MONDAY, 29 MAY 2006 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

                                ____

The House met at 14:00.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers and meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENT, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 3 – Foreign Affairs:

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Hon Chairperson, hon members, members of the diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen, before I begin my speech, I express our condolences to the government and people of Indonesia following the tragic loss of lives during the recent earthquake.

On the centenary of both the Bambatha Rebellion and the Satyagraha campaign of Mahatma Gandhi, both campaigns of civil resistance against unjust laws, it is worth recalling the words of another fine son of this continent, Patrice Lumumba, from a letter to his wife entitled ``History will one day have its say’’. I quote:

My dear wife, I am writing these words not knowing whether they will reach you, when they will reach you, and whether I shall still be alive when you read them. All through my struggle for the independence of my country, I have never doubted for a single instant the final triumph of the sacred cause to which my companions and I have devoted all our lives. But what we wished for our country, its right to an honourable life, to unstained dignity, to independence without restrictions …

The letter continues:

Dead or alive, free or in prison by order of the imperialists, it is not I myself who count.

It is the Congo, it is our poor people for whom independence has been transformed into a cage from beyond whose confines the outside world looks on us, sometimes with kindly sympathy but at other times with joy and pleasure.

The letter concludes by saying:

As to my children whom I leave and whom I may never see again, I should like them to be told that it is for them, as it is for every Congolese, to accomplish the sacred task of reconstructing our independence and our sovereignty: for without dignity there is no liberty, without justice there is no dignity, and without independence there are no free men. Neither brutality, nor cruelty nor torture will ever bring me to ask for mercy, for I prefer to die with my head unbowed, my faith unshakeable and with profound trust in the destiny of my country, rather than under subjection and disregarding sacred principles.

History will one day have its say, but it will not be the history that is taught in Brussels, Paris, Washington or in the United Nations, but the history which will be taught in the countries freed from imperialism and its puppets. Africa will write its own history, and to the north and south of the Sahara, it will be a glorious and dignified history.

Do not weep for me, my dear wife. I know that my country, which is suffering so much, will know how to defend its independence and its liberty. Long Live the Congo. Long Live Africa!

[Applause.]

It is such revolutionary patriots that continue to inspire us all to work with the continent for its renewal. How inspiring and fulfilling it is to all people of the continent and international community that we are at the dawn of the day when history will have its say in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The continent, the United Nations and the world are supporting the Congo as it prepares for its first democratic elections since Patrice Lumumba wrote that letter. The ballot papers are being printed as we speak, and I wish to salute our Independent Electoral Commission and the government agencies for their co-operation with their counterparts in the DRC in tackling this task.

A successful election in the DRC will unleash a vast amount of human energy in the struggle against poverty and underdevelopment, both in the Congo and in the rest of the continent. Peace and stability in the Congo will consolidate peace and stability in the Great Lakes Region.

To assist the Congolese people to meet the challenge of development, South Africa shall invest more effort in the bi-national commission for the reconstruction of the Congo.

Last Friday, we were honoured to witness the peaceful transfer of power in the Comoros from President Azali Assoumani to Ahmed Abdullah Mohamed Sambi. We know that more still needs to be done there, and wish to assure the peoples of the Comoros that we will not walk away. The Comoros, Liberia and Burundi can now deal with the challenges of development like all of us.

We wish Minister Charles Nqakula strength and wisdom as he continues the last leg of the facilitation effort between the government of Burundi led by President Nkurunziza and the leadership of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL. We are humbled by the confidence shown by the Barundi and the regional leadership in South Africa’s facilitation.

The Mano River basin requires our constant attention. The signing of the comprehensive peace agreement and the establishment of the government of national unity in Khartoum and the government of Southern Sudan ushered in a new era for the Sudanese people.

However, we know there were also setbacks. The people of Sudan, Africa and the world lost that outstanding revolutionary intellectual, Dr John Garang, and a humanitarian crisis in Dafur continues to unfold, compounded by events in Chad.

Thankfully, the SPLM has displayed remarkable maturity in keeping the focus on the essence of what John Garang and the people of Southern Sudan stood for. Amid grief, an orderly transition took place, allowing Salva Kiir to assume leadership of the SPLM.

The Abuja talks have yielded some outcomes, which, though not perfect, constitute an advance. We call on those who have not signed to do so. We express the hope that the UN Force, as called for by the Peace and Security Council, will proceed without hindrance.

We are, however, following with concern the developments in Chad. Our President and government have been working tirelessly to bring an end to the conflict in Côte d’Ivoire. We also work through the mechanism of the International Working Group.

We are encouraged by the commitments made by President Gbagbo and Prime Minister Banny to work together in recognition of their responsibility to their country.

The implementation of the first phase of the disarmament process between the new forces and the armed forces of Côte d’ Ivoire constitute progress. We shall continue encouraging forward movement, particularly on the key outstanding issues of the DDR and the national identification process.

We are very concerned about the outbreak of violence in Somalia that has led to the loss of civilian life. We urge the parties to adhere to the principles of the ceasefire agreement.

We welcome the agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia to resume negotiations to settle their border disputes.

Zimbabwe remains a challenge and we will continue with the Southern African Development Community to support efforts by the Zimbabweans to resolve all their problems.

South Africa continues to contribute to the building of the African Union, AU, and its structures. As hosts, we have gone well beyond our legal obligations to assist the Pan-African Parliament find its feet. We do so conscious of the enormous contribution that a well-functioning parliament of the representatives of the continent’s people will make to the nurturing of common values.

We are pleased that the AU has put on our shoulders the responsibility of hosting a global diaspora conference next year.

As we prepare to mark the fifth anniversary of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development in July 2006, it is important to reflect on what we have achieved so far and the great challenges that lie ahead. Nepad has been recognised as the major development plan that has the potential to enable Africa to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, MDE.

However, analysts inform us that Africa is not likely to meet its MDG targets within the specified framework. This makes it imperative that we redouble our efforts to mobilise the resources necessary. We welcome initiatives such as the conference held in Paris early this year, aimed at finding innovative ways of financing development.

Another challenge is the integration of Nepad programmes into national budgets and development plans. Whilst it would be true to say that much has been achieved in the first five pioneering years, we are now in the phase where we need to concentrate on the implementation of our plans and programmes.

The African Peer Review Mechanism has completed the reports for Ghana and Rwanda, and important progress is being made with regard to other countries, including South Africa.

However, we also realise that all our development efforts can seriously be undermined and even destroyed by the current high oil prices. Some of these issues will be discussed again at the forthcoming G8 summit in St. Petersburg in July to which we have been invited.

There is much that still remains to be done in respect of gender mainstreaming. We must redouble all our efforts to ensure that our people and governments realise that we cannot have real development on the continent unless we place women at the centre of all development plans and programmes.

This year, we celebrate 50 years of the Women’s March to the Union Buildings in Pretoria, where the women declared that -

We shall not rest until we have won for our children their fundamental rights of freedom, justice and equality.

Two years before that, in 1954, women had come together to draw up the Women’s Charter. In this document, they aimed, amongst other things -

To co-operate with all other organisations that have similar aims in South Africa as well as throughout the world; To strive for permanent peace throughout the world.

With this march and this charter, the women opened the road to a different future and asserted the alternative values of a different order, the values of equality, justice and the emancipation of women, amongst others. They recognised that the struggle for women’s equality was a part of a broader international struggle for peace and justice in the world.

True to this spirit, we are preparing for the Pan-African Women’s Organisation, Pawo. We understand that the women of the continent are keen that we host the conference and that the secretariat should be permanently hosted here. Those discussions will continue, and we shall report on progress in due course.

South Africa recognises that for us to reach our full potential, the continent should also reach its full economic potential. At the same time, efforts in peacekeeping and in post-conflict reconstruction will only be sustainable if there is a conscious effort to improve the economic wellbeing of countries that have come out of the conflict.

In this regard, we encourage engagement of our private sector on the African continent. Recent international reports register South Africa as the greatest contributor of foreign direct investment to the rest of the continent.

In United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, UNCTAD, study of prospects for Foreign Direct Investment, FDI, outflows for 2005-06, South Africa featured in the top 15 leading sources of FDI. South Africa also heads the list of expected leading sources of FDI in Africa, followed by China, the UK, India, France, the US, Malaysia, Italy and Germany.

According to Who Owns Whom and the South African Institute of International Affairs, SAIIA, South African companies doing business in Africa have more than doubled since 1994. An analysis of South African investments showed that 232 South African investments employed a total of more than 71 000 people – of these almost 70 000 are drawn from the local population and only 2 000 are South Africans. There has been significant trade with the continent.

It is also important to know that the continent contributes two thirds of foreign tourists to South Africa annually. It is however important that our engagement with the continent be aimed at forging true partnerships for sustainable development. Economic investments must be coupled with social and economic development.

When Chief Albert Luthuli, President of the ANC opened the 42nd Annual Conference of the ANC in 1953, he declared:

Our interest in freedom is not confined to ourselves only. We are interested in the liberation of all oppressed people in the whole of Africa and in the world as a whole. This accounts for our taking an active part in the Pan African Conference movement. Our active interest in the extension of freedom to all people denied it makes us ally ourselves with freedom forces in the world.

Guided by these words, we shall continue to support the people of Western Sahara and Palestine in their struggle for self-determination.

Recent events in the Middle East are a major cause of concern. The Israeli- Palestine conflict seems to be once again taking a dangerous course. We appeal to the Palestinians and the Israeli leadership to exercise restraint and recognise that only through negotiations can there be a guarantee of peace and security.

We also note with concern the unabating and unacceptably high levels of violence in Iraq. We were happy to share our experiences with the Iraqi parliamentarians. We welcome the new government and hope that it will contribute towards peace and stability.

We wish to re-affirm that we will continue to throw our weight behind the implementation of international treaties and instruments in the fight against international terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In this regard, as committed multilateralists, we shall defend the role of multilateral instruments such as the NPT - Nuclear non- Proliferation Treaty - and the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA. We appreciate the professional manner in which the IAEA and its Director- General Dr El Baradei have discharged their responsibilities, including with regard to the thorny issue of Iran and congratulate them on being honoured with the well-deserved award of the Nobel Peace Prize.

We recognise the inalienable rights of all the Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty, NPT, members, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, to the peaceful use of nuclear technology and underline the importance of voluntary confidence building and transparency measures by Iran and full co- operation with the IAEA.

We believe that this matter can be resolved within the IAEA and appeal to all parties to reduce confrontation and resort to dialogue and negotiations instead of aggravating further the tense and explosive situation in the region. Escalating confrontation and war-talk is truly a recipe for disaster, which will benefit no one. The 2005 Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons ended in a deadlock. Over the 36 years of its existence it has yielded hardly any results in terms of nuclear disarmament by nuclear weapon states. Indeed, we read constantly about the development of new types of nuclear weapons by some, not for deterrent but actual use.

This is the extent of the increasing threat to the world peace and to the NPT itself. In this regard, we must re-dedicate ourselves to the cause of international peace and security and continue to struggle for a world totally free of all weapons of mass destruction. And we must let the nuclear weapon states understand that as long as some possess these deadly weapons, there will always be others who aspire to them.

We remain seized with the issue of the United Nations, UN, reform. We advocate for a system of global governance that is representative, fair, based on international law and built around the UN. We favour an approach that is more responsive to the needs of our people and to the good of the collective, namely all the UN countries. We believe that only such an approach will effectively mobilise the international community to tackle the challenges of underdevelopment, global security and the promotion of human rights.

Important developments have taken place in the reform agenda at the establishment of the Human Rights Council and the Peace building Commission. The creation of the human rights council is a landmark for the promotion and protection of human rights. South Africa is pleased to take its place in this new council that meets for the first time in June this year in Geneva.

The peace building commission is yet to be operationalised but it will play a pivotal role in the transition from conflict to post-conflict reconstruction that is sustainable.

The struggle continues on the issue of expansion of the UN Security Council. This issue will receive attention at the AU summit in Gambia in July this year.

We also welcome the initiative of the Secretary-General for the management reform of the UN, which is currently work in progress. We believe that an efficient, more focused and more streamlined UN can better discharge its mandate. However, in so doing, we are anxious that the inclusive and intergovernmental character of the UN should be preserved. We must ensure democratic participation of big and small states and resist attempts to cause further alienation of particularly small and developing countries.

We were privileged to host the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan whom we wish to thank sincerely for his enormous contribution to the work of the UN.

This year saw our assumption of the Chair of G77 in China. We also express our readiness to serve as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in the year 2007-08, following the endorsement of our country by the New York based permanent representatives of the African continent.

The third Ministerial Trilateral Commission of India, Brazil and South Africa, IBSA, Dialogue Forum of India, Brazil and South Africa took place in March in Brazil and will be followed by the IBSA summit in September this year. The summit will focus on energy, transport, climate change, science and technology, information and communications technology, ICT as well as trade and investment.

We are also looking forward to the visit of the Chinese premier in June. We will also participate in the summit of the Forum on China- Africa Co- operation in Beijing in early November 2006.

Our Deputy Minister Aziz Pahad is currently leading a delegation at the Non- Aligned Movement, NAM, ministerial meeting in Malaysia in preparation for the NAM meeting in Havana later this year.

We will also have the honour to host senior officials from Africa and Asia in South Africa in September as a follow up to the new Asia-Africa strategic partnership established in Bandung last year.

While we are disappointed with the lack of progress at the Hong Kong meeting of the WTO in December, we are still pressing for a conclusion to the Doha Round that is favourable to developing countries.

We shall continue to keep up the pressure together with other countries to ensure trade that favours real development.

We shall soon announce the successful bidder for the building of our new headquarters. This will improve the general operations and reinforce a number of initiatives currently under way in the department. Deputy Minister Van der Merwe will expand on this during this debate.

Let me also take this opportunity to extend our best wishes to the five African teams participating in the 2006 World Cup in Germany.

I would like to thank the President and the Deputy President for their stewardship of our country and their guidance in international affairs.

I acknowledge the co-operation and support of Ministers and Deputy Ministers. Let me thank Mr Job Sithole, the chairperson of the portfolio committee as well as all its members.

May I also convey my gratitude to Deputy Minister Pahad and Deputy Minister van der Merwe for their contribution as well as the Director-General, Ayanda Ntsaluba and his entire team for their collective effort in building a better South Africa in a better Africa and for a better world. [Applause.]

In conclusion, as we celebrate the tenth anniversary of our Constitution, we continue to be inspired by the struggles of our youth who through their own efforts 30 years ago, ensured that the students of today enjoy a better life than yesterday. We cannot truly celebrate the tenth anniversary of our Constitution without paying tribute to the workers’ struggle which paved the way for our freedom, especially since it is the 60th anniversary of the historic African miners strike of 1946.

It is in the spirit of all these heroic struggles – of the Bambatha Rebellion, of Satyagraha, of the workers’ struggle, of the women’s struggle, the student uprisings – that today we are part of Africa that is writing its own history – a glorious and dignified history.

I ask this House to support our vote. I thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

Mr D J SITHOLE: Thank you, Chairperson. Minister, Deputy Ministers Sue van der Merwe and Pahad, it is true that our future as South Africa cannot be divorced from the future of the continent. That is derived from the fact that in 1955, when we wrote the Freedom Charter, we did acknowledge that, if there is no peace on the continent, we may not be able to find ourselves in peace. The clause that deals with peace on the continent and peace in the wording of the Freedom Charter was the acknowledgement of our people that our future is destined with the future of the continent.

In extending our thanks, we want to thank the Director-General and the staff of the Department of Foreign Affairs for having done sterling work to keep the committee informed at all times when we call on them to assist in terms of providing the committee with work. It is true that the department faces challenges. We have been raising it as the committee in regard to staff, and when we looked at their report this year, it is clear that they have done a lot to fill the vacancies that existed and they are continuing to do that to make sure that the department has the necessary human resources that is required. We have raised that issue also when we had our own hearing in Pretoria, namely the fact that the department seems to lack the ability to do its analysis, and we promise that this matter will be attended to. I am aware that there is an institute that deals with that particular aspect of things that has been put in place.

Another issue that we have raised - and the Minister has touched on this - is the building of the head office of Foreign Affairs. It has been a concern. In fact, we are planning to visit the department as soon as we have put our pleas before the Chair of Committees, so that we will be able to visit the department. We thought that with all the promises year after year, by this time we would have been able to visit the department in one building, but it looks like there is still a long way to go. I heard the Minister raising the fact that the Deputy Minister will expand on that.

Minister, there is an issue that we raised last year in regard to Aisa or the Africa Institute of South Africa. It has been our view that Aisa, that it is being allocated money from the Department of Science and Technology does actually fit perfectly within Foreign Affairs, and it is our belief that that matter should be pursued to see to what extent the allocation that we give via the Department of Science and Technology could be utilised and that institute be utilised more efficiently by the department.

The Minister has touched on the issue of Côte d’Ivoire and I want to raise this particular aspect. In the last week we had an engagement with the French ambassador on that particular issue. I am aware that members raised the fact that it does seem that some of the developed countries are not playing ball in regard to extending peace on the continent. In this case, particularly the French ambassador raised the role of France specifically, to make sure that it complements the work that we do. I hope that the commitments made before the committee to indicate that France has a commitment to support South Africa and to support the African Union to build peace will be seen through. This matter relates directly to the role that these developed countries play in conflict-ridden areas on the continent.

I was in the Comoros recently, and of course I have my own assessment as to how these particular countries relate to the problems on the ground and what they say politically. However, it is my submission that it is important for South Africa to continue to engage these countries to make sure that they come openly and contribute to the building of the continent, for it is their role that they have benefited from the continent and they need to give back that benefit that developed them to be what they are.

It is true that the AU plays a critical role, and particularly, Minister, in the Comoros that I have just recently come from. However, I have noted that when we send multidisciplinary task teams on particular missions that it is important to outline how they relate when they arrive in those particular countries. I was not impressed with the relationship of the High Commissioner and the army there and the Independent Electoral Commission, IEC, on the one hand, and I think that we could do better in terms of co- ordination, because I think those institutions have to make sure that when we are in a mission of that nature, we work together and complement each others’ responsibilities.

It has been suggested that it is payback time for the continent and I thought that the Minister would deal with the concept that we work on the continent because we are paying back a debt to the continent. I want to say that we are not paying a debt but we are doing our responsibility, as part of good citizens of this world. It is in South Africa’s interest to make sure that what we have benefited from the world in terms of supporting us in the fight against apartheid, we make sure that we ourselves contribute in building a better life for other people.

There are issues, Minister, that have been outstanding for us and I am aware that the director-general, when I spoke to him, indicated that there is work that is being done. The President indicated that Lesotho, being the least developed country and being at the heart of our own country, is a concern. It has been an issue that has been raised consistently by the committee to say that we want to see a programme that will ensure that in a certain period of time Lesotho could be pulled out of the state that it is in and become a country that could be able to sustain itself and deal with its own developmental challenges.

There is an issue around Swaziland and in that regard I think that we need to be able to deal with those issues and be able to change the way Swaziland is progressing. It is true that Swaziland has adopted a constitution. However, it is true that there are still political challenges in Swaziland, and therefore we need to be able to deal with that.

With regard to the Sudan and Darfur and the challenges that present themselves in that particular area, I am quite satisfied that with the amount of time that we spend in that area and the African Union’s work in that area we will be able to prevail. With the United Nations giving their particular attention to the Sudan, it is my conviction that we will be able to persuade the leadership in the Sudan to allow the United Nations to play a particular role. We need to accept our limitations in that regard and be able to source assistance where we can.

Minister, there is an issue that relates to the Sahawari Arab Democratic Republic, particularly since it is a member of the African Union, but when you go through the list of the countries that recognise that particular part of the world you realise that, being a member of the African Union, it has not given itself an advantage over the conflict in that particular area and it is my belief that South Africa should continue to raise this particular area, given the fact that it is a member state of the African Union and it has to be given such a status.

I am aware that the Moroccan authorities have released some Sahawari prisoners, but then there are a number of prisoners that are still being held and it is my belief that in our quest for human rights and democracy we need to continue to raise the fact that there are prisoners that are still being held by the Moroccan authorities, and they need to be freed. Minister, another issue is how we relate to particularly our developed counterparts. South Africa has a particular relationship with the European Union, EU, and the question that always bothers us is how South Africa raises issues with the EU in which member states of the EU are actually involved.

If you go to the Comoros, you get an island that is actually run by EU member states. If you go to Reunion, you get a state being remotely run by members of the EU. To what extent does South Africa leverage its own relationship with the EU to raise the fact that we cannot allow colonisation in whatever form it presents itself to continue? These member states are actually members that we have a good relationship with, and we could be able to leverage that relationship. I am aware that Parliament is travelling to Brussels, to Paris to meet the South Africa EU committee and I am hoping that Parliament will be able to raise these issues of those member states of the EU running certain pockets of areas on the continent as their satellites.

Minister, the Pan-African Parliament is a concern. I am aware that we have done everything that we could do as South Africa as a member state and as a country hosting the Pan-African Parliament, but I believe that we need to do more in terms of raising with the African Union how the Pan-African Parliament is financed and how its programmes are financed. It will not be in the interest of the Pan-African Parliament in the long run to be financed in an ad hoc manner without a clear strategic and long-term sustainability of the Pan-African Parliament. I believe that if we do that and if we intervene as a host country and leverae the fact that we are the host country and a key contributor to the African Union funds, we should be able to make sure that that Parliament is leveraged and is financed accordingly.

Minister, the last issue I want to raise relates to the fact that when you look at the issues that confront South Africa in regard to Zimbabwe, it has been a challenge that we have not been able to get Zimbabwe to turn around. And it might be important for us to start dealing and say, to what extent can we be able … I am aware that the Secretary-General of the UN has also been trying to make an effort, but to what extent will we be able to help Zimbabwe to turn around and to turn from the direction it is taking, for it is good for our country and for the people of Zimbabwe. It is my belief that we should be able to do more.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, I would like to welcome the Minister back after a bout of ill health. It’s nice to see you with roses in your cheeks again.

I was encouraged to hear your remarks, Minister, about economic ties and development. The DA strongly supports initiatives aimed at increasing South Africa’s growth. Economic growth is the engine which will provide jobs for our people. They will then be able to purchase their own homes, contribute towards the schooling of their children and provide health-care facilities for their families.

This is why we find Asgisa promising. If Asgisa is to deliver the goods and not just be empty slogans and promises, it must become the national priority. Each policy, each action of government must be measured against the objectives of Asgisa. Where they are not in alignment, they must be realigned.

This, of course, includes foreign policy. Every aspect of foreign policy must be tested against the desired growth objective. Where there is no alignment, it must be adjusted. If the foreign policy imperatives do not help to reach these goals, the policy imperatives must be changed. Given limited resources, those aspects of our foreign affairs which do not advance Asgisa, must be scaled down and energy and resources must be applied to advancing Asgisa.

This means that far more money must be directed towards developing stronger representation in countries that are our major trading partners. This means India, Brazil, the United Kingdom, the European Union countries, Japan, China and Taiwan, among others. Less should be spent in countries and regions which do not advance our national priorities of investment and growth.

Trade and industry considerations must be one of the main growth and resources determinants. This might mean having a very slim or even no representation in some countries, while we strengthen our representation in countries and regions which are our present or potential future trading partners. A foreign policy which is inappropriately aligned in respect of Asgisa imperatives could, in fact, undermine Asgisa rather than promote it.

In the limited time at my disposal, I want to refer briefly to three other issues. The first is that of Roy Bennett, the former Zimbabwean MP for the opposition MDC. The declining by South Africa of his application for political asylum is shocking. [Interjections.] He is a Zimbabwean who represented a constituency which was overwhelmingly black. He spent eight months in jail for a parliamentary offence, which our Deputy Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development and Dr Manie Schoeman had simply to apologise for and be out of the House for a day or two. Mr Bennett served all these months in jail. He has been persecuted, his property has been stolen by the Zimbabwean government without proper or any compensation, and he is now threatened with other serious charges. I am sure that nobody here thinks that he will be given a fair trial.

Hon Minister, your government granted asylum to former President Aristide who has lived a life of luxury for the past two years at the expense of the South African taxpayer. I want to appeal to you to find it in your heart to support the case of Roy Bennett, his wife Heather and his daughter Tracey. You don’t have to give them a government house and supply a car, a chauffeur, secretaries and the trappings of a head of state. He will support himself.

The second matter I want to refer to is that of United Nations reform. The road might be long and hard, but I believe that there is a good case for reform of the Security Council. As time passes it will become clearer still that the Security Council is too exclusive, too firmly entrenched in the past and in the Second World War aftermath of 60 years ago. If the Security Council and the UN are to be able to take meaningful action, the Security Council needs to be reformed and strengthened by including obvious candidates such as Japan, Germany, India, Brazil and South Africa.

If the world body is serious about multilateralism and wants to discourage unilateral action by member states, it must be able to act and think strongly and positively. It must not shirk its responsibility, as it did for so many years in respect of Iraqi breaches of UN resolutions.

South Africa itself must not pretend to be such a reluctant debutant. We play a significant role in promoting the developing world and in helping to bring peace to Africa. We need to stake our claim and campaign vigorously for reform. The DA will do whatever it can to help. However, if we are to be seen internationally as a reliable partner and a fighter for human rights, we must not allow old loyalties to trump both human rights and trade and investment prospects.

The Iranian crisis is a perfect example of this country seeming to act against our own interests. Although I must say I seem to detect a slight shift by SA Today. If Iran was really only pursuing peaceful nuclear purposes, no one in the world would have any reason to object. The problem is that South Africa, Cuba and some of the nonaligned countries seem to believe Iran. The rest of the world believes that President Ahmadinejad is telling the truth when he says he wants to wipe his neighbouring country off the face of the earth. It is not clear to me why South Africa is or was such a passionate defender of Iran.

You do not necessarily have to condemn Iran outright, Minister, but you could use your new friendship to get Iran to stop talking war, while professing that it is preparing for peace. If you can do this, you will have a foreign policy success of major proportions.

However, there have been successes and our country can be proud of some of the things that we’ve achieved on this continent, in particular my colleague the hon Joe Seremane is going to focus on African issues. I have steered clear of those, except for Mr Bennett. I hope that you are going to respond positively today, and that you are going to show that we care about other people just as much as they cared about some of our people when we were having bad times in this country.

On balance and because of many foreign policy achievements which will, no doubt, be highlighted by ANC colleagues, the DA will support the foreign policy Budget Vote. [Applause.]

Mr M B SKOSANA: Thank you, Chairperson, hon Ministers and hon members. The implications of the South African Foreign Policy, both the African Agenda and the Global Perspective, reflect the immense and extraordinary commitment to the principles contained in the Kampala document of 1991 on the calabashes dealing with the questions of security, stability, development and co-operation in Africa.

There are enormous expectations from the world community that South Africa should assist in conflict-resolution, peace-building, institution-building and multiparty democracy within the African continent. This in many respects amounts to a huge responsibility on the shoulders of our Head of State, foreign Minister and her two Deputy Ministers, the Director-General and the entire departmental officials and more importantly on the diplomatic missions abroad. This is one of the reasons why the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs supported the increased budget to deepen skills acquisition, the professionalism of the diplomatic front and the expansion of the programme outreach. South Africa, like most nation states, feels that its national interest - that is the economic well being, national security, the recognition and protection of human rights, multiparty democracy and the rule of law will be better upheld, developed and protected in some form of a structured regional, continental and universal geo-political and economic entity. This should explain South Africa’s active and supportive role in SADC, the AU, Nepad, the Pan-African Parliament, the Peace and Security Council and the various economic and trade bodies.

The post-World-War socioeconomic indicators reveal to the Allies and the adversaries in Berlin, Rome, Tokyo and Axis the crucial importance of the national question cautioning that a weak and unpopular domestic policy may render the nation vulnerable to the foreign influence and the eventual subversion of the political and economic sovereignty. Hence, a careful balance between foreign and domestic policies is absolutely vital to maintain internal stability.

Hon members, with regard to Zimbabwe, we are still convinced that President Mbeki should not give up on Zimbabwe and its people. Instead, South Africa should suggest the initiative of an inclusive multilateral inter-Zimbabwean dialogue comprising of all political parties, women and youth organisations, the business community, religious bodies, trade unions and nongovernmental organisations. I think we need to avoid the possible invocation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution number 688 on international humanitarian intervention premised on the now universal view that the defence of the rights and human freedoms must prevail over sovereignty and legal documents. Pragmatic politicians know that this means imminent desire for punitive diplomacy and forceful regime change by the powerful nation. In a similar vein, this spells the quickest way of provoking an inexorable attitude and intransigence on the part of the belligerent state. We now see this with Iran and Hamas in Palestine. Nevertheless, in the words of Thucydides, “The strong will do what they will and the weak will suffer what they must.” This is always a disquieting perspective of international relations.

Hon members, it has also come to the fore that there are South Africans who are deeply concerned and critical of the lack of democracy in the Kingdom of Swaziland. On the other hand, there are sufficient elder statesmen in South Africa who could be implored to initiate political dialogue with His Majesty the King and his councillors in Swaziland to discuss democratic governance. It must be realised that the economic blockade of borders by ultra political activism imposes on South Africa the image of a revisionist state, a regional constabulary force bend on enforcing a Eurocentric version of democracy and the rule of law in Africa.

Like many Independent African states who gave refuge to South Africans fleeing from the atrocities of the white minority rule in South Africa in the 1920s the spirit of Pan-Africanism in the diaspora reinforced the efforts of the African National Liberation Movements in their struggle against colonialism. It is therefore only fair that the Africans in the diaspora also benefit from the outreach of Asgisa. Unlike all other races, the security of Africans abroad is neither assured nor guaranteed.

The Middle East question remains vexing and complex, Minister. It appears as if when Hamas decides to abide by the Oslo Accord, recognise the existence of the State of Israel, and accept the Road Map and the Two-State Solution, the Israeli government will have chosen a unilateral determination of regional and state borders. The United Nations, in particular the United States government, must intervene to discourage the Israeli government’s unilateral decision-making around the peace process and it must include the Hamas and the Palestinian authority in the process. At the same time, Hamas must be persuaded to embrace peace and recognise the Oslo Agreement.

In conclusion, the realities of the politics of international power and security demand that Iran co-operate with the IAEA to conclude a peaceful nuclear enrichment programme and satisfy the confidence-building measures to avert a hostile United Nations Security Council resolution - just because regional security arrangements are often paramount and India and China may not maintain their neutral position for much longer in this question.

Minister and hon members, the IFP supports the Budget Vote. [Applause.]

Ms K R MAGAU: Chairperson, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, we are guided by the ANC principles of a better South Africa, a better Africa and a better world. We are also of the understanding that our country’s security and prosperity are linked and co- exist with the African agenda. Globalisation, poverty, conflicts, underdevelopment and the marginalisation of millions of people are complex challenges, which are also interconnected and affect all humanity, South Africa included.

The consolidation of the African agenda therefore serves as a point of departure in our engagements with the regional community, that is SADC, the continental community, the AU and Nepad. We believe lasting solutions to the above-mentioned problems will only be achieved through the promotion of democracy, peace, respect for human rights, justice and co-operation in an interdependent world.

Briefly, with regards to SADC, compared with the rest of the continent, Southern Africa, as a recently liberated region, has made a great deal of progress since its early days as an alliance of frontline states against apartheid South Africa. One of its success stories is the Hashim Mbita Project, which is a regional history project named after General Hashim, the former Chairperson of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, Liberation Committee, which intends to record the rich aspiring history of the liberation struggles in South Africa. This will also ensure that this history is known and nurtured by generations to come.

SADC as an institution has positioned itself to assume an increasingly significant role as one of the AU’s building blocks in the continent’s evolving security and governance architecture. To ensure that SADC does become one of the AU’s building blocks, the Department of Foreign Affairs has, under the consolidation of the African agenda, prioritised the promotion of integration and development through SADC and the Southern African Customs Union. This will be achieved by strengthening SADC’s capacity, in particular its secretariat for it is here where programmes are implemented.

The effective implementation of the SADC programme of action will also ensure that the regional work towards the implementation of the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan is achieved. We understand and appreciate the role of this regional body in deepening democracy in the region. We are, however, concerned about its restructuring. We hope that the department will see to the finalisation of this process in this current financial year, that is 2006-07.

Regarding the African Union, in the spirit of the African Renaissance we have seen the successful transformation of the OAU into the AU, which is a union of African peoples and countries whose energies are directed towards using the continent’s collective strength to work for peace, stability and human rights and to embark on a programme to regenerate and develop all of Africa’s countries.

In this regard, we have also seen the establishment of the African code of human rights to assist Africa to deal with its own human rights issues. We have also seen the creation of the Pan-African Parliament as one of the crucial organs of the African Union. The establishment of these key political organs of the AU is a crucial step towards Africa possessing its own political future, and will contribute to important issues of political stability, democratic governance and conflict prevention.

The PAP has just concluded its fifth session in Midrand on 12 May 2006. Since this first session, Pan-African Parliament MPs have worked hard to build an African sense of people’s governance, and they have not been prevented by the fact that in the first five years the Parliament only had advisory power. They have asserted themselves on key issues affecting the continent. The PAP has also begun interactions with other important structures of the organs of the AU, including the AU Commission and Nepad. For example, in the last session Nepad representatives briefed the MPs on progress made in various sectors.

This African Parliament is, however, faced with the challenge of limited resources, which the chairperson of the committee has already alluded, to owing to the fact that not all member states are honouring their annual subscriptions to the AU.

It is for the above reasons and others that the Department of Foreign Affairs has prioritised the strengthening of the AU and its structures for the period 2006-07 by, amongst other things, establishing the AU’s financial institutions; engaging the African diaspora; operationalising the AU’s specialised technical committees; and mobilising support for the harmonisation and rationalisation of the regional economic communities for they play a very critical role in ensuring that the region has its own economy.

The New Partnership for Africa’s Development is now almost five years old. The foundation document outlining Nepad’s vision, principles and priorities was adopted by the Assembly of African Heads of State and Government in July 2001. The key principles and messages are African ownership of and responsibility for the continent’s development, and the promotion and advancement of democracy, human rights, good governance and accountable leadership.

These are the messages that the architects of Nepad have been advocating since it was initiated. As a result of this advocacy, Nepad policies and priorities have become the internationally approved framework for Africa’s development. The African Peer Review Mechanism, a Nepad innovation, has received international acclaim. In addition, agriculture, infrastructure, science and technology and regional economic integration, which were not among the top priorities on our partners’ development agenda, have now taken centre stage. In other words, through Nepad African leaders have fundamentally changed the development paradigm.

The narrow approach of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers has been replaced by a comprehensive and holistic approach to development. For example, high-level consultations on seeking ways to advance food fortification in Africa were convened in Johannesburg on 7 March to 8 March 2006 by Nepad and the Development Bank of Southern Africa, in conjunction with the Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition. This comes at a time when food crises in a number of sub-Saharan countries are a real concern. This is a good initiative as far as Nepad is concerned.

Again, on 11 and 12 April 2006 participants from various African countries gathered in Johannesburg to form a Nepad e-Africa youth programme whose objective was to build a cadre of young people to raise awareness on the issue of the information society and serve as active participants in building an inclusive information society in their countries and on the continent. Indeed, through Nepad Africa has made an excellent start, which is a tribute to the commitment of its heads of state to improving the continent and it is evidence of what can be achieved by committed leadership. It is then appropriate that the Department of Foreign Affairs promotes further the implementation of Nepad by ensuring implementation of decisions by Nepad’s steering committee and heads of state. They also have to ensure the successful conclusion of South Africa’s African Peer Review Mechanism and make it operational in Africa, and make sure that they provide capacity and political support for the implementation of all other Nepad programmes.

In conclusion, Africa has embarked on a long and difficult journey, which is going to take time to reach the desired destination. However, we have every reason to be proud of the progress made so far without really losing focus of what still lies ahead, that is that the levels of poverty on the continent are still increasingly high. Therefore, the ANC supports Budget No Vote 3. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Chairperson, hon Minister and Deputy Minister and hon members, in support of this Budget Vote we note that the diplomatic influence of South Africa on international affairs continues to exceed our apparent size or strategic importance in the world. This is a reflection of our high standing internationally as a young democracy born from negotiation with the moral authority to contribute to the great dilemmas facing the world today.

As a result, we hold membership of a wide variety of international organisations and their structures. All of these responsibilities come at a price – several millions if not billions of rand to be precise. That donation of our skills, money and time is further complemented by men and women from our national Defence Force who are keeping peace in various places.

It is therefore disconcerting that whilst our fees are accepted and our leadership and peacekeepers borrowed, not many of our citizens seem to find employment in these international organisations. It is in our humble opinion not unreasonable to expect the employment and representation of South African citizens in international institutions proportional to our financial and political contribution. We often speak of placing development higher on the international agenda and of promoting a global system that is more equitable towards the developing nations.

In pursuit of these noble objectives, we often speak of our goal of reforming international institutions such as the UN and others. What better reform can there be than ensuring that more South Africans become part of these organisations’ administrations?

We believe that there is merit in developing this into a formal programme that can contribute to the national skills development initiative. Why should we not make use of our countless international activities to provide South Africans with the skills and careers that will make them assets to the nation, either as future diplomats or independent South African representatives in international institutions?

Indeed, the career path available at these institutions would not only provide South Africans with employment opportunities, but would also provide the country with another source of highly experienced managers that could come back to this country to serve in the diplomatic service, domestic government departments or the private sector.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Hon member, your time has expired.

Mr B H HOLOMISA: Masiyeke ukuba ngoo-Father Christmas. Masifumane nathi. [Kwaqhwatywa.] [Let us stop behaving like Father Christmas. We too must have that. [Applause.]]

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Ms S C van der MERWE): Deputy Chairperson, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, hon members, excellencies, members of the diplomatic corps, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, earlier this year, speaking at the 10th anniversary of the adoption of the new Constitution, President Mbeki pointed to the growing importance of internationalism. He said:

As we mark the 10th anniversary of the adoption of our Constitution, we must, once again, recall and pay tribute to the sustained act of solidarity by the people of Africa and the world, which made such a decisive contribution to the victory we celebrate today.

That act of solidarity underlined the responsibility of liberated South Africa to position itself among the forces in Africa and the world, which work consistently, regardless of the scale and complexity of the challenge, to help build a better and just world order, which respects and promotes the rights of all nations.

Indeed, as a result of that solidarity, we have made significant progress as a country and as a nation, and in our efforts in the international arena. We are working hard to ensure that tomorrow will surely be better and brighter than today, especially for the people of Africa and of the developing world.

Much has happened since we last addressed this House on the occasion of our Budget Vote in April last year. On that occasion, we spoke of our foreign policy perspective on what was described by the President then, as a confluence of encouraging possibilities. Galvanised by such optimism, we set about the task of implementing our foreign policy agenda with greater vigour. The Minister has already articulated many of our achievements during this period.

We remain convinced that only through constructive dialogue will we be able to bring about the kind of world we envisage. We therefore remain committed to promote our domestic interests abroad through dialogue and engagement. Dialogue has always been our strength and we should not give in to the temptation to use our relative strength in other areas to pursue narrow self-interests.

Our agenda is to promote our interests through dialogue, through conflict resolution and negotiations, through post-conflict reconstruction and through a permanent peace reinforced with sustained economic and social development.

It remains our belief that a better world can only come about through improving the quality of life of all the world’s people. In this regard, we are supportive of the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals, bringing an end to poverty in particular, and nurturing the conditions for economic development.

South Africa has noted, as the Minister has mentioned earlier - with concern - that current projections indicate that the MDGs will not be reached, especially in many African countries, partly because there are inadequate resources available. Even if the promised increase in overseas development assistance by a number of developed countries is realised, this will not be enough to bridge the funding gap by the 2015 target date.

South Africa has therefore decided to join a group of countries that are looking at raising additional funding from the innovative resources that the Minister mentioned, in order to give impetus to achieving these goals.

The President of France, as you have heard, has hosted a meeting of these countries in Paris in March this year, and the Leading Group of Solidarity Funding was launched. The Minister attended such meeting and announced that South Africa would be joining this group. France is providing the secretariat, and it will be based in Paris, while Brazil is chairing the group for the first six months.

In addition to this, South Africa is supporting a United Kingdom initiative led by the finance Minister of that country, called the International Financing Facility. This includes a pilot project for funding immunisation in developing countries.

The scope of South Africa’s relations has deepened continuously in both the context of high-level political consultations and growth in terms of economic relations and development co-operation. In addition to strengthening our South-South relationships and our focus on Africa, the establishment of constructive North-South dialogue is also of particular importance to South Africa.

In this regard, South Africa’s relations with the European Union have improved and expanded significantly in recent years. The EU remains South Africa’s largest trading partner, its main source of FDI and tourism, as well as the world’s leading provider of development assistance. The South African-EU Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement that governs South Africa’s relations with the EU is currently under its first five-year review.

Multilateral interaction also with the EU is taking place on issues such as economic globalisation, market access, and debt relief, reform of the UN Security Council, security and peace issues, disarmament and human rights. Africa and EU relations are also steadily increasing. At a multilateral level, the EU co-operates with the African countries through the African Caribbean Pacific grouping of countries, and through the African Union.

In December last year the Council of the European Union adopted its EU Strategy for Africa, entitled “The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership.” The strategy aims to facilitate closer co-operation between the African continent and the EU, and build on the Cairo Summit Declaration, aimed at enhancing political dialogue between the EU and Africa. It also supports African initiatives and its socioeconomic development.

In the last year we also continued to advance our positions through participation in African group meetings at the UN Conference on Trade and Development and the World Trade Organisations, as well as the G20 members in the WTO. These interactions play an important role in promoting South- South co-operation for increased market access, trade and investment amongst developing countries. We also increased our efforts to strengthen relations with all members of the G77 plus China. Since our assumption of that portfolio we have actively used our chairpersonship of the G77 plus China as a platform to advance the agenda of the South. We have also continued to promote our development agenda through engagement with our partners in the North, including the G8, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD, World Economic Forum and other relevant North-South fora.

In this regard, much effort was put into preparation for our participation in the Group of 8 plus five, the meetings held in Glen Eagles last year, and the African Partnership Forum. We will use the strengths and advantages that we enjoy in certain areas for the greater benefit of all our partners, particularly countries on the continent. For us, this forward movement will see increased levels of economic diplomacy supported by political diplomacy.

We will continue to use the political goodwill that we enjoy, to leverage more foreign trade, external investments, financial flows, aid, bilateral and multilateral economic negotiations, tourism promotion and technology exchanges. In collaboration with all concerned domestic partners, we will continue to promote brand South Africa and contribute to building our country’s image abroad. We will also continue to engage with other partners such as the International Marketing Council, on creating a positive and united image and the South African Tourism in marketing our country. Already in some of our missions, this work happens through the posting of skilled personnel there, or ad hoc support.

During this financial year, we will continue to develop more economic analysis capability. Hon Sithole mentioned this, and our policy and research analysis unit is fully functional now, and will assist us in developing this capacity. This will enable our diplomats to gain more insight about the principal elements of the economies of the host countries, and how we can use this knowledge to effectively implement the economic agreements we sign.

The growing demand for our foreign policy has also meant that as a department, we continue to assess whether our structures are functioning effectively and optimally, and are capable of meeting the needs of the present. As has been mentioned, our new building is at the final tender stage, and we have seen the models of the proposed buildings, and we are very excited. Certainly, a new building, where we are all housed in one spot, will greatly facilitate the co-ordination of our work as a department.

In terms of personnel, a skills audit has been completed, assessing skills challenges that we need to enhance within our own environment in line with our foreign policy objectives. As such, we have rolled out a series of training programmes aimed at empowering our employees, to better address the needs of the department.

Great effort has been made to reposition the Foreign Service Institute, in order to ensure that our training is in line with international benchmarking standards and comparable with similar training institutes worldwide. This includes leadership programmes for our managers. Training in foreign languages, and particularly the French language, remains a priority.

Not only are we training our own officials, but the Foreign Service Institute has also been active in supporting the training of diplomats from Sudan and the DRC. I am pleased to inform this House that in this year in which we commemorate the 50th anniversary of the march of those remarkable women to Pretoria, the department has been progressively promoting the interests of women to reach gender parity within the organisation. The representation of women has increased at all levels, but importantly, including at senior and middle management levels.

Part of our responsibility as the Department of Foreign Affairs is towards the safety of our citizens, wherever in the world they may be, and to continue to safeguard those of our citizens who may live abroad. Our intention is to have greater interaction with our citizens so as to ensure their wellbeing.

As we strive to meet the growing challenges and expectations that face all countries and governments, following upon the recent spate of natural disasters such as the tsunami, earthquake and so forth, we would like to announce that we are at present finalising highly improved technologically advanced and more people-friendly consular services for all South Africans that travel, work, study and live abroad.

These include, amongst others, the development of a unique emergency management system, which will allow us to better manage our ability to provide support to our citizens, following a catastrophe abroad.

There is also a registration of South African citizens abroad that is called ROSA - which is rather nice. This system will allow our citizens to register with the department when they travel outside our borders. In this way will we have a more accurate estimate of how many of our citizens are abroad and where they may be. This will be most helpful during times of emergencies, making it easier for us to contact people.

As we expand our global reach with a view to promoting political relations, rendering consular services and building trade relations, I am pleased to report that we are opening some new missions in the following cities during 2006-07. The first is in Bucharest in Rumania, the second is Port of Spain in Trinidad and Tobago, the third in Ougadougou in Burkina Faso, and another one in Cotonou in Benin.

When Pixley ka Seme, the former President of the ANC declared in 1906, “I am an African”, his statement was a profound act of intra-African solidarity, as he addressed not only the plight of South Africa, but also of the entire African Continent. Our economic diplomacy reinforces our political diplomacy, as we continue, in the words of Seme, “to build a new life, embracing the diverse phases of a higher, complex existence.”

Today we walk along the road of multilateralism in principle, and international solidarity in action, and are part of a continental struggle for social and economic advancement.

As South Africa we do not seek to promote our national interests alone, but because, as our history of struggle and building the foundations of a new democracy have taught us, our internationalism strengthens our patriotism. I thank you. [Applause.]

Adv Z L MADASA: Hon Chairperson, Minister of Foreign Affairs and hon members, first and foremost I wish the Minister good health for a long time, because our country really needs her. I also congratulate you on your appointment as Chair of the G77 Plus.

I wish to dedicate my speech to two youths, comrades and schoolmates who fell in combat with the apartheid forces, Welile Salman from East London and Andile Gwintsa from Alice, Eastern Cape, both Matric students at St John’s College in Umtata in 1979-80. They sacrificed their future careers to fight for our freedom, just as we too, following in their steps, sacrificed our professional careers for national service towards the total freedom of the next generations of South Africans.

My address in this debate will focus on efforts by our government to bring peace and sustainable development in Africa and the Middle East. My point of departure is to call, as our chairperson has done, is a call on all external forces to leave Africans to solve their problems by themselves and to get engaged in the AU only as partners by invitation.

The Department of Foreign Affairs and the government have correctly put focus on the consolidation of the African agenda. From the outset I would like to dispel the notion, as the last speaker has done, that South Africa is involved in conflict resolution in Africa because there are vast resources to be exploited. This warped reasoning is repugnant to the pledge that was made by the OAU in May 1963 in Ethiopia, that Africa will not be free until South Africa is free from apartheid.

This pledge was not made because there are gold and diamonds in South Africa. Hon members this was a pledge of unity among all Africans and this is the paradigm that informs the ANC-led government in its involvement in continental affairs.

This is why President Mbeki in his state of the nation address on 3 February 2006 stated that we would continue to engage African challenges focusing on the DRC, Sudan and Côte d’Ivoire. Indeed the department has obliged by increasing the budget percentage allocation for the consolidation of the African agenda by 4 percentage points compared to the previous financial year and the increase in foreign missions that have been announced by the Deputy Minister.

The AU has established the Peace and Security Council to ensure conflict prevention, management and transformation that are construction, rehabilitation, peace building, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration. We cannot, as a committee omit to thank our government for a sterling job in conflict resolution on the continent. The regions of the AU have a central role to play in the keeping of peace and we call on them to up the tempo towards early regional integration of all sectors, including defence.

Where our government as represented by the President has been involved in conflict resolution, it is important to note that he did so in all cases by either invitation of the AU or the country concerned and not because of the huge potential for markets as was the case with Cecil Rhodes and Jan Smuts.

In Côte d’Ivoire, President Mbeki, on behalf of the AU, has succeeded to bring hope after successive failures in the past to solve the problem. Save for the disagreements on national identity for the purpose of elections, disarmaments and integration of the army and external influence, the country is on course towards credible democratic elections.

In Sudan, again by invitation from the AU, South Africa is the Chair of the post-conflict reconstruction of Southern Sudan, following the successful signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA, between the North and South. Recently the two sides met for the first time to discuss progress on the CPA. Darfur is also showing similar signs of co-operation following the signing of the agreement between the Khartoum government and the main rebels. As usual in these cases some rebel groups are being pressurised correctly by the AU to sign the agreement. The UN has indicated its readiness to support the AU to keep and enforce peace in Darfur.

In the DRC, despite the fact that the country almost fell into chaos with the invasion of about five state armies in the conflict, today there are no foreign forces except the UN deployments. In June to July we expect to witness the first ever democratic elections in the DRC, despite the latest rumours of coup attempts.

Despite the vehemence of the Afro-pessimism, there is hope in Africa for today and for tomorrow. But pessimists may say what about Somalia and Northern Uganda? To that question we say: How can we hope for what is seen? We hope for what is unseen based on our faith and past successes.

The ANC-led government is not only concerned about peace in the continent as our struggle for political freedom was characterised by solidarity for all the oppressed people of the world. The ANC remains concerned about events in the Middle East. There is a notion that the Hamas-led government cannot derive its legitimacy from the Oslo Agreement and deny its consequences.

Though this is a cogent argument, equally those who subscribe to the Two- State solution - that is a viable Palestinian state and a secure Israel - cannot keep quiet when the Palestinian state is systematically destroyed through financial sanctions and the erection of a wall. The ANC believes that conflicts in the Middle East have a lot to do with the policies of the powerful military nations.

The DA has consistently stated, as they did today, that they agree absolutely with the government’s foreign policy but at times differ on strategies to implement it. We in the ANC believe that what the DA is saying is a mere charade. It is political ambivalence judging by their conduct. What they do is to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. [Applause.]

Last Friday, for example, there were cacophonic cries in the House coming from the DA, asking: “Where is the Minister?” They were referring to the Minister of Safety and Security whom they know was doing his duties. They have a problem about the whereabouts of the Minister who is consolidating the African agenda. [Interjections.]

The question is: Is that not political poverty? [Laughter.] Does the Minister arrest criminals? Does the Minister have to be here for the crime to decline? [Interjections.]

We in the ANC support the establishment of the interministerial committee at the invitation of the DRC government to help in the DRC. We will not ask where the Ministers are because we understand the African agenda and are committed to it. We call on all government departments to begin to engage with their counterparts in the region on policy alignments for a speedy regional integration.

In this context we welcome the convening of the first pan-continental grouping by the deans from business schools around the continent. The Association of African Business Schools, AABS, held its first formal meeting at the Johannesburg based Gordon Institute of Business Science in the last spring.

The AABS say that they want to provide education that will address the real life problems in the entire Africa. The ANC supports this Budget Vote. One Africa, one voice! [Applause.] Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Chairperson, hon Minister, Deputy Ministers and hon members, the Budget Vote for 2006-07, encapsulates the issues, which have not only underpinned the work of the International Relations, Peace and Security Cluster but also the specific medium to long-term objectives of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Some of the issues raised in the state of the nations address focused on those issues that seek to deal with African issues and challenge those that have to do with the broader international issues beyond the borders of the continent, such as to continue to strengthen AU and contribute to the implementation of the Nepad and its related programmes, in particular the African Peer Review Mechanism.

The government is expected to continue making contributions to efforts aimed at building peace, creating stability and consolidating democracy in Africa. In this regard, the state of the nation address referred to the DRC, the Sudan, and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement is being implemented albeit under difficult circumstances, partly due to instability in the Darfur region.

The department has been allocated R3 billion, which is an increase from R2, 7 billion from the previous year. Over the medium term, the budget increased by 10% in nominal terms, whereas it increases only by 4,6% in real terms.

The expenditure of the department is expected to increase rapidly due to, among other things, the fact that almost two thirds of the department’s expenditure is in foreign currency and therefore it is influenced by the exchange rate. However, other factors influencing the overall increase of the budget relates to specific programmatic costs, which include the need to increase the country’s diplomatic missions abroad. Moreover, the decision to review the membership contributions to the AU also accounts for this increase. The UCDP will support this Budget Vote. However, hon Minister …

Fela Tonakgolo e e tlotlegang, ke ne ke re rona mo UCDP ra re, gaabo motho go thebe phatswa. E ne e re o tsamaya kwa moseja o gakologelwe gore le rona fa, go na le batho, batlhoki ba ba eletsang go ka nna le dithuso. Re nne re lebelela gore le mo gae mo, go a tlhokega gore re thuse batho ba ga rona. Ke a leboga. [Time expired.] (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)

[But hon Minister I said that we, in the UCDP, say a person’s home is very important. When you are overseas you must remember that even here there are poor people who wish to receive help. It is important to realise that even here at home, our people need help. Thank you. [Time expired.]]

Ms S RAJBALLY: Hon Chairperson, the MF firstly takes this opportunity to applaud our hon President, Thabo Mbeki, and the Department of Foreign Affairs in building strong relations abroad and in Africa that serve our growth, development and global progress.

It is true that the development of South Africa is influenced, and strongly linked to the development of Africa. The commitment that South Africa has serviced through our work in the AU, Nepad, the Pan-African Parliament and SADC, has all seriously brought us closer as a continent to delivering Africa, from poverty and warfare and paving our continent’s way to growth, development, democracy and global recognition as a fast developing and strong global entity.

The MF acknowledges that approximately two thirds of the department’s expenditure is in foreign currency and that the expenditure is strongly influenced by the exchange rate. In light of this and the DFA’s efforts in international affairs, the MF acknowledges its increase in the budget.

We are pleased that the DFA has started to invest in property abroad, noting the benefits this holds for us in the long term. This together with the provision of the new headquarters serves to explain the 26,7% increase in programme 1: Administration.

As for programme 2: Foreign Relations, the MF is pleased that the DFA has served to establish more embassies and so ensuring that South Africans have resident representation in all African countries. In light of this, the slight increase of 2,7% to this programme is supported.

The decrease in programme 3 is seen as a strategy and the 32,8% increase to programme 4: International Transfers is supported in pursuing South African endeavours abroad.

The relations we have established in the UN and our involvement in resolving conflict in Africa and abroad have earned us strong ties and a reputation as a humanitarian state built on the values of democracy, equality and the preservation of life.

The MF does however feel that we can serve to address the issues in Zimbabwe more strongly. Our careful approach to the Zimbabwean situation has the world questioning our stance as a nation that strongly advocates democracy, human rights and equality; South Africa should voice efforts within the AU to address this issue. The MF supports the Budget Vote.

Mrs N B GXOWA: Chairperson, hon Minister, hon members and all people present on the gallery, the previous speaker just reminded me that, as the Minister said, that this year we are celebrating 50 years of the march of women to Pretoria. In that same year in the mid 50s the South African Congress of Trade Unions made a call for a pound a day’s salary because no African was earning more than R1,25 a week. That call was made to fight poverty. The ANC supports this Budget Vote.

Poverty goes beyond a lack of income. It is multidimensional, encompassing economic, social and governance perspectives. Economically, the poor are not only deprived of income and resources, but of opportunities as well. Markets and jobs are often difficult to access because of low capabilities and geographical and social exclusion. Limited education affects their ability to get jobs to access information that could improve the quality of their lives. Poor health, due to inadequate nutrition and health services further limits their prospects for work and from realising their mental and physical potential. This fragile position is made worse by insecurity.

The last century witnessed major improvements in the health and education status of many, reflected in declining infant mortality rates, increasing life expectancy and higher literacy rates. However, 1,2 billion people are estimated to still live on less than £1 per day, and almost 3 billion on less than £2 per day. Nearly 110 million primary aged children worldwide do not go to school and 60% of them are girls. Approximately 31 million people are infected with HIV/ Aids and many more live without adequate food, shelter, safe water and sanitation.

Poverty in the midst of plenty is one of the central challenges in today’s global economy and society. Fighting poverty is both a moral imperative and a necessity for a stable world. In recognition of this, the international community adopted the International Development Goals during the 90s. However progress in meeting these goals has been slow and uneven across the regions while some parts of the world have deteriorated with poverty increasing in countries of the former Soviet Union and the mortality rate deteriorating in Africa due to the HIV/Aids epidemic. If trends of the past decade continue to worsen, the International Development Goals are not likely to be achieved.

The global community needs to make a concerted effort to accelerate progress and more effectively address the causes of poverty at country and global levels. There is enough food in the world for every person to lead a healthy and productive life, but hundreds of millions of people go to bed hungry every night while large numbers of others suffers from obesity. The UN’s Millennium Development Goals set forth a target of halving the proportion of hungry people by the year 2015. Political leaders of virtually every country endorsed this goal but implementation is so lacking.

Africa, despite its plentiful resources, both natural and human, currently is the most affected continent by the widespread and persistent poverty and a high degree of income inequality. In 1987, 47% of the population was below the international poverty line. By 1998, this rate had declined only marginally to 46%. Sub-Saharan Africa is today the region with the highest incidence of poverty in the world. High levels of income inequality and the Gini coefficient for the region as a whole as high as 44, compound the problem and undermine the prospects for sustainable and equitable economic growth and a significant reduction in the incidence of poverty.

On the other hand the continent is far from homogenous and the aggregate figures mask important variations in both the incidence of poverty and income distribution across countries and within regions in individual countries. Non-income measures of poverty show large variations, but overall infant mortality, life expectancy and school enrolment rates in Africa are some of the worst in the world. In Sub-Saharan Africa 151 children out of 1000 die before the age of 5 and 92 out of 1000 die before the age of 1. The life expectancy rate of 50 years and net primary school enrolments rates of 60 per cent are the lowest in the world.

The lives of poor people are most affected by actions at the country level. Countries need to get on a path of sustainable, pro-poor growth and provide opportunities for all, a voice in decision-making and a better life. Achieving sustainable inclusive and broad based growth and opportunities requires a sound macro-economic framework. Policies that promote low inflation, realistic and stable exchange rates, reasonable physical deficits, effective integration into the global country, and private sector activity are all needed. Investment in the physical and financial assets of poor people, adequate schooling and skills development, secured nutrition, preventative health care, rural infrastructure and credit is also necessary.

Resources in Africa are mainly taken out of Africa and not used by the people of Africa. Some causes of poverty in Africa are low levels of productivity in some sectors and poor production technology especially in the agricultural sector, which provides most of the employment and the large share of the continent’s GDP. Other major reasons include high illiteracy and population growth rates, frequent natural disasters, inadequate infrastructure and some countries excessive dependence on a narrow range of commodities for export exchange.

Counter-productive economic policies in the 70s and the 80s, political instability, conflict in a number of countries and continent-wide problems of gender inequality, access to productive assets and social services, have also contributed to sluggish economic growth and wide spread poverty. Many of these issues are being addressed but long-term sustainable solutions will be elusive without improved security and an increase in saving and investment rates and the mobilisation of both foreign and domestic resources including private foreign investment, debt relief and support through the Strategic Partnership for Africa. In addition, Africa needs a favourable international trade environment with increased access to developed country markets in order to fully reap the benefits of globalisation. The world’s economy is in a state of what is commonly viewed as unparalleled growth but with this growth have come dangerous and distractive economic disparities. On the other hand we see the impressive economy in the northern hemisphere particularly in the United States where Silicon Valley, a region of 2,3 million people, has produced tens of thousands of billionaires with 64 new ones every day. There are regular US reports of historically low unemployment rates, labour shortage and a booming economy.

On the other hand, many people of colour particularly those in the southern hemisphere do not have enough food to eat, resulting in malnutrition and disease. They face growing inflation whilst their governance which used to subsidise some aspects of their marginal living are urged to stop subsidies for food and adopt a more market-orientated economics. Many workers in these economies are trapped in poor working conditions with poor pay. Women are often expected to do back-breaking farm and domestic work, with few rights and benefits. Yet many of the fiscal policies pushed on the developing countries and adopted in the northern countries worsen the problems of the most marginalised. Thank you very much.

Mr W J SEREMANE: Madam Chair, hon Minister, and Deputy Minister and colleagues, including our distinguished guests in the gallery, Minister I am not going to be howling and shouting, asking, ``Where is the Minister?’’ because I can see you. My colleague has extended our sentiments about your health. I hope you grow even stronger than what you are today.

Last week on Africa Day, I spoke at length about various issues of concern from across the African continent, including the urgent need of political reform in Swaziland and peace and stability in Sudan. Today I wish to focus directly on our government’s response to the crisis in Zimbabwe, no matter how unpalatable to some people this subject is.

I also want to fully endorse the fact that Africa is and should be the focus of our foreign policy agenda. South Africa’s economic future is linked to the growth and stability in Africa, and we have a responsibility, as the largest economy in Africa, to provide economic and political leadership to the continent, not that we are ambitious or the like, but it is a fact and real politics.

We are also morally bound to do what is right, whether it be promoting the development objectives of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, Nepad, or the protection of human rights and stability. The Department of Foreign Affairs plays a critical role in achieving these aims, and it has committed itself to enhancing South Africa’s diplomatic presence in Africa.

For this reason, the Democratic Alliance applauds these efforts and we therefore support this budget, while calling on government to ensure that the resources spent are balanced with the needs of all South African citizens.

There is a very real risk, however, that the department’s failure to deal with the economic, social and political collapse of Zimbabwe will undermine all our efforts to positively influence African growth and development, what some call ``the African agenda’’.

The Zimbabwean economy has been in decline for the past six years. During those years, the hon President and hon Minister of Foreign Affairs have been in complete denial about the cause of this collapse, and the damaging effect it has had on the people of Zimbabwe and the countries in the region.

I am happy to say that there seems to be a new awakening to the problem on our doorstep. It has long been clear to every reasonable observer that Robert Mugabe has run his country into the ground. Zimbabwe was and could be the breadbasket of Africa, yet the country has been dependent on food aid for the last four years. [Interjections.] That is association of ideas, if you do not know the logic.

The economic collapse of Zimbabwe has had very real consequences for South Africa. It is estimated that 2 000 000 Zimbabweans have crossed into our country in a desperate attempt to keep their families and themselves alive, a fact that even the hon Aziz Pahad has acknowledged.

The country’s collapse has also had a dramatic effect on foreign investment in South Africa and the region. Which foreign investor would have complete faith in a region within which a failed state is the centre? Last week, the hon President assured the British Prime Minister that he was waiting for the hon UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, to intervene in Zimbabwe.

But later in the week, Mugabe’s spokesperson stated, and I quote: “Zimbabwe is not a UN issue”, and that Kofi Annan was no longer invited to the country.

The hon President’s credibility on Zimbabwe is at rock bottom, sad to say. He seems bereft of ideas and is constantly outmanoeuvred by Mugabe in his half-hearted efforts. President Mugabe takes nothing seriously that will uplift human rights currently.

The hon Minister of Foreign Affairs on the other hand is completely silent on the issue, but she is directly responsible for South Africa’s diplomatic void within Zimbabwe, and must now take responsibility for Zimbabwe’s negative effect on our country and the region, and we trust that, in her power, she will be able to make contributions to bring sense to the regime in Zimbabwe.

To put Zimbabwe firmly on the department’s agenda, she should initiate the use of aid and smart sanctions as a carrot-and-stick measure. This will mobilise South Africa’s diplomatic clout as a tool to help promote a turnaround in Zimbabwe. The lives of millions of Zimbabweans, the economic stability of the region and South Africa’s broader foreign affairs objectives will hang in the balance until she does so.

I also want to commend the efforts and the contributions that have been made by the department and our diplomatic corps, and they should be going on. What is impressive, and we hope it will be seen more clearly, is that they are first loyal to South Africa and its people and the continent and, above all, they are loyal to humanity, not necessarily partisan operators.

We also appreciate the work that is done by the department itself and we want to say to them that they should keep this mission up and do it as you have done it. We need to see better performance now more than ever, because South Africa and Africa deserve more. The last word goes to the chairperson of the portfolio committee. Well spoken, Chairperson. We all agree on many of the things that you say, and that we should focus and give our energies to that kind of programme. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M RAMGOBIN: Thank you, Madam Chairperson, hon Minister, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, I am glad, hon Minister, that our foreign policy in Africa doesn’t begin with Zimbabwe and end with it. However, equally, I am quite inspired by your intervention before the debate started in asking me whether I was going to make references to certain issues that are very close to your heart too.

Yes, indeed, I am going to make references to that, because I believe that the inspiration derived from another product of South Africa, called the Gandhian Trinity, which is indeed captured by Jeffrey Sachs and integrated by him in his work against poverty or to end poverty. The trinity that I talk about and the celebration of Satyagraha 100 cannot be viewed in isolation on that trinity of the reverence for life, called the Ahimsa, Satyagraha called the force to action on the basis of love and truth and Sarvodia directed to it as a welfare for all. The World Economic Forum’s governance initiative is designed to monitor international progress in implementing the social, economic and environmental goals set forth in the United Nations millennium declaration and other documents.

In 2002, not so very long ago, the World Economic Forum in its global governance initiative report used, as its motivation, the presumption that prospects for the world are bleak. And to manage global problems more effectively and equitably, we need strengthened intergovernmental institutions and the best combined efforts of governance, business and civil society.

The initiative is designed to evaluate, amongst a host of things, the effort and co-operation among key actors in these, some of which are: Halving the number of people living in poverty by 2015; ensuring universal primary education by 2015; fulfilling commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and implementing conventions related to the conservation of biodiversity; upholding the universal declaration of human rights and other agreements related to the rights of women and seeking ways to eliminate war between, within and on states and the dangers posed by weapons of mass destruction.

Our country has played a meaningful role to get consensus on these goals. These goals of peace, security and disarmament, development and poverty eradication, environmental protection and human rights are hallmarks, I believe, of our own domestic policy objectives, which in turn flow from the fundamental declarations in the Freedom Charter of the Congress Movement.

It is my belief that history will one day pronounce, on the role of South Africa, that her contribution was much beyond her weight to the significant improvement in global governance, which is now possible even without the creation of new intergovernmental organisations.

It is our own experience that much will depend on the performance of governments and existing institutions, but several innovative opportunities for advancement are emerging from the active and creative partnerships between government, corporations and civil society.

The deepening of this partnership within countries, regionally and internationally, on the basis of trust and transparency will be a great reason of hope for the resolution of our global problems with a special emphasis on peace.

I believe it is within the full understanding that we as members of a common world family have the common responsibility of creating the conditions for peace. Towards this objective, we as a country actively engage in initiatives to advance the developing world’s interests, but with the special emphasis on Africa.

It is because, in the words of Jeffrey Sachs:

We have the good judgement to use our wealth wisely, to heal a divided planet, to end the suffering of those still trapped by poverty, and to forge a common bond of humanity, security and shared purposes across culture and regions.

That is why we as country are so persistent that the reform of the United Nations Security Council, in particular, is so essential. The current situation at the United Nations and almost all multilateral institutions is such that they are under the tutelage and control of the developed western world, whose development and present state of power were in many ways dependent and crafted on the material resources and slave labour of the developing world.

It is morally correct and politically necessary to be actively involved with countries from the developing world in the decision-making processes of the United Nations Security Council. This will strengthen the United Nations. Currently, the will of the powerful nations, particularly the United States, prevails by the use of the veto. As a glaring example, the war against Iraq was in total disregard of the UN.

Today, both the United States and the United Kingdom are reeling and are in a moral and political quagmire. Iraq continues to be a kind of killing field. This in turn destabilises the entire region. Today, what is evident is that the United States can conquer, but it cannot rule. The militarism - and this is a quote not from the ANC or a leftist, but from Jeffrey Sachs … [Interjections.] Yes, it is. The militarism and unilateralist, the disregard of world opinion, even though through the flawed United Nations, has put not only the region but also the United States and United Kingdom at risk for further disaster.

There is another dimension, which South Africa is aware of. Again, according to Jeffrey Sachs, if American foreign policy falls under the sway not only of unilateralism or misconceived neo-imperialism, but also irrational biblical prophecy as well, the risks of the world will multiply profoundly. [Interjections.]

Emanating from the debacle of Iraq, it is imperative that the reconstruction of Iraq must not be under the tutelage of United States companies. It would be educative to understand why our country vigorously lends support for a clearly defined, mandated role for the United Nations in the reconstruction, development and the restoration of the democratic, political processes in Iraq.

It is with this in mind that our position on the Iranian nuclear issue has got to be consolidated, under the management of IAEA and not by the vagaries of US foreign policy. Issues such as these have posed and will pose major threats to peace and security on our common planet. Thus, our preoccupation with the reform process and participation in the United Nations General Assembly, its main organs and committees.

In the last twelve years, the ANC-led government’s commitment has been to pursue a human rights agenda; to promote global peace and security; to promote and protect multilateralism, international law and the centrality of the United Nations charter; to advance human development, poverty eradication and environmental degradation; to implement the findings of the Millennium Development Goals; and lastly, to implement the Johannesburg plan of action on the World Summit on Sustainable Development. All these are in fact the extensions of our domestic policy agenda for creating a better life for all. The United Nations specialised agencies have a pivotal role to play to end poverty. Hon Minister, we would do well to inform South Africa to what extent these specialised agencies have been empowered. What is our role in them? How can they be utilised to overcome the trap of poverty?

With regard to the Internationally Monetary Fund, IMF, and World Bank, the leading financial institutions, will it be a fair comment to maintain that they do not play a decisive role in ending global poverty? As one observer has maintained, they should not be handmaidens of creditor governments, but instead the champions of economic justice and globalisation with a human face.

It would appear that we, especially in Africa, are waiting for the rich and powerful to come to our rescue. It will be more than superfluous for the developed countries to issue the call to justice. We need to mobilise the masses of the world, beginning with ourselves, to unite and to issue the call to action. Thus, it is becoming more and more clear, we should relate to all the global institutions that militate against global governance to ensure that we create a just social order in our lifetime for all who inhabit our planet.

With the unbridled environmental degradation staring us in our faces, we did not only welcome the focus of the Johannesburg declaration of the World Summit on Sustainable Development, but we in many ways steered the summit on the indivisibility of human dignity and its resolution that countries will work together to help one another gain access to among others, financial resources, benefit from the opening of markets, ensure capacity building, use modern technology to bring about development, and to banish underdevelopment forever.

In conclusion, sir, I make amends; together, as fellow human beings, should we continue as we do, we can predict the disasters that will happen. However, we from South Africa, inspired as we are that the world is a common family, can, together, make a safer world based on the Gandhian Trinity of a true reverence and respect for human life. We owe this to our children and all the children of the world yet to come.

For us, the struggle led by the ANC as a movement, a revolution in the broadest social, political, economic and moral sense, is today, I believe, a touchstone for the African Renaissance.

Without underplaying the subjective weaknesses on our continent, the goals of the African Renaissance are contingent on sustainable development, and this cannot happen without more effective democratic and accountable international and multilateral institutions.

As South Africans we should be proud that our country, triumphant as we are in expanding the scope of human freedom and reason for ourselves, is actively engaged in expanding the richness of this freedom through the combined force of persuasion and patience internationally, but with a special concern for Africa.

Hon Minister, I believe we do from the portals of the United Nations, the World Trade Organisation, the Bretton Woods institutions and all other institutions and forums, related to peace, security, stability and sustainable development.

However, before I could make my final remark, I just want to place on record that had some of us not been inspired by the dignity of ethos as seen in the Gandhian Trinity, it would have been very difficult to conclude with these remarks.

However, truth demands that I do so. It needs greater strength and boldness from the ANC to fulfil its historical mission. The ANC cannot fail; it must not fail. It needs greater strength and boldness. Or else, in the words of the hon Tony Leon … If the ANC fails, South Africa will fail. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Hon Chair, hon members, I would like to express my appreciation to all those who participated in this debate and to those who listened to it. I think indeed the 10th anniversary of our Constitution shows that we are a maturing democracy.

This debate has been a very balanced, unpartisan one on foreign affairs. It shows that foreign affairs indeed are bipartisan issues. That is an issue that must unite all of us across this floor rather than dividing us. And, for the first time, today I had the feeling that it has united us across the floor. [Applause.]

I would like to make a few comments on what the hon members have said. On the whole, I would say I agree with what has been said in this House both by the department and the members, but maybe I will just comment on a few points.

On the issue of the Africa Institute, I think there are discussions that are taking place. If they haven’t started yet, they will start very soon, between our Directors-General of Science and Technology to see whether it is appropriately located, and if they come to the conclusion that it isn’t, they will make recommendations to us to relocate it.

I agree that if there isn’t good co-ordination in our international missions between the various components of the South African population, we should try and make sure that that co-ordination is improved.

I agree about Lesotho. I also agree that there are still challenges in Swaziland that need to be worked on. On the issue of Saharawi, I also agree.

As regards the relationship with the EU, I am glad that Members of the Parliament are going to meet with the EU because I think the issues raised can be raised even more sharply by the MPs. I will be waiting very eagerly to hear what the exchanges with the EU were.

On the Pan-African Parliament, again, I think we will need to do what we can to make sure that the financing of the Pan-African Parliament is not ad hoc as has been said, and that it is more obviously sustained. So, I agree with that.

I also agree with most of what the hon Gibson has said, but I just want to engage him a bit, which I will do at the end, on the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa and a few other issues, not because I disagree, but I think I would like to engage on some of the issue he has raised. So, I am not ignoring you; I will come to you at the end.

I would also agree with most of what the IFP representative has said, and we will look at the suggestion of using some of the elder statesmen. Well, for now it will be men. We will see if they can engage with Swaziland on the issues there. I also agree with your analysis of the complex situation in Palestine and with the elements that you have mentioned.

Other speakers spoke about SADC and the strengthening of the secretariat. Hon Magau, I couldn’t agree more.

I just want to say a few words on what hon Holomisa said. I agree that maybe we should have more people in the international organisations but there are also constraints because there is so much exciting work here at home. Sometimes we find that people don’t necessarily want to leave home to work in those international organisations.

However, there are other constraints. For instance, we have been trying to fill our quota in the AU, and we found that what the AU pays is far less than even what our civil servants are paid, and therefore, they feel that they cannot go there and lose some of the financial support they were getting when they were working in South Africa.

So, we have been discussing with other departments to see whether, initially, we may second people so that we do make good the difference between what they have lost here at home and what they get abroad. So, that matter is receiving our attention.

We have also found that many countries second their young people to go and work without paying them. They send them from their countries to the various areas of the UN as a way of getting them to enter there, and once they have been working there as volunteers, they eventually get placed.

We hope that if we go that route, this Parliament will allow us to spend money because if we send those young people, we will have to support them initially. So, I just thought I should explain some of the things that are going on out there.

Hon Madasa, it is nice to see you debating from this side of the House. I must say, though, that even when you were on the other side, you were always very constructive. I had no problems with what you were saying even when you were across the floor, but nevertheless, you’re welcome.

I also thank the UCDP for its input. I have no quarrels with a lot of what they have said. I also agree with hon Gxowa. Malibongwe. I agree with a lot of things hon Magau also said. I also agree with most of what hon Seremane said today … [Interjections.]

I just want to say that, sometimes when I listen to him speaking, I begin to wonder whether I am the Foreign Minister of this country or the Foreign Minister of Zimbabwe, based on his expectations from me.

I thought I should quote again from that sad but very inspiring letter from Patrice Lumumba, in response to this question on Zimbabwe and whether we have the primary responsibility to sort out the Zimbabwean issue.

I take a few lessons from the last letter that Patrice Lumumba wrote when he was facing death. He said:

As to my children whom I will leave and whom I may never see again, I should like them to be told that it is for them as it is for every Congolese to accomplish the sacred task of reconstructing our independence and our sovereignty.

It is for the Zimbabweans indeed to sort out their problems. All that we can do is to support or assist, but the primary responsibility is with them. I also want to say that on the question of smart sanctions, maybe with hindsight, we can speak more confidently because smart sanctions have been applied by the EU, which is a very powerful bloc, but we haven’t seen what results it has yielded so far. So, maybe it may not be a useful tool to use right now, because it doesn’t seem to be yielding results even in the hands of the most powerful bloc in the world.

I was not silent on the matter as you said. I said Zimbabwe remains a challenge and obviously that is not silence. It says that there is a problem, there is a challenge, but I don’t have all the answers about how to solve the Zimbabwean issue.

If I had all the answers, there would be no challenge in Zimbabwe any longer. However, equally, I think that none of us here have all the answers. The answers do lie in Zimbabwe’s hands. If you recall, last year, I said that we actually have no way or no tool, if we want Zimbabwe to go a particular way, to force them to go that way.

Maybe their people have the tool, as was the case here. It was the South African people, with the support of Africa and the international community that directed the history of this country. [Applause.]

Coming to some of the comments that hon Gibson made about that Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa, we are not going to change our foreign policy because of Asgisa. Our foreign policy is very well thought out and, probably, Asgisa is aligned to our foreign policy rather than the other way round. So, I don’t think there is any reason to change that, not because I disagree, but because our foreign policy has been ahead of all the issues actually contained in Asgisa. That is what we have been dealing with over the years.

So, yes, we are happy that Asgisa is aligned with our foreign policy and we will continue working on that. I also want to say that it will be mistaken, opportunistic and also short-sighted if we were to say we must not increase our personnel and missions in countries, which we think cannot deliver to Asgisa in the short term. I think Asgisa has short-term, medium-term and long-term elements to it, and it is therefore important that, on our continent, we encourage and work with our continent just for economic development. South Africa’s foreign policy has never been that of selfish promotion of South Africa alone; we have always seen ourselves as part and parcel of the continent.

So, in Asgisa, there are long-term and short-term goals, and in the long term, it will be better for us to work for economic development in our region on our continent.

Then, on Iran, I think we are not supporting her blindly on this issue. What I said today underlines that. We support the NPT; we support the right of NPT members for peaceful use of nuclear technology. However, we have also said that today we underline the importance of voluntary confidence- building and transparent measures by Iran.

So, we are not supporting them blindly, but we are very adamant on the fact that Iran, like all other NPT members, has the right to peaceful use of nuclear technology. That’s all that we are saying. We are also saying that the NPT says to the nuclear states that they must disarm. If those weapons do not exist, they will not proliferate.

So, disarmament is as much a component of the NPT as non-proliferation. So, those are the issues I just wanted to engage in.

I must say, really, I found this debate very pleasant. It shows that we are all South African and, when it comes to foreign affairs, I think it shows that we are all patriotic about South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

  CREATING A BETTER AND SAFER WORLD FOR THE FUTURE OF OUR CHILDREN


              (Debate on International Children’s Day)

The DEPUTY MINISTER OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: Chairperson, hon members, the future leaders of our country, distinguished guests, it is a great pleasure and honour for me to address this House on the occasion of International Children’s Day. The focus of my address is child protection, with a particular emphasis on child abuse and trafficking.

Child trafficking is a very complicated and diverse phenomenon. In our country we experience both forms of trafficking, namely in-border trafficking and cross-border trafficking. In-border trafficking refers to the trafficking of South African nationals within South African borders, for example from rural to urban areas. Trafficking includes recruiting a child from his or her home to work in another place for commercial or sexual exploitation.

Children are also being trafficked for the purpose of forced marriages or adoption. This can occur in various sectors, including in paid domestic work and commercial agriculture where such practices are exploitative. The most vulnerable children appear to be those already in disadvantageous situations, with trafficking usually aggravating the situation. Trafficking is defined as one of the worst forms of child labour. No conclusive figures are available on the trafficking of children in South Africa.

Recent research by the International Organisation for Migration suggests that South Africa serves as a source and destination for trafficked children involved in child sexual exploitation and domestic work. This report focuses on cross-border trafficking, but previous research and anecdotal evidence suggest that it is more common for children to be taken from the rural areas of South Africa to work in urban areas, often in domestic work.

As the government of South Africa we embarked on a process of formulating appropriate policies and a national action programme to combat trafficking. The Law Reform Commission’s investigation into trafficking in persons is therefore aimed at addressing trafficking in persons within the South African context, by recommending legislative and nonlegislative measures in order to facilitate the effective prosecution of traffickers, the protection of victims of trafficking and the prevention of trafficking in persons.

Hon members, abused children are dealt with by many role-players. The police have to investigate a crime against a child in the instance of physical and/or sexual abuse. The child must be medically examined. The child’s safety or welfare may be assessed by a social worker. If the case goes to the criminal court, the child has to be interviewed by a prosecutor and may have to testify in court. Throughout these processes, those dealing with the child often do not communicate adequately with each other.

This government is committed to an integrated approach towards the care and protection of children. All government departments and civil-society organisations delivering child care and protection services have to mobilise both financial and human resources to be able to meet the needs of our vulnerable children.

The vision of my department is that we develop a caring and integrated system of social development services that facilitates human development and improves the quality of life. Only a multisectoral government response, which is integrated with a co-ordinated civil society response, can adequately address the challenge.

That is why the Department of Social Development, in conjunction with all stakeholders in the field of childcare and protection, have developed an integrated framework and strategic plan for the prevention and management of child abuse, neglect and exploitation. The costing process is expected to be completed in February 2007.

The strategic plan has six pillars, namely training and capacity-building to ensure adequately and appropriately trained personnel in the child protection system; an effective and holistic service delivery system to ensure effective, efficient, integrative, accessible and sustainable child protection services; institutional arrangements which emphasise the integration of services and a holistic approach; advocacy and participation to enhance the awareness and involvement of civil society and government in the protection of children; research to develop knowledge as an active tool in child protection; and monitoring and evaluation to ensure qualitative implementation of the strategic plan.

The Department of Social Development recognises the escalating rate of abduction, abuse, neglect, rape and murder against the children of South Africa with great concern. Although publicity of these incidents has been focused in Gauteng and in the Western Cape, we are of the view that this is not restricted to these provinces only, but that there is underreporting in other provinces.

As a response to these reports, the Department of Social Development met with all key stakeholders working on child protection issues, who are members of the National Child Protection Committee. The outcome of the meeting was a short-term emergency plan and a medium-term plan that include parental holiday programmes and programmes to help communities strengthen and mobilise themselves to protect children from further abuse.

Building a protective environment for children is a collective undertaking and it requires a variety of measures. It requires a society and government that are committed to fulfilling the protection rights contained in our policies and our legislative framework. In this regard, the new Children’s Bill has, as paramount, the interests of the child in all aspects of his or her life.

Another element that is required in building a protective environment for children is a positive social attitude and individual practices towards vulnerable children. This is especially true for children affected by HIV and Aids, and those children who are neglected and exploited or those children who work and live on the street. Many of these children are exposed to the worst forms of child labour or get involved in substance abuse.

The National Child Protection Committee, which includes civil society and government representatives, has endorsed the green ribbon as the symbol of child protection. This means that whenever a person wears a green ribbon, that person has made a commitment to protecting children. This is appropriate because green symbolises growth, life, hope, nurturing and conservation.

All across our country there are several community-based organisations, NGOs and individuals who work tirelessly to protect the rights and ensure the wellbeing of children. Government commends and supports all these efforts towards protection and care of our vulnerable children. There are many dimensions and facets to this work and all of them need dedicated attention.

Over the past decade our collective message and call to action has been “Put children first” and “Child protection is everybody’s business”. During this second decade of our democracy, the message has been elevated to highlight the fact that caring communities protect children. This is to promote the spirit of ubuntu and the ethic of “Umntwana wakho ngumntwana wami”: Your child is my child and it takes a village to raise a child. This makes us as communities take charge of our children’s development.

The country celebrates Child Protection Week from 29 May to 4 June 2006. Throughout Child Protection Week government will seek to mobilise families, stakeholders and communities to work together to address the complex socioeconomic needs of children.

It is of the utmost importance that we protect our children from substance abuse and drug peddlers, from adults who involve children in criminal activities and exploit them sexually or use them in child labour. Childcare and protection is an issue that concerns all of us and we urge everyone to join us in both, advocating for the care and protection of our children and in implementing programmes that make the fulfilment of children’s rights a reality for all children.

Let me conclude with the voice of a child called Zinhle Mbambo from the province of KwaZulu-Natal:

Lalela, Listen to the Children What is a joy of childhood when children live in fear Of monsters who’re not fairytales but people who are dear? They hurt our minds and bodies and silence us with force. They’re to blame, but we’re filled with shame. Our innocence is lost. Every day as we kneel to pray to God our friend so far We pray for love and we pray for strength to heal our childhood scars. Oh! Lalela! Lalela! Lalela! Listen to the children of this land For we are praying, lifting our voices and our eyes.

I thank you. [Applause.]

Mnr R P Z VAN DEN HEEVER: Mnr die Voorsitter, die totstandkoming van ‘n beter en veiliger wêreld vir ons kinders is seer sekerlik die nommer een prioriteit vir alle progressiewe regerings. Daarom kan mens sonder vrees van teenspraak konstateer dat die debat hier in die Parlement vandag, tydens Internasionale Kinderdag, die hoeksteen vorm van ons samelewing.

Sedert die geboorte van ons demokrasie in 1994 het die kwessie van kinderregte die voorrang van ons regering geniet, en daarom bevat ons Grondwet talle verwysings na die eerbiediging van die regte van ons kinders, sowel as maniere en metodes om hul beveiliging teen uitbuiting en tirannie te verseker. Op maatskaplike gebied het daar derhalwe sedert 1994 talle wette en beleidsverklarings die lig gesien wat daarop gemik is om kinders as ‘n kwesbare groep die beste moontlike beskerming teen uitbuiting te bied. Van die mees onlangse wette en beleidsdokumente wat die lig gesin het, is die Children’s Bill, wat beide die regte en verantwoordelikhede van kinders sowel as die van ouers definieer. Dan is daar die Kinderbeskermingsregister wat ‘n lys hou van kwesbare kinders wie ‘n behoefte het aan maatskaplike dienste én wat ‘n kwesbare kind en sy familie so gou as moontlik in verbinding plaas met ‘n maatskaplike werker. Die wyle Minister van Veiligheid en Sekuriteit, kameraad Steve Tshwete, het per geleentheid gepraat oor die onvermoë van die polisie om met die sogenaamde “social fabric”-misdade te handel, met ander woorde, misdade wat met die maatskaplike samestelling van die samelewing te doen het. Ons sal slegs ons doelstellings met ‘n veilige wêreld verwesenlik wanneer kindermishandeling nie maar net die verantwoordelikheid van ons polisie, ons howe en die maatskaplike dienste bly nie.

As nasie moet ons ‘n kindervriendelike en familievriendelike samelewing bou, en al ons strukture en stelsels moet dienooreenkomstig geskep word. Ons ekonomiese beleidsrigtings moet familievriendelik wees, so ook ons skole, ons gesondheidsinrigtings, ons plekke van aanbidding. Al dié instellings moet inrigtings van versorging, groei en genesing wees. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr R P Z VAN DEN HEEVER: Chairperson, the establishment of a better and safer world for our children is certainly the number one priority for all progressive governments. Therefore one can state without fear of contradiction that the debate here in Parliament today, during International Children’s Day, forms the cornerstone of our society.

Since the birth of our democracy in 1994 the issue of children’s rights has enjoyed priority with our government, and therefore our Constitution contains numerous references to the upholding of the rights of our children, as well as ways and methods of ensuring their safeguarding against exploitation and tyranny. Consequently, on a social level, many Acts and policy statements have been introduced since 1994 which are aimed at providing the best possible protection against exploitation to children as a vulnerable group.

Among the most recent Acts and policy documents to have been introduced is the Children’s Bill, which defines both the rights and responsibilities of children as well as those of parents. Then there is the Children’s Protection Register, which keeps a list of vulnerable children in need of social services and which puts a vulnerable child and its family in contact with a social worker as soon as possible.

The late Minister of Safety and Security, Comrade Steve Tshwete, on occasion spoke about the inability of the police to deal with the so-called social fabric crimes, in other words, crimes pertaining to the social composition of society. We shall only achieve our goals with a safe world when child abuse no longer remains the sole responsibility of our police, our courts and the social services.

As a nation we must build a child-friendly and family-friendly society, and all our structures and systems must be created accordingly. Our economic policy trends as well as our schools, our health institutions and our places of worship must be family friendly. All these institutions must be institutions of care, growth and healing.]

The area of education remains one of the most important areas for the creation of a better world for our children. Let me raise some of the main attributes of our education system in assisting our children to reach a better and safer world.

The education system has developed a formal early-childhood development period by means of which children are prepared from the earliest years in the preschool period for their first year in Grade 1. Preschool education has in the past only been the domain of the rich and the privileged, and government’s early-childhood development ensures that children are assisted from a very early age to deal with the challenges of education and training.

The education system also places an emphasis on life-long learning so that education is also accessible to the out-of-school youth and our semiliterate adults. The education system is furthermore geared to provide education to children in distress. To ensure access to education for street children education programmes have been provided to street children throughout the country. Through the national school nutrition programme meals are provided to learners in schools on a daily basis in the most disadvantaged communities. In co-ordination with the Departments of Justice and Social Development, education programmes are delivered to children awaiting trial. In the same manner, education, services and support are provided to orphans and disabled out-of-school youth.

The Department of Education has also undertaken a dedicated programme to assist provinces in the elimination of instances where learners are forced to receive education in unsafe and non-conducive environments.

Education is a microcosm of the social challenges faced by the broader society. Nevertheless the Department of Education also addresses social issues as they impact on schools. Sexual abuse cases in schools are reported to district offices within a day of occurring and are acted upon within a week of a report being received.

All urban nodal schools have drug-abuse policies whereby drug and alcohol abuse is managed. The department also provides training to schools with a weapon problem to ensure that schools are turned into weapon-free zones and that problems encountered are being dealt with. The Department of Education has also developed a system to support schools facing challenges of safety. A national safe-schools call centre has been established and call centre data is being used to inform school-safety strategies.

Some school districts have become very innovative in dealing with the problem of gangs and violence. In Manenberg, for example, schools have introduced the Adopt-a-Cop campaign whereby police officers are proactively involved in assisting schools with problems pertaining to gangsterism and violence. As far as the quest for free quality education is concerned, the department has introduced a number of no-fee schools in poverty-stricken communities across the country and has put in place a programme to ensure that the quality of education provided at these no-fee schools is comparable to the best in the country.

As far as the curriculum is concerned, one of the main priorities of the Department of Education is to increase the enrolment at FET colleges in critical skills areas and to develop a placement programme of successful learners in the labour market.

Ten spyte van die onbetwisbare vooruitgang en vordering wat in die daaglikse lewens van ons kinders deur middel van die onderwys gemaak word, is daar ‘n sektor van ons skoolgaande gemeenskap in Suid-Afrika wat steeds gebuk gaan onder enorme probleme. In Suid-Afrika se landelike gemeenskappe is daar steeds talle uitdagings wat kinders en hul families in die gesig staar. Dit gaan ‘n kwessie van uiterste noodsaaklikheid wees om ‘n spesiale poging aan te wend om onderwys in die diep landelike gebiede ‘n hupstoot te gee.

‘n Navorsingsprojek deur die RGN en onderwysbeleidskonsortium, geborg deur die Nelson Mandela-stigting, wat handel oor die stand van onderwys in landelike gemeenskappe het onlangs die lig gesien. Die navorsingsprojek handel oor die enorme skade wat dekades van apartheid aangerig het in voormalige tuislandgebiede in KwaZulu-Natal, die Oos-Kaap en Limpopo. Die navorsingsprojek dui aan dat die ongelykhede wat armoede veroorsaak nou ‘n ruimtelike of geografiese vorm aangeneem het.

Landelike armoede is integraal tot die breër vraagstuk van armoede in die land. Landelike onderwys het derhalwe ver agter geraak teenoor onderwysontwikkeling in ander dele van Suid-Afrika. Wanneer ‘n gemeenskap in ‘n diep landelike gebied sonder water en elektrisiteit is, ly die skool ook daaronder. Skole is ononderskeidbaar van die gemeenskappe waarbinne hulle geleë is. Die probleem is, dis wesenlik nie ‘n onderwysprobleem nie, dis ‘n breë maatskaplike probleem. En die probleme van onderontwikkeling in landelike skole sal slegs opgelos word wanneer die maatskaplike probleem van onderontwikkeling in die gemeenskap aangespreek word.

Ek dink mens verstaan dat die nalatenskap van onderontwikkeling en skreiende armoede groter is in die afgeleë valleie van diep landelike gebiede as in stedelike gebiede of in ontwikkelende dorpe. Dit is dus te verstane dat meer gedoen sal moet word oor ‘n langer tydperk om hierdie afgeleë valleie gelyk te bring met ontwikkeling in die stede en dorpe.

Daar moet erkenning gegee word aan die feit dat in 2004 die President in sy staatsrede armoedeverligting in landelike gebiede as ‘n hoofprioriteit geïdentifiseer het. Onder andere het die President opdrag aan die Department van Onderwys gegee dat alle gevalle van leerlinge wat onder bome of in die buitelug onderrig ontvang binne ‘n jaar uitgewis moet word. Nietemin moet ons almal kragte saamspan om te verseker dat ons in lyn met die Grondwet en in die gees van die President se oproep ook gelykheid bring tussen stedelike en landelike ontwikkeling.

As ons nie na ons kinders gaan kyk nie, wat die toekoms van dié land is, kan ons maar net sowel al die demokratiese vordering uitwis wat ons sedert 1994 ervaar het. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[In spite of the undisputed progress being made in the daily lives of our children by means of education, there is a sector of our school-going community in South Africa who are still burdened by enormous problems. In South Africa’s rural communities children and their families still face many challenges. It is going to be a matter of the utmost importance to make a special attempt at giving education in the remote rural areas a boost.

A research project by the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, and the education policy consortium, sponsored by the Nelson Mandela Foundation, which deals with the state of education in rural communities, was established recently. The research project deals with the enormous damage caused by decades of apartheid in former homeland areas in KwaZulu- Natal, the Eastern Cape and Limpopo. The research project indicates that the inequalities caused by poverty have now taken on a spatial or geographic dimension.

Rural poverty is integral to the broader issue of poverty in the country. Rural education has therefore fallen far behind compared with education development in other parts of South Africa. When a community in a rural area has no water and electricity the school is also affected. Schools are inseparable from the communities in which they are situated. The problem is that it is not essentially an educational problem; it is a broad social problem. And the problems of development in rural schools will only be solved when the social problem of underdevelopment in the community is addressed. I think one understands that the legacy of underdevelopment and dire poverty is bigger in the isolated valleys of deep rural areas than in urban areas or in developed towns. It is therefore clear that more will have to be done over a longer period to equalise these isolated valleys with the cities and towns regarding development.

Recognition should be given to the fact that in 2004 the President, in his state of the nation address, identified poverty relief in rural areas as a main priority. Inter alia, the President instructed the Department of Education that all cases of pupils who were receiving tuition under trees or in the open air had to be eradicated within a year. Nevertheless, we must all co-operate actively to ensure that we are in line with the Constitution and that, in the spirit of the President’s appeal, we must also bring equality between urban and rural development.

If we are not going to look after our children, who are the future of this country, we might as well eradicate all the democratic progress that we have experienced since 1994. I thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr M WATERS: Chair, Deputy Minister, hon members, as we celebrate International Children’s Day and Child Protection Week, we have to ask ourselves whether or not the millions of children throughout the world have got something to celebrate. Almost daily we hear of the abuse of children and the general disregard for human rights in Darfur and Zimbabwe, whilst our government remains silent.

A recent report by Amnesty International has slammed governments, as well as opposition groups in Sudan, northern Uganda, Chad, the Ivory Coast and the DRC for human rights abuses. With regards to Sudan’s Darfur region the reports states, and I quote: “Civilians were killed and injured by government troops, which sometimes bombed villages from the air.”

Yet when our President attended the inauguration of Sudan’s President, he failed to speak out against the atrocities in Darfur. On his previous visits, President Mbeki failed to condemn or even mention the human rights abuses carried out by the Arab Sudanese government and its allies against the black minority in south Sudan. Instead, he attacked political opposition in South Africa. This happens against the backdrop of 2,4 million people having been left homeless and some 300 000 Sudanese, many of them children, having lost their lives.

Human rights abuses closer to home in Zimbabwe have also had a limited effect on the ANC government. The forced removal of hundreds of thousands of people and the destruction of their homes through operation “Drive out filth”, were met with stony silence by the ANC government. These forced removals remind us of the atrocities carried out by the National Party …

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chair, may I address you on a point of order? The speaker seems to be speaking on the international relations Budget Vote, and we are talking about children now. [Laughter.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): Hon Waters, I don’t know whether the contents of your debate are linked to the subject matter, so if you could please make that link. I let you continue because I thought that probably at some point there would be a linkage. [Interjections.]

Mr M J ELLIS: Mr Chairman, I wanted to say, sir, that I believe that the Chief Whip of the ANC is absolutely wrong. I think everything that the hon Waters is talking about has to do with children. It doesn’t matter whether it is in this country or anywhere else in the world, but we are talking about children. And I believe that he is right on the button.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr K O Bapela): Okay, will you continue, hon member?

Mr M WATERS: Thank you, Chair, the debate is on International Children’s Day and it’s about creating a better and safer world for our children, all the children. These forced removals remind us of the atrocities carried out by the National Party’s apartheid regime. Yet during these forced removals the ANC was vocally opposed to them, and rightfully so, as was the DA’s predecessor through Helen Suzman. It is strange that 40 years later, it is the DA that continues to defend the downtrodden while the ANC conveniently looks the other way. [Interjections.]

It is no secret that nearly one million Zimbabweans have been forcibly removed from their homes. This means that hundreds of thousands of children no longer have a roof over their heads, do not attend school and go to sleep with empty stomachs. Yet all we get from the ANC is more quiet diplomacy and pictures of our President holding hands with Mugabe.

But how are we creating a better future for our children here in South Africa? Although this is Child Protection Week, we have recently witnessed a staggering increase of 45% in the number of child abuse cases being reported. South Africa has a long way to go before we can honestly claim to be a child-friendly country.

During the 2002-04 financial years the overall number of crimes committed against children increased by 26 000 to 85 808. It also means that there are now an astonishing 235 crimes committed against children per day in our country.

Despite this dramatic increase, the ANC government is not strengthening the specialised child protection units - the very units established to combat this scourge sweeping our country. Instead it has decided to abolish them, effectively destroying the last line of defence for abused children.

South Africa’s children now face a battle on two fronts. On the one side, they are the victims of a substantial number of crimes each year, committed by a violent society. On the other, they are the victims of a government that undermines their protection.

Seen in this light, the fact that one of the key objectives of this week’s campaign is to encourage the reporting of crimes against children through the National Child Protection Register, seems to be a case of one step forward and two steps back. A parliamentary question of mine has revealed that only 13 383, a fraction of the children whose names should appear on the Child Protection Register, are actually included. This clearly indicates that, despite an escalating child abuse crisis in South Africa, many provincial governments have no interest in dealing with the problem. The Child Care Act and the new Children’s Act compel the government to continuously update the register, which was established 32 years ago. However, the Eastern Cape has not even installed the register yet; the North West has only 18 names on its list; Limpopo has 29 and KwaZulu-Natal 36 names. This is clearly a complete under-representation of the reality. In reality, hundreds of thousands of names should appear on the register. If one just looks at the child rape statistics from last year alone, then at least 22 486 names should be on that list.

The main objectives of the register are to: One, ensure that if an abused child is moved from province to province, the authorities can track that child to prevent the same abuse from happening again; two, to ensure that children on the register receive proper services, and, three, to create a picture of child protection needs across the country in order to identify gaps.

Government is spending R3 million on advertising Child Protection Week, but if one considers that at the same time the National Child Protection Register is in disarray and civil society organisations such as NGOs and community-based organisations are not receiving an increase in their subsidy, it is clear that we have our priorities back to front. Civil organisations can, and should, play a pivotal role in early detection of abuse in the family. Yet owing to underfunding and the chronic lack of social workers, early detection is not happening on the scale that it should be.

The DA strongly believes that the following should receive urgent attention. Firstly, the Child Protection Units, or FCS units as they are now called, must not be closed down but rather be strengthened, and the number of the units increased. The proper resourcing of these units is essential as they are currently experiencing chronic staff shortages. When I visited all 46 units, the average case load per officer was 62 cases, meaning many weren’t even being investigated.

Secondly, all the vacancies at forensic laboratories must be filled. There are currently huge delays, which result in extensive court delays and numerous cases being withdrawn - meaning that rapists walk free.

Thirdly, the resourcing of the sexual offences courts, where all the sexual offences cases involving children are heard, must be enhanced. When I visited all these courts two years ago, not one met the minimum requirements set down by the Department of Justice. Lastly, more resources must be allocated to the National Child Protection Register. Chair, on the international front, the Human Rights Watch recently slated South Africa’s voting record on human rights in the United Nations, where we scored a dismal 35%. This should be of great concern to all of us in this House.

Domestically, we must question why we continuously underfund agencies that can prevent and combat child abuse and neglect, particularly when the ANC reminds us – as they have, this afternoon - that this scourge is a top priority. The funding of NGOs, child protection units and sexual offences courts is a political decision, and not an administrative decision. Simply put, hon members, the buck stops with us.

It is time the ANC government matched its rhetoric with actions, and put its money where its mouth is. I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms C N Z ZIKALALA: Chairperson, hon members, as we celebrate International Children’s Day and the start of Child Protection Week here in South Africa with this debate, it is very important that we take a step back and remember that small children are essentially defenceless and vulnerable members of our society.

This fundamental realisation should remind us that children could very easily fall prey to the ravages of poverty, abuse and neglect. We should also realise that these societal ills will have an effect on the future of children – how they grow up, how they are educated and what sort of citizens they will turn into in adulthood.

It is precisely this issue of the type of citizens today’s children will become in future that we should focus our minds on, the role that we as adults are playing in shaping and influencing the future of our children. As adults we play a variety of roles in the lives of children – caregiver, parent, provider, protector and in this House, lawmaker. All of these roles have one thing in common. We have the ability to directly influence the future of our children, but we must go further beyond just our ability to influence. We as adults must take direct responsibility for the future of our children.

Every time a child is raped, every time a child is abused and neglected, every time a child goes hungry and suffers from deprivation, we must ask ourselves: did we as responsible adults do enough to prevent the terrible things that happen to our children every day? Did we act on our responsibilities?

We in this House are in the unique position that we can influence the lives of children by creating laws and policies that translate our responsibilities into actions and interventions that will improve the present and future of our children.

This is what must charge us. Whatever we do here should be geared to ensuring a better future of our children. Whether we create legislation to deal with sex offenders, whether we pass laws to better protect children, whether we approve budgets that will alleviate poverty; we should remember that what we do today will affect the type of adults that our children will become.

We should never forget that black children will provide our future generations of leaders in government, business and society in general. It is our responsibility as adults to do everything we can to ensure that in turn they turn into being good, honest and responsible citizens of our country.

If we did that we would have exercised our responsibility. [Interjections.] [Time expired.] I thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]

Mna M J MALAHLELA: Mmagorena Modulasetulo, a ke bontšhe gore ke tlile go bolela gagolo ka Sesotho sa Leboa le gore mohlomongwe nka no tswaka gannyane ka sejahlapi.

Ge ke tšwela pele a ke bontšhe mohlomphegi Waters gore ka tše pedi-tše- tharo mo gongwe re a dumelelana, kudu tabeng ya yunithi ya go hlokomela bana. Ga se taba ya gore ke sephetho sa ANC goba ke sello sa DA, eupša ke taba ya gore a re lebelela dinyakwa le ditlabatlabelo tša bana na?

Bjale a re lebeleleng mebala ya dipolotiki. A ke bontšhe gore e no ba gore dipolotiki ke dipolotiki. Ke bontšhitše gantsi gore go ya ka ba mokgatlo wa DA, ge ba mokgatlo wa ANC ba ka re letšatši le sobela bosobelatšatši, bona ba tlile go boa ba re letšatši le sobela bohlabatšatši, e le ge ba swanetše gore ba bonagale gore ga ba kwane le ANC. Ka sekgowa ke tla re … (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Mr M J MALAHLELA: Hon Madam Speaker, let me indicate that I am mostly going to speak in Northern Sotho and maybe mix it with a little bit of English here and there.

Let me indicate to hon Waters as I proceed, that I agree with him on two or three issues, especially on the Child Care Unit. It is not that it is a decision taken by the ANC or that it is an inconvenience to the DA, but it’s simply a question of whether or not we are looking at the interests and particulars of the children or not.

Let us take a look at the political colours. Let me indicate that it’s unfortunate that politics are just what they are, politics. I indicated quite a number of times that according to the DA, if the ANC says that the sun rises in the East, they will say it rises in the West, so as to show that they are against the ANC. In English, I will say …] … if the ANC says the sun sets in the west, it is automatic that the DA would say the sun sets in the east. [Laughter.]

A ke bontšhe gape gore ba mokgatlo wa DA ba lla ka taba ya gore bammušo wa ANC ba šomišitše diranta tše dimilione tše tharo go bapatša seo go ka thwego ke Beke ya Thokomelo ya Bana. Efela a ke lemoše gape gore ge nkabe re tšere tšhelete yeo re e file diNGOs – nongovernmental organisations - tšeo ba bolelago ka ga tšona, ba be ba tlile go boa ba ema gona mo ke lego gona, efela ba fetotše mawa ba re ANC e tšere diranta tše dimilione tše tharo gomme e di file di-NGO ntle le go bapatša. Go ya ka bona, ba ka se tsoge ba kwane le seo se bolelwago ke bamokgatlo wa ANC. Mogongwe re nyaka re ba kwešiša gannyane ge ba lla ka taba ya gore moetapele wa naga, Comrade Thabo Mbeki ga se a ke a bolela selo ka ga ditokelo tša bana Sudan le Zimbabwe. Go nyaka re ba kwešiše botse. Ka mantšu a mangwe ba ra gore le ge bona ba ka bolela ka ditokelo tša bana – dikgatako tša ditokelo Zimababwe goba Sudan - ga go na motho yo a kago ba theeletša. Efela ge presidente ya naga President Mbeki goba ANC e ka bolela ka ga tšona, lefase ka moka le tla theeletša. Ga ba re gore ga go ne motho yo a ba kwago. Seo se lego gona ke gore taba ya go ba le boima godimo ga yeo e bolelwago ke ANC le yeo e bolelwago ke DA ke e fe. Ka goo, ba tla go rena ba re ``re thušeng gobane lentšu la lena le kwagala kudu go feta la rena’’. Ga se gore ba a belaela. Go nyaka re ba kwešiša gobane seo se ra gore ba bontšha gore ba a tseba gore maatla a letše kae - ga a ka go la nngele, a letše ka go la go ja.

Go iša pele a ke bontšhe gore ba bolela ka taba ya sexual offences courts. Re dumelelana le bona. Le rena ge re dutše re theeleditše Lefapha la tša Toka le Tšwetšopele ya Molaotheo, re phela re bolela ka taba ya sexual offences courts gore a re e direng bokaone. Ke ka lebaka leo o bonago ba Lefapha la tša Toka le Tšwetšopele ya Molaotheo ba ntšhitše diposo tše dintši, e le ge ba re go rena, sello sa lena sa gore sexual offences courts ga se di tlabakelwe ka mo go lekanego re a se kwa, bjale diposo tše ke tša gore re ye re thibe sekgoba seo.

Ge ke tšwela pele a ke bontšhe gore ge ke eme mo ke nyaka go kgopela Maafrikaborwa ka moka - bao ba tsebago go rapela le bao ba tsebago go lahla ditaola, go akaretšwa le bao ba bonago ka lefahla - gore a re kopaneng re re ka molomo wo tee re thušaneng le batho ba East Timor gobane bao ba di dutšego sekgauswi ba re madireng a re dutše a re bana ba East Timor ba gagolana ka selepe sa magagane sa go rema ngwana wa tšhiwana. East Timor re e gopola e le ye nngwe ya dinaga tšeo re bego re lwela tokologo le tšona. Bjale ditla-morago tša tokologo ya bona di dira gore go be le seo ba se bitšago gore ke semorafe – ka sekgowa o ka no re ke tribalism. Go bohlokwa gore bjalo ka ANC re ralokeng karolo ye bohlokwa gore re thušaneng le bona. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[Let me also indicate that the DA members are complaining about the fact that the ANC government has spent R3 million to advertise what is referred to as Child Protection Week. Let me make you aware that if the money was given to the NGOs as they recommended, they would still say that the ANC has given the money to the NGOs without advertising. They will just never agree with anything the ANC says or does. Maybe we need to understand them a little bit when they complain that President Thabo Mbeki has not said anything about children’s rights in Sudan and Zimbabwe. We need to understand them better. In other words, what they actually mean is, if they talk about children’s rights and how they are infringed on in Zimbabwe or Sudan, no one will listen to them. However, if it is the President of the country or the ANC, the whole world will listen. They don’t necessarily mean that nobody hears them. The fact is that what the ANC says carries more weight than what the DA says; hence they come to ask for our help. They are not really complaining. We have to understand this, because it means that they actually acknowledge where the power lies. It is not on the left, but on the right-hand side.

Furthermore, they refer to the issue of sexual offences courts. We agree with them. We also think it is a good idea to make it better, as we are listening to the presentation by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development; hence you see their vacant positions advertised in the papers. We acknowledge that they are not sufficiently staffed and we are trying to close the gap with those vacancies.

Furthermore, I’d like to appeal to all South Africans - Christians, traditional healers and prophets - to come together and ask for help for the people in East Timor, as the media says a massacre is taking place there. We remember East Timor as one of the countries that fought for freedom with us. Tribalism is a consequence of their freedom. As the ANC, it is very important that we help them.]

East Timor is definitely one of the countries that should be a beacon of hope.

Ka sepedi go na le seema seo se rego monna o swanetše go tlogela ntepa ya mosadi e le dikgepetla. Seo se ra gore mosadi le monna yo mongwe le yo mongwe ge ba dutše ba swanetše gore ba gopole gore ba swanetše go oketša setšhaba ka go dira bana. Ge ba oketša setšhaba ka go dira bana, re tlile go bolela ka lešoko la motswadi. Lešoko la motswadi leo re bolelago ka lona le dira gore go be le ngwana mo Afrika Borwa. Ke ka lebaka leo lehono re bolelago ka International Children’s Day. Potšišo ke gore na bana bao ba belegwago ba belegelwa ka gare ga Afrika Borwa ye bjang? Nna le wene re tla dumelelana gore ba belegelwa ka gare ga Afrika Borwa ya go lokologa. Nna le wene re tla dumelelana gore ba belegelwa ka gare ga Afrika Borwa yeo e lego ya batho ka moka. Nna le wene re tla dumelelana gore ba belegelwa ka gare ga Afrika Borwa yeo e eteletšwego pele ke ANC yeo e rego re ntšha tlala malapeng a batho.

Nna le Israel Mzwakhe Mbuli re dumelelana ka molomo wo tee wa lehlabula gore, gare go tše dingwe, bana bao ba belegelwago ka gare ga Afrika Borwa ba belegelwa ka gare ga Afrika Borwa yeo e nago le khuetšo ya setšo sa Yuropa seo se babatšwago gagolo ka radio le thelebišene gobane ge o lebelela dithelebišene tša rena lehono, e ka ba tša papatšo, e ka ba mmino goba dikoša, kgwekgwe ya thuto yeo e bago gona – ga ke re tšohle tšeo ba di rutago ga se tšona – efela kgwekgwe ya thuto yeo e lego gona ke gore bana ba rena ba rutwa gore na lepono ke eng. Ge o theeletša mantšu a dikoša tšeo di opelwago ke Maafrikaborwa, e le ge ba re re opela kwaito goba se le sela

• ka sekgowa re ka bolela ka lyrics - bontši di na le maroga, di na le mahlapa. Potšišo ke gore a ke seo bjale ka Afrika Borwa re nyakago gore bana ba rena ba be ka gare ga yona na? A ke seo re rego ge re belega bana ra ba belegela ka gare ga setšo seo boitshwaro bja sona e lego hlephi? - culture whose moral fibre is dissipating? Go bohlokwa gore re boleleng ka dilo tše.

Go bohlokwa gore re boleleng ka taba ya gore ga se gore ge 50 Cent goba seopedi sefe goba sefe sa Amerika se re ge se opela ka sejahlapi se bolela ka maroga, wene bjaloka moAfrikaborwa o na le tokelo ya go tlo opela ka maroga, o re gape le 50 Cents o a e dira. Ga se Amerika, ke Afrika Borwa mo!

Go bohlokwa gore re bontšhe gore le ge setšo sa gabonorena e be e le setšo sa makgeswa, re ka se boele morago ra tšwara makgeswa, e le ge re re re nyaka go bontšha gore setšo sa gaborena se reng. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[It is said in Sepedi that a man must offer a full service to his wife. In other words, all men and women should remember to make a contribution to the nation by giving birth. If they do that, we will then talk about a parent’s empathy. That enables SA to have a child. That is why we are talking about International Children’s Day. The question is what kind of country are we bringing the children into? We will all agree that it is a free country. We will both agree that they are born into a South Africa for all. We will also agree that they are born into a South Africa that is led by the ANC and one that is of service to the people.

I agree with Israel Mzwakhe Mbuli, among other things, on children being born into a South Africa that has an influence of European culture. You see it in the advertisements, songs and the type of education on radio and television. I am not saying that their material is bad, but the fact is that our children are taught about nudity at a very early stage. If you listen to the words in the lyrics in the local songs, kwaito and many others, they are full of swear words. The question is whether this is the kind of SA that we want our children to be in. When we bring our children into this world, is this loose kind of culture what we want for them; a culture whose moral fibre is dissipating? It is important that we discuss these things. It is important that we talk about this. It doesn’t necessarily mean that when 50 Cent or any other American artist sings a swearing song, South Africans should also follow the example, and say that 50 Cent also does it. We are not America, but we are in South Africa.

It is important to show that even though we are from a culture where we wore loin cloths, there is no way we are going back there. What would we possibly be trying to prove?]

Any culture that does not adapt to the changing conditions is doomed to failure.

Ke ka lebaka leo re rego re ka se dumelele bana ba rena ba sepela mebileng ka mapono ba re seo se ra gore ba kgantšha mebele ya bona. Mongwe le mongwe yo a kgantshago mmele wa gagwe ga a swanelwa go tšame a bontšha lepono mo mebileng, e le ge a re o a mpona. Ga go na monna yoo a ka tlogego a kata ngwana gabedi a re ke mo kata ka baka la gore o ka lepono. Ga se yeo re kago tsoga re e dumeletše Afrika Borwa. Seo se ra gore ntwa kgahlanong le bolwetši bja HIV/Aids e ka se tsoge e fedile ge re ka se amogele gore diopedi tša rena tšeo di opelago kgahlanong le HIV/Aids re di opele magofsi, efela ba se ke ba bolela ka maroga e le ge ba re re aga Afrika Borwa ye ntshwa.

Ye nngwe yeo e lebanego bana ba Afrika Borwa ke taba ya go gweba ka mebele. Potšišo ke gore na ge bana ba Afrika Borwa ba tla be ba šala ba tšea sephetho sa go gweba ka mebele ke ka lebaka la eng go e ba tsela yeo? Ge o e ya Pelican Park o e tšwa boemafofaneng bja Johannesburg o na le go feta bana ba bantši ba eme ba re re a rekiša. Potšišo ke gore ba rekišetša mang? Ga go na bjala bjo bo ka rekwago ge bo se na morekiši goba bo hloka mmapatši. Se se lego gona ke gore rena bjaloka banna ke karolo e fe yeo re e ralokago godimo ga bana ba ba rena? A tšhelete yeo re e golago ke ya go yo reka thobalano goba tšhelete yeo re e golago e swanetše go ba tšhelete ya go bopa Afrika Borwa naa ka baka la gore rena bjaloka banna ba setšhaba re ka se re ge bana ba rena ba eme mebileng ra ya go bona ra re re tlile go reka thobalano. Ga re age Afrika Borwa ye botse. Bana bao ba belegelwago ka gare ga Afrika Borwa ba tlile go belegelwa ka gare ga Afrika Borwa with foreign cultures.

Pele ga ge ke digela dikgala, a ke bontshe gore Lawrence Phokanoka o kile a bontšha a sa phela gore theknolotši … (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[It is for that reason that we cannot allow our children to walk around in the street naked, thinking that they are proud of their bodies. One does not have to be naked to show that he or she appreciates his or her body. There is no man who will rape a child with an excuse that the child was nude. We will not allow that in South Africa. If we don’t encourage our artists who sing against HIV/Aids, we will not win the fight against HIV/Aids. They should not, however, swear in their lyrics thinking that they are building a new South Africa. Another challenge facing South Africa is prostitution. The question is, what is it that pushes our children to resort to prostitution? You come across a lot of them posing as prostitutes when you go to Pelican Park from Cape Town International Airport. The question is, whom are they selling their bodies to? For liquor to be bought, there has to be a seller to advertise it. As men, what is the role we play in our children’s lives? Are our salaries meant to pay for these prostitutes or are they meant to help build a better South Africa? We cannot support prostitution, because that does not help build a better South Africa. Our children will be born into a South Africa with foreign cultures.

Let me indicate, before I conclude, that Lawrence Phokanoka indicated while he was still alive that technology …]

… is one of the mainstays that would be a catalyst for the struggle for socialism.

O be a e ra gore theknolotši e tla ba yona e tšeago karolo ya gore babereki ba kitimele go bona bososiale. O be a boledišwa ke eng? Tše dingwe tša tšona di a direga. Bomenetša bja go utwa dikoša tša baopedi ba bangwe bo re direla bothata Afrika Borwa. Ke a go leboga, Modulasetulo. [Nako e fedile.] [Legofsi.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)

[He meant that technology would play a big role when people were struggling for socialism. What would have made him say that? Some of these things are happening now. There is a lot of fraud in South Africa, where some artists are copying other artists’ songs. Thank you, Chairperson.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]]

Mr J BICI: Chair, hon members, the question is: “How do we create a better and safer world for the future of our children?” Perhaps the answer lies in looking at the achievements of democracy, eg the Bill of Rights, the growing economy, houses, electricity, water, etc. The list of achievements goes on and on. Looking into the future, we can say to our children: This is your inheritance; our legacy that we give to you.

However, then I remember Baby Tshepang and the many others like her, who have been raped even before they could start walking. Children in South African continue to die at a rate unheard of for a country as prosperous as South Africa. This makes one feel that we haven’t done enough to fight murder, abuse and neglect of children. We need to do something constructive.

Ekugqibeleni, ndingathi zonke ezi zinto zifuna imali, Mbhexeshi oyiNtloko. Ukubangaba imali ayikho, siza kusokola, simana siboleka nkqu noluhlu lwezithethi kwi-ANC. [Laphela ixesha.] Enkosi kakhulu. [Lastly, I would like to say that all of these things require financial assistance, Chief Whip. If there is no money, we are going to suffer, and we will find ourselves even asking for the list of speakers from the ANC. [Time expired.] Thank you very much.]

Mr V C GORE: Madam Chair, South Africans must be proud of itself when it comes to looking after the interests of children. The South African Constitution, with particular reference to children’s rights, is the envy of all throughout the world.

In addition, the passing of the Children’s Bill late last year, through this House, was a monumental step forward in the protection and promotion of the rights of a child. For this we should hold our heads high.

Unfortunately, there are some major challenges that face this country with regard to children. South Africa is one of seven countries in the world where the child mortality rate is on the increase. The fact that many child deaths are related to easily preventable diseases such as diarrhoea is appalling.

The ID appeals to the Minister of Health to take note of these shocking occurrences and ensure the availability of antiretroviral medication for all HIV-positive pregnant mothers and better health services for all.

It is a disgrace that significant numbers of South African children do not live long enough for them to enjoy their full rights. It is essential that the voice of children, who cannot speak for themselves, is adequately heard. That is our responsibility as legislators. I thank you.

Rev K R J MESHOE: Chairperson, the ACDP makes an urgent call for government to do much more to protect our children from abuse and exploitation. We further express our profound dismay at the failure of the Sexual Offences Bill to address the real needs of our children.

The ACDP, following overwhelming public support, recommended that the age of consent for consensual sex be lifted from 16 to 18 years. Age-of-consent offences offer the best legal protection for boys and girls from adult abusers by preventing rapists from claiming that their victims gave consent. Once a sexual act has been proven, a finding of statutory rape can follow, thus sparing the child victim the trauma of having to disprove consent.

The government intends to increase the age restriction for the purchase of cigarettes from 16 to 18 years to protect the health of our children. If the government is serious about creating a better and safer world for the future of our children, it should also increase the age of consent with regard to sex from 16 to 18 years.

We can no longer afford to simply pass legislation without ensuring its implementation. Further, it is of no use passing legislation that is not based on reality. I thank you.

Ms M M MDLALOSE: Madam Chairperson and hon members, International Children’s Day should be a day of celebration – a day we marvel at curious minds and wonder at the contributions young minds will still make to our world. However, celebrations are overshadowed by the grim reality our children face today: parents dying of Aids, sexual predators – like the horrific case in Kuils River - and an entire generation growing up in poverty.

The prospects of justice for South African children are constrained by the absence of strong legislation that protects and promotes the rights of our children. A range of legislative instruments has to be presented to this Parliament. The Child Justice Bill, the Sexual Offences Bill and sections of the Children’s Bill still wait to come before the Parliament. The Child Health Bill still sits with the Department of Health and perhaps the Minister will inform us about the progress on this.

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Hon member, your time has expired.

Ms M M MDLALOSE: I thank you.

Mrs T J TSHIVHASE: Hon Madam Chair, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, the world made this special day a particular concern. Children are of high importance in our government statutes and Constitution because children are the carriers of the nation’s future. We look upon them as tomorrow’s professionals and politicians of this country.

It is because of this view that our government brought about a Bill dealing specifically with the children to ensure that they would have entire protection and welfare. In various places child welfare societies are established to deal with adoption, foster care and children’s homes. Society trains caregivers and runs community development and intervention programmes. Counselling and support groups are usually available for children and parents.

Phuresidennde vho ombedzela nga ha thoḓea ya u tsireledza na u bveledza pfanelo dza vhana, sa zwe zwa vhekanyiswa zwone kha Mulayotewa musi vha tshi khou amba lushaka Phalamenndeni nga dzi 6 Luhuhi 2004, he vha khwathisa uri, khaedu dzoṱhe dzi kwamaho vhana dzi tea u fheliswa, vha maanḓafhadziwa, nahone ndondolo yavho i khwiniswe. (Translation of Tshivenda paragraph follows.)

[The president has emphasised the need for the protection and development of children’s rights, as provided for in the Constitution, in his state of the nation address in Parliament on 6 February 2004. He stressed that all challenges affecting children should be brought to an end, that they be empowered and their care improved.]

Broadly speaking, all South Africans are responsible for the wellbeing of children. Parents are responsible for the care and support of their children and are bound by law to provide for their basic needs until they are 18 years of age. However, where they are unable to do so, due to reasons of poverty, the Constitutional Court has ruled that the state should undertake this responsibility eg through the issuing of different grants.

The state’s obligation is to provide special protection to children. Reasonable programmes are to be directed and aimed at satisfying children’s basic needs, such as the child support grant and the primary school nutrition programmes. Another scenario could be a matter in which the court is requested to make decisions that would have considerable cost implications for the state, such as the challenge to lack of social security provisioning for children aged between 7 and 18 years.

The hon Malahlela has already talked about the HIV pandemic. Post-exposure prophylaxis, PEP, and the antiretroviral drugs that reduce the risks of contracting the virus from the HIV-positive attacker will be provided.

Vhuṱoli ha pfanelo dza vhuthu na ALP – Aids Law Projects, na ṱhoḓea dza thandela dza ano maḓuvha, dzi ita uri vhana vha wane thuso musi vho tambudzwa lwa vhudzekani. Vha dovha hafhu vha wana tshumelo dza PEP na ndingo dza HIV. Lushaka lu ṱhogomelaho lu ḓi imisela u tsireledza na u khwinisa pfanelo dza vhana vha shayaho vhuḓifhinduleli, sa vhaholefhali.

Mikhukhu i tea u fheliswa, ha fhaṱiwa miḓi miswa dziḓorobo, hune vha kona u swikelela dzibada, midavhi, dzikhireshe na dziṅwe tshumelo dza nnyi na nnyi. Vhaholefhali, dzi tsiwana na vhalwadze vha tea u londolwa nga muvhuso. Ṅwana muṅwe na muṅwe u tea u vha na pfanelo dza u kona u swikelela dziphakhani na fhethu ha u ḓimvumvusa. Mikhukhu na fhethu ho dzuliwaho lu si lwa mulayo hu tea u fheliswa. Milayo ya ṱhalano na yone i tea u vusuludzwa ngauri vhana vha takalela u vhona muṱa wo faranaho. Zwi ita uri vhana vha vhe na vhumatshelo havhuḓi. (Translation of Tshivenḓa paragraphs follows.)

[The examiination of human rights, the Aids Law Project, ALP, and the need for projects for modern times enable children who are sexually abused to find help. They also obtain PEP services and HIV testing. A caring nation prepares itself to protect and improve the rights of children who are vulnerable, like the disabled. Shacks should be abolished and suburbs built where roads, playgrounds, crèches and other services for the general public are accessible. The disabled, orphans and the sick should be taken care of by the state. Every child should have the right to access parks and other places of recreation. Shacks and informal settlements should be abolished. Divorce laws also have to be amended because children are happy to see a unified family. It will ensure that children have a brighter future.]

The youth development programmes will promote volunteerism amongst our children. A model for community-based services will be developed, including best practice models for children and the youth.

Periodic review for all grant beneficiaries should be conducted in order to validate eligibility, as well as the beneficiary status profile changes. This, therefore, should include the review for disability grant as well. The review should also ensure that a continuous system is improved and enhance the overall social assistance integrity.

Children’s rights should be promoted and protected. When a child has been removed from the family environment, family care or parental care or appropriate alternative care should be provided. Basic nutrition, shelter, basic health care services and social services should be provided through the implementation of the department’s Expanded Public Works Programme. Services and care to orphans and other vulnerable children will be improved and home-based caregivers will be trained. Prevention of victimisation services for women and their children and shelters will be established. A victim empowerment policy will be put in place. A person should have parental responsibilities and rights in respect of a child.

Voluntary care for children, either indefinitely, temporarily or partially, including a caregiver, who otherwise has parental responsibilities and rights in respect of a child, must, whilst the child is in that person’s care, safeguard the child’s health, wellbeing and development; and protect the child from maltreatment, abuse, neglect, degradation, discrimination, exploitation and any other physical or mental harm or hazards.

Vhana vhane vha dzula mahayani vha tea u ṱuwa na vhabebi vhavho kana vha vhaunḓi musi vha tshi ya zwibadela, vhukati ha iri dza 72 arali vho tambudzwa lwa vhudzekani. Hu tea u vha na mbetshelwa ine ya tendela dokotela uri a vha thuse. Vhabebi kana vhaunḓi vha vhana vhenevho, vha fanela u ṋea thendelo iyo. (Translation of Tshivenḓa paragraph follows.)

[Children who live in the rural areas should be accompanied by their parents or guardians when going to hospital within 72 hours if they have been sexually abused. There should be a provision that allows a doctor to help them. Parents or guardians of such children should make such provision.]

The United Nations’ Committee on the Rights of the Child is responsible for supervising the application of its Convention on the Rights of Children, which has been ratified by 193 countries. The International Labour Organisation, ILO, has an individualised education planning committee, IEPC, which is dedicated to the progressive elimination of child labour, giving priority to its worst forms.

The convention provides an opportunity to make government accountable for strengthening law-enforcement and labour inspection. The general public needs to be informed and made aware of the gravity of the problems of child labour and the need to take urgent steps to eliminate it.

The public still needs to be aware of the need to put the necessary pressure on the public authority. Researchers should develop effective national and international policies and programmes, and extensive research must be undertaken to determine the state of child labour. Institutional capacity should be developed in order to formulate and execute national policies. An institutional mechanism within the government must be created to monitor enforcement.

Ri a fhululedza ḓuvha iḽi ḽa ḽifhasi ḽa vhana. Ndi a livhuwa. Zwo ralo, vhana kha vha hogomelwe ngauri ndi lwone lushaka lwashu lwa matshelo. Kha ri ḓihudze nga havha vhana vhe ra vha alusa ri tshi vha funa. Ndi zwine muṅwe na muṅwe sa mubebi, a tea u vha na vhuḓifhinduleli ha uri ri fune havha vhana ngauri Mudzimu o vha ḓisa sa mpho dzashu. Ri fanela u zwi ḓivha zwauri roṱhe, nga muthihi nga muthihi, ri tea u vha funa.

Havha vhana vha sa vha hone, a hu na vhumatshelo ha shango. Ri tea u vha tsireledza, ra vha funa, ra vha takalela nahone ra vha ṱuṱuwedza kha zwa pfunzo ngauri arali vha sa vha hone, rine ri nga si vhe na vhumatshelo. Shango ḽashu ḽi ḓo fhela. Sa izwi vha tshi khou pfa zwine iyi khoro ine ya vha kha tshanḓa tshanga tsha u ḽa ya khou amba zwone, a i zwi ḓivhi zwauri ṅwana ndi tshithu-ḓe.

Vhana havha vho ḓaḓiswa nga muvhuso wonouḽa we ha vha hu tshi khou vhusa vha DA. Ṋamusi vha vho ḓivhidza uri vha DA ngeno vho vha vhe DP. Vho tou shandula dzina fhedzi. Nga Tshitshangana vhari, nyoka a yi na xinyokana. U nga si shandule lukanda lwau u ṋowa. Kana u ṋowa wa ri ndi muthu. Hezwo zwithu zwine vha khou ita zwone, vha tou zwi ḓivha zwauri havha vhana vhashu vhane vha vha zwigevhenga na vha lalaho zwṱtaraṱani, ndi zwibveledzwa zwavho.

Vha a zwi ḓivha zwauri vho tou zwi ita nga khole. Ṋamusi vha vhona u nga vha nga ḓishandula. Ṋowa u nga si i shandule ya vha ṋowana kana muthu. Hezwo zwoṱhe vha a zwi ṱivha zwauri ndi mvelelo dzavho. Ndi masindaitwa avho. Ndi a livhuwa. [U Vhanda Zwanḓa.] (Translation of Tshivenḓa paragraphs follows.)

[We celebrate this Children’s Day. I thank you. As it is, children should be taken care of because they are our future nation. Let us be proud of these children whom we brought up with love. That’s why everyone, as parents, should have the responsibility of loving these children because God brought them as our gifts. We should know that all of us, one by one, should love them.

If these children are not there, there is no future for the country. We should protect, love, appreciate and even encourage them with regard to education because if they are not there, we won’t have a future. Our country will be finished. When one listens to what this organisation on my right is saying, one realises that it doesn’t know what a child is.

These children are confused by the government which was ruled by the DA. Today they call themselves the DA while back then they were the DP. They only changed the name. In Xitsonga they say, “Nyoka a yi na xinyokana.” You cannot change your skin if you are a snake or if you are a snake say that you are a person. The things that they are doing show that they know that our children, who are criminals and street kids, are the products of their system.

They know that they did that intentionally. Today they think they can change themselves. A snake cannot be changed into a small snake or a person. They know it is their results. It is the consequences of their actions. I thank you. [Applause.]]

Rre B E PULE: Ke a leboga, Modulasetilo. Fa re bua ka go direla bana moso o o botoka, o o babalesegileng, re bua ka bone bana ka sebele. Rona ka Setswana ra re: “Ntime o mphele ngwana,” ke gore o se ka wa mpha dijo o fe ngwanake, gape re re ‘Ngwana sejo o a tlhakanelwa’.

Re tshwanetse go ruta bana ba rona gore moso kgotsa isagwe ga e fela mo gonneng le dithuto tse di kwa godimo kgotsa go itse go tshameka ka sekgoa, ga se sona fela seo re tshwanetseng go se ruta bana. Isagwe e e botoka e ikaegile ka botho, jaaka re re bathopele mme ekete gape re ka re ‘bothopele’. Tsotlhe tse ke gore dithuto tse, di tshwanetse go tsena mo tlhogong e e nang le botho. Martin Luther o kile a sobokanya ntlha e ya gore tswelelopele e ka dirwa jang ka mafoko a a latelang, nte ke mo nopole, o ne a bua jaana a re: (Translation of Setswana paragraphs follows.)

[Mr B E PULE: Thank you, Chairperson. When we talk about creating a better future for the children, a future that is safe, we refer to them personally. In Setswana we say: “Don’t feed me, feed my child”, which means don’t give food to me, but rather to my child. In addition we say that everyone and not only his parents guides a child.

We have to teach our children that the future is not only found in top education or how to play with the English language. That is not the only thing that we have to teach our children. A better future is based on humanity, like we say people first. I wish we could also say humanity first. All these things, referring to this education, should be in the head of someone who has humanity. Martin Luther has tried to summarise this point of how progress can be made with the following words. He said, and I quote:

The prosperity of the country depends not upon the abundance of its revenues, nor on the beauty of its public buildings, nor on the strength of its fortification, but it consists in the number of its cultivated citizens, in its men of enlightenment, education and character. O ne a supa gore naga nngwe le nngwe e ikaegile ka botho, bothopele. Ke a leboga. [He showed that every country relies on its humanity; humanity first. Thank you.]

Mr R B BHOOLA: Chairperson, last Friday, it was reported in the news that a nine-year-old Kuils River girl was raped and assaulted. What Child Line has reported is a daily occurrence throughout South Africa. It is disheartening that people could hurt and even contemplate having to bring harm to an innocent child. We do believe that mental incapacity is a terrible excuse that we allow these barbarians to escape with.

It is reported that 961 children are raped daily and that 40 children are raped every minute in South Africa. That, in itself, displays the seriousness of child abuse in South Africa. As a nation, we have invested largely in awareness campaigns, among other initiatives, to clamp down on child abuse. We extend our concern as to how effective a deterrent these campaigns have been to curb rape and abuse against our innocent children.

The MF feels that, in all honesty, stricter legislation and a serious attack by our judicial system on these offenders needs to be urgently addressed to remedy the situation. We believe these criminals are fearless of the law and have no conscience for their deeds. We call for the tightening of the screws and the extension of the long arm of the law to address the serious issue of child abuse in South Africa. Thank you. [Time expired.]

Ms N M MDAKA: Chairperson, International Children’s Day comes at the beginning of a significant occasion in the calendar of South Africa, the start of Child Protection Week. This is an opportunity for the government to devote itself to making sure that our children are able to exercise their rights to the fullest and enjoy the fruits of our freedom and democracy.

This is also a time when we emphasise education to the community about issues of child neglect and abuse. South Africa has ratified quite a number of protocols and conventions such as the UN Declaration on the Rights and Responsibilities of the Child, the OAU Charter and the International Labour Organisation’s Convention 182, which look at the worst forms of child labour. Many of our children are still victims of child trafficking and are forced into prostitution. They are subjected to brutal abuse and have no option, but to flee their homes and live on the streets.

Our children suffer the most and they feel the brunt of poverty more than any sector of our society. Thank you. [Time expired.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): We now have the hon Madella and I was going to say that he is making his maiden speech, but in a Parliament that is known for its gender-sensitive language use we should perhaps be looking for another phrase. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr A F MADELLA: Madam Chairperson, hon members, esteemed guests; I am indeed very honoured and profoundly privileged to stand at this podium today and to address this House of eminent persons. I wish to dedicate my contribution in this debate to all children who have been and who are survivors of child abuse and violence against children. In particular, I wish to dedicate this debate, this contribution to Kayleen Ruiters, the nine-year-old that two other speakers have referred to; living in Kuils River in the sanctuary of her home, she has been severely assaulted and left for dead.

In a few days’ time, to be more precise, on 1 June 2006, South Africa together with the whole world will be celebrating International Children’s Day. Parliament, today and in the form of this debate, is contributing to this celebration but it also provides us with an opportunity to reflect, take stock, appraise and review through debate how the conditions under which children are growing up and developing into adults have changed over time and I may say, hopefully to the better.

The critical question we, as legislators, human and children rights activists should ask ourselves is, under what general conditions are children in especially the developing world growing up today? And more importantly, what are we doing about it? Sadly, the Unicef’s State of the World’s Children Report 2006, states that millions of children across the world continue to make their way through life impoverished, abundant, uneducated, malnourished, discriminated against, neglected and generally vulnerable. For these children, life is a daily struggle to survive. Whether they live in the urban centres or rural outposts, they risk missing out on school and childhood and are excluded from essential services including health care, education and social services.

Many of them lack the protection of family and community life and they are often at risk of exploitation and abuse. For these children, childhood as a time to grow, learn, play and feel safe simply does not exist. What is the state of children in our own country and what are we doing about it? Our chequered past under apartheid has not escaped our children. The commemoration celebrations around the 30th anniversary of the Soweto Uprising that shook the world on 16 June 1976, and quickly spread out like wildfire across the country, is a stark reminder of the brutality endured by children in the quest for justice, decent education and freedom.

Hector Peterson, a mere child, died in a hail of bullets on this day. Hundreds more children suffered similar fates in the days that followed and thousand more young lives were violently disrupted by detentions without trial, etc. The post-June ‘76 period saw a government with its sophisticated police force, army and security intelligence forces unleashing a terror campaign of detentions, harassment, kidnappings, and assassination of opponents of apartheid,many of whom, I may say, were merely children.

Seventeen years before the June 16 Soweto Uprising, in 1959 to be exact, a declaration on children’s rights was adopted by the United Nations. This declaration states that all children have the right to survival, protection, development and participation; basic rights, which coloured, African and Indian children were denied under apartheid. Never again should state power be used to violate the rights of its citizens and more importantly, its children, which it is obligated to protect. [Applause.]

Twelve years ago, our founding father, his Excellency, Comrade Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. South Africa, subsequently, in 1995 joined the rest of the world in committing itself in putting children first in everything we do as a country when we adopted this convention.

The preamble of this convention recalls the basic principles of the United Nations as well as its specific provisions of a number of key relevant human rights treaties and proclamations. The preamble reaffirms the present day reality that children precisely, because of their vulnerability, need special care and protection and it places special emphasis on the need for legal and other protection of children from before and after birth. It also places emphasis on the importance of respect for the cultural values of the child and its community.

I wish to remind this august gathering of elected representatives of the people of South Africa of some of the key articles set out in this convention. The articles cover, amongst others, the right to privacy and respect, the rights of children with disability, the right to health care, the right to welfare, the right to development, the right to education, which the hon Randall van den Heever eloquently expressed, the right not to be exploited and the right to be heard. That is also very important.

The convention, I would want to emphasise, outlaws all forms of discrimination inclusive of discrimination based on race, ethnicity, gender, class, disability, religion, etc, and obligates the state to protect children against any form of discrimination. The convention argues that all action taken concerning children should always be based on what is in the best interest of the child. The state should provide adequate care and protection against abuse and neglect where parents are unable to do so.

Let me briefly focus on the role and responsibilities of families in protecting and caring for their children. Parents and families are occupying the frontline trenches in the struggle to protect and provide for the needs of their children. Indeed, families have the primary responsibility for caring and for protecting their children in accordance with article 20 of this convention. In fact, our own Constitution, section 28 (1) (b) states and makes reference to this.

Children’s rights are entrenched in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. However, we know that for a multitude of reasons such as the loss of parents, domestic violence and extreme poverty, as alluded to earlier, children are being deprived of a loving and caring family environment.

The late Comrade Ellen Kuzwayo, in an outstanding literary work entitled Sit down and listen, told moving stories of hardship endured by black families under apartheid and how families in communities have come together to meet some of the day to day challenges. She said:

The life of a black child in South Africa today is a series of endless challenges and confrontations. From the age of four or five, boys and girls come face to face with problems, which in any other society would only be encountered by men and women who are 30 and 40 years of age.

[Applause.]

Today, we know as a country, a government and a society that we have a legislative framework and numerous policies and programmes in place that are aimed at protecting our children, providing a caring environment for their holistic, physical, emotional, spiritual and intellectual development. The state and government’s primary role is to assist parents and families to execute their primary responsibilities in caring for and protecting their children.

This assistance is in the form of providing material support to families in fulfilling their responsibilities and where families are unable to care for their children, the state will take over the caring, protecting and nurturing responsibilities.

Let me finally say that it is our responsibility as legislator to join hands across party-political lines to ensure that we create a safer and better world for our children. Thank you. [Applause.] [Time expired.]

The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Hon member, that indulgence was made because it’s your maiden speech.

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 17:45. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces

1. The Minister for Provincial and Local Government

 a) Medium Term Performance Plan of the Department of Provincial and
    Local Government for 2006 to 2009.

1. The Minister for Public Enterprises

a) Strategic Plan of the Department of Public Enterprises for 2006.