to give priority to understanding what the military academy is. We visited it on 19 January, and the report was tabled in Parliament on 14 April.
This institution, my brothers and sisters, is the primary training facility for the SA National Defence Force officer corps. It is pivotal for a country in our continent. So understand why we need to consider briefly the context in which the Saldanha Military Academy operates.
Our Constitution charges the SANDF with the defence of the Republic. The SANDF is also called upon to play a more demanding role in continental efforts to bring peace to Africa. Also, as you know, the portfolio committee is assisting the Department of Defence in reviewing the White Paper of 1986 and the needs of the Defence Force of 1998.
Therefore, it’s a good time to look at what is called, dismissively, “human resource development”, which I don’t really understand. What we need, therefore, is an officer corps that embraces our democratic Constitution; that has superior training, and the utmost flexibility to operate in a very challenging epoch; an officer corps with high level of intellectual and military skills, and an officer corps sensitive to a range of cultural, social, psychological factors in relation to subordinates and in the field of operations, as we know, in the rest of Africa.
The committee’s report, therefore, proceeds from the premise that South Africa needs a first-class centre for training our officer corps, a centre that can become the primary officer training school for the entire African continent. Why should we send our people to Sancerre? Why should we send them to Sandhurst? Why should we send them to West Point? We should be doing it here in South Africa.
The committee’s report is the first of its kind on the academy. The report notes that there are a great many people associated with the academy. Officers, the military, faculty, staff and students are determined to transform this institution, which we all know was once a vital cog in the apartheid machinery. Don’t worry about the high standards before 1994. They were the standards of an apartheid system.
So, going forward, a major effort to transform this institution can and must be built on this goodwill that exists. Only a co-operative effort, drawing on all the tendencies and factors, will achieve the objective of renewal and transformation.
Our report finds that today – I commend this report, it is in the library – there is a need to review, urgently, the role of the academy at nearly every level. This institution must measure up to the standards the democratic South Africa demands.
The report finds that the academy has reached a critical turning point. Our findings, of which there are 20, include the following: First of all, there is confusion over the core business of the institution. It must be understood that the Academy is unique, serving a dual role – one is academic, as part of the University of Stellenbosch; the other military, as a unit of the SANDF. However, the academic balance has not been adequately struck. The academy cannot be run on a strictly military basis. It is a staff training college, not a military finishing school. They can do that somewhere else. There are worrying signs that the academic imperative is being pushed aside.
Secondly, there are lengthy delays in the filling of academic posts. Twenty- one such positions were vacant when we wrote our report. In some cases, this has been rationalised with the argument that there were no black candidates available to fill such positions. While such action may appear justified in the name of improving representivity, this is not the case. In fact, such delays only harm staff and students. We all know – and I knew this as the Minister of Education – that to mentor black academics is a long-term prospect.
The universities have found that you have to put in money, capacity, time and, most important of all, effort. This requires a conscious, deliberate approach.
Thirdly, there has been some progress with regard to representivity, but the academy must, as a matter of urgency, implement a staff development programme that includes systematic and systemic mentoring. In the meantime, the appointment of staff must adhere to the procedure laid down in the agreement with the University of Stellenbosch. The committee is not very happy that this agreement is not always being adhered to.
Next, transformation is not limited to numbers and representivity, but transformation is also about embracing an ethos and value reflecting an entirely different set of assumptions to those held under apartheid, including openness, recognition of cultural diversity in the training of our people, and the inculcation of an African view of the world in the context of our own national identity. The institution must therefore inculcate such a world outlook.
Another point is that the curriculum does not reflect the changing nature of Africa or of the world. The balance does not serve the broad needs of the contemporary African officer corps. While an impressive list of technical subjects is covered, there is insufficient grounding in the humanities. More importantly, the Constitution is not given the pride of place it should have in the curriculum for the training of our officer corps. Our officers must live permanently the values enshrined in our Constitution.
Yet another point is that the academy appears to be underfunded. The library is a shambles with too few books, journals and computers. Some barracks are in poor repair. Recreational facilities are inadequate. Most students do not come from the Western Cape, so they can’t go home over the weekends. Leisure-time facilities are of vital importance, especially over the weekends. The conditions which exist there are not very hospitable.
Finally, the procedure for reporting sexual harassment is inadequate and in need of urgent attention. Nearly every military academy throughout the world has faced serious problems of sexual harassment. Some of them have been scandalous, and this required corrective action. Saldanha can then, if it has the proper structures, avert such a situation.
First among the list of 20 recommendations is that the committee proposes a closer investigation of the academy’s output along with consideration as to how to create the most cost-effective model that will serve all the branches of the SANDF.
The academy, the Department of Defence and the University of Stellenbosch need to settle on a firm definition of the academy’s core business and explore the kind of leadership best suited to moving forward. Among other things, there should be greater interplay between the faculty and the military, and confidence-building measures should be undertaken urgently.
In general, we feel that the primacy of academic values must be asserted in the academy. This is the key to producing the kind of officers needed by the SANDF – officers capable of serving the continent in a new era.
I should note for purposes of this debate that the portfolio committee’s oversight report does not attempt to duplicate the work of the Board of Inquiry appointed by the Minister of Defence last year, which is examining allegations of racism and violence at the military academy. It wasn’t our function to do that.
We have submitted our report to both the academy and the Minister of Defence, and the committee looks forward to their response. Hon members, you may think that after the epochal speech by the President, this is an example of bathos. Well, it’s not really bathos. [Interjections.] It is central to how we see the development of the SA National Defence Force, which is part of the pivot of our policy in Africa and at home.
South Africa has an extremely important opportunity to lead by creating a truly African training institute and, as such, the matters we debate today are of continental importance not only to South Africa but also to the rest of Africa. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: Chairperson, the SA Military Academy, as an institution, plays a vital role in assisting the SA National Defence Force to fulfil its constitutional obligations in terms of defending and protecting the republic, its territorial integrity and its people. It is tasked with the education and training of the officer corps of the SANDF. It is therefore imperative that the members of the officer corps leave the military academy fully prepared and adequately equipped to deal with, and respond to, the various security challenges of the 21st century.
We need officers who are in tune with what is expected of them within the SANDF as well as the regional, continental and global environment. Unfortunately, the manner in which the military academy is being run suggests that it is failing in its duty to equip the officer corps with the necessary intellectual and military skills required to meet the current and future political, economic and military challenges. Furthermore, South Africa currently plays an important role in trying to bring peace and security, development and prosperity to the African continent.
If properly managed and supported, I believe that the SA Military Academy can help this process through making a significant contribution by attracting and training young officers from various parts of the African continent who may, on return to their respective countries, contribute towards the establishment of peace and security, which is so vital for the economic growth and development of Africa.
This report of the Portfolio Committee on Defence must be taken seriously. The various issues raised, the findings and the recommendations made are critical and deserve the urgent attention of the Department of Defence. They include issues surrounding transformation, the respective roles and the relationship between the University of Stellenbosch and the military academy, lack of funding, deteriorating infrastructure and, crucially, issues of mismanagement too.
Amongst the many, the following are but some of the important recommendations of the committee that deserve immediate attention and you have heard some of those recommendations from the hon chairperson. I would like to reiterate that there must be a close investigation of the quality of the military academy’s output along with consideration of how to create the most cost-effective model, as you heard the chairperson say.
The agreement between the Department of Defence and Stellenbosch University establishes a joint committee which advises on a range of matters. It’s not mandated to meet on a frequent basis. The committee feels that this body’s work should either be expanded or that a joint board of study should be established and be chaired by the dean, with participation by the commandant who handles all academic matters.
But, more importantly, the thing that came out during our visit was that the dean was insecure. We feel that he should be given security of tenure. Currently, he has a two-year contract, unlike the standard five-year contract, and, shockingly, he doesn’t have the adequate support staff necessary to carry out his duties.
The curriculum should be carefully reviewed and improved. In the interest of academic excellence, the system of paying lecturers according to SANDF salary scales should be terminated. At present, the Department of Defence is responsible for remuneration of academic personnel. It is very difficult to maintain quality when salary scales are so low. The fact is that the academy has to compete against other universities and the private sector, and it needs to be resourced appropriately. Many qualified people have left this institution.
At the time of our visit in April 2005, as you heard our chairperson say, a total of 21 posts were vacant and many of them had been vacant for a long time. Of great concern is the fact that some of these positions had not been filled simply because there were no qualified black candidates available to fill them. I feel that any delay in filling these vacant posts is bound to have a demoralising effect on the academy as a whole.
The report makes some very critical and important pertinent recommendations. There must be no further postponement of the filling of posts. Students suffer as a result of these delays. These vacancies should be advertised and filled within three months, at the latest. Currently, the funding levels, too, are very much inadequate. Consideration should be given to the Department of Education funding, through the block grant, in order to supplement the Department of Defence’s allocation for higher education.
It is therefore the intention of our committee to interact regularly with the military academy, the university and the Department of Defence in order to help address the many concerns raised during our visit as well as funding and other challenges facing the academy.
I wish to take this opportunity to frankly express my pleasure in seeing such a detailed and comprehensive report. Honestly speaking, it is a true report written without any political bias whatsoever and reflects the views of all members of the Portfolio Committee on Defence across the political divide.
In conclusion, I wish to compliment and thank Prof Asmal, the chairperson of the parliamentary committee on defence, for the diligent manner in which he leads us in the conduct of our business and our oversight functions. To all hon members of the committee, I continuously look forward to working with you for the betterment, and in the national interest, of our country. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs S A SEATON: Chairperson, hon members, somebody on the left of the waiting seat said to me just now, “You were not in Saldanha Bay.” That is correct. I certainly did not represent the party or Parliament at Saldanha Bay. So, in the interest of time, I will be brief.
The member of the IFP who was the representative informed us that, in fact, he felt that there wasn’t a need for a debate on this report simply because it was a report that reflected the views of all parties, and it is an excellent report. We, too, would commend the chairperson for that report and we would like to agree with the comments in that report.
There are, obviously, a number of grave concerns and issues that have been raised, and we would hope that these would be dealt with in due course. So, as I said to you, I hope, in the interest of time and if everybody else follows suit, we will be able to get away from here a little earlier. We support the report. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr O E MONARENG: Hon Chair, hon members, allow me the opportunity to inform this august House about the visit to the military academy in Saldanha Bay. The visit assisted the committee to map out the way forward in order to assist the academy to acquire new values and an ethos that will go a long way in the inculcation of new standards that will have effect on excellency, efficiency and professionalism.
The desire by the portfolio committee to maintain a balance between education and training is very important. Our desire to ensure good leadership qualities, which will in turn enhance the transformation process, can best be achieved if we consciously ensure that, and I quote:
South Africa’s transition from apartheid and minority rule to democracy requires that existing practices, institutions and values are viewed anew and rethought in terms of their fitness for the new era. Higher education plays a central role in the social, cultural and economic development of modern societies.
In South Africa today, the challenge is to redress past inequalities and to transform higher education to serve a new social order, to meet pressing national needs and to respond to the new realities and opportunities. It must lay the foundations for the development of a learning society which can stimulate, direct and mobilise the creative and intellectual energies of all people towards meeting the challenge of reconstruction and development.
While at the academy, the committee was reliably informed about the tension that exists between the academy and the military. We have, after very careful consideration, resorted to the following regarding key issues. The academy has reached a critical turning point. There is confusion over the core business of the academy and the appropriate academic balance has not been adequately struck - I think Comrade Prof Kader has raised that point.
A rehabilitative process needs to be initiated that will involve the academy’s management, the Department of Defence and the University of Stellenbosch. Such an approach will have to examine the required leadership qualifications for the academy, appropriate funding levels and the need to upgrade curriculum development. This process must also examine the output of the academy and find a cost-effective model that will serve the long- term needs of the four arms of the SA National Defence Force.
The academy should not be run on a strictly militaristic basis. I think that is a point for emphasis. It is a staff training college and not a military finishing school. I am sure that the professor made this point. Be that as it may, a fair balance should be struck between military discipline and training, which is by and large the business of the academy.
To move a bit further regarding today’s topic, 14th June is the same day on which the South African forces of doom, destruction and mayhem invaded Botswana to kill 12 innocent people, five of whom were South Africans and seven Botswana nationals, under the pretence of going there to exterminate terrorists in 1985. This incident was certainly one of the many through which the then regime and its force of aggression, the then SA Defence Force, launched a total onslaught against so-called communists.
This incident should be a reminder to those tutors and lecturers of the military academy that the past will be remembered for its destruction and mayhem. As such a past is attributed to the conscious and calculated teaching . . .
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Order! Hon member, your time has expired.
Mr O E MONARENG: Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Mnr P J GROENEWALD: Geagte Voorsitter, ek stem nie baie maklik saam met ’n verslag van die ANC nie, maar wat hierdie verslag betref stem ek 100% saam, en die VF Plus steun hierdie verslag. Ek dink dit is miskien omdat die voorsitter, die agb Prof Kadar Asmal, meer deur sy akademiese bril gekyk het, na ’n akademiese instelling, as deur sy politieke bril. Ek wil hom daarvoor bedank. Daar is verskeie aanbevelings gemaak in hierdie verslag, maar die uitdaging van hierdie verslag en aanbevelings gaan wees of dit geïmplimenteer gaan word. Ons keur vandag hier in die Nasionale Vergadering hierdie verslag goed, maar die vraag gaan nog steeds wees of dit in die praktyk ook deurgevoer gaan word.
Daar is twee belangrike aspekte: eerstens, die beperkinge op die begroting van die militêre akademie. Wat ontstellend is, is dat ten spyte daarvan dat die verslag oorhandig is aan die Departement van Verdediging, dit ook nou na vore getree het dat die huidige begroting van die militêre akademie met ’n verdere 40% gesny is. Ek kan nie verstaan dat dit toegelaat word nie. Dit is onaanvaarbaar. Daar is beperkinge, maar steeds word 40% op die begroting gesny.
Die tweede aspek is die doserende personeel. Daar is daarna verwys deur vorige sprekers. Die dosente moet nou dubbeld klas gee, hulle moet dubbel voorberei, hulle moet selfs in vakke wat nie hul vakgebied is nie klasgee. Net om vir u ’n idee te gee: uit die 21 vakante poste is 12 poste in militêre wetenskappe. Dit is doserende poste wat nie gevul is nie.
Die uitdaging gaan wees om te kyk of dit wel binne drie maande gevul gaan word. Ek wil ’n beroep doen op die agb voorsitter, Prof Asmal, en op die Komitee op Verdediging - waarvan ek self lid is - dat ons sal toesien dat hierdie verslag in die praktyk deurgevoer word, want dan sal die Militêre Akadamie ’n beter akademie wees tot voordeel van die verdediging van die hele land Suid-Afrika. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr P J GROENEWALD: Hon Chairperson, usually I do not very readily agree with a report from the ANC, but as far as this report is concerned, I agree with it 100%, and the FF Plus supports this report. I think it might be because the chairperson, the hon Prof Kader Asmal, viewed an academic institution more from an academic perspective than from a political one. I wish to thank him for that.
Various recommendations were made in this report, but the challenge of this report and recommendations will be whether they will be implemented. Today in this National Assembly we are in favour of this report, but the question remains whether it will be carried out in practice.
There are two important aspects: firstly, the limitations on the budget of the Military Academy. It is disconcerting that, in spite of the fact that the report was handed over to the Department of Defence, it has also become evident that the current budget of the Military Academy has been cut by a further 40%. I cannot understand that this is allowed to happen. It is unacceptable. There are limitations, but the budget is still cut by 40%.
The second aspect relates to the academic staff. Previous speakers referred to this issue. The tutors must now teach twice as many classes, they must prepare twice as much and they must even teach subjects that are not in their field of study. Just to give you an idea: 12 of the 21 vacant posts occur within military science. Those are teaching posts that have not been filled.
The challenge will be to see whether they can actually be filled within three months. I want to appeal to the hon chairperson, Prof Asmal, and the Committee on Defence – of which I am a member – for us to ensure that this report is implemented in practice, because then the Military Academy will be a better academy to the benefit of the whole country of South Africa. I thank you.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, the MF acknowledges and applauds the important role served by the SA National Defence Force. We extend our sincere gratitude to all these men and women who put their lives at risk to serve us as a nation. The objectives of the report display the committee’s intent to oversee whether the SANDF is in line with the democratic values of our country, its level and standard of operations, skills, qualification and relations. These are all issues of concern in this Defence Force.
The MF acknowledges the content of our Defence Force under the apartheid regime and the metamorphosis it has undergone since our democracy. However, we acknowledge that loopholes still exist, and this needs to be addressed in all earnest.
From the meeting convened by this department, with various stakeholders, in educating members of the SANDF, it is evident that a number of issues need to be addressed. Considering the importance of the role played by the SANDF, the MF finds it crucial to uphold a high standard and feels that steps should be taken to remove the loopholes in the system in order to ensure effective, efficient and quality defence of South Africa.
The MF also commends the chairperson of the portfolio committee on the efficient manner in which he conducts his meetings. While I have a few seconds, may I also make it clear that, as a member of this august House, whether you are in that committee or not, you have the democratic right to take part in the debates. Thank you very much.
Mr M S BOOI: Chair and members, it is a pity that hon Groenewald has left the House because it means that the type of education we would have loved to provide him with, and the type of understanding we would have loved to show him, is lost. But while we say that, we want to add our voices to every one else’s by saying that the chairperson has done a very good job by being able to get us to focus on real issues that are affecting Defence.
The Military Academy is one of those issues. It is a crucial institution in our democracy, one that is well equipped and one that also produces the necessary skills. The performance of our soldiers in the peacekeeping missions shows that a good job is being done there. We need to be able to build on it.
What should be appreciated by Mr Groenewald is the type of shaping and thinking that is happening within the committee. We give input and try to direct and assist the resources of the department, which is standing at a very important and fundamental point.
As the ANC we are showing appreciation for the work done by the Defence Force, and the changes that are beginning to take place. Without lying and without praising the chairperson, he is assisting us to reflect on how to improve the Defence Force, and he is assisting the department in its responsibilities.
We won’t just call blindly for an increase of the budget of the Defence Force without us understanding what the necessities guiding that particular budget are, but the military academy is one of those necessary institutions.
That is why we are providing a report to Parliament. We are beginning to identify and say that the military academy has to be able to be placed and it must be given the necessary budget. It is the ANC’s understanding and campaigning that this type of development has to take place.
Some recommendation and issues have been raised regarding the things that we are faced with in the military academy. One of them is the ambiguity of how we are beginning to see the threat. As we have said and continue to say, since the establishment of the academy in 1950 people have always been offering their own curriculum on the basis of which threat South Africa has to face at that stage.
At this particular stage of development, and within the relationship with the University of Stellenbosch, at least the professors will start to assist us to influence their curriculum.
The issues of peacekeeping and of retraining of young people to produce intellectuals that are going to be able to assist in the production of good soldiers are some of the basic things.
If good leadership could be produced within that particular academy, it could have an impact on society. They would be able to assist us to turn around the lives of young people. That is the challenge that we would love the academy to take up.
We want the academy to reflect the issues of nation-building. This is the type of young person that the academy must be able to produce. If you are a soldier, you have the serious responsibility of being able to defend society and be able to use a gun. It really depends on how your personality, your emotions and attitude are being shaped.
We are saying from our side that in the short period that we have been in government, and the way in which we have been able to conduct that academy, the allegations that are being made regarding the role they are playing in the peacekeeping mission, do not include any accusations that they have lost control of their emotions and started to shoot randomly. We have found very disciplined soldiers who are conducting themselves very well.
Sexual offences and sexual behaviour are some of the issues that we think are a challenge to us. The recruitment of women within the SANDF is a very slow process, and sometimes people tend not to understand or know how to behave when they see … [Time expired.]
Debate concluded.
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: House Chairperson, I move that the report be adopted.
Motion agreed to.
Report accordingly adopted.
The House adjourned at 18:03. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
THURSDAY, 9 JUNE 2005
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly
- Messages from National Council of Provinces to National Assembly in respect of Bills passed by Council and transmitted to Assembly
(1) Bill, subject to proposed amendment, passed by National Council
of Provinces on 9 June 2005 and transmitted for consideration of
Council’s proposed amendment:
(i) National Ports Bill [B 5D – 2003] (National Assembly – sec
75) (for proposed amendments, see Announcements, Tablings and
Committee Reports, 27 May 2005, p 1072)
The Bill has been referred to the Portfolio Committee on Transport of
the National Assembly for a report on the amendment proposed by
the Council.
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism on Oversight Visit to Irvine & Johnson Ltd, dated 31 May 2005:
-
BACKGROUND
As part of conducting oversight and monitoring over the status of
Fishing Industries in South Africa, a multi-party delegation of the
Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism, visited
Irvine & Johnson Ltd in Waterfront and Woodstock, Cape Town on the 28th
of April 2005.
1.1 OBJECTIVE
The main objective of the oversight visit was to assess and monitor the
progress made in respect of transformation, environmental management
and, business operations related to fishing products, fishing plant
processing and storage.
1.2 DELEGATION
A multi-party delegation from the Portfolio Committee under the
leadership of Ms E Thabethe (ANC) included Ms R Ndzanga (ANC), Ms MM
Ntuli (ANC), Ms N Khunuo (ANC), Mr. M I Moss (ANC), Mr. J Maja (ANC),
Mr. DAA Olifant (ANC), Mr. A Mokoena (ANC), Mr. J Arendse (ANC), Ms C
Zikalala (IFP) and Committee Secretary Mr M Manele. 2. REPORTING
Having conducted its oversight to I&J Ltd on the 28th of April 2005,
the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism wishes to
report as follows:
- INTRODUCTION
Upon arrival the Chairperson, Prof Brian Figaji, welcomed the
delegation of the Committee and later outlined the programme of the
visit.
3.1. BRIEFING ON BUSINESS OPERATIONS
The Managing Director, Mr. MO Kajee, assisted by Mr. Phillip Bruwer,
Director of Fishing Unit and, Mr. Suleiman Salie, Director of
Processing Unit, briefed the delegation on business operations. The
briefing focused on corporate overview, ownership and joint ventures,
skills development, social investment and enterprise development, and
on-sight visit to fishing plant.
3.1.1. CORPORATE OVERVIEW
I&J Ltd is principally engaged in the procurement and marketing of
frozen foods. The company operates as one of the largest fishing fleets
in the southern hemisphere, procuring and processing fish at sea as
well as at a number of factories in Cape Town, Mossel Bay and Hermanus.
It has its own research and development resource consisting of
internationally trained food technologists and home economists keeping
abreast of latest international trends and carrying out in-house
development work for both local and international markets.
In addition to research and development capability, it has fish
processing plant at Woodstock that produces about 100 different frozen
fish products using hake as the base raw material. Also, it
manufactures a range of processed; value added beef and chicken
products to both the retail and food service markets.
3.1.2. OWNERSHIP AND JOINT VENTURES
The company’s ownership is in the hands of Anglovaal Industries
Limited, listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange in the industrial
Food Sector, which hold 80% with the balance being held by three
strategic empowerment partners such as Sipumelele Investment Limited,
Ntshonalanga Consortium Limited and Dyambu Holdings.
3.1.3. SKILLS DEVELOPMENT
Its skills development program involves 2.7% of payroll spend on
training and development and, 74.5% of a total workforce receiving
ongoing training and development. An average number of employees
trained per annum totaled 2 035 and skills levies paid to the
Department of Labour amounting to R2m.
3.1.4. SOCIAL INVESTMENT AND ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT
Its social investment programme involves health, welfare and children’s
education, welfare of aged people, feeding schemes and poverty
alleviation projects in the community. On the other hand, its
enterprise development programme involves a joint partnership ventures
with Umsobomvu Youth Fund, Squid Operation in Port Elizabeth as well as
Hake Operation in the Western Cape.
- ON SITE TOUR TO FISHING PLANT
During the on site tour, the delegation observed how fishing products
such as fish fingers, battered portions, fish cakes, marinates, egg-
coated natural fillets, fish burgers, fish and fish snacks are
processed, packaged and stored at the operation and plant levels by the
employees.
- CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
Having conducted an oversight visit to I&J Holding Ltd, the Portfolio
Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism, concludes and
recommends as follows:
Noting the progress made in respect of ownership and joint ventures, it
is recommended that I&J Ltd should brief members on mechanisms that
would be put in place within the Department of Training and Industry
Black Economic Empowerment scorecard, to accelerate transformation
targets in terms of ownership, strategic representation, employment
equity, preferential procurement and enterprise development.
FRIDAY, 10 JUNE 2005
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
- Introduction of Bills
(1) The Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs
(i) South African Abattoir Corporation Act Repeal Bill [B 21 –
2005] (National Assembly – sec 75) [Explanatory summary of Bill
and prior notice of its introduction published in Government
Gazette No 27670 of 10 June 2005.]
Introduction and referral to the Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture and Land Affairs of the National Assembly, as well as
referral to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM) for classification
in terms of Joint Rule 160, on 13 June 2005.
In terms of Joint Rule 154 written views on the classification of
the Bill may be submitted to the Joint Tagging Mechanism (JTM)
within three parliamentary working days.
National Assembly
-
Referrals to committees of papers tabled
The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the relevant committees as mentioned below:
(1) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development for consideration and
report:
(a) Report on the provisional suspension from office of senior
magistrate Mr S E Tebe.
(b) Report on the provisional suspension from office of
magistrate Mr L D Monageng.
(2) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Trade and Industry:
(a) Government Notice No R.1342 published in Government
Gazette No 26994 dated 12 November 2004: National Gambling
Regulations in terms of section 87 read with Item 8 of the
Schedule to the National Gambling Act, 2004 (Act No 7 of
2004).
(b) Government Notice No R.1311 published in Government
Gazette No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Standards Matters in
terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).
(c) Government Notice No R.1315 published in Government
Gazette No 26962 dated 12 November 2004: Standards Matters in
terms of the Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).
(d) Government Notice No R.1397 published in Government
Gazette No 27038 dated 3 December 2004: Strategic Industrial
Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section 12G(16) d of the
Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(e) Government Notice No R.1398 published in Government
Gazette No 27038 dated 3 December 2004: Strategic Industrial
Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section 12G(16) d of the
Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(f) Government Notice No R.1399 published in Government
Gazette No 27038 dated 3 December 2004: Strategic Industrial
Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section 12G(16) d of the
Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(g) Government Notice No R.1441 published in Government
Gazette No 27097 dated 17 December 2004: Strategic Industrial
Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section 12G(16) d of the
Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(h) Government Notice No R.1442 published in Government
Gazette No 27097 dated 17 December 2004: Strategic Industrial
Project (SIP): Notice in terms of section 12G(16) d of the
Income Tax Act, 1962 (Act No 58 of 1962).
(i) Proclamation No R.2 published in Government Gazette No
27157 dated 14 January 2005: Transfer of the administration
of the Co-operatives Act, 1981 (Act No 91 0f 1981), from the
Minister of Agriculture to the Minister of Trade and Industry
in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,
1996 (Act No 108 of 1996).
(j) Government Notice No R.133 published in Government Gazette
No 27269 dated 18 February 2005: National Measuring Standards
in terms of the Measuring Units and National Measuring
Standards Act, 1973 (Act No 76 of 1973).
(k) Government Notice No R.134 published in Government Gazette
No 27269 dated 18 February 2005: Regulations relating to the
payment of levy and the issues of sales permits with regard
to compulsory specifications: Amendment in terms of the
Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).
(l) Government Notice No R.140 published in Government Gazette
No 27269 dated 18 February 2005: Regulations relating to the
payment of levy and the issues of sales permits with regard
to compulsory specifications: Amendment in terms of the
Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).
(m) Government Notice No R.168 published in Government Gazette
No 27269 dated 4 March 2005 Standards Matters in terms of the
Standards Act, 1993 (Act No 29 of 1993).
(3) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance:
(a) Government Notice No 365 published in Government Gazette
No 27487 dated 14 April 2005: Framework for Conditional
Grants to Provinces in terms of Division of Revenue Act, 2005
(Act No 1 of 2005).
(b) Government Notice No 868 published in Government Gazette
No 27636 dated 30 May 2005: Municipal Supply Chain Management
Regulations in terms of the Local Government: Municipal
Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003).
(4) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Agriculture and Land Affairs for consideration:
Report and Financial Statements of the Commission on
Restitution of Land Rights for 2004 - 2005 [RP 49-2005].
(5) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Provincial and Local Government for consideration:
Strategic Plan of the Department of Provincial and Local
Government for 2005 to 2010.
(6) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Safety and Security:
Agreement between the Government of the Republic of South
Africa and the Government of Bulgaria on Police Cooperation, tabled
in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996 (Act No 108 of
1996).
(7) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Water Affairs and Forestry:
(a) Government Notice No 323 published in Government Gazette
No 27434 dated 8 April 2005: Establishment of the Spruit
River Water User Association, Division of Wellington,
Province of the Western Cape, Water Management Area Number 19
in terms of the National; Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of
1998).
(b) Government Notice No 324 published in Government Gazette
No 27434 dated 8 April 2005: Establishment of the uPhongolo
Dam Water User Association, Magisterial Districts of
Ingwavuma, Ubombo, Ngotshe and Piet Retief, KwaZulu-Natal
Province, Water Management Area Number 6 in terms of the
National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998)
(c) Government Notice No 458 published in Government Gazette
No 27579 dated 20 May 2005: Establishment of the Houdenbeks
River Water User Association, Division of Ceres, Province of
the Western Cape, Water Management Area Number 17 in terms of
the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(d) Government Notice No 482 published in Government Gazette
No 27459 dated 20 May 2005: Proposal for the Establishment of
the Thukela Catchment Management Agency in terms of section
78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(e) Government Notice No 483 published in Government Gazette
No 27604 dated 20 May 1998: Proposal for the Establishment of
the Usutu to Mhlathuze Catchment Management Agency in terms
of section 78(3) of the National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36
of 1998).
(f) Government Notice No 484 published in Government Gazette
No 27604 dated 20 May 2005: Establishment of the Mvoti to
Mzimkulu Catchment Management Agency (Water Management Area
Number 11) in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal in terms of the
National Water Act, 1998 (Act No 36 of 1998).
(8) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Defence and to the Joint Standing Committee on Defence:
The Acting President of the Republic submitted a letter dated
27 January 2005 to the Speaker of the National Assembly informing
Members of the National Assembly of the employment of the South
African National Defence Force in Botswana.
(9) The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Correctional Services for consideration:
Report of the Judicial Inspectorate of Prisons for 2004-2005.
(10) The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Science and Technology for consideration and report:
(a) Statute of the Centre for Science and Technology of the
Non-Aligned Movement and Other Developing Countries, tabled
on terms of section 231(2) of the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum on the Statute of the Centre for
Science and Technology of the Non-Aligned Movement and Other
Developing Countries.
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
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The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
Report on the withholding of remuneration of Mr H W Moldenhauer, Chief Magistrate, Pretoria, tabled in terms of section 13(4A)(b) of the Magistrates Act, 1993 (Act No 90 of 1993).
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The Minister for Safety and Security
Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the African Union Contributing South African Police Service Monitors to the Civilian Police Component of the African Union Mission in the Darfur Region of the Republic of Sudan (AMIS), tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the Constitution, 1996.
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
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Report of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism on Participation in World Conservation Congress held in Bangkok, Thailand, 17–25 November 2004, under the Theme “People and Nature-Only World”, dated 7 June 2005:
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BACKGROUND
Members of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism and Select Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs were invited by the President, Yolanda Kakabadse and Director General, Mr. Achim Steiner of the world conservation union to attend the 3rd IUCN World Conservation Congress to be hosted by the Kingdom of Thailand in Bangkok from the 17th to the 25th November 2004. In response to the invitation, a delegation of five members, three from the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism, and two from the Select Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs were granted permission to attend the proceedings of the Congress.
Having participated in lobbying for Mr. Valli Moosa for the Presidency of the International World Conservation Union and in the six commissions of the world conservation congress dealing with ecosystem management, education and communication, environmental, economic and social policy, environmental law, species survival and protected areas, the delegation of the portfolio committee and select committee report to the national assembly and national council of provinces as follows:
- CONGRESS OBJECTIVES
- Explore the relationships between people, development and conservation through its four themes: Ecosystem management, Bridging sustainability and productivity; Health, Poverty and Conservation - Responding to the challenge of human well-being; Biodiversity Loss and Species Extinction - Managing risk in a changing world; and Markets, Business and the Environment - Strengthening corporate social responsibility, law and policy;
- Approve the 2005 / 2008 IUCN Programme and Financial Plan;
- Elect the President of the World Conservation Union and other officers;
- Table the Commission’s reports for 2003/04 on ecosystem management, education and communication, environmental, economic and social policy, environmental law, species survival and world commission on protected areas; and
- Consider motions and adopt resolutions at plenary level.
1.2. DELEGATION OF THE COMMITTEES A joint delegation of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism and Select Committee on Land and Environmental Affairs constituted of the Ms E Thabethe, (ANC-NA) Ms MM Ntuli (ANC- NA), Mr. G Morgan (DA-NA), Rev P Moatshe (ANC-NCOP) Mr. P Adams (NNP- NCOP) and Committee Secretary, Mr. M Manele.
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ELECTION OF MR VALLI MOOSA AS PRESIDENT OF WORLD CONSERVATION UNION
As one of the objectives of the IUCN Congress was to elect the President and other office bearers, the delegation of the Portfolio Committee and the Select Committee in collaboration with senior officials from the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism played a very active lobbying role which culminated in the nomination and election of Mr. Valli Moosa as the President of the World Conservation Union.
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OVERVIEW OF CONGRESS PROCEEDINGS
The World Conservation Congress of which the delegation of the portfolio committee on environmental affairs and tourism and the select committee on land and environmental affairs attended was officially opened on the 17 November and closed on the 25 November 2005.
The proceedings of the congress had parallel commissions meetings on ecosystem management, education and communication, environmental, economic and social policy, environmental law, species survival and protected areas. The plenary considered tabling of reports of the Director-General on the work of the Union since the 2nd IUCN World Conservation Congress, membership development since 2001 to March 2004, follow-up to the resolutions and recommendations of the 2nd session of the World Conservation Congress, proposed amendments to the rules procedure, credentials committee, electronic voting, election of the IUCN President, Treasurer, Regional Councilors, Chair of the Commissions, 1999-2003 financial situation and 2005-2008 financial plan.
After considering the Director-General’s report, the plenary further discussed and adopted draft resolutions, 2005-2008 programmme and financial plan and Commission’s recommendations. In concluding its proceedings, the plenary then gave an opportunity for the announcement of election results and message of cooperation from the President elect, Mr. Valli Moosa.
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OVERVIEW OF CONGRESS RESOLUTIONS
The ICUN Conservation Congress passed 118 resolutions as follows:
- GOVERNANCE RELATED RESOLUTIONS
The governance related resolutions included:
1. Precedence clause establishing precedence to IUCN general
policy; 2. Improving the transparency of IUCN Council;
3. Broadening the criteria for membership admission in the NGO
category;
4. Involvement of local and regional government authorities within
IUCN, including local IUCN members in the Union delegation at
multilateral agreement meeting;
5. Fulfillment of the rights to optional use of the official
languages in the internal and external communication documents
and its members; and 6. Implementation of the programme for the Insular Caribbean.
- POLICY RELATED RESOLUTIONS
The policy related resolutions included:
- Mediterranean mountain convention;
- Ratification and implementation of the revised African convention;
- Protection of the earth’s water for public and ecological benefit;
- A moratorium on the further release of genetically modified organisms;
- Policy on control of animal population for the purpose of biodiversity conservation;
- HIV/AIDS pandemic and conservation, the Harold Jefferson Coolidge medal;
- Recognition of earth charter;
- Human trapping standards;
- Education for sustainable development;and
- The precautionary principles in environmental governance, coordination of sustainable development programme for energy.
4.3. PROGRAMME RELATED RESOLUTIONS
Programme related resolutions included:
1. Provision of an office for IUCN’s observer mission to the United
Nations,;
2. Audit of international conventions, treaties and agreements on
environment;
3. Drafting a charter of ethics for biodiversity conservation;
4. International covenant on environment and development;
5. Education and communication in IUCN ;
6. Policy on capacity building and technology transfer; and
7. Capacity building for young professionals.
4.3. SPECIES RELATED RESOLUTUIONS
Species related resolutions included:
4.3.1 Conservation needs of the tigers, the saiga, antelope, dugon; 4.3.2 Protection of the great Indian bustard, shark finning; and 4.3.3 Conservation of the bandula barb and continued prohibition of shahtoosh production and trade.
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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Having participated in the six commissions of the IUCN during the World Conservation Congress, the delegation of the Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs and Tourism and the Select Committee on Land and Tourism conclude and recommend that: 5.1 Noting that the South African Government’s approach has shifted from that of traditional conservation to a more holistic approach where conservation is linked with the development agenda of the country including local communities, poverty alleviation, capacity building, natural resource management;
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Acknowledging that the progress made in SA conservation over the last ten years has largely been due to the vision and work of Mr Valli Moosa, the former Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism who introduced new initiatives and changed the way in which conservation was being addressed, it is recommended that:
- The Portfolio Committee and the Select Committee must during the 2005 Parliamentary Committee period call both the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism and IUCN to brief members of the purpose and functions of commissions such as with ecosystem management, education and communication, environmental, economic and social policy, environmental law, species survival and protected areas.
- Both the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism and IUCN Regional office must appear before the Portfolio Committee and the Select Committee to brief members on the 2005 –2008 IUCN Programme.
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Based on the recommendations made during the world Conservation Congress in November 2004, the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism must come and brief both the Portfolio Committee and Select Committee on strategies and plans put in place to ensure the implementation of the World Conservation Congress Resolutions.
MONDAY, 13 JUNE 2005
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ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
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Message from President
The Speaker and the Chairperson received the following message, dated 13 June 2005, from the President, calling a Joint Sitting of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces:
CALLING OF A JOINT SITTING OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF PROVINCES
By direction of the President and in terms of section 84(2)(d) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No. 108 of 1996), read with Rule 7(1)(b) of the Joint Rules of Parliament, this serves to confirm the President’s call for a joint sitting of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces on Tuesday, 14 June 2005 at 14:00, in order to deliver a message to Parliament.
Signed F CHIKANE (The Presidency)
TUESDAY, 14 JUNE 2005
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
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Bills passed by Houses – to be submitted to President for assent
(1) Bills passed by National Council of Provinces on 14 June 2005:
(i) Citation of Constitutional Laws Bill [B 5B – 2005] (National Assembly – sec 75)
(ii) South African Sports Commission Act Repeal Bill [B 13B – 2005] (National Assembly – sec 75)
(iii) Sectional Titles Amendment Bill [B 10B – 2005] (National Assembly – sec 75)
National Assembly
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Membership of Committees
(1) The following changes have been made to the membership of Portfolio Committees viz:
Health: Appointed: Kohler–Barnard, Ms D Discharged: Steyn, Mr A C
TABLINGS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
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The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
(a) Report of the Judicial Service Commission for 2004.
(b) Government Notice No R.415 published in Government Gazette No 27549 dated 29 April 2005: Amendment of Regulations in terms of the Judges’ Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Act, 2001 (Act No 47 of 2001).
(c) Proclamation No R.21 published in Government Gazette No 27549 dated 29 April 2005: Extension of the period of operation of sections 51 and 52 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1997 (Act No 105 of 1997).
National Assembly
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The Speaker
Interim Report of the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) for the period April 2004 to September 2004 [RP 128-2004].