National Assembly - 17 August 2006
THURSDAY, 17 AUGUST 2006 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:02.
The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
MOTION OF CONDOLENCE
(The late Prof Mazizi Raymond Kunene)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: I move without notice:
That the House -
(1) notes with sadness the passing away of Prof Mazizi Raymond Kunene, on Friday, 11 August 2006, after a long illness;
(2) recalls that Prof Kunene completed a Master’s Degree in African Studies at the then University of Natal, went into exile as an activist of the African National Congress and, in 1963, served as the Chief Representative of the African National Congress in Great Britain and Western Europe;
(3) further recalls that he lectured at the University of California in the United States of America for 19 years and in 1992 returned home to South Africa;
(4) remembers that in 1993 the United Nations Education, Science and Culture Organisation appointed Prof Kunene as Africa’s Poet Laureate and in 2005 he was awarded the inaugural South African National Poet Laureate Prize, the M-Net Literary Awards Lifetime Achievement Award and recognised as a National Living Treasure by the Indigenous Knowledge System of South Africa; and
(5) conveys its condolences to his family, his loved ones and the African National Congress.
Agreed to.
DR BRIGALIA BAM HONOURED
(Draft Resolution)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That the House –
(1) notes that on Wednesday, 16 August 2006, the Chairperson of the Independent Electoral Commission, Dr Brigalia Bam, was honoured by the Institution of Justice and Reconciliation for her outstanding leadership of the IEC;
(2) further notes that she has just returned from the Democratic Republic of Congo where she helped in that country’s first democratic elections in 40 years; and
3) congratulates Dr Bam and wishes her well in her work.
[Applause.]
Agreed to.
ALLOCATION OF TIME FOR PARTY RESPONSES
(Draft Resolution)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:
That, notwithstanding Rule 106(5), the time allocated for party responses to the Minister’s statement today be as follows:
African National Congress: eight minutes; Democratic Alliance: three
minutes; and all other parties: one minute each.
Agreed to.
FIDEL CASTRO
(Member’s Statement)
Mr S J NJIKELANA (ANC): Hon Deputy Speaker, recently a rare incident occurred – our media gave Cuba and its leader, Comrade Fidel Castro, unprecedented, massive coverage.
One of the commentators on a local community radio expressed great admiration for Cuban society’s unparalleled ability to withstand decades of materialistic values. Let me also appeal to everyone in this House to join me in wishing Comrade Castro a speedy recovery. [Applause.]
Let us remember that it was Cuba that, guided by its noble internationalist principles, deployed gallant soldiers thousands of kilometres from their motherland to reinforce our struggles in Angola. As a result, today we take pride in Cuito Cuanavale as one of the turning points, not only for Angolans and Namibians, but for the millions of South Africans who were oppressed and exploited.
We therefore need to join hands with all peace-loving people in expressing our concerns about how the United States is handling the trial of the five Cuban heroes who are languishing in the United States’ jails, where a court of appeal recently denied them a retrial.
The ANC has always been convinced that whatever socioeconomic and political issue is pursued in Cuba, it has the democratic support of the overwhelming majority and does not depend on an individual.
We also trust that our Deputy Speaker sang a ``Happy Birthday’’ song for Comrade Castro on her recent visit to Cuba! [Applause.]
MINISTER OF HEALTH’S RESPONSE TO AIDS
(Member’s Statement)
Mr G R MORGAN (DA): Deputy Speaker, the Minister of Health has made the ANC government’s response to Aids the laughing stock of the World Aids Congress in Toronto. The prominence of her vegetable patch remedies at the South African exhibition stand has been deservedly criticised by several stakeholders in the fight against Aids, including the DA.
The Minister claims she does not mind being called ``Dr Beetroot’’. The problem is that millions of South Africans infected with HIV/Aids do mind. The fight against Aids is no joke, but the Minister seems to think it is.
Now the Minister has criticised the media for misrepresenting South Africa’s efforts to combat Aids. But the Minister is the very person who sows confusion surrounding Aids. If her department truly wanted to showcase South Africa’s antiretroviral treatments in Toronto, it could have made it happen. It would have been quite acceptable simply to display the packaging of ARVs.
There were calls yesterday by South African activists for the Minister to be fired. Indeed, the DA has been demanding this for several years now. An estimated 2,2 million people have already died from Aids-related illnesses in South Africa. The government’s response has been disastrous.
President Mbeki must fire Manto now!
HON MEMBERS: Hear, hear!
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I find it amazing that the DA can support chaos. It is such a disgrace.
Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Deputy Speaker, may I ask, since the hon Chief Whip of the ANC can stand up and speak without any reason, can I also make a statement?
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: But you are doing exactly the same thing!
Mr M J ELLIS: I know I am, because if he …
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Mr Ellis, will you please sit down?
Mr M J ELLIS: Certainly.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Mr Ndlovu?
The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: The hon member, in reading the statement, referred to another senior hon member, probably twice or thrice his age, by the first name. I think that is not parliamentary, and quite frankly, I think it is rude and disrespectful.
The DEPUTY SPEAKER: You are right. The hon member is the hon Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, and not the hon ``Manto’’. At some stage, it sounded like you were talking about Vytjie Mentor, the hon member there. It is Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, an hon member. [Interjections.] No. I am just making that correction so that in future we will refer to each other properly in the House. Thank you for bringing that up.
DEATH OF LESHEY MULLER CAUSED BY STRAY BULLET
(Member’s Statement)
Mr V B NDLOVU (IFP): Madam Speaker, it is always sad when a person loses their life unnecessarily through crime or any other situation that could have been avoided; it is especially sad if that person is an innocent young child.
Nine-month-old Leshey Muller from Cape Town was tragically killed after she was struck by a stray bullet that was fired by a Metrorail security guard who was in pursuit of robbers along the station platform.
We do understand that officials in the police and security industry are under immense pressure as a result of rampaging crime, but this unfortunate incident should never have happened as people who are legally in possession of firearms, especially in the security industry, should be responsible individuals who are trained on how to use their weapons responsibly.
We therefore urge the relevant authority to launch a thorough investigation into the very sad and tragic incident so that justice can be done. We also offer our deepest condolences to the family of Leshey. Thank you.
DOMESTIC WORKERS BENEFIT FROM UIF
(Member’s Statement)
Ms M J J MATSOMELA (ANC): Madam Speaker, the ANC welcomes the announcement made and the figures released recently by the Department of Labour that about 24 000 domestic workers benefited from the UIF in the past three years. The Minister of Labour, Comrade Mdladlana, released this information at the launch of the UIF’s online electronic filing system for domestic workers and small businesses in Pretoria.
According to the Minister, applications by domestic beneficiaries for the period 2003 to date, reveal that the fund paid out more than R65 million to beneficiaries as a temporary relief to domestic workers. These figures vindicate the ANC government’s policies and resolve the problem of providing extensive coverage to the most vulnerable labour sector.
The fact that more than 500 000 domestic workers have been registered with the UIF since the inclusion of domestic workers in the fund three years ago, is indicative of the progress made by the ANC to improve the quality of life of all our people. The ANC calls on domestic employers who have not done so yet, to register their workers with the fund as a sign of dedication to the women of our country. I thank you.
CRITICISM OF MINISTER OF HEALTH
(Member’s Statement)
Mr G T MADIKIZA (UDM): Thank you, Deputy Speaker. The representatives of the nations of the planet are currently gathered in Toronto, Canada to discuss the international fight against HIV and Aids. The UDM is dismayed that once again the Minister of Health and her department seem hell-bent on making themselves and the entire country an object of ridicule. This stubborn insistence upon creating a debate about nutrition, when absolutely nobody has ever denied the necessity of a healthy diet, is just one more attempt in a series of deliberate efforts to sabotage the fight against the pandemic.
At this moment, the department, along with Correctional Services, is wasting millions in taxpayers’ money with repeated, unnecessary court procedures, aimed solely at delaying their responsibility to provide treatment to the prisoners. All of these incidents are merely a continuation of the longstanding pattern of the government to avoid its responsibilities and drag its feet when it should be complying with its constitutional obligations to ensure the health of the people.
AARDKLOP FESTIVAL
(Member’s Statement)
Dr P W A MULDER (VF Plus): Voorsitter, Suid-Afrika is ‘n land met 11 amptelike tale en baie kultuurgroepe. Om harmonie en versoening tussen die groepe te verseker, is dit belangrik dat elke groep se taal en kultuur gerespekteer word, én dat elke groep voel dat daar vir hulle ‘n plek in die son is.
Om die Afrikaanse kultuurgemeenskap ‘n oorwegend Afrikaanse kultuurfees soos Aardklop te ontsê, omdat dit sogenaamd teen nasiebou is en mense verdeel, is nie net teen die Grondwet nie, maar veroorsaak juis vervreemding en polarisasie van Afrikaanssprekendes.
Aardklop is ‘n kultuurfees met vrywillige bywoning wat niks met ras te doen het nie, behalwe vir dié wat deur daardie bril kyk. Almal wat nou al Aardklop bygewoon het, is bewus van hoe Aardklop jaarliks met verskeie produksies en stalletjies uitreik na ander taal- en kultuurgroepe.
Een van die artikels wat die VF Plus in die Grondwet in onderhandel het, is artikel 31 in die Handves van Regte. Dit lees soos volg:
Persone wat in ‘n kultuur-, godsdiens- of taalgemeenskap behoort, mag nie die reg ontsê word om, saam met ander lede van daardie gemeenskap hul kultuur te geniet, hul godsdiens te beoefen en hul taal te gebruik nie.
Wat is Aardklop anders as presies dít?
Die VF Plus steun steeds die kultuurfees in Grahamstad wat oorwegend Engels is. Die VF Plus steun die Makufe-fees in Bloemfontein wat oorwegend die Sotho-kultuur uitbeeld. Die VF Plus steun Aardklop wat oorwegend Afrikaans is. Vir harmonie en versoening in hierdie land van ons, met ‘n taal- en kultuurverskeidenheid soos ons het, is ‘n akkommodasie van almal nodig, en nie assimilasie nie. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Dr P W A MULDER (FF Plus): Chairperson, South Africa is a country with 11 official languages and many cultural groups. To ensure harmonious interaction and reconciliation amongst groups, it is imperative that the language and culture of each group be respected and that each group should feel that there is a place in the sun for it.
To deny the Afrikaans cultural community a predominantly Afrikaans festival like Aardklop, because it ostensibly goes against nation-building and causes division amongst people, does not only violate the Constitution but in fact creates alienation and polarisation of the speakers of Afrikaans.
Aardklop is a cultural festival that is attended on a voluntary basis and has nothing to do with race, save for those who view things in that way. All those who have already attended Aardklop are aware how Aardklop annually, through various productions and stalls, tries to reach out to the other languages and cultural groups.
One of the sections that the FF Plus negotiated into the Constitution is section 31 of the Bill of Rights. It reads as follows:
Persons belonging to a cultural, religious or linguistic community may not be denied the right, with other members of that community – to enjoy their culture, practise their religion and use their language; and to form and maintain cultural, religious and linguistic associations and other organs of civil society.
What is Aardklop other than precisely that?
The FF Plus continues to support the cultural festival in Grahamstown, which is predominantly English. The FF Plus supports the Makufe festival that predominantly depicts the Sotho culture. The FF Plus supports Aardklop, which is predominantly Afrikaans. In order for harmony and reconciliation to prevail in our land with its unique language and cultural diversity, accommodation of everyone and not assimilation is required. I thank you.]
TEXTILE INDUSTRY IN THE EASTERN CAPE
(Member’s Statement)
Nksz D M DAMBUZA (ANC): Enkosi Sekela-somlomo. Umbutho wesizwe i-ANC uyachulumanca yimpumelelo ezuzwa ngabantu bakuthi ngenxa yemisebenzi yabo emihle. Abalimi abasakhasayo abangamakhulu amathathu namashumi amabini, 320, bathe bangena kushishino lomqhaphu. Emva kweminyaka emibini besebenza nzima iziqhamo zokusebenza nzima, zonyamezelo, indzondelelo kunye nomonde ziyabonakala.
Le mpumelelo izuzwe ngenxa yentsebenziswano phakathi korhulumente wephondo okhokelwa ngumbutho wesizwe i-ANC kunye nombutho wophuhliso eMpuma Koloni ebizwa ngokuba yi-Eastern Cape Development Co-operation. Abalimi kunye nomlawuli walo mzi mveliso osebenza ngomqhaphu wakwaDagama Textiles, uthi bona bachulumancile ngumgangatho walo mqhaphu. Sithetha nje bamanxadanxada besenza isiphakamiso abayakusithi thaca phambi kwesigqeba esiququzelela indebe yomhlaba yebhola ekhatywayo ka-2010, sokuba abalawuli banxibe impahla eziveliswe kulo mqhaphu. Singumbutho wesizwe i-ANC siyakuthi gqolo ukusebenzisana nabantu bethu, sikwanqwenelela abalimi kunye nalo mzi mveliso impumelelo kwiinzame zabo. Ndiyabulela. (Translation of isiXhosa member’s statement follows.)
[Ms D M DAMBUZA: Thank you Deputy Speaker. The ANC is happy with the success acquired by our people as a result of their good work. A total number of 320 emerging farmers have entered the cotton industry. After two years of their hard work, they have seen the results of their hard work, determination and perseverance.
This success is the result of the partnership between the provincial government, led by the ANC, and the Eastern Cape Development Corporation. The farmers and the director of the factory that deals in cotton, Da Gama Textiles, say they are happy with the quality of the cotton. As we speak now, they are busy working on the recommendation to be tabled before the organising committee of the 2010 Soccer World Cup, that the directors should wear clothes produced from this cotton. As the ANC, we will continuously co-operate with our people and we wish the farmers and the factory success in their efforts. I thank you.]
ELECTION IN THE DRC
(Member’s Statement)
Ms S RAJBALLY (MF): Madam Speaker, we are pleased with the peaceful and co- operative election in the DRC on 30 July 2006. We applaud the DRC, the IEC, the competing parties and the citizenry on maintaining peaceful and supportive processes during this election. The much anticipated results are expected on 30 August 2006 and we sincerely hope that the calm shall be maintained, no matter the outcome.
We further thank our South African observer mission of 108 members who were deployed by the South African government to all 11 provinces of the DRC to observe all phases of the election, right down to the counting of the votes; having concluded about 94% of the presidential votes. We extend our congratulations to the leader of the DRC and wish him well in strengthening his nation on the path of democracy. Thank you.
ECONOMIC POLICY FOR STABILITY AND PROSPERITY
(Member’s Statement)
Dr S M VAN DYK (DA): Adjunkspeaker, Suid-Afrika kan nie bekostig dat die interne stryd in die regeringsalliansie met die SAKP en Cosatu die ekonomie destabiliseer en buitelandse beleggers laat afskrik nie.
Die konflik tussen die alliansievennote is nie politiek van aard nie. In werklikheid gaan die konflik oor die ekonomiese bestel van Suid-Afrika. Die SAKP staan ‘n versnelde herverdeling van rykdom voor ongeag ekonomiese groei en stabiliteit, en misken die vrye mark wat rykdom en ‘n beter lewe vir alle Suid-Afrikaners kan skep. Cosatu propageer weer sterker arbeidswetgewing en ekonomiese regulering wat produktiwiteit in duie sal laat stort om werkloosheid en armoede te vererger.
Wat kommerwekkend is, is dat die konflik tussen President Mbeki en mnr Zuma sodanige afmetings aanneem dat die indruk geskep word dat die ANC bereid is om te swig voor die populistiese, ekonomiese beleid van sy alliansievennote. Suid-Afrika kan nie bekostig dat die alliansievennote die ANC ekonomies ondermyn nie.
In dié verband word daar verwys na President Mbeki se uitspraak tydens die Nelson Mandela-gedenklesing, dat die mark nooit toegelaat moet word om die belangrikste bepaler van die aard en wese van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing te word nie.
Mnr die President, die ANC het ‘n verpligting om sy verkiesingsbelofte van ekonomiese groei na te kom en dus moet die ANC voortbou aan die neoliberale makroekonomiese beleid vir stabiliteit wat ekonomiese welvaart vir Suid- Afrika kan verhoog. Suid-Afrika kan nie bekostig dat die ANC hiervan afstand doen nie, want dit sal Suid-Afrika in ekonomiese chaos dompel. Dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Dr S M VAN DYK (DA): Deputy Speaker, South Africa cannot afford that the internal strife in the government’s alliance with the SACP and Cosatu destabilises the economy and deters foreign investors. The conflict between the alliance partners is not political in nature. In reality the conflict is about the economic dispensation of South Africa. The SACP advocates the accelerated redistribution of wealth, irrespective of economic growth and stability, and has a disregard for the free market that can create wealth and a better life for all South Africans. Cosatu again propagates stronger labour legislation and economic regulations that will destroy the productivity and will worsen unemployment and poverty.
What is worrying is that the conflict between President Mbeki and Mr Zuma is assuming such proportions that the impression is created that the ANC is willing to give way to the populist, economic policy of its alliance partners. South Africa cannot afford that the alliance partners economically undermine the ANC.
In this regard reference is made to President Mbeki’s speech during the Nelson Mandela memorial lecture that the market should never be allowed to be the most important determinant of the nature and being of the South African society.
Mr President, the ANC has an obligation to keep to its election promise of economic growth and the ANC must therefore build on the neoliberal macro economic policy for stability that will increase economic prosperity in South Africa. South Africa cannot afford for the ANC to veer off this course, because it will immerse the South African economy in chaos. [Applause.]]
FEE-FREE SCHOOLS
(Member’s Statement)
Mr B MTHEMBU (ANC): Madam Deputy Speaker, 51 years ago the people of South Africa committed to a future democratic government that would provide free, compulsory, universal and equal access to education for all. It is in the light of this directive that the ANC welcomes the recent announcement by the Ministry of Education that 40% of the 30 000 schools in the country would be declared fee-free schools.
All nine provinces have already declared about 7 800 schools as fee free. The ANC government continues to pursue a programme of transformation of our education and training system as a major part of dealing with the capacity of our people to participate meaningfully in the betterment of their own lives. The doors of learning and culture shall be opened. I thank you.
PROVISION OF ANTIRETROVIRALS
(Member’s Statement)
Dr R RABINOWITZ (IFP): Madam Speaker, in view of the unfortunate image that South Africa has projected at the international Aids conference, the IFP notes the following. If the fundamentals of treatment were in place, the statements made by the Minister could make sense, but unfortunately the Minister of Health appears to be out of touch with the realities on the ground. Our fundamentals are not in place.
The number of sites accredited to roll out antiretroviral treatment is no indication of our progress with the epidemic which, unfortunately, continues to grow apace. There are many reasons for this. They include the politicisation of Aids, the confusing messages about the disease, the Minister’s own contravention of the law and claim that foods such as garlic, lemon and olive oil are therapeutic without any research into that claim. And, there are extremely poor statistics in terms of providing current knowledge about the number of people receiving antiretrovirals, the number of people testing positive for HIV, the number of children currently orphaned, the number of child-headed households and the number of people becoming resistant to current therapy.
In view of all of the above, the IFP suggests a dramatic change in our Aids strategy. The IFP advocates far greater focus on sexually transmitted infections, the existence of which increases the chance of getting the HI virus at least threefold. They are much more obvious than HIV, easier to treat and not subject to myths, such as that raping a virgin will reduce the chance of contracting an STI.
The IFP also believes that we should strengthen the abstinence message, remove all secrecy provisions around HIV, and spend more time and money on improving the capacity to gather statistics.
If we continue with business as usual, we will be participating in a circus around a killer disease. We may well laugh now, but history will hold us all morally accountable. Thank you.
UPGRADING OF AIRPORTS
(Member’s Statement)
Nk M M NTULI (ANC): Imibiko ethi uhulumeni wabantu oholwa yi-African National Congress uphezu kohlelo lokuphucula izikhumulo zezindiza iyajabulisa, iyakhuthaza futhi inika ithemba. Ezinsukwini nje uNgqongqoshe wezokuThutha ubike ukuthi uhlelo lokuphathwa komsebenzi wokwakhiwa kwesikhumulo sezindiza i-King Shaka International Airport e-La Mercy seluphothuliwe. Kuzoqalwa ukwakhiwa ngoMashi wonyaka ozayo. Isikhumulo siyobe sesisebenza ngoDisemba ka-2009. Lesi sakhiwo sizobiza izigidigidi ezimbili nesigamu zamarandi. Sikhuluma nje izigidi ezingamashumi amathathu nesikhombisa zamarandi ziyasetshenziswa ukuphucula isikhumulo sezindiza sase-George. Izigidi ezingamashumi amathathu nesithupha zamarandi zibekelwe ukuphucula isikhumulo sezindiza sase-East London kanti izinkulungwane ezingamashumi amathathu nambili zamarandi kuzolungiswa ngazo isikhulumo sezindiza sase-Bloemfontein.
Konke lokhu kuzokwenza ukuthi ezomnotho zisebenze kahle, kuvuleke amathuba emisebenzi futhi kuqinise nohwebo phakathi kwaleli zwe kanye nomhlaba wonkana. Njengoba kusho uMqulu weNkululeko uthi abantu bayobamba intshontsho emnothweni wezwe, singuKhongolose sithi-ke nakulolu hlelo kumele babambe iqhaza elibonakalayo abesimame kanye nalabo abasathwele ukuhlupheka okuyimiphumela yobandlululo. Ngiyabonga. [Ihlombe.] (Translation of isiZulu member’s statement follows.)
[Ms M M NTULI (ANC): The report that the ANC-led government is in the process of upgrading airports makes us happy; it is inspiring and it gives hope. A few days ago, the Minister of Transport reported that the preparations for building King Shaka International Airport have been completed. Construction will start in March next year.
The airport will be operational by December 2009. This airport will cost R2,5 billion. Even as we speak, R37 million is being spent on upgrading the George airport. The sum of R36 million has been allocated to East London Airport and R32 million is going to be used for Bloemfontein Airport.
All this will contribute to the growth of the economy and job creation and will strengthen trades between this country and other countries of the whole world. The Freedom Charter says that all people shall share in the country’s wealth. As the ANC, we are saying this project must play a major role with regard to women and those people who are still poor as a result of apartheid. Thank you. [Applause.]]
WITHDRAWAL OF SA CRICKET TEAM
(Member’s Statement)
Mrs S V KALYAN (DA): Madam Deputy Speaker, the DA welcomes the decision by Cricket SA to withdraw the South African cricket team from its tour of Sri Lanka. The decision was made after the team management received an e-mail from the Tamil Tigers threatening the team and warning that they should leave the country.
The DA believes that politics has no place in sport and that the Tamil Tigers are wrong to use South Africa’s tour as a platform to drive their own political agenda.
The Tigers recently bombed an orphanage and 61 children died as a result, while 40 others were injured. If the Tigers were willing to carry out an act such as that, which involved taking the lives of innocent children, then the team administration had every reason to believe that there was a serious and credible threat to the national side and its staff.
The DA believes that the Tamil Tigers should use the proper channels and peaceful means to engage the government of Sri Lanka and not resort to violence to achieve their political agenda.
ANC INCREASES PERCENTAGE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT BY-ELECTION WINS
(Member’s Statement)
Mnr J J COMBRINCK (ANC): Voorsitter, die ANC voel baie verootmoedig deur die vertroue wat Suid-Afrikaners in ons stel oor die vermoë waaroor ons beskik om die land bestendig te regeer, en deur die volgehoue groei in ons statuur in die internasionale gemeenskap. Hierdie volgehoue groei en vertroue in die ANC is gedemonstreer tydens die afgelope plaaslike regeringstussenverkiesings wat sedert Maart 2006 gehou is. Gedurende Junie 2006 is daar 14 tussenverkiesings landwyd gehou, waarvan die ANC nege gewen het. Persentasiegewys beteken dit dat 64% van die kiesers vertroue het in die ANC en dat ons hulle nie sal teleurstel nie.
In verlede week se reeks plaaslike regeringstussenverkiesings is dieselfde vertroue in die ANC herbevestig deurdat ons ses uit die sewe tussenverkiesings gewen het, en u kan maar self bereken wat dit persentasie- gewys beteken.
Die ANC is verheug deur dié vertroue en ons sal voortgaan om te werk vir ‘n beter lewe vir ons mense. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr J J COMBRINCK (ANC): Chairperson, the ANC is extremely humbled by the confidence that South Africans have in us regarding our capacity to govern the country in a stable way and the sustained growth of our stature in the international community. This continuous growth and confidence in the ANC were demonstrated in the course of the recent local government by-elections that have been held since March 2006.
In June 2006, 14 by-elections were held countrywide of which nine were won by the ANC. Percentage-wise this means that 64% of voters have confidence in the ANC, and that we will not disappoint them. The series of local government by-elections last week reaffirmed the same confidence in the ANC due to the fact that we won six of the seven by- elections, and you can calculate for yourself what this means in terms of percentages.
The ANC is pleased by this confidence, and we will continue to work for a better life for our people. I thank you. [Applause.]]
ILLEGAL ELECTRICITY CONNECTIONS AND CABLE THEFT
(Member’s Statement)
Mr C V BURGESS (ANC): Madam Speaker, the announcement by Eskom that illegal electricity connections and cable theft cost South Africa about R1 billion a year is a source of major concern. Not only is the practice dangerous and often fatal, it simultaneously poses a threat to developing the economy and delays the roll-out of much-needed infrastructure to communities that do not have access to electricity.
Cable theft, in particular, paralyses rail transport and causes undue delays for passengers in terms of getting to work on time, whilst preventing goods from reaching their destinations on time.
Eskom aims to reduce the number of deaths and injuries that occur every year owing to the unsafe or illegal use of electricity. Over the past five years, cable theft and illegal connections have caused approximately 357 injuries and claimed over 208 lives.
The ANC thus calls on all our people to work with Eskom to educate communities on the dangers and risks associated with illegal connections and cable theft. Thank you.
ECONOMIC POLICY OF ANC
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER FOR PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Chair, I never cease to be amazed that during the 12 years we’ve been in this House, there’s always been some member of the opposition who gets up and warns us of some dire change in the economic policy of the ANC, either because someone went on leave, fell off the bus or because they got into an argument amongst between themselves. But what happens is that the economy just gets stronger and stronger and stronger. And all the dire predictions about no foreign investment and this and that haven’t happened, and won’t happen. Please, why don’t you just start talking about the positive and forget this long- held dream of yours that the ANC will change its policies? [Applause.]
CRITICISM OF MINISTER OF HEALTH
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER OF CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Deputy Speaker, can I just put the record straight? Firstly, I would hope that Members of Parliament, whom I respect, would understand issues the way they should be understood and not the way they want to understand them.
Two reasons, you are saying here … I wouldn’t waste my breath on all of you. You are not worth it.
There are two reasons why we are appealing. Firstly, we had asked the presiding officer to recuse himself from the case, because one of the instructing attorneys happens to be a relative.
The second issue is that we do not have accredited sites at Durban Westville and other prisons around the country. We are doing a prevalence survey so that we are able then, once we know the statistics and the numbers, to apply for sites where they are needed. Therefore, we cannot willy-nilly give ARVs, because the prisons are not accredited sites. We don’t have them. We need to have these accredited sites. We also don’t have the necessary support systems. We need people to be trained once we start applying to be a site. [Interjections.] People to be trained? Fortunately, this comes from the UDM not from you lot. I wouldn’t bother myself with you.
If we did that, we would be criminals just to give ARVs to people. It would be criminal and illegal to do that. We are not opposed to taking offenders from where they are, to accredited sites. We are doing that.
Lastly, it’s only when medical practitioners have actually said that this offender needs to be taken there; we do it. There is no problem with that, but I am not going to allow a situation where any organisation just comes into a prison and dishes out whatever they want to dish out. That will be the day! [Interjections.]
In conclusion, with all this hullabaloo that’s going on … [Interjections.] … You don’t even understand what I am talking about, it just clearly shows how small your mind is. Damn! I would never want to be related to you. [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Order! Please, members.
Dr P W A MULDER: Chairperson, on a point of order: The hon Minister referred to the opposition as “this lot”. Shouldn’t he have said “this hon lot”? [Laughter.]
The MINISTER OF CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: I must admit, I made a mistake - this hon horrible lot! [Laughter.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Are there any further ministerial responses? Order! Please. Order! Are there any further ministerial responses? Thank you.
INCIDENT AT KOEBERG
(Statement)
The MINISTER FOR PUBLIC ENTERPRISES: Madam Chairperson, the events at Koeberg, and consequently in the Western Cape as a whole, have been of great public interest. This is very understandable, given the importance of reliable electricity supply in our daily lives.
Much has happened over the past seven months or so, and we have all learned a great deal from the events. A common bolt has become a public celebrity and this Minister, for one, has come to regard that self-same bolt with a degree of caution.
The coincidence of the incident and the local government elections of 2006 did little to make matters easy. On 14 March 2006 at a presentation to a joint meeting of the energy, public enterprises, science and technology portfolio committees, I made a commitment to make a statement to Parliament on the investigations into the incident. Today is the occasion for me to make such a statement on the matter.
However, before I start, let me set out what can and cannot be said in such a statement. Firstly, I should not comment on individual persons who may have been the subject of any investigation. To do so in the absence of any formal charge laid against them would be an absolutely unacceptable action. Secondly, I will not comment on employees who may be subject to any internal procedures in the company for the same reasons. Thirdly, I will not disclose information that may have operational and security implications for Koeberg or the transmission system.
Finally, this statement deals with the damage to the Unit 1 generator and not to the wider position of the electricity supply in the Western Cape or the recently released National Energy Regulator of South Africa, Nersa, report which does not relate to this specific incident at Koeberg.
Having said this, I am entirely satisfied that an exhaustive investigation has been undertaken into all aspects of the relevant incidents and that every possible lesson we can glean from the events has been extracted and remedies applied, where necessary.
Essentially, three investigations have taken place. One was undertaken by the police and the security services into the possibility of this being a deliberate act or some form of a more organised action like sabotage. The second was by Eskom itself, in accordance with its well-developed procedures and the third was one required by the National Energy Regulator of South Africa.
The Nuclear Energy Regulator has at all times been involved in the monitoring of the recommissioning of units. I should, however, stress that all the incidents referred to occurred outside the area of nuclear core and there was no impact on the safety of the Koeberg reactor core.
Let me also clarify that the Nersa report that is referred to in the media and has been released deals with a series of events related to the grid and to the operation of Unit 1. What I am dealing with today is the failure in the generator of Unit 1. Eskom’s comments on the Nersa report are available to those interested and I, as Minister, will allow the interaction between Eskom and Nersa to continue as I do not see it as appropriate for me to comment on this matter in the press. I will also deal with the issues in the appropriate manner that accord with the standing of the regulator and its mandate, which I entirely support.
All the studies mentioned above were completed some weeks back, in fact, but what we had undertaken to do was to address Parliament and we have waited for this opportunity to do so. However, where action had to be taken, this was done with immediate effect. Today I will deal with the investigation around the possibility of deliberate action and, later today, Eskom will release a summary of its own findings; and Nersa has already released its report.
Let us begin by reminding ourselves of the sequence of events. On 21 December 2005 the Number 1 unit at Koeberg tripped. This was followed by a number of outages and load-shedding operations in the following weeks and months. A particularly serious and inopportune event occurred on 27 February 2006. Being the day before the local government elections, this attracted immense public interest and Minister Lindiwe Hendricks and I addressed a press conference in Pretoria.
During this whole period, a string of efforts was made to secure the supply of a spare rotor which, thanks to government-to-government co-operation with France, was successful. The rotor arrived aboard the SAS Drakensberg in Cape Town on 5 April 2006.
On 3 March Eskom announced the recovery programme and the energy risk management committee, under the leadership of Premier Ebrahim Rasool and MEC Tasneem Essop. This brought together the levels of government, organised business and agriculture, other civil society organisations and Eskom. This committee then proceeded to transform the situation and eventually was able to minimise the impact of the occurrences at Koeberg, particularly in the middle of winter in 2006. On 17 May 2006 Unit 1 was reconnected to the national grid, and went into full output on 21 May. On 24 July Unit 2 completed its refuelling process.
The cause of the damage to the generators is the question that has caused massive public interest. Of as much interest has been whether I said that this was an act of sabotage. I did not say this. All attempts I made to our erudite media to say what I did say merely got me into deeper linguistic difficulties. So I am finished with bolts - I am finished with bolts! [Interjections.] Why I deliberately did not say it was sabotage will be evident as we progress with this statement.
The actual events are clear and are now very well understood. When the generator was opened up a bolt was found in it. This bolt should obviously not have been there. It was of a type that was used outside and not inside the generator. The clean conditions controls had been implemented but they had clearly not prevented it being within the generator. This was a very obvious cause of concern.
The CEO of Eskom immediately alerted me to these findings. On the basis of initial information from Eskom security, we authorised a full Eskom security investigation. I requested Minister Kasrils to initiate an investigation by our security agencies. The SA Police Service, working with Eskom security, was a full part of the investigation.
At an early stage, the existence of some discontent on the part of certain employees who were involved in the refuelling operation was identified and thoroughly investigated. Immediately prior to the major outage on 27 February, there were a number of unauthorised communications from Eskom employees to outside parties. These two factors required particular attention. This prima facie information that could have provided a motive was a matter of concern for some weeks into the investigation. A claim by some group that they were responsible was however quickly refuted by the evidence at hand.
Given the severity of the outage on 27 February, the Minister of Minerals and Energy at the time and I held a press conference the following day to set out the facts regarding the outage. The prime focus of the media, understandably, was the sensational aspect of whether this was sabotage and it was implied that the Ministers were alleging this to avoid the electoral problems the following day.
Let me assure this House that the primary and sole focus of our actions was to ensure that we dealt with the major energy problem. Attempting to score political points in such a situation is a futile exercise. It also became evident that there was another magnetic substance or substances associated with the bolt, or possibly separate, that may in fact have been far more damaging. This had to be exhaustively analysed. The Eskom investigation has been exceptionally thorough in examining the records.
Let me, therefore, summarise where we stand. With regard to the damage to the generator, I wish to state the following, on the basis of the investigations and all the information available to me: There is no evidence of any organised group of any sort being an agent of an act of sabotage at Koeberg. The word “sabotage”, generally conveys such organised action by a group. Our initial concern, a very serious concern, was to eliminate such a serious possibility. It was also why I did not use the word “sabotage”, as we had to verify the existence or otherwise of a group before any such word was appropriate. The nonexistence of any such group has now been conclusively established.
We are unable conclusively to establish whether the presence of the bolt and other foreign substance was a deliberate act, despite prima facie indications. Accordingly, we share the view of the Eskom CEO and the report that we have to ascribe this to human error.
What was detected post facto were operational weaknesses as the clean conditions controls applied at that time. These previously used procedures have now been amended for all future operations. I wish to state also that no employee or employees in Koeberg are the subject of suspicion and that both the Minister for Intelligence and I see no benefit in continuing the investigation, as we believe it has exhausted all possibilities available to the investigators. The Eskom investigation has reached the same conclusion. Any breach of procedure by Eskom employees has been dealt with by internal disciplinary procedures. Accordingly, I will make no comment on these.
A wide range of more specific and technical matters is dealt with in the other two reports referred to above. Eskom has acknowledged weaknesses and inadequacies in the implementation of procedures that the incidents have shown up, and Nersa has made certain findings in relation to the impact on the grid. As I have indicated, where action has to be taken, on the basis of these reports or findings, Eskom is dealing with these matters.
Members wishing to obtain more detailed information on the Eskom report should access the web pages of the Department of Public Enterprises or Eskom.
All accidents are undoubtedly a problem, the more so if investigations show that they could have been relatively easily prevented. However, I am satisfied in my mind that the investigations show that the events at Koeberg could not have been foreseen or easily prevented. Fault cannot easily be attributed to one or more persons. What has emerged is that procedures will have to be further refined to try and address even the very unusual configuration of events that did occur. Eskom has a proud record of safety and has already changed procedures to attain even higher levels of such safety.
I am also satisfied that our concerns at the outset were justified, but accept that the investigations have established the position as far as we can and that the matter should not be taken further other than indicated here where remedial action has been taken. In addition, we have reassessed the long-term supply security of the Western Cape and will strengthen that security in the coming years.
One very stark lesson we have learnt is that, by serious co-operation between all parties, we can achieve very real savings in electricity demand and this lesson has to be built on. The damage that an unreliable electricity supply can do to our economy has been amply and sadly demonstrated. Eskom’s ability to provide a secure electricity supply in the future has been enhanced by these unfortunate events.
I would like to end by thanking all those in the Western Cape who endured hardship and for the way they pulled together to minimise the damage after the initial period. This was an amazing achievement. My thanks to Premier Rasool and his provincial government for their massive effort and co- operation, and my thanks to the City of Cape and RED 1 for the same hard work. Finally, thanks to the board and all in Eskom for rallying together behind a very visible and tireless CEO, Thulani Gcabashe, as the organisation grappled with a very real crisis. Thank you. [Applause.]
Adv H C SCHMIDT: Madam Chair, today’s proceedings are unfortunately a typical example of the lack of transparency and openness in the way the ANC executive wishes to operate.
Alhoewel ons vandag die verslag van die agb Minister debatteer, het ons nog nie eens ’n afskrif in ons besit gehad om te kon bestudeer nie. [Even though we are debating the hon Minister’s report today, we have not even had a copy in our possession that could be scrutinised as yet.]
But in any event, Madam Chair, on the eve of the 1st of March 2006 local government elections, the hon Minister Erwin made a statement that South Africa understood to indicate that a major, national security flashpoint had been sabotaged. The hon Minister is quoted as having said:
Let me be very clear on this: The bolt that caused the generator’s destruction did not get there by accident.
He also stated government would, “bring criminal charges against individuals soon”, despite what you said here today, hon Minister. It is irrefutable that it was an exceedingly reckless statement to make on the eve of an election.
If Minister Erwin truly did not imply that sabotage had taken place at Koeberg then the South African public was seemingly not alone in being semantically challenged, for former Minister of Minerals and Energy, Minister Lindiwe Hendricks, was under exactly the same impression. In fact, she even went a step further, saying that -
Clearly other forces are at play … There is growing evidence of a linkage of some of these events to resistance to the transformation drive by government.
Given their timing and lack of substantial basis, the deduction is reasonable that these politically charged comments were aimed at playing off parts of the electorate against each other - with the then impending local government elections, a very serious matter.
Accordingly, the DA will consider asking our colleagues in Parliament to support resolutions censuring both Ministers Hendricks and Erwin for their transgressions. The facts are there for all to see: If any sabotage was attempted, it was Ministers Erwin and Hendricks’ attempt to sabotage the 1st of March local government elections.
That being said, let me be very clear on this: The blackouts in the Western Cape and the general power crisis which this country now has to deal with is a result of the policy decisions taken by the ANC government since 1994. It was this ANC government which instructed Eskom to stop building power plants. It is time that the ANC government starts applying the principle of accountability in practice.
The Ministers then responsible, including the current Deputy President, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and hon Minister Lindiwe Hendricks, should step up and bear the blame for the current crisis. Or do you expect the DA and the crow that flew into the network and built a nest there to take the blame for the current energy crisis? I thank you.
Mr H J BEKKER: Madam Chairperson, there has been much speculation about the reasons for the widespread blackouts that were experienced in the Western Cape, including suggestions of sabotage. It has been reported that the investigation into this incident is complete.
Although not conclusive or directed at the damage at Koeberg, the Nersa investigation has revealed some surprising and very worrying details. Some of the findings of the report state that reasons for blackouts include negligence on the part of Eskom staff as well as maintenance procedures that were inadequate. This is totally unacceptable.
Hon Minister, you have, however, given us the assurance that the problems with the electricity supply in the Western Cape should hopefully now be a thing of the past. We did need to know what really happened at Koeberg in order to stop the speculation. I believe you have endeavoured to give, on behalf of yourself and Eskom, and all the other relevant role-players, these answers. We cannot allow a similar situation to happen again.
Nevertheless I want to respond to your point with regard to a common bolt that has become a celebrity.
In Afrikaans kan ek net weereens soos voorheen sê: ek hoop julle het nou die moer gevind wat Koeberg gesaboteer het! [Gelag.] [I can only repeat in Afrikaans what I said previously: I hope by now you have found the bolt that sabotaged Koeberg! [Laughter.]]
Mr L W GREYLING: Chairperson, the ID also finds it unacceptable that Members of Parliament were not provided with copies of this report ahead of time so that we could adequately examine its contents and provide a detailed response.
Minister, I have stated before that whether the incident involving the infamous bolt at Koeberg nuclear power station was as a result of negligence or sabotage, you will have to take responsibility for what amounts to a serious breach in a nuclear power station.
I realise that we are not discussing the National Energy Regulator’s report on the Western Cape outages here today, but when one looks at that report, together with the inconclusive evidence that you have presented us with today, it points to a very alarming state of affairs in Cape Town’s nuclear power station.
The ID calls for transparency and immediate remedial action to be taken in the running of this station. It is unacceptable that the safety and economy of the Western Cape have been put at such risk, and we hope that it won’t be the case in the future.
Minister, you might think that the dust has settled on this crisis, but many small businesses in this city and this province are still struggling to recover and have received no compensation for this, and the ID finds this unacceptable. Thank you.
Mnr H B CUPIDO: Voorsitter, die inwoners van die Wes-Kaap moes gedurende die tyd van die onvoorsiene kragonderbrekings groot ontberings verduur; en sakelui het verliese van miljoene rande gely.
Hierdie kragonderbrekings kon beslis voorkom gewees het indien instandhoudingsplanne in plek was. Ons stem saam met die agb Minister dat geen sabotasie plaasgevind het nie. Swak beplanning was wel die oorsaak daarvan.
Na aanleiding van die verslag van die Nasionale Energiereguleerder van SA dui alles daarop dat Eskom grootliks nalatig was en nie alle lisensievereistes nagekom het nie. Eskom moet tot verantwoording geroep word en verantwoordelikheid aanvaar vir skadevergoedingseise wat teen hulle ingestel mag word.
Die Departemente van Openbare Ondernemings en Minerale en Energie sal moet toesien dat goed opgeleide personeel wat vooruitbeplanning kan doen in die toekoms in hierdie poste aangestel word, aangesien die Wes-Kaap en Suid- Afrika nie sulke rampe kan bekostig nie. Baie dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr H B CUPIDO: Chairperson, the residents of the Western Cape had to suffer great hardships during the unforeseen power failures and businesses sustained losses of millions of rands.
These power failures could certainly have been prevented if contingency plans were in place. We agree with the hon Minister that no sabotage had taken place. Poor planning, however, was the reason for this situation.
According to the report of the National Energy Regulator of SA, everything points to the fact that Eskom was grossly negligent and had not adhered to all the licence requirements. Eskom must be called to account and accept responsibility for possible damage claims against them.
The Departments of Public Enterprises and Minerals and Energy will have to ensure that in future well-trained personnel, able to plan in advance, should be appointed to these posts, as the Western Cape and South Africa cannot afford such disasters. Thank you very much.]
Mnr W D SPIES: Agb Voorsitter, die VF Plus verwelkom die feit dat die Minister vandag formeel bevestig het dat sabotasie nie die oorsaak was van die gebeure by Koeberg nie. ‘n Baie belangrike ding is, en ek praat namens elke werker by Koeberg wat die afgelope vyf maande verdink was van terroristiese bedrywighede, dat daardie werkers ook die feit verwelkom dat hulle nie meer so behandel sal word nie.
Maar ek dink wat belangriker nog is as die oorsaak van hierdie gebeure, is die vraag hoe dit gaan met werkers by Eskom. Van die werkers by Eskom voel 62,8% dat swak beplanning van kapasiteit die oorsaak is vir die probleme. ‘n Verdere 75% van lede van die vakbond Solidariteit sê dat hulle geen toekoms in Eskom vir hulself sien nie en ‘n verdere 50% van hulle oorweeg om Eskom baie binnekort te verlaat. Verder sê 77,14% van hulle dat ‘n tekort aan vaardigheid die oorsaak van hierdie probleem is.
Ons sien daarna uit dat daar ook ‘n ondersoek gedoen sal word en antwoorde gesoek gaan word om hierdie probleme aan te spreek en ons sal graag daarmee saamwerk. Dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr W D SPIES: Hon Chairperson, the FF Plus welcomes the fact that the Minister acknowledged formally today that sabotage was not the cause of the events at Koeberg. What is very important, and I am speaking on behalf of every worker at Koeberg who for the past five months has been suspected of terrorist activities, is that those workers also welcome the fact that they will no longer be treated in that manner.
But, in my opinion, what is even more important than the cause of these events is the question of how the workers at Eskom are faring. It seems that 62,8% of the workers at Eskom see poor planning of capacity as the cause of the problems. A further 75% of members of the trade union Solidarity say that they don’t see any future for themselves at Eskom and a further 50% of them are considering leaving Eskom very soon. Furthermore, 77,14% of them say the skills shortage is the cause of this problem.
We are looking forward to an investigation also being conducted and answers being sought to address these problems. We will gladly co-operate in this regard. Thank you.]
Mr P A C HENDRICKSE: Madam Chairperson, we are here today to discuss the investigations into the damage to the Koeberg generator and not to discuss the report of the National Energy Regulator of South Africa. Important as it is, I believe that it should be discussed in the relevant committees so that we can listen to both Nersa and to Eskom, not as adjudicators but to inform ourselves.
But today we have seen again, with the exception I think of the IFP, the opposition doing what they do best, which is to whine and to be as negative as possible. You really should try and do something else. Adv Schmidt is not even a member of the Public Enterprises Committee. I think the hon Minnie would have done a much better job and would have been much more constructive. Yet he doesn’t know what is happening. He comes here and plays with words and uses words South Africans understand to mean that as a lawyer he is trying to be very clever. It is typical of the DA, they use the real concerns of … [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S BOTHA): Order! Hon members, please don’t talk so loudly that I cannot hear the hon member. Hon Hendrickse, there is your audience.
Mr P A C HENDRICKSE: Thank you, Madam Chairperson. As I said, it is so typical of the DA. They are prepared to exploit the very real concerns of people for short-term political gains. They have done it with the issue of affirmative action, irrespective of the long-term consequences to the people most affected.
Madam Chairperson, I have been here and I don’t know where you were. On this question of sabotage he comes here and accuses the Minister of sabotaging the elections. Let’s give the Minister more credibility. If he wanted intentionally to sabotage the elections – if he was doing it for electioneering purposes - he would have done it much earlier when it would have been able to be effective and not at a stage when it would have been totally ineffective.
I think we need to accept the bona fides of this Minister. He is not known to make wild statements here. I think you should give him that due. He comes here and he has been straightforward with Parliament. Members in our committee, including members of the ANC, have sometimes differed with the Minister, but we have always been very straightforward in dealing with one another.
Let us learn from this experience. If there was any capacity problems, then let’s accept these challenges and see how we can deal with them. Yes, Eskom is guilty of not keeping up with the great economic growth under the ANC leadership – the government of this country. Yes, they have not been able to keep up with us.
With regard to your earlier statements about not keeping up with infrastructure, those are the kind of policies that your party are advocating. If there are any inadequacies the management must accept responsibility for it, and we will deal with that in the committee when we can very soberly discuss these issues.
You also need to ask yourself, Minister: Does the Department of Public Enterprises have enough expertise to pick up these kinds of problems earlier on? You also have to look at the capacity of parliamentary committees where Parliament must look at providing us with the necessary expertise to carry out our oversight functions effectively. [Interjections.]
An HON MEMBER: Erken jy nou julle is dom, of wat? [So, do you admit that you are stupid or what?]
Mr P A C HENDRICKSE: Nee, maar ons is nog steeds slimmer as julle. [Gelag.] [No, but we are still more intelligent than you are. [Laughter.]]
Let me join the Minister in congratulating Eskom for having faced this serious challenge and the way in which they dealt with it. And let us very, very clearly thank the people, particularly of the Western Cape. Notwithstanding their frustrations, notwithstanding the fact that they were upset with Eskom, they responded to the crisis in the truly South African manner of getting together and standing together, unlike the opposition.
We need to have a much more thoughtful discussion once we have an opportunity to examine the report in our relevant committees. I thank you, Madam Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mr M T LIKOTSI: Chairperson, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania takes note of the statement of the Minister of Public Enterprises and wishes to respond accordingly. The electrical power blackout caused heavy economic losses to the province and direct inconvenience to its residents.
The report shows that there was negligence and other related shortcomings by Eskom and that it was avoidable. The board of directors of Eskom, the staff and the Minister as a sole shareholder on behalf of government, should take collective responsibility for the incident. They must take this incident as a wake-up call to get their act together.
The first statement of the Minister that he suspected sabotage in that incident sent shock waves through the province and its people and we think it may have been handled differently. I thank you, Madam Chairperson.
Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Chair, the MF expresses its concern at the findings concerning the Koeberg power failures. That Eskom has been found –
… guilty of negligence, poor maintenance, inadequate protection systems and of breaching its licence conditions at Koeberg’s nuclear power station …
… is extremely worrying.
One would expect far more competence, responsibility and efficient management from an entity with this important function.
It has cost the province millions and has inconvenienced the residents of Western Cape considerably. The fact that residents are still being monitored with regard to their supply and usage of electricity is unacceptable and the status quo needs to be restored immediately.
We are confident that the situation at Koeberg can be resolved and that an efficient management team will be tasked to supply the city of Cape Town with a sustainable and effective power supply.
The MF compliments the residents of the Western Cape for their tolerance and for their co-operation. Thank you, Madam Chairperson.
Mr L M GREEN: Chairperson, we should not evaluate Eskom’s report in isolation with regard to Nersa’s report. I believe both should be evaluated collectively.
An investigation by Nersa makes it very clear that the crippling blackouts we experienced last year from 11 to 26 November in the Western Cape as well as this year on 18 and 19 February, were as a result of Eskom’s negligence, poor maintenance, inadequate protection systems and being in breach of its licence conditions at the Koeberg nuclear power station.
The FD wants to emphasise today that it was the criminal negligence of Eskom and not sabotage that caused the power failures in the Western Cape. Eskom, and not insurance companies, should be held liable for the estimated loss of R1,3 billion due to the power cuts in the Western Cape. The FD requests Nersa to … [Interjections.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Chairperson, on a point of order: I rise on a point of relevance of this input to the subject under discussion because we are not discussing the Nersa report here but we are discussing the statement by the Minister.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): I think it is in order. Thank you, hon Chief Whip. Please continue, hon member.
Mr L M GREEN: Eskom has encouraged households to switch over to gas in order to save on electricity. Today several households are in crisis because suppliers have run out of gas. I hope Eskom won’t suggest that we trade in our gas stoves and acquire coal stoves. I thank you, Madam Chair.
Mr Y I CARRIM: How, Madam Chairperson, comrades and friends, can we have a productive debate on this important national issue if most of the members of the opposition parties that have spoken here have not heard a word the Minister was saying and haven’t responded to a single issue he has raised? In fact, most of them have come here with prepared speeches which they have unthinkingly and simply regurgitated. So, where is the debate, I ask?
But let us also refer to what the hon member Adv Schmidt, of all people, has said. He quotes literally what the Minister said on that day, and in no way in the quotation is the word ``sabotage’’ used. Whilst it is true that the Minister said that the bolt did not end up there by accident, it doesn’t necessarily mean sabotage.
He has explained yet again to an advocate … where did he get his degree, by the way? We are not even sure, because John Jeffery here tells me – who by the way is also a lawyer – that there is distinct meaning to sabotage, Adv Schmidt. I am a sociologist by training, but let’s have tea tomorrow and I will tell you there is a specific meaning. There are people on this side of the bench that suffered for five, 10 years and more for sabotage. So, we know what it means. The fact that it ended up there not by accident could have many, many meanings apart from sabotage. There is no time to deal with that because that is not the fundamental issue at stake here.
Nor, must I stress, Mr Lance Greyling, as an independent investigation communicates, was there any threat to the safety of people, based on the nuclear aspects of Koeberg. Of course, obviously none of us wanted this bolt or any other material substance in a generator. But it happened, and we are all very, very sorry about it. But we can’t get stuck in the past. We need to move on. We need to learn our lessons, commit ourselves to never allowing this to happen again and take the fullest preventative measures possible.
Eskom, the Ministry and our committee and this Parliament and all of the stakeholders hopefully have committed themselves to this. In the first place though it must be fully understood that it was, as the Minister has suggested, an unusual configuration of events. It’s not that a foreign bolt or other material substance is going to be in the generator every week. But, yes, we should never allow this to happen again. Eskom is committed to ensuring this. And this whole Parliament, including hon Adv Schmidt and hon Mr Greyling, must strenuously hold him to this.
Among the many concrete steps taken by Eskom are significant changes to the cleaning conditions control procedures to address the operational weaknesses. An upgrading of the necessary skills is taking place and also Eskom agrees that it has to improve its ability to detect, well beforehand, any similar failings in the system. I understand that Eskom will shortly speak for itself directly to the public.
It’s true that a loose bolt turned out to be, if you like, a loose cannon. It was certainly a naughty, horrible, destructive bolt, together with the material and magnetic substance adhering to it, but the bolt itself was a wake-up call. It made us aware of the need to conserve energy and it gave a further impetus to our programme to generate new electricity.
The campaign to conserve energy was prolific and extremely successful and showed the capacity of all people from all walks of life to unite in the face of challenges. Despite all the carping and the whinging and winning of people like Adv Schmidt, Eskom played a very effective role in this regard. And to build on this momentum and ensure that energy conservation … [Interjections.]
Dr J T DELPORT: Madam Chairperson, will the hon member take a question?
Mr Y I CARRIM: No, not in the 30 seconds. I will only take it outside this meeting.
But we must reconnoitre the massive new generation of electricity programme. Eskom has allocated R92 billion to infrastructure development – the largest, most ambitious and most far-reaching infrastructure development programme in our country’s history. And rightly so, the Western Cape will be the first to benefit. In fact, if I understand, Minister, the two gas turbines will actually be here in the Western Cape by the winter of
- The Department of Public Enterprise reported only yesterday to our portfolio committee on the progress. Apart from the challenges on the EIAs, Eskom is on course. Eskom is no angel but, quite frankly, they are no devil either. They are the fourth largest electricity utility in the world.
Finally, let me thank the public in particular for their co-operation. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.
MOTION OF CONDOLENCE
(The late Mr D V Mabuyakhulu)
USOSWEBHU OMKHULU WEQEMBU ELIBUSAYO: Sihlalo, ngiphakamisa ukuthi:
1) INdlu yesiShayamthetho kaZwelonke yase South Africa ishaqeke kakhulu
ukuzwa izindaba zokushona kukaMhlonishwa uVincent Mabuyakhulu,
osishiye zingu 12 ku-July 2006;
2) IsiShayamthetho siyamhlonipha uMabuyakhulu ngomsebenzi omkhulu
nomuhle awenzele iZwe lakithi njegomholi kubasebenzi kwiCOSATU
nasembuthweni wenkululeko iAfrican National Congress. Ubuholi bakhe
obuqotho bunike umdlandla ezinkumbini zabantu bakithi ukuthi balwele
ukuthula, ukulingana ngokwebala nangobulili kanye nokuqedwa
kokuhlupheka kuzo zonke izakhamizi zakuleli kanye nomhlaba wonke
jikelele;
3) IsiShayamthetho siyakhumbula ukuthi uNdiyema wadlala indima eqavile
njengeLunga lalesiShayamthetho kusukela ngonyaka ka 2004 kuze kube
sekupheleni kwempilo yakhe. Wasebenza kakhulu kumaKomiti
alesiShayamthetho abhekene nezamanzi kanye nezangaphadle;
(4) hayamthetho sedlulisa ukudabuka kwaso okukhulu emndenini wakwaMabuyakhulu kanye nezihlobo, embuthweni wakhe iAfrican National Congress kanye nakubasebenzi jikelele. (Translation of isiZulu motion of condolence follows.)
[The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move:
That the House -
(1) notes with shock and profound sadness the passing away of the hon Vincent Mabuyakhulu on 12 July 2006;
(2) recognises that the hon Mabuyakhulu was a towering leader in Cosatu and the African National Congress, a distinguished patriot who by his example inspired our people and workers to strive for peace, poverty eradication, nonracialism and nonsexism; (3) acknowledges the great contribution that Ndiyema, as he was affectionately known within the trade union movement, made as a member of Parliament from 2004 until his passing on and that he served diligently on various portfolio committees including Water Affairs and Forestry; and
(4) conveys its condolences to the Mabuyakhulu family and their loved ones, the African National Congress and the working class movement in general.]
Mr M SWART: Chairperson, it is with deep regret that we learned of the sad passing away of MP Vincent Mabuyakhulu on 12 July 2006. The hon member was born on 20 November 1958 and grew up in northern KwaZulu-Natal. He later moved to the far north. He was a staunch trade unionist and fought tirelessly for the rights of workers. He ended up as vice president of his trade union and was elected to Parliament in 2004. He served on his portfolio committees with distinction.
Together with his wife and children, we mourn their great loss and assure them that our thoughts and prayers are with them in these trying times. May they find comfort in the knowledge that Vincent Mabuyakhulu dedicated most of his working life to the cause of helping others. We salute his memory.
UMntwana N E ZULU: Mhlonishwa Somlomo, iqembu leNkatha lidlulisa ukuzwelana kwalo nomndeni kaMnu Mabuyakhulu ongasekho. Saqala ukwazana naye sishayisana ngezifuba ezimbonini kwaSithebe naseMandeni, lapho yena wayeqguqguzela inyunyana yakhe nami ngiqguqguzela uWusa owawuthi, “jobs no hunger” ngaleso sikhathi. Okukhumbulekayo ukuthi kwakuyisikhathi esibi leso.
Sesihlangana lapha ePhalamende wangihlaba umxhwele ngolwazi lwakhe olujulile lolimi lwesiZulu, bheka nje esethi ”Ababulali benyathi balala ucwayimbana.” Siyawakhalela amakhomanisi, siyalikhalela iqembu likaKhongolose, sithi akwehli lungehlanga. Abomndeni sithi balale ngenxeba. (Translation of isiZulu speech follows.)
[Prince N E ZULU: Hon Speaker, the Inkatha Freedom Party conveys its deepest condolences to the family of the late Mabuyakhulu. We grew to know each other when we bumped into each other at KwaSithebe and Mandeni, where he was mobilising his union and I was mobilising mine, the Workers Union of South Africa, Wusa, which was saying “jobs, no hunger” at that time. What I remember is that it was a difficult time then.
When we met him here at Parliament, he impressed me with his isiZulu language knowledge. Just listen when he says, “Don’t judge a book by its cover”. We sympathise with the Communist Party. We sympathise with the African National Congress. This is neither the first nor the last time we will see death. To the family, we say, may your wounds be healed.]
Mr J BICI: Chairperson, the UDM joins the House in paying tribute to the late hon Mabuyakhulu. We extend our heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, colleagues, and the ANC during this time of bereavement. The late hon member was a dedicated democrat committed to the principles and ideals of a free and united South Africa, like every other Member of Parliament dedicated to the new democratic dispensation.
The family and friends of the hon Mabuyakhulu can take a measure of consolation from the fact that the legacy of all democrats lives on in the activities and debates in this Parliament. Our thoughts and prayers are with the late hon member’s loved ones. Thank you.
Mr A HARDING: Chairperson, the Independent Democrats conveys its deepest sympathies to the family, friends and colleagues of the hon Vincent Mabuyakhulu, a respected member of the ANC and a vigorous trade unionist. His passing is a tragic blow to the political development of South Africa. He will always be remembered and renowned for his passion for the rights of the working class in this country. His contributions to the protection of workers’ rights have been more than admirable. The hon Mabuyakhulu will be sorely missed. I thank you.
Mr S N SWART: The ACDP would like to share the sentiments expressed by other speakers regarding Mr Mabuyakhulu. We note that he dedicated much of his life in a tireless effort to improve the plight of the working class and was the former first president of the National Union of Mineworkers prior to coming to Parliament.
On behalf of the ACDP, we would like to extend our deepest condolences to the ANC and to his family and friends. We trust and pray that our Heavenly Father will comfort them during this time of bereavement as He has promised in the Beatitudes, “Blessed are those who mourn, for they will be comforted”. Our prayers are with you at this difficult time. Thank you.
Dr C P MULDER: Agb Voorsitter, namens die VF Plus assosieer ek ons graag met die mosie van roubeklag op die Ordelys ter herdenking van die lewe van ons medekollega Mabuyakhulu wat onlangs oorlede is.
Ek het die agb lid nie baie goed geken nie; hy was nie baie lank ‘n lid van dié Raad nie, maar dis baie duidelik uit wat ons ander kollegas en sy vriende ook sê dat hy ‘n lang pad geloop het en ‘n groot rol gespeel het in die gemeenskap, asook in die strukture waarin hy gedien het.
Ons herdenk sy gedagtenis en dra graag ons meelewing en simpatie oor aan sy familie, sy geliefdes en naasbestaandes en sy party, die ANC. Dankie. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Dr C P MULDER: Hon Chairperson, on behalf of the FF Plus I would like to identify with the motion of condolence on the Order Paper in memory of the life of our co-colleague Mabuyakhulu who passed away recently.
I did not know the hon member very well; he was not a member of this House for very long, but it is very clear from what our other colleagues and his friends are saying that he walked a long road and played a big role in the community, as well as within the structures on which he has served.
We commemorate his memory and would like to convey our sympathy and condolences to his family, his loved ones and next of kin and his party, the ANC. Thank you.]
Mr M T LIKOTSI: It saddens me to deliver words of condolence on the death of a colleague, a comrade and a true son of the soil; he is hon Comrade Mabuyakhulu who was part of this House, the National Assembly.
Our deepest condolences to his family and friends, his beloved political organisation, the African National Congress, which he served until the last days of his life, and his constituency that was looking forward to his services in all socioeconomic challenges in their area.
To all of you, God gave you this patriot to serve you for a prescribed period of time and has recalled him to rejoin many activists who paved this heavenly way for present and future activists to use. We thank God for his precious life. I thank you.
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chair, today we sadly bid farewell and pay our respects to the beloved ANC MP, hon Dumisani Vincent Mabuyakhulu. Our sincere condolences are extended to the bereaved wife and five children of the deceased.
Hon Mabuyakhulu is said to have been a great comrade in the fight against apartheid and a great trade unionist serving as deputy president of the National Union of Mineworkers of South Africa, after which he was deployed to the NA as an ANC MP.
We express our sincere condolence to the ANC and to Nomuswa on the loss of a great comrade and defender of human rights.
Our condolences further are extended to the KZN MEC for Local Government, Housing and Traditional Affairs, hon Mike Mabuyakhulu and the Mayor of Amajuba District, hon Dan Mabuyakhulu and the Umkhanyakude District Municipality councillor, John Mabuyakhulu, all brothers of the deceased. Hon Vincent D Mabuyakhulu, we salute you. May you rest in peace. Thank you.
Mnu E N MTHETHWA: Sihlalo, sibonga osekushiwo amaqembu amaningi ngozakwethu uComrade Mabuyakhulu. Sithatha leli thuba sibonge ikakhulukazi umndeni ngokuthi ubusetsheleke uMabuyakhulu ukuze abe yingxenye yomzabalazo wenkululeko yesizwe. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
Mr E N MTHETHWA: Chairperson, thank you for all that has been said by the parties about Comrade Mabuyakhulu. We are taking this opportunity to thank, particularly, the family for lending us Mabuyakhulu in order to become part of the freedom struggle for this country.]
Comrade Mabuyakhulu, indeed, as one comrade said yesterday, was one of that rare breed our revolution produced, a loyal and a disciplined member of the ANC, of the SACP and of Cosatu. Comrade Mabuyakhulu rose among the ranks of the workers, representing the workers’ interests. As my colleague from the IFP, Umtwana lapa Makeba, has correctly said: “He actually worked for the workers.” He did everything and grew among the ranks of the then Fosatu and Mawu, which was the metal workers’ union at that point in time. He distinguished himself as one of the significant key negotiators, who then rose to the leadership of our movement.
Comrade Mabuyakhulu did most of his work around the area of Quastege and later as a member of Parliament in his constituency, Emangusu. The comrade has also been a member of the central executive committee of the SA Communist Party, and after joining us here he became a member of very important committees, such as the Portfolio Committee on Water Affairs and Forestry, which mattered most to him.
The majority of people that he represented still do not have running water and he was representing them here and he was their voice. Now 504 339 people of the district of Mkhanyakude in KwaZulu-Natal have actually lost a polite but significant voice representing their needs and aspirations.
We’ll remember Comrade Mabuyakhulu as a voice of reason in our own movement and a good listener. He didn’t only listen, but after listening always sought to reach an amicable way forward in whatever was done. At the time of his death, he was elected regional treasurer of the North Coast region. The comrade has left us, but his deeds are amongst us.
Hamba kahle Ndiyemba, Mthotshana, nyon’ezimhlophe – amalanda! Lala kahle qabane, ngane kaLuthuli noTambo. Siyabonga. [Rest in peace Ndiyela, Mthotshana, nyon’ ezimhlophe-amalanda! Rest in peace Comrade, child of Luthuli and Tambo. Thank you.]
Debate concluded.
Motion agreed to, members standing.
MOTION OF CONDOLENCE
(The late Mr Malizole Diko)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move:
That the House –
(1) notes with regret the passing away on 28 July 2006 of the hon Malizole Diko;
(2) recalls that hon Diko has been a member of Parliament since 2004 and served with passion on, amongst other things, the Portfolio Committee on Social Development and the Portfolio Committee on Housing;
(3) further recalls that the hon Diko was a hardworking leader of his party who, through his work and that of the UIF, contributed to the deepening of democracy in our country;
(4) believes that the hon Diko will be sorely missed by his hon colleagues in Parliament; and
(5) conveys its condolences to the Diko family, friends and his party, the UIF.
Thank you very much.
Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, we in the DA wish to state that it is with great sadness that today we have to express our grief and condolences on the passing of the hon Malizole Diko. He was a principled and determined political leader, a warm and compassionate soul, and a friend to many people in this House. Certainly, he was young; Malizole was only at the start of a promising career.
Death robbed him of the chance to make a sustained contribution in South Africa’s political arena, but that does not mean he did not make a contribution in the time he was with us. He burned very brightly indeed. His friendship was not limited to those from a particular political persuasion, nor was his outlook defined by narrow interests. Indeed he was a young statesman in the making. Malizole was always driven by compassion for his fellow human beings and a deeply entrenched sense of what was right and wrong.
In politics he had a very particular sense of justice, of fairness and the fight for equality. These values informed his decisions and guided his politics. As the leader of a new political party he set about trying to ensure that our young democracy remained vibrant, that new political ideas and initiatives were promoted and developed, and that the needs of ordinary people were heard and acted on.
Malizole was modest. In an age and environment where political leaders often put their interests before those of the people who elected them to power, his values always remained grounded in reality and his concerns were always those of the people who supported him.
His party has lost a founding leader, our democracy has lost a valuable asset and the public representatives in this House have lost a friend indeed. All are poorer for it. May his memory however not be lost. We will make sure that each and every one of us continues to fight for the values and principles he upheld.
Ke a leboga. [Thank you.]
Mr M B SKOSANA: Thank you, Mr Chairperson. Hon members, the IFP joins hon members of this House in expressing sincere messages of condolence at the passing away of one of its hon members, the hon Malizole Diko, who passed away on 28 July 2006 in Durban.
This is the loss of an estimable and gifted young leader of the UIF in this House. We will derive solace from the saying that those whom the gods love, die young. It is also divine to accept that life is a stage where all of us have entered to play our own ordained roles to the joy and, at times, the displeasure of our mystical audience of gods, angels and ancestors, then exit in silence, innocently as we have entered.
The House may not be the direct and blood family of the late hon Malizole Diko, but I believe his family and relatives had left him to our care, the care of his peers, the care of his older brothers and sisters in this House. That is why his death has also somehow diminished us.
May the good Lord keep his soul, and give comfort to his family, his relatives and his party. I thank you.
Mr G T MADIKIZA: Hon Chair, hon members, the UDM joins the House in paying tribute to the late hon Diko. We were shocked by the news that our former colleague, the hon Malizole Diko, had passed away. It is particularly difficult to bid farewell to one so young. We extend our heartfelt condolences to his family, friends and colleagues during this time of bereavement.
Diko, as everyone called him, was a passionate politician who was one of the founding members of the UDM. For many years he played a pivotal role in the Western Cape structures of the UDM. He rose through the ranks and eventually became secretary general of the party, later to be elected as the deputy president of the party until he defected to form his own party. Despite his later disputes with the party the UDM and its members will fondly recall the many years that he contributed to the building of our party. Our hearts are saddened by his passing, and our thoughts and prayers are with his family. Wanga ungaphumla ngoxolo, Manci. [May you rest in peace, Manci.]
May his soul rest in peace. I thank you.
Mr A HARDING: Chair, Malizole Diko was known as an ambitious and a hardworking young man who also possessed a large measure of quick wit. Exactly there lies tragedy for his untimely death. He had a role to play in the consolidation of our young democracy. He was commonly known as Diko amongst his political peers and was largely recognised for the instrumental role that he played in the formation years of the UDM and his subsequent election as secretary general.
I know that he fulfilled this position in an exemplary manner in those early days on the fifth floor of Marks building. Diko was known as a man of strong and principled leadership. It is exactly those trades that he displayed in the formation of the UIF of whom he was elected as a leader. The ID wishes to convey our sincere sympathies to the Diko family, the UIF and his friends. Thank you.
Mr S N SWART: The ACDP learned with great sadness of the untimely death of Mr Diko. I had the pleasure of knowing him, and he was undeniably a talented and a hard-working leader. His death is a great loss to us all. On behalf of the ACDP I would like to extend our deepest condolences to the UIF and to Mr Diko’s family. We trust in prayer that our Heavenly Father will also bring comfort to them during this time of bereavement. I thought some prayers are worthy at this time. I thank you.
Dr C P MULDER: Voorsitter, die VF Plus assosieer ons graag met die mosie van roubeklag ter herdenking van ons kollega, die agb Malizole Diko.
Dit is ook so dat hy nie baie lank ‘n lid van dié Raad was nie; hy’s die eerste keer in 2004 tot die Raad verkies. Maar die feit van die saak is dat hy in die kort tyd wat hy hier was sy merk baie sterk gelaat het, en ‘n groot indruk gemaak het op almal wat met hom kontak gehad het. Ek het, saam met van die ander partye, ten nouste met hom moes saamwerk in terme van die koukus van kleiner partye in die Parlement, en hy het daar ‘n baie duidelike standpunt ingeneem saam met sy kollega en hul standpunt baie sterk gestel.
Ek wil graag dan ook ons meelewing betuig aan sy familie en naasbestaandes. Dit is altyd tragies en hartseer as daar so ‘n jong man te sterwe kom - of ‘n jong persoon te sterwe kom - wat in die fleur van sy lewe is en vir wie daar ‘n baie mooi politieke loopbaan voorgelê het, wat nou nie sal realiseer nie. Ek dank u. (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Dr C P MULDER: Chairperson, the FF Plus would like to associate itself with the motion of condolence in memory of our colleague, the hon Malizole Diko.
It is so that he was not a member of this House for long; he was appointed to the House in 2004 for the first time. But the fact of the matter is that he left his mark very distinctly in the short time that he was here and made a big impression on all who came into contact with him. I have, together with some of the other parties, worked closely with him in terms of the caucus of smaller parties, and he together with his colleague, took a very clear stand and stated their point of view very strongly.
I would then also like to extend our sympathy to his family and next of kin. It is always tragic and sad when such a young man - or any young person – passes away who is in the prime of his life and for whom a very fine political career lay ahead that will not be realised now. I thank you.]
Mr M T LIKOTSI: Death is a pathway to a lasting peace, an opportunity to meet with one’s ancestors and lastly to meet your Creator, the Creator of heaven and earth. Death knows no age and no boundaries. Comrade Malizole Diko’s untimely death sent shock waves through all of us, the youth whose ambition is to climb to the stars, and also to the entire nation. The PAC of Azania mourns his death and wishes to send its heavenly condolences to his parents, family and friends, the UIF, the party he co-founded, and its members. We will always remember him and create a special spiritual seat for him in our hearts. Our deepest and heartfelt condolences. I thank you.
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, it is sad that we are bidding farewell to two members of the House this week. I sincerely extend our condolences to the bereaved family and friends of the late hon Malizole Diko. Hon Diko was a passionate politician who fought for the upliftment of South Africans. Our condolences are extended to the UIF on the loss of a great member, and they are further extended to the UDM that shares a precious history with the late hon Diko.
Life is so short that we have only one chance to live it. I call on the NA to live its days in the growth of democracy and the plight of our comrades in the bid for a better life for all. Hon Diko, we salute you and pray for your travels to God’s gates where you will remember our South Africa on its road to success. We thank you for paving this way with us. May you rest in peace. Thank you.
Mr L M GREEN: Chair, the FD has learnt with shock and dismay about the sudden death of the hon Mr Malizole Diko, the former leader of the UIF. The hon Diko was a young, talented, vibrant and visionary leader of the UIF. And he always faced his many parliamentary and party duties with great energy, enthusiasm and passion. The FD mourns his death and wishes to express its sincere condolences to the family members and loved ones of the hon Diko.
Our condolences also go to the UIF for the loss of a valuable member and leader. We are saddened by the sudden death of the hon Diko and we shall always remember the valuable contribution made by him to acts of politics in our nation. He will be solely missed by all of us in Parliament. And we trust the Lord will console the Diko family and loved ones during their time of grief. I thank you.
Mnu N B FIHLA: Umbutho wesizwe iANC nayo njengawo onke amaqela ivakalisa uvelwano olunzulu ngokushiywa kwethu lilungu lale Ndlu, obekekileyo Umnu Malizole Diko. Wonke umzi uthe manga kukuhamba kwale ndedeba ebisaze ngobuso elizweni, nekubonakala mhlophe ukuba ibiya kuba lulutho esizweni. Umbutho wesizwe udlulisa umyalezo wovelwano kwikhaya lakwa Diko, kwaManci, kooMaqolo nakuzo zonke izihlobo nezalamane. Uthi uKhongolozi, thuthuzelekani nonke mawethu, akuhlanga lingehliyo. Umfo kaDiko uwuzamile umzamo omhle. Mkhululeni ke ngoko mawethu aphumle ngoxolo. Enkosi. (Translation of isiXhosa speech follows.)
[Mr N B FIHLA: Just like other parties, the ANC conveys its heart-felt condolences on the passing away of a member of this House, hon Malizole Diko. The House at large is shocked by his death at such an early age; and while it was clear too that the nation would benefit from him. This party is conveying its condolences to the Diko family of the Manci and Maqolo clans and to all the friends and relatives of the family. The ANC says, “Be comforted, what has happened will always pass”. Hon Diko has done his best in life. Let him rest in peace. Thank you.]
Debate concluded. Motion agreed to, members standing.
SITUATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST
(Draft Resolution)
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move without notice the motion as it stands on the Order Paper:
That the House -
(1) noting -
(a) with grave concern the developments in the Middle East;
(b) Israel's collective punishment of both the Palestinian and
Lebanese peoples;
(c) the disproportionate response of Israel and the use of
military force against civilian targets, resulting in hundreds
of deaths and injuries, mainly of women, children and the
elderly, the massive destruction of vital life-supporting
infrastructure, and the displacement of over a million people;
(d) the catastrophic humanitarian crisis in Gaza and Lebanon,
for which Israel's aggression is responsible;
(e) the anger and concerns of many sectors of our people -
including political parties, trade unions and religious
leaders; and
(f) the commencement of a UN-mandated ceasefire on Monday, 14
August 2006;
(2) believing –
(a) that the threat of a regional war might become a reality,
which will seriously endanger regional and international peace
and security;
(b) that the actions of Israel are against international law
and the Geneva Convention;
(c) that the Palestinian people have the right to self-
determination and independence in the State of Palestine and
that the State of Israel has the right to exist alongside the
State of Palestine, within secure borders; and
(d) that a negotiated final status agreement would best serve
the peoples of Israel, Palestine and Lebanon, and more
generally the cause for peace and security in the region;
therefore (3) resolves -
(a) to call upon all parties to desist from any actions which
may exacerbate the conflict;
(b) to call for the maintenance of a ceasefire by all sides;
(c) to call for a negotiated solution of the Israeli,
Palestinian and Lebanese prisoner issue;
(d) to call upon the UN Security Council to discharge its
responsibilities and act with urgency to enforce and maintain
the full cessation of hostilities and Israel’s withdrawal of
its troops at the earliest opportunity;
(e) to call upon the UN, on the basis of various UN
resolutions, to seek a peaceful, comprehensive solution; and
(f) to call upon the international community and the South
African government and people to respond to the catastrophic
humanitarian tragedy in the region.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Mr A G H Pahad): Chairperson, hon members, it is very important that you’ve initiated this debate. It’s clear to all of us that while we are talking here, events in the Middle East continue to threaten international peace and security.
The civil war in Iraq, the deterioration of the situation in Afghanistan, the inability to deal with the Palestinian issue and the war in Lebanon, all these reflect that we are living in one of the most dangerous situations in the past 50 years.
We are faced with a complex situation with several interrelated dimensions, consisting primarily of security issues, geostrategic interests, control of valuable oil resources, the strategic objective to carve out the new Middle East and an increasing militaristic approach to combating the threat of terrorism.
This demands that in our deliberations we must be open, frank and constructively critical in order to make a contribution to finding a peaceful solution to the crisis that is unfolding in the Middle East region.
There are some people who believe that today Israel is dealing with a radical, Messianic Islam that extends its arm like an octopus, creating an axis from Teheran to Gaza via Damascus and Beirut. And with people like these, there is nothing to talk about, as the fire of war against the infidel burns in them, and therefore the only way to deal with them is to deal with them militarily in order to create a new strategic balance between the forces of good and radical Islam.
It is my contention that these forces, in their wrong analysis, are refusing to accept that the Palestinian issue is a key issue that needs to be resolved if there is to be long-term peace and stability in the Middle East.
South Africa’s foreign policy in this respect is driven by the reality that in line with the Oslo Agreement, the Arab Plan of 2002, the Road Map and various UN resolutions, the only viable solution is a two-state solution, that is, a viable Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, existing side by side with a secure Israeli state.
Sadly, the Road Map to achieve this objective, which is driven by the quartet, that is the United Nations, the European Union, the USA and Russia, has unfortunately not made any significant progress towards helping us achieve a peaceful solution based on the two-state theory.
Also unfortunately, the United Nations Security Council has been ineffective in achieving a peaceful resolution. None of us can deny that in the absence of any progress to find a political solution the Palestinian resistance has continued unabated and, in response, Israel’s military actions in occupied Palestine have intensified.
None of us can deny the fact that the vast majority of Palestinians are now in the occupied territories and have literally become prisoners; that the wall determined to be illegal by the International Criminal Court of Justice continues to be built; that the Palestinian Authority continues to be weakened; and, that in the context of all this, the abject poverty of the Palestinian people is growing every day.
It is against this background that we must understand why Hamas, in this difficult and volatile situation, was able to sweep into power in democratic, free and fair elections. It is my view that the responses of major powers, namely Israel, the United States and the European Union, which imposed severe sanctions against the Hamas-led government, do not contribute towards helping to solve the problem.
The sanctions imposed have, inter alia, resulted in all donor funding - as we all know, the Palestinian Authority depends on donor funding only - being stopped. Millions of dollars that are due to the Palestinians have been withheld by the Israeli authorities, and the movement of goods, services and people have been further restricted.
At the same time the newly elected Israeli government announced that they didn’t have partners to negotiate with, and would have to consider unilateral actions to determine the future borders of the Israeli state.
The South African government believes that such a response to a democratic process does not help us to create conditions conducive to finding a peaceful, stable and prosperous Middle East, based on the two-state solution.
The South African government, therefore, welcomes the results of free and fair elections in Palestine, which brought into power the Hamas government. We believe that we can’t be part of an international community that campaigns for democracy, and when a people democratically elect their government, because we do not like the nature of the government they have elected, we refuse to accept the will of the people.
This will enable us to create conditions for nobody to accept democracy because it will mean that you will then be able to determine when you accept the democratic processes and when you do not.
The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: It’s about … [Inaudible.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Mr A G H Pahad): Yes, Tony, wake up! We also believe that any unilaterally imposed solution will not be acceptable either to the Palestinians or the region, and therefore it will only be a recipe for more violence. We should continue to strive to find a solution within the framework of the various resolutions that I have referred to.
We believe that while we accepted the democratic results, our objective must be to interact constructively with the Hamas leadership to convince them that they must accept that they came into power on the basis of the Oslo Agreement and the UN Resolutions. Therefore, they have to accept the consequences of their participating in the political process.
It is now a matter of record that all Palestinian groups, including Hamas, adopted the President’s document in terms of which a government of national unity would be established, a two-state solution would be accepted, and all violence would be suspended. It is a matter of tragic reality that, as this decision was taken, an Israeli soldier was captured by Palestinian militants, and we went into an absolutely different situation.
The capture of the Israeli soldier resulted - nobody can deny this - in a massive military offensive against the Palestinians which has resulted in the destruction of most of the remaining infrastructure in Gaza. It has caused hundreds of deaths and casualties, and all the UN reports indicate that these were mainly women, children and the elderly.
This, coupled with the Israeli closure of crossing points and the sanctions imposed, has resulted in one of the greatest catastrophic humanitarian crises in the Palestinian-occupied territories.
This also, combined with the arrest of 60 Hamas Ministers and parliamentarians, the destruction of many government institutions, the continuing extrajudicial killings, and the increased prevention of movement of Palestinians from the West Bank to Gaza, has practically led to the collapse of the Palestinian Authority.
It is my view that this is not in the interest of long-term peace in the region and will only lead to greater radicalisation and indeed the nonacceptance of a peaceful, negotiated solution.
On another front, the capture of two Israeli soldiers by Hezbollah has also resulted in a massive military offensive against Lebanon. All of us, including – I hope - my colleagues on the left, have been watching the graphic descriptions and pictures on CNN and BBC, and they cannot tell us those are communist fronts. We would begin to believe that Israeli military action has led to the absolute destruction of many Lebanese villages, towns and infrastructure. An estimated 85% of Lebanese infrastructure has now been destroyed. [Interjections.] Wait till I come to that. Over a thousand have been killed and also, in this case, many thousands have been injured, mostly children, women and the elderly. Over one million Lebanese have been displaced and here too a catastrophic humanitarian tragedy has been created.
It is correct, as some people argue, that the attacks and capture of the Israeli soldiers were justification for such a reaction. It is the analysis of the vast majority of the world, including, I believe, vast numbers of members of the United Nations that the reaction of Israel to the threat of Hezbollah and the capture of the two soldiers was a disproportionate use of force. Also the collective punishment of people in the Palestine and Lebanon violates international law and the Geneva Convention. [Interjections.] Tony, you keep pretending you are a lawyer. You’d better understand that. [Interjections.] Many have called these war crimes.
So, while we all accept the right of Israeli security, we also accept that the actions in response to protecting Israeli security and the many civilian casualties will never be able to justify Israel’s justified commitment to wanting security.
That you must accept, because otherwise you don’t accept the two-state solution. The reality now is … [Interjections.] No, they have much more. Why don’t we just remove all of you guys? [Interjections.] Why don’t we just send you guys into the sea? So, don’t ask what we could have done. [Interjections.]
The reality of the Israeli military action has been increased support for Hezbollah and Hamas. There is now a growing volatile situation in the Arab streets. Many people are surprised that the Arab streets have not ignited. Those that are regarded as moderate Arab governments in the region have themselves now been asked, after expressing some concerns about Hezbollah’s action, to ask if the response of Israel is now threatening their very existence.
We are now faced with the situation where hatred is unprecedented in the region. There is unprecedented anti-Americanism, and I want to warn that the potential for increased terrorism is greater today than it has ever been.
In this context, we have failed to look at the Iranian and Syrian dimensions in order to understand the totality of the complex situation we face. We believe that it has been unacceptable that while the carnage has continued in the Palestinian areas for many months, but for five weeks in Lebanon, and that while we are faced with the possibility of the conflict engulfing the whole region - and this was becoming a reality - the UN Security Council was immobilised.
Events have proved that this approach is unrealistic and dangerous, and will not allow us to create the conditions to find a negotiated peaceful solution both in the interests of the Arab people, the Palestinian people and the Israeli people.
It is true that, after much death and destruction, a resolution calling for the immediate cessation of hostilities was passed by the United Nations Security Council. I believe it was too late. However, we must now accept that there is a resolution. On the basis of this, all of us must unite to call on all parties to maintain the cessation of hostilities. We must call on the United Nations Security Council to seek a comprehensive solution that will impact on the interests of all countries in the region, based on UN Resolutions and Lebanese Prime Minister’s Seven- Point Plan. [Interjections.]
The reality, Tony, while you are heckling, is that humanity is consciously marching towards the abyss which will result in a disaster for all of humanity. Today the whole region is in turmoil. At the beginning of the war against Lebanon, as you would know if you read, 80% of the Israeli population supported the Israeli military offensive. Today there are serious divisions within Israeli society, which create tensions in the entire region. [Interjections.] That’s what you want. [Interjections.] Because I don’t believe that that element that is arguing that they should go further understands the reality that there was no possibility of going further without extracting greater damages and greater casualties on the Israeli population.
So, don’t come and talk of going further. Those who are saying we must go further are wrong. If we are genuinely seeking a solution, it is our task to convince them that there was no possibility of going further, because a danger of a regional war bringing in Syria and Iran was becoming reality.
And indeed you must accept that Hezbollah has proved to be a better adversary than anybody had expected. And this, therefore, does not call for heckling; it calls for a sober assessment of what we need to do to find a political solution in the interests of everybody.
There are also dangers of a backlash from what I referred to with regard to the Arab streets and governments. All these factors are making a new, catastrophic, regional war a reality.
As you heckle, Tony, if that happens, then our objective of a peaceful solution that will bring about the two-state solution will drown in blood and warfare.
So we have, as Parliament, the responsibility to discuss this issue, not from a stupid standpoint and from an ignorant standpoint, but to ensure that the international community accepts its responsibility, discards its failed policies and genuinely and urgently takes decisive measures to bring about a two-state-solution between Palestine and Israel.
Now, nobody who has seen the graphic consequences of the latest war can remain unshocked and unangered. Therefore, Parliament must constructively and critically express its view that collective punishment violates international law and the Geneva Conventions and is unacceptable.
We must therefore on the basis of this, try to give direction to the anger and concerns of millions of people throughout the world, which is also reflected in South Africa, so that we do not allow this dangerous situation to turn into conflicts on our streets, but that we will be able to work towards solving this. [Interjections.]
On Hezbollah, we have been quite clear. [Interjections.] Our interaction with Hezbollah would also be that the Prime Minister of Lebanon’s Seven- Point Plan has been accepted by Hezbollah. The UN Resolution has been accepted by Hezbollah. So, it is not time …
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Hon Deputy Minister, I regret your time has expired.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Mr A G H Pahad): OK, let me finish.
It is not the time, in this dangerous situation, to play the chicken-or-egg game. You have to deal with the root causes of the problem and wake up to the reality. [Applause.]
Ms F HAJAIG: Chairperson, colleagues and comrades, I have just been reminded by one of my comrades that in the Mail & Guardian of two weeks ago it was reported that the kidnapping of a Palestinian doctor and his brother by Israeli soldiers is what actually triggered the capturing of an Israeli soldier by Hamas.
Having said that, I would like to continue and say it is with sadness that I participate in this debate today, when you consider that over 1 353 people have died in this conflict, that is 1 300 Lebanese and 153 Israelis; plus-minus 1 million Lebanese are displaced; thousands are injured, their homes and possessions bombed to smithereens, their means of livelihood destroyed.
The destruction of infrastructure is extensive, affecting major coastal and inland highways and roads, 55 bridges, telecommunication towers and the oil refinery. Beirut Airport was one of the first to be hit, besides hospitals, schools, water systems, sewerage systems and power stations. One cannot but ask the question: Is this the work of a civilised nation, which professes to encapsulate the human rights values and the ethics of the justice of the Jewish religion?
As I understand the Jewish religion, its value system will not condone this. The horrific carnage inflicted on innocent civilians, most of them women and children, remains etched in one’s memory. Why this disproportionate use of military force on the Lebanese people? Is it not enough that they are slowly but surely perpetrating a strategised form of genocide on the Palestinian people? There is not a day that passes where a Palestinian is not killed, maimed, imprisoned, insulted or made to suffer collective punishment by the Israeli state.
It is a strange paradox that a host allows a guest into his home, and the guest then takes over the whole house with his possessions, and forces or drives out the host from his own home. Having been forced out of his home, he is still controlled in all aspects of his life by the guest.
This is exactly what happened in the creation of the Israeli state with the occupation of Palestine. And, what do the so-called peace-loving democratic governments of the world say? They say nothing or very little to this injustice. But then we are used to the double standards of the West.
To understand what is really happening in Palestine and Lebanon, one needs to go back to the historical background of this ongoing conflict. In Africa Western powers carved up countries to control their resources. India was carved up into two. Vietnam was divided. Korea is still partitioned, despite the fact that they want to reunite as one people. America cannot allow that. What will they do with thousands of US soldiers billeted in South Korea?
The State of Israel owes its existence firstly to Britain and the United States, and then to the newly formed United Nations, which was composed of a few states, because most of the states of the world were still in the bondage of colonialism at the time. That was the United Nations that called for Israel’s creation in 1947, after the cruel and merciless annihilation of people of Jewish descent in Europe during the Second World War. That happened in Europe, not in Asia, Africa or elsewhere.
In 1918, the Jewish people living in Palestine owned 2% of the land. Their population was small. In 1935 they owned 5,5% of the land. By 1947 they owned 6% of the land and constituted about 30% of the population. The UN partition plan of 1947 detailed recommendations for the creation of two separate states, one a Jewish state, which would include 55% of the land, and an Arab state, which would include the remaining 45%.
While the Jewish population accepted the plan, the Palestinians totally rejected it, partly because it was felt that the plan was imposed upon them without consultation and partly because it was felt that the division of the land was unfair and to the advantage of the fewer Jewish inhabitants. On 9 April 1948 the programme began. The Irgun, a Zionist underground group – today it would be called a terrorist group – wiped out the whole village of Der Yassin, its men, women and children. Groups like Hagana, the Irgun and the Stern Gang began their dastardly acts to drive out the Palestinians. That was the beginning of the expansionist policy of the Zionists. By January 1949 Israel had occupied 77% of the land.
The UN has on several occasions repeated its call for Israel to withdraw from Palestinian territory. In 1980, for example, the Security Council Resolution reaffirmed that the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible, and referred to the overriding necessity to end the prolonged occupation of Arab territories.
On 20 December 1982, the General Assembly similarly called for unconditional withdrawal. Israel has consistently refused to implement these resolutions, continuing on its merry way of building more and more Israeli settlements on Palestinian land, continual terrorising the Palestinians.
The Geneva Convention states that an occupying power is not allowed … [Interjections.] Behave yourself, Tony, you are a leader of a party! Behave yourself! [Interjections.] You will have a chance to speak. Allow me to speak. [Interjections.] You will! [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Order, order! Hon member, please address the House and not one single individual. Order, please! [Interjections.]
Ms F HAJAIG: You must learn some manners! Yes. [Interjections.] This is the truth, which you people have been denying. Keep quiet! [Interjections.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Order! Please, hon members! Please one moment, hon member. We will not be able to hear the debate if you keep on interrupting in this manner. [Interjections.] Hon members, I am addressing both sides of the House. [Interjections.] Please! Continue, hon member. [Interjections.]
Ms F HAJAIG: I hope I will have some of my minutes back.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): I will give you your minutes back.
Ms F HAJAIG: Thank you. The Geneva Convention states that an occupying power is not allowed to alter the status of occupied territories and shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into territory it occupies. More and more settlements are built on the West Bank and in Gaza. So much for the rule of international law!
What can you expect, when the first Prime Minister of Israel, David Ben- Gurion, stated, and I quote:
When we say that the Arabs are the aggressors and we defend ourselves, that is only one aspect of the conflict, which is in its essence a political one, and politically we are the aggressors and they defend themselves.
That is the Prime Minister of Israel’s words, not mine. Ben-Gurion, of course, was right. He further continued to say:
At the present time we speak of colonisation and only colonisation. It is our short-term objective. In our country there is room only for Jews. We will say to the Arabs: “Move over.” If they are not in agreement, if they resist, we will push them by force.
These are Ben-Gurion’s words. Zionism is a colonising and expansionist ideology and movement.
In March 1978, the Israeli army invaded South Lebanon in an attempt to crush the Palestinian refugees. They withdrew in June 1978, establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory.
In 1981, they annexed the Syrian territory of the Golan Heights. On 6 June 1982, the Israeli army launched a full-scale invasion of Lebanon in order to remove PLO forces. The Palestinian refugee camps were destroyed and Beirut besieged for two months. The PLO was forced to leave and found refuge in Tunisia.
This was followed by the Israeli army entering West Beirut and the massacre of Palestinian civilians in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila - thanks to Ariel Sharon. Amal and Hezbollah forced the Israeli army out of most of Lebanon, except for the Shebaa Farms and parts of the Beqaa valley.
But the killings of Palestinians continued on a daily basis, collective punishment continued, the razing of homes and destruction of the means of livelihood continued, controlling the entrance and exit points continued. Perhaps the most horrendous act was the building of the wall, a most inhumane act. Not even apartheid in its heyday could do something like this.
Palestinians must be pushed further and further, the Lebanese in South Lebanon must be driven north, so that Israel can occupy that land, including the Litani River whose waters it wants to control. One needs to understand that none of these atrocities is possible without the unconditional support of the United States of America, which supposedly upholds the beacon of human rights, justice and peace. What a bad joke, when Israel is the largest recipient of US aid, to the tune of US$30 billion a year, any amount of armaments and weaponry, as well as aircraft - and of course they are condoning the fact that Israel has weapons of mass destruction.
The project Enterprise Institute, the Jewish Institute and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee have enabled and enhanced Israel’s emergence as a military power with the fourth largest army in the world.
It is ironic that Hezbollah, which, without helicopters, aeroplanes, tanks, modern weapons and the like, has stood up to Israel to defend its people and its borders and to support the beleaguered people of Palestine, is looked upon by the West as a terrorist group that must be disarmed.
I ask you, who will defend Lebanon? What double standards are practised by the West, which proclaims its belief in democracy, human rights and justice, but will not accept a Palestinian government brought about by democratic elections because it is Islamic, and then punishes the Hamas government by withholding aid. Even more despicable is Israel’s withholding trade revenues which the Palestinians have worked and sweated for.
In all of this, we must not forget that there are peace-loving and just people in Israel and elsewhere. In South Africa, we have the movement led by Minister Kasrils, Not In My Name. They oppose the aggression of the Israeli government and urge a peaceful and just settlement, and an independent Palestinian state. How can there ever be a peaceful Israel without a peaceful Palestine?
I would like to quote here what 53 Israeli soldiers said not too long ago:
We combat officers and soldiers who serve the state of Israel have been issued orders that have nothing to do with the security of our country, orders whose sole purpose was to perpetuate domination over the Palestinian people. We understand today that the price of occupation is the loss of the humanity of the Israeli Defence Force, and the corruption of Israeli society in general. We will not go on fighting beyond the green line for the purpose of domination, expulsion, starvation and humiliation of an entire people …
That is, the Palestinians.
An American think-tank, the Texas-based Strategic Forecasting Co-operation, is predicting an extended battle for supremacy on the ground in South Lebanon between Israel and the now well-entrenched Hezbollah. I pray that they are wrong. Mahatma Gandhi once said, “there is no path to peace, peace is the path.” Thank you. [Applause.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Chairperson, the hon Hajaig spoke with great passion but little insight into how we can bring about peace in this area. I move the following amendment to the motion on the Order Paper: To omit all the words after “That the House -” and to substitute them with the following:
(1) noting –
(a) with grave concern the recent developments in the Middle
East;
(b) the devastating loss of life of both the people of Lebanon
and Israel;
(c) the support of Hezbollah and its terrorist activities by
Syria and Iran;
(d) the right of self-determination for the people of
Palestine and the sovereign right to self-defence of Israel;
(e) that South Africa’s official foreign policy in the Middle
East is the acceptance of a two-state solution and that any
attempt to abandon this position will undermine our
international credibility; and
(f) the commencement of a UN mandated ceasefire on Monday, 14
August 2006;
(2) resolves that –
(a) both sides must desist from any actions which may
exacerbate the conflict;
(b) Hezbollah must disarm in line with UN Resolution 1559 and
Israel must withdraw its troops from southern Lebanon once
this has been achieved;
(c) Syria and Iran must be condemned for financing, arming and
inspiring the conflict;
(d) a lasting two-state solution must be respected by all
parties in the region;
(e) the UN Security Council act with urgency to enforce and
maintain the full cessation of hostilities by both sides; and
(f) the South African government must focus more on the
immediate humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe, rather than a
conflict over which it has little or no influence. We always seem ready as a country to raise our voices when we need do nothing other than talk. Often, when we have real power and influence we remain quiet. The National Assembly can debate the Middle East situation at the drop of a hat, but in the whole of last year it could not find time to discuss the report of Parliament's election observer mission to Zimbabwe.
People are rightly horrified at the appalling tragedy of Qana. And Mr Kasrils and the hon De Lille call for sanctions against Israel but they stay silent about 700 000 victims of Operation Murambatsvina, “operation clear out the trash” - that’s people - in Zimbabwe. Why no demonstrations and no sanctions there?
The world was shocked at the loss of life in the 34 days of war. According to the reports, over 1 200 people were killed. In those 34 days in South Africa, 1 750 people were murdered at a rate of 51 per day. [Interjections.] Work out the figures: Fifty-one South Africans get murdered every day. In the time that this war took place, the biggest war in 30 years in the Middle East, more people were murdered in South Africa than died in those hostilities.
Those who express concern and outrage at these violent crimes are accused of being whingers or are invited to leave the country. Where the government and Minister Kasrils have the power to act, they do not.
In the Western Cape, South Africans, many of them Muslims, are being discriminated against because they are not black enough. Need I remind you about Premier Rasool? It’s all very well to cry crocodile tears about Muslims in the abstract and to forget them where you could do something to help them.
Sane people around the world are glad about the truce between Israel and Hezbollah. More important is that this truce should not be another opportunity for rearming and regrouping before yet another attack is launched. It must pave the way for a permanent peace. A truce and peace is not the same thing.
Peace will happen when the right of existence of Israel and of Palestine is recognised by both of them and by their neighbours. Peace is impossible while Syria and Iran arm, equip and finance Hezbollah. They are directly responsible for the tragic and appalling killing and maiming of so many people on both sides.
People of goodwill, whether Christians, Jews or Muslims, surely, cannot condone actions by governments that finance terrorism and those that use human beings as expendable pawns to be killed and wounded because the politicians, the generals and religious leaders decide to wage war.
Having said that, the argument about equivalence or proportionality does not bear examination. When a country is attacked by an enemy dedicated to wiping it out, does one exchange missiles one for one, 10 for 10 or 1 000 for 1 000? When the attackers have embedded themselves in a heavily populated civilian area, do you not shoot back at all?
I often wonder if the one God, whether he is called Lord or Jehovah or Allah, does not find some people who profess His name to be an abomination in His sight. Religion is abused by many. In its name Protestants and Catholics killed each other over several generations in Ireland. We had the Crusaders spreading misery, suffering and killing, all in the name of Christ; we have Sunnis and Shiite Muslims blowing each other up in the name of Allah; and we have young Muslims sacrificing themselves as human bombers in order to kill the Jews.
The leader of Hezbollah, Sheikh Nasrallah, said:
If we searched the entire world for a person more cowardly, despicable, weak and feeble in psyche, mind, ideology and religion, we would not find anyone like the Jew.
“Notice,” he said, “I did not say the Israeli.” It is this man who started the war. Let us be clear about that. He also welcomed the gathering of Jews in Israel because, in his words: “It will save us the trouble of going for them worldwide.” Surely, this Parliament cannot give aid and comfort to this man and his organisation by ascribing all the culpability to Israel and none to Sheikh Nasrallah, Hezbollah, Iran and Syria.
The question arises: How should South Africa respond to the Hezbollah- Israeli war? We must stay calm and not allow these tensions to affect relations between the communities in this country. We get on well as communities in South Africa, and I think the people who start stirring up this type of thing for political aim are making a big mistake, which they might well regret.
We need to understand that South Africa is irrelevant to that Middle East situation. We have no power and little influence there. Our best contribution to peace would be to use our influence in Africa and in the Non-Aligned Movement to lobby for the recognition of both Palestine and Israel with secure borders. We should also promote human rights and the freedoms that they encompass. We should use our moral authority to lobby for nuclear disarmament rather than the proliferation, which is a worrying trend.
South Africa should resist the temptation of partisanship. There have been grievous mistakes and serious strategic errors on both sides. We need to remain equidistant and always need to stress the great values of our own Constitution to which we are dedicated. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M B SKOSANA: Madam Chair, hon members, in search of consensus, the IFP moves as amendments to the motion:
In paragraph (1) to omit (b), (c) and (d);
and in paragraph 2 (b) to omit the word Israel’’ and substitute with
the belligerent parties’’.
Having said that, the IFP welcomes the silence of the guns in the Middle East and supports the UN Security Council Resolution 1701 as an important peace initiative under the circumstances.
It was evident that during the period leading to the ceasefire that the international military strategists and advisers attached to some prominent members of the UN Security Council had concluded that international terrorism was fuelling the current war in the Middle East and therefore advocated a drawn-out Israeli offensive to neutralise or cripple what is identified to be the Hezbollah nerve-centre or, as it was termed, infrastructures of terror in Lebanon.
At the same time, concerned Arab leaders in the region challenged the fallacy of a protracted violence against Lebanon, warning that it would neither protect Israel nor stabilise the region in the long run. They said what is happening will sow the seeds of hatred and extremism in the area and provide a pretext for those who feel that the international community is taking sides and lacking in fairness as regards this dispute.
In either direction, the humanitarian majority throughout the world was outraged by the indiscriminate cross-border attacks by both Israeli and Hezbollah forces that have resulted in the callous destruction of innocent lives, the displacement of civilians and obliteration of civilian objects and infrastructure.
It must be clear to this august House that these callous acts of war constitute inexcusable contraventions of international law; a serious violation of the protocols additional to the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 intended to protect the civilian population and objects against effects of hostilities. In the protocol they say:
In order to ensure respect for and protection of the civilian population and civilians the parties to the conflict shall at all times distinguish between the civilian population and the combatants and between civilian objects and military objects and accordingly direct their operations only against military objects. Combatants, men, women and children taken prisoner by both sides should be released immediately to create a climate of trust, all refugees be allowed safe passage back home and be provided with the basic humanitarian needs, that is, shelter, food, clothing etc. At this juncture, hon members, the urgent and fundamental role of this Parliament as the supreme council of our sovereign state is to support the UN Security Council Resolution 1701, affirm our government’s diplomatic overtures to persuade the governments of Israel, Hamas and the Palestinian authority to go back to the Oslo Accords, to go back to the Road Map, to go back to these two-states solution doctrines for a lasting solution in the region. I thank you, Madam Chair. [Applause.]
Mr G T MADIKIZA: Madam Chair and hon members, the UDM would like to add its voice to those of all peace-loving people that have welcomed the truce which has finally been secured between Israel and Lebanon. We hope that the international peace-keeping force will be deployed quickly and thus enable the people of Lebanon to rebuild their infrastructure and their lives.
The situation in the Middle East has a history of thousands of years. The issues are a complex mixture of repeated conquest, war, religion and scarce land that has been played out over millennia. The developments of the past century have done little to resolve these longstanding conflicts and differences. Indeed, the new millennium has only seen a further complication of matters, with various regional and foreign powers increasingly playing overt and covert roles in fomenting conflict.
The new Cold War is upon us. Just like the old Cold War, it is a contest of ideas and civilisations and it is just as unnecessary. As a country, we emerged from the end of the Cold War as a shining example that the artificial ``us-versus-them’’ politics was not the only way. That is why South Africa is perhaps better equipped than any other country to provide the expertise and advice to assist the nations of the Middle East to find a peaceful and mutually beneficial destiny. I thank you, Madam Chair.
Mrs P DE LILLE: Chairperson, I want to support the balance analysis by the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, because we do need balance when we are discussing these matters. What is happening in the Middle East today is really an indictment of the whole world. What we need in the Middle East is peace and not more war.
The ID has always stood on a platform from where human rights abuses must be condemned wherever they take place in the world. In the light of our own history of human rights abuses and violations, as South Africans we should be first to condemn these abuses.
The ID’s stance on the Middle East is defined by the following ten points: The ID supports the call by the Human Rights Watch to Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the UN, to set up an international commission of inquiry to investigate Israel’s war crimes and to formulate recommendations with the view to holding accountable those who violate the law. Any Lebanese, Palestine or Israeli life lost is one too many. The ID supports the UN’s call for immediate cessation of hostilities. The war is destructive and it will take many years to rebuild the entire infrastructure destroyed. The ID also condemns the murder of innocent women and children. Women and children should not be sacrificed to satisfy the selfish egos of useless leaders. The ID believes that as South Africans we must extend the very same rights that are afforded to us in our Constitution to all the people of the world. We also believe that the US, which openly takes sides, must be removed from its so-called role as mediator. The US is a threat to the independence of the judiciary and it has a selective foreign policy that has destabilised the whole Middle East. The US has no respect for the rule of law. The ID believes in a two-state solution where Palestine will be afforded the independence, freedoms and rights that are afforded to any independent nation. We also support the Not In My Name Campaign and its condemnation of the Israeli attack as being disproportionate.
The ID calls on the South African government to support the people of Lebanon and Palestine in their struggle against Israeli occupation. South Africa is a multicultural society, and we cannot afford to let this issue divide us. Some people in South Africa want to import the conflict in the Middle East to justify their own racial prejudices.
The ID supports the call of Archbishop Ndungane for President Mbeki to play a mediatory role in the Middle East. The ID commends the South African organisation, Gift of the Givers, for the humanitarian aid that they provided to the people of Lebanon.
It is sad, and I think it is also disgusting, that earlier in this very same House we had a minute of silence for the lives lost of our own people but we don’t show respect for the more than 1 300 people killed in this war. I really expect as Members of Parliament that we must show compassion, that we must show that we care and that we must act with sensitivity because this issue has the capacity to divide us as South Africans. We have emerged from a very sad past in this country, from a very sad history, and let us not allow this again to divide our nation. I thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mr M P SIBANDE: Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, I support the motion as put by the Chief Whip of the ANC on the Order Paper.
Sihlalo, ngivumele ngithi janti janti ngamazwibela ahlabahlosile acashunwe kwenye yezinkondlo ezabhalwa yimbongi yesizwe uMzwakhe Mbuli athi: [Chairperson, allow me to quote a few rich words from one of the poems of the people’s poet, Mzwakhe Mbuli:]
Ukulimala kwengqondo ukulimala komuntu. Ukulimala komuntu ukulimala komndeni. Ukulimala komndeni ukulimala komphakathi. Ukulimala komphakathi ukulimala kwesizwe. Ngivumele ngikhulume nonembeza wakho. Elikabani igazi okufanele lichitheke?
Kukhona ubaba okade elapha ngesikhathi kukhuluma umama u-Hajaig, angiboni ukuthi unawo unembeza. [There is a gentleman who was here when Ms Hajaig was speaking. I don’t think that he has a conscience.]
The above-mentioned poem is a call on all peace-loving people in our country and in the world to stand up and speak with one voice and say, “Enough is enough” to the ongoing butchering and slaughtering of innocent women and children, in particular, in the Middle East.
The killing of innocent and defenceless souls poses a lot of questions that need to be answered. Some of these questions are as follows. Firstly, in terms of the HIV/Aids pandemic the whole world stood up. Secondly, why is the international community, in particular the UN, remaining relatively quiet about the construction of a wall so similar to the Berlin Wall that is dividing indigenous people into two groups in Jerusalem?
Thirdly, why is the whole world so quiet about the ongoing provocation in the form of the continual illegal occupation by the Israeli army; the digging of trenches; the roadblocks and the permanent checkpoints, which are more like border gates inside Palestine territory and that are used to confine people to house arrest, to such an extent that pregnant women are sometimes forced to give birth in public because roads are blocked?
Fourthly, there are several international crisis situations in terms of which people are very vocal, in particular, those people on my left. But, surprisingly, these people remain fairly silent about the atrocities that are being wrought on Lebanon and Palestine. [Interjections.] I would like to invite you, so that I can go with you to Gaza. You’ve never been to Gaza. You know nothing.
All the invasions and bombings are carried out under the guise of looking for terrorist insurgents. Funnily enough, instead of looking for terrorist insurgents, bombings occur. Places of worship such as mosques, bridges, hospitals, learning institutions, food and water supplies, refugee camps, etc, are bombed for no apparent reason.
A practical example of this was the bombing of a UN refugee camp at Cana more than once, during which an estimated 37 children and many women and elderly people were killed while countless others were wounded.
As in the call from the above-mentioned poem by Mzwakhe Mbuli …
… wonke umuntu kufanele abe nonembeza. Kumele ube nonembeza, awunanembeza. Awunawo! [… everybody must have a conscience. You must have a conscience. If you don’t have it, you don’t have it.]
So that we stand up together and collectively condemn the Israeli punishment of both the Palestinian and Lebanese people, the disproportionate response of Israel and the use of military force against civilian targets, resulting in hundreds of deaths and injuries.
The massive destruction of vital life-support infrastructure and the displacement of over half a million people can never be justified. These actions are against international laws and the Geneva Convention. This destruction with heavy casualties involving mainly civilians and the catastrophic humanitarian crisis cannot be justified by any security concern.
We talk from our own experience in the ANC. During our war of liberation, we ensured that harm and death were, as far as possible, avoided. Our dear brothers, and sisters’ rebellion in 1976 destroyed the symbols of apartheid policies, but not people. We never advocated a policy of random violence against civilian targets. The ANC is committed to seeing our ideal and goal of a caring society spread throughout the world. An aspect of this caring society is the peaceful co-existence of various people.
It is very worrying to witness the total destruction of the infrastructure of both Palestine and Lebanon. This destruction will also contribute to the following: firstly, a high rate of poverty in this region whilst the whole world is fighting poverty; secondly, a shortage of shelters; thirdly, health hazards owing to the fact that there is a shortage of hospitals and people are exposed to lots of diseases.
Kulabo abacabanga ukuthi udaba lwase-Palestine nase-Libanon akulona olusemqoka, kufanele baphuthunyiswe kodokotela abelapha isifo sengqondo ngoba phela kusho ukuthi kukhona isipikili esishodayo emakhanda abo noma azithi mzala kahle kubona. [Uhleko.]
Ake sithathe umfanekiso wendawo eshaywe ngesiqhumane noma ngebhomu siyilethe lapha ekhaya. Kukangaki lapho ugesi esiwusebenzisayo ungakhanyi ngenxa yesimo esike saba khona lapha eKapa? Wonke umuntu osebenzisa ugesi ubekhononda. Emafrijini esifaka kuwona ukudla bekonakala okungangokuba kwezinye izindawo zamabhizinisi amakhulu umuntu ubehogela iphunga elibi elibangwa ukudla okubolile emafrijini.
Ozakwethu esinabo kule Ndlu yesiShayamthetho bakwazi ukumpongoloza, bakhihla esikaNandi isililo, kodwa-ke ngesimo esedlula leso sokucisha kogesi kanye nesokubhidlizwa kwezizinda eziphakela amandla kagesi okuyothatha iminyaka ukuthi kuphindwe kuphakelwe izakhamizi zase-Palestine nase-Libanon ugesi bathule bathi du kuhle kukapholi kamesisi. (Translation of isiZulu paragraphs follows.)
[Those who think that the Palestine and Lebanon issue is not important, must be rushed to doctors who treat mental illness because they have a screw loose or are mentally ill. [Applause.]
Let us take the example of the place that has been bombarded and bring it home. How many times have we had blackouts because of the situation that we had in Cape Town? Everybody who uses electricity was complaining. Food got spoilt in our fridges and in other big business areas one was breathing bad smells because of food spoilage.
Our colleagues, here, in the National Assembly are screaming and wailing, but they keep mum about the electricity outages and the destruction of the electricity infrastructure of the people of Palestine and Lebanon, which will take ages to rebuild.]
In a currently developing society the sabotaging of any electricity supply alone must be regarded as another form of silent killings, because it is like cutting off the oxygen supply to a person so that he or she suffocates to death. This is because the technology of the environment in which we live depends on electricity to perform its functions.
The situation is worse in the case of a hospital in which the electricity supply has been cut off. Some of the following problems may be experienced. In the intensive care units all functions will collapse. That means, firstly, that no operations can be performed; secondly, critical patients who need respiratory aid to breathe will die; thirdly, babies born prematurely will be left to die; fourthly, no brain scans can be done on people with possible brain tumours so that that problem will not be identified or an operation performed to save their lives; fifthly, no X- rays will be done; and there are countless other problems which may be experienced but …
… ngicela ukwedlulisa lokhu: ubaba obekade ekhona lapha, ubaba u-Gibson, uye athande njalo ukukhuluma ngeZimbabwe. Hhayi ukuthi thina asikhulumi ngeZimbabwe. [… I would like to pass on this message: The gentleman who was here, Mr Gibson, always talks about Zimbabwe. It’s not that we don’t talk about Zimbabwe.]
For example, we are the people who were assisting Zimbabweans to win their liberation - Wankie and Sipolio. We are the ones, not you. [Interjections.] You mustn’t forget that Zimbabwe is a sovereign state, and not the tenth province of South Africa.
Enye into oyikhohlwayo … [The other thing that you forget …] Some people are making a serious mistake, because when they go to Palestine and Israel they go to Israel, and whenever they go to Palestine they end up at Jerusalem. [Interjections.] They don’t go to Gaza; they don’t go to Jericho.
An HON MEMBER: That’s nonsense. Mr M P SIBANDE: Angeke uze ulubeke lapho. [You won’t put your foot there.]
I can invite you. You won’t put your foot down there. [Interjections.]
Regarding the continuation of the elimination of the Palestine leadership, in the past the excuse made by the Israeli people was that there was no partner to negotiate with - in the era of the late President Arafat until he passed on. After he passed on, again, the goalposts were changed. [Interjections.]
Kanti nifuna ukuxoxisana nobani? [Really, who do you want to negotiate with?]
I thank you. [Applause.]
Rev K R J MESHOE: Chairperson, the ACDP regrets the loss of lives on both sides of the conflict in the Middle East. The tragic civilian casualties which resulted from Hezbollah’s tragic tactic of hiding its fighters in civilian areas could have been avoided. It was wrong of them to launch missiles against Israel from residential areas as that resulted in the loss of lives of innocent women, children and the elderly.
Speaking on Wednesday 26 October 2005 at a conference with the theme “A World without Zionism,” the president of Iran called for the annihilation of the state of Israel. Unfortunately, the international community, except for a few countries, failed to condemn such a call. Rather than use this debate today to heap condemnation on Israel, members of this House should be condemning calls for the annihilation of Israel and the use of women and children as human shields, and objectively trying to help find solutions for that troubled region.
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, addressing the Knesset on July 17 2006, said:
There is nothing we want more than peace and good neighbourly relations … We seek peace, we pursue peace and we yearn for peace. At the same time, there is nothing we reject more than an attempt to harm us and make us give up our right to live here, in our land, in security and peace.
The ACDP supports the UN Secretary-General and his special envoy in their efforts and dedication to facilitate and assist in the implementation of all provisions of UN resolution 1559 of 2004, which includes the call for the disbanding and disarming of Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias, including Hezbollah, and the extension of the control of the government of Lebanon over all its territory.
As many people are calling for President Mbeki to mediate in the conflict in the Middle East, it would be helpful if this Parliament and South Africa are seen to be objective about what’s happening there, because to be a true mediator one needs to be objective. [Interjections.] I thank you. [Applause.]
Dr C P MULDER: Madam Chairperson, recently in this House the executive had to intervene in order to get the motion in the name of the Chief Whip withdrawn. Today the executive will have to do so again, but unfortunately, if I’m not mistaken, at this moment there’s not one member of the executive in this House. Not one!
Die VF Plus wil baie sterk en duidelik ons afkeer en veroordeling uitspreek ten opsigte van die konflik en geweld in die Midde Ooste, waarin groot lewensverlies van onskuldige mense gely is. [The FF Plus would clearly like to express our disgust and condemnation with regard to the conflict and violence in the Middle East in which many innocent people have lost their lives.]
But if we in South Africa and in this Parliament want to remain relevant and be taken seriously, we have to be seen as being even-handed and fair. I’m a lawyer and I speak to what’s on the table, and on the table is the motion. That’s on the table – the motion in the name of the Chief Whip.
This motion is exactly the opposite of being even-handed and fair. It’s one- sided, it’s unbalanced and it’s extremely biased. [Interjections.] Just a few examples: The motion states, one, “Israel’s collective punishment”; two, the “disproportionate response of Israel”; three, the “crisis … for which Israel’s aggression is responsible” ; four, the claim that the “actions of Israel are against international law and the Geneva Convention”.
These are the words in the motion. What the hon Minister said today was government policy is not what is in this motion which you are asking us to vote on today.
How did this conflict start? On July the 12th eight Israeli defence force soldiers were killed and two kidnapped on Israeli soil in an attack by Hezbollah. Hezbollah then simultaneously launched Katyusha rockets against Israeli civilian communities near the border. Hezbollah launched more than 3 970 rockets into Israel. Of those, 901 hit civilian towns and villages. More than 40 civilians were killed, 4 000 civilians were injured and hospitalised, and 117 soldiers were killed. Yet, as far as this motion is concerned, none of this happened. Not one word, not one word! [Interjections.] It didn’t happen! [Interjections.]
You expect us to support a motion which is completely biased and then you expect South Africa and the world to take us seriously when we go out of here and try to play a role with regard to reconciliation and resolving conflict in the world!
If the executive were present, they would have intervened today to have this withdrawn, but they are not here. How can you expect us to support this motion? You are doing what is bad for South Africa. The FF Plus cannot at all support this. We’ll support the amendments. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Ms C B JOHNSON: Chairperson, hon members, through the ages, civilised nations have developed laws and legal systems to ensure that justice prevails. International law does recognise that, sometimes, there are legal reasons to go to war.
In cases of international conflict, international humanitarian law will govern the way in which parties to an armed conflict should conduct themselves in the course of the hostilities. Since 12 July, we have seen Israel and Hezbollah engage in intense hostilities, and the victims of the hostilities have by and large been civilians.
The ANC believes that Israel’s collective punishment of both the Palestinian and the Lebanese people cannot be justified. The disproportionate response of Israel and the use of military force against civilian targets, the destruction of infrastructure and the displacement of more than 700 000 people contravene the principles of international law and the Geneva Convention. In a report by an international human rights organisation, Human Rights Watch, it was found that – and I am quoting directly from the report:
By consistently failing to distinguish between combatants and civilians, Israel has violated one of the most fundamental tenets of the laws of war: the duty to carry out attacks on only military targets. The pattern of attacks during the Israeli offensive suggests that the failures cannot be explained … and the seriousness of the consequences indicate to the commission of war crimes.
The Geneva Convention, unlike certain members in this House, is not concerned with who started it. The way it works in the Geneva Convention is that once an armed conflict is declared, certain rules of law and rules of engagement kick in. The conflict is governed by international treaties as well as the rules of customary international humanitarian law. In particular, Article 3 to the Geneva Convention, to which Israel is a party, contains minimum standards for all parties to a conflict between a state party, such as Israel and a nonstate party such as Hezbollah.
To determine whether any military attacks such as an aerial bombardment or rocket attack are lawful or unlawful, it is necessary to refer to the provisions of Protocol 1. Although Lebanon and Syria have ratified Protocol 1, Israel and Iran have not. However, most of the Protocol’s provisions are in any event customary international law, and therefore bind all parties to the conflict.
Many issues of international law have arisen during the fierce combat and during the bombardment of populated areas. International law imposes a duty at all times during an armed conflict, on both sides, to distinguish between combatants and civilians and to target only military combatants. It is expressly forbidden, in any circumstance, to carry out attacks against civilians and to do so would constitute a war crime.
If one looks at Lebanon, the Lebanese air strip, various bridges and the highway to Syria, amongst other things, have been destroyed, thus cutting off access to humanitarian aid, and preventing people from obtaining medical care and fleeing to places of safety, thus clearly contravening the provisions of the first protocols.
At least 1 300 people in Lebanon and 157 Israelis have been killed in the conflict. According to the UN peacekeeping force in southern Lebanon, the initial assessment of three villages showed that some 80% of all civilian houses have been destroyed.
These hostilities could constitute war crimes in terms of the Rome Statute, and could be referred to the International Criminal Court for prosecution. However, it is unlikely that there will be any prosecution, given that the UN is unlikely to refer it to the International Criminal Court because of the US’s stance on the ICC.
Other contraventions that we’ve seen over the past few years in the area include the judgment by the International Court of Justice which issued a ruling on the Israeli West Bank barrier. In the opinion of the International Court of Justice, the legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the occupied Palestinian territory meant that the Israeli settlement in the occupied Palestinian territory had been established in breach of international law.
However, Israel did not recognise the jurisdiction of the court, and the United States and the European Union supported Israel’s position on the jurisdiction of the court.
This also raises the issue of the role of the United Nations. The Security Council has only taken limited steps to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, possibly because of the United States’ influence that has generally kept the issue off the Council’s agenda. When Council members have introduced resolutions in response to periodic crises, the US has repeatedly used its veto right on Israel’s behalf.
On Monday, we saw the implementation of UN Resolution 1701, the so-called ceasefire resolution. Israeli forces have since started to leave parts of south Lebanon on Tuesday, and thousands of refugees are returning home. The Israeli army plans to start handing over pockets of territory to the UN troops within the next few days.
However, Israel has said that it will not withdraw fully until UN force is deployed in the south, and it could take up to a year to reach its full strength.
The matter is far from resolved. Parts of Lebanon will have to be rebuilt, and we will have to deal with the issue of reparations. It has raised issues, not only about Lebanon, Palestine and Israel, but once again, highlighted the plight of the whole region. Already, since the ceasefire resolution, the world has seen differences in the approach with the US’s Condoleezza Rice and the UN’s Kofi Annan disagreeing on whether Syria and Iran should be brought into the effort to end the violence.
The ANC-led government has consistently supported the cause of the Palestinian people. By the same token, we do believe that the state of Israel has the right to exist, but that the people of Palestine have the right to self-determination and independence in the state of Palestine, within secure borders, alongside the state of Israel, also within secure borders.
We are facing a threat to international peace and security. We are facing a humanitarian crisis. A unilaterally imposed solution will not solve the problem. A negotiated solution is the only way to achieve lasting peace in the region. Here South Africa has an important role to play.
If I may respond to the hon Gibson on the point of peace in Africa: South Africa, under the leadership of the ANC, has done more for peace in Africa than any other government in the world. So, please don’t lecture us about our peacemaking efforts in Africa!
Therefore, because we have a role to play in negotiating a peaceful solution, I rise in support of the motion as put by the Chief Whip of the Majority Party. [Applause.]
Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Chairperson, with one minute at my disposal, I can only say the PAC reiterates its call on the South African government to suspend diplomatic relations with Israel until its government behaves in a civilised manner.
The PAC also calls on the countries that are against terrorism to speak out against Israel’s terrorism in the Middle East. The disproportionate response and the use of military force against civilian targets is unacceptable.
The PAC condemns the seizure of water resources by Israel in the region and calls on the UN to establish a permanent specialised team to control and ensure the fair distribution of all water resources.
The United States government must stop justifying the terrorist acts of Israel and support economic sanctions against Israel as a way of bringing permanent peace in the Middle East.
The people of Lebanon, Palestine and others in the Middle East have been subjected to unacceptable military brutality for a long time. All civilised nations of the world and the UN must bring an end to this inhumanity and barbaric violence. [Applause.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Chairperson, the MF shares the concern about the warfare in the Middle East. We find the sacrifice of so many innocent lives, especially those of women, children and the elders and the loss of lifestyle of citizens of this region and what they have been manipulated into horrific.
Israel, Palestine and Lebanon have all erupted into a terror of bloodshed and warfare. It is hard for the world to understand why these conflicts cannot be resolved at the table instead of through the sacrifice of innocent lives. Daily reports of bloodshed paint a bleak picture of whether resolution may be met.
We do however believe that global pressure to resolve the dispute shall serve to address terrorism and warfare. South Africa can play a pivotal role in dispute resolution and the MF strongly supports the resolve suggested by the majority party – the ANC.
The situation in the Middle East has ignorantly labelled religions as the face of warfare, causing Muslim and Jewish victims to be discriminated against globally.
At this very moment in the Middle East children are forced into tears, orphans are born, mothers are forsaken and fathers and sons are stolen by war. Bloodshed and loss of lives will not bring peace. Peace can only be created by people. Let us not stand here and argue, but let us try to get together and make peace.
Many years ago, when Hiroshima was bombed, the people of Hiroshima asked: How can we stop this? A layman stood up and said, “Stop making bombs; stop making ammunition of destruction.” And this is what is needed. Thank you very much, Madam Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mr S SIMMONS: Madam Chair, the UPSA supports this resolution in as far as it calls for the maintenance of a ceasefire by all sides and a negotiated solution for the whole of the Middle East conflict situation.
The UPSA does not agree with the tendency to put blame on only one party. We believe that all parties involved should accept collective responsibility for the current state of affairs.
We further express our support for the most recent effort for UN peacekeepers to move to the south of Lebanon, resulting from a truce that started on Monday.
Finally, I wish to express my sincere hope that a lasting solution will be found for this horrible and sad state of affairs. I thank you, Madam Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mr M RAMGOBIN: Madam Deputy Chair, I rise to speak in support of the motion put on the Order Paper by the Chief Whip of the ANC. I believe that any resolution to the conflict and wanton killings and destruction in Lebanon and Israel demands an evaluation of the kinds of problems, hates and fears that have become endemic in the region and that, in many ways, are seizing the world.
The creation of the United Nations had, as its primary objective, the peace and security of all nation states. It is unfortunate that whilst the United Nations enjoys the mantle of authority to maintain peace and security for us all, it invariably fails. The question is: Why?
In its present architecture, this august body is held hostage, I believe, by the United States. The failure of the Security Council to act decisively did, and continues to do, two things: one, it weakens itself; two, it strengthens the hand of the United States and its allies in the Middle East currently.
South Africa’s position is a brave one, an honest one and a defendable one. The ANC-led government says that if there is to be a proper solution, the world needs proper, credible and decisive leadership. It goes on to say that this is not the time to dither, but a time to show leadership that will ensure international peace and stability.
Given the stance of successive ANC conferences, its international relations policy position remains steadfast and consistent. Who is going to deny that our country has been asked to use its political influence internationally to help end the conflict in Lebanon?
President Thabo Mbeki was asked to intervene politically and help with humanitarian aid. Because of the constraints suffered by a yet-to-be- reformed United Nations, there was little we could do. Those of them who could did do something; and, without commenting on the role of Russia, China and Britain, it is worth noting that the United States and France’s sponsored draft resolution at the United Nations Security Council to help end the conflict failed when several parties objected to the plan being one- sided.
To comprehend why this failed it is important for us in Parliament to take some steps backward, to some 18 months or so ago. Aspects have been covered, but one in particular is the crisis in Lebanon that was triggered by former Prime Minister Hariri’s death. This assassination led to a million people, almost a third of the population of Lebanon, demonstrating against United States, Israeli, and French interference in Lebanon.
Hariri’s death renewed and intensified the turmoil in the Middle East. It also gave President Bush the space to seize, opportunistically, the initiative to execute more of the United States’ conservative agenda in the region. But the mass opposition proved difficult and important for Washington.
Can Washington dispute that, after Hariri’s killing, it sought to re- establish its dominance over Lebanon, to weaken opposition to the deal the White House was trying to broker between the Israeli government and the new Palestinian leadership then, and to possibly take steps to remove the current Syrian regime?
It is a well-known fact that after Hariri’s killing, Washington sought to utilise the anger at his killing for its own agenda, when United States officials pronounced cynically on the Lebanese opposition protests, as people’s power and the Cedar Revolution, implying that the Lebanese people supported United States policy.
But this Hezbollah-led mobilisation was a mighty obstacle to Bush’s plans, and those of us who were, and are, aware of Bush’s sound bites, noted another example at the time. At the time of the Beirut Hezbollah-led demonstration, President Bush is on record as saying, perhaps with unconscious irony, that -
… any who doubt the appeal of freedom in the Middle East can look at Lebanon, where the Lebanese people are demanding a free and independent nation … The Lebanese people have the right to choose their own parliament … All the world is witnessing your great movement of conscience. Lebanon’s future belongs in your hands …
These are the words of President Bush.
Meanwhile, the main slogan of the Hezbollah-led hundreds of thousands of protesters was “Beirut is free! America, get out!” There is this view internationally, a view that has become credible, that the Israeli and United States governments fear Hezbollah, because as a symbol of resistance to Israeli expansionism, it has indeed inspired opposition to any Israeli deal that would leave Palestinians with a semicolonial entity, instead of a self-sufficient state. Hezbollah can and has the capacity to do this, because it is the only Arab force that has defeated the Israeli army.
I personally am neither enamoured by war nor do I have solidarity with war and violence. But to view the current crisis in the Middle East, one cannot ignore facts. After its first invasion in 1978, Israeli forces again invaded Lebanon in 1982, during which time they laid siege to Beirut before pulling back to Southern Lebanon in 1985.
Hezbollah fighters attacked both the Israelis and the Christian proxy force
- the South Lebanon army - undermining the occupation. Then, in May 2000, Hezbollah was able to force an earlier-than-expected withdrawal of Israeli forces. On the basis of both this record of resistance and the social and educational work it did amongst the Shias, one of the poorest parts of Lebanese society, Hezbollah was able to build a powerful base.
It was because Hezbollah stood out as a symbol of resistance that in a United Nations Resolution, Resolution 1559, as was mentioned here, the United States linked the question of its disarmament with the withdrawal of Syrian troops and insisted that it was a terrorist organisation. Not then, and not now, did or do all the superpowers support Washington’s views.
One cannot ignore the contradictions in the Arab world on the other hand, especially during the 15-year-long civil war that tore Lebanon apart on largely religious and national lines. The Christian leaders increasingly relied on support from outside powers, including Israel, the United States and Syria.
This extended to different Christian leaders using these external forces in conflicts with their Christian rivals. As far back as 1976 Syrian forces intervened, backed by some Arab governments, the United States and Israel, and prevented the defeat of the Christian forces at the time.
The Israeli government, then led by Rabin, actually wanted the Syrian forces to come down to Lebanon’s southern border with Israel, but the Damascus regime refused.
I’m sure as human beings here in South Africa, the killing of innocent children and women, from all sides, fills us with disgust. The indiscriminate bombings by Israel and the retaliation by Hezbolla – is symptomatic of a crisis in our civilisation.
It is not enough for us here or anywhere else, to sit and be mere observers filled with disgust and anger. We have to match our disgust and anger with a call to action, if we desire global peace and if we desire peace in the Middle East. We have to accept ourselves as belonging to a global family, where international delinquency, as we see in the Middle East, will be outlawed.
Our call to action has also to be at a regional and country level. We need to intervene in creative ways. In spite of every thing or tendency that divides our common humanity - whether it be the contentious heritage or legacy of our history, border disputes, competing systems of ideology and different systems of government, religions, the dazzling differences and contrasts of vulgar and dehumanising poverty, feelingless wealth, and whatever else - we need to act in concert, in the spirit of caring, loving and respect for one another.
It is not far-fetched to assume, fellow South Africans, that it is essentially in concerted action at this level that the issues of global peace, global security and war will be decided. I believe that with the strength of the ANC’s position on international affairs, we, as countries, can formulate for ourselves a new code of conduct governing international behaviour.
Can we contemplate the millions of lives lost, the incalculable loss of property and the damage to our spirits? And again, rather ironically, the powers of the UN Security Council have been and still are involved in most of these wars: from Korea to Vietnam, to what was called the patricidal war between Iran and Iraq, to the current conflict in Lebanon and Israel. All these wars could have been stopped if the veto-holding members of the UN Security Council wanted to. They could have denounced the hostilities and ordered the parties to stop.
However, to this day, they show no desire to do so. And in many instances they were and are busy fuelling these wars and conflicts by selling arms and providing intelligence to the warring parties. As was seen in the invasion of Iraq, and as can be seen now, at least for the first 30 days of last month, the Security Council, and more especially the five Permanent Members, are guilty of serious disregard in discharging the responsibilities entrusted to them by the UN Charter. Can we, the rest of the world, submit to this untenable situation?
It is clear that whilst the Security Council is incapable of both preventing and resolving conflicts and wars, it is also disinclined to democratising. Why? The answer is simple: These conflicts and wars, in many ways, serve their national interests.
It is now time for the General Assembly to assert itself. It should create an organ to observe and evaluate potential conflict situations and to recommend to the General Assembly measures for their peaceful resolution, which is quite possible. Such a body could also be used to regulate arms and armaments, including nuclear plants. At least such a move would not weaken the United Nations and, definitely, would not strengthen the hand of the United States.
In conclusion, Madam Chair, I would like to read out an adaptation by President Thabo Mbeki of a poem written by Rabindranath Tagore, which he read at an international meeting. This is how President Thabo Mbeki adapted the poem:
Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high; Where knowledge is free; Where the world has not been broken up into fragments by narrow domestic walls; Where words come out from the depths of truth; Where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection; Where the clear stream of reason has not lost its way into the dreary desert sand of dead habit; Where the mind is led forward by Thee, into ever-widening thought and action; Into that heaven, my Father, let my world awake.
Thank you very much. [Applause.]
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, taking into account the grave importance of this subject, and having listened very carefully to the inputs that have been made by hon members of this House, we are proposing that you use your powers to interrupt the debate, to give the parties an opportunity to further engage on the issues that have been raised here. Our first priority should be to give consensus a chance, so that we can seek consensus among ourselves, and perhaps come back to the House on an agreed date with a consulted kind of consensus position, if at all possible. So that’s the suggestion we are making.
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Madam Chairperson, I rise to support the suggestion and proposal by the hon Chief Whip of the Majority Party.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): In which case, hon members, I agree to the debate being interrupted and it being resumed on a scheduled date.
Debate interrupted.
The House adjourned at 17:15. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
The Speaker and the Chairperson
- Draft Bills submitted in terms of Joint Rule 159
(1) Conformity Assessment, Calibration and Good Laboratory Practice
Bill, 2006, submitted by the Minister of Trade and Industry on 14
August 2006. Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and
Industry and the Select Committee on Economic and Foreign Affairs.
(2) Measurements Units and Measurements Standards Bill, 2006,
submitted by the Minister of Trade and Industry on 14 August 2006.
Referred to the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry and the
Select Committee on Economic and Foreign Affairs.
National Assembly
The Speaker
- Referral to Committees of papers tabled
1. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development for consideration:
(a) Report of the Auditor-General on a performance audit
completed at the Department of Justice and Constitutional
Development – May 2006 [RP 92-2006].
2. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Justice and Constitutional Development:
(a) Proclamation No 23 published in Government Gazette No
28825 dated 12 May 2006: Referral of matters to existing
Special Investigating Unit and Special Tribunal, in terms of
the Special Investigating Units and Special Tribunals Act, 1996
(Act No 74 of 1996).
3. The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Safety and Security for consideration and report:
(a) Protocol to the OAU Convention on the Prevention and
Combating of Terrorism, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of
the Constitution, 1996.
(b) Explanatory Memorandum of the Protocol to the OAU
Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism.
4. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Safety and Security:
(a) Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of South Africa as represented by the Department of
Safety and Security and the Government of the United Arab
Emirates (UAE) as represented by the Ministry of Interior on
Police Cooperation, tabled in terms of section 231(3) of the
Constitution, 1996.
5. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Provincial and Local Government for consideration:
(a) Report of the Auditor-General on a performance audit
completed at the South African Local Government Association
(SALGA) – May 2006 [RP 93-2006].
6. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance and the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
Government for consideration:
(a) Quarterly Report of the Auditor-General on the submission
of financial statements by municipalities and the status of
audit reports as at 31 March 2006 for the financial year ended
30 June 2005 [RP 100-2006].
7. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Water Affairs and Forestry for consideration:
(a) Amendment to the Water Boards pricing structure, tabled in
terms of section 42(4) of the Local Government: Municipal
Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act No 56 of 2003), and
supporting documents required in terms of section 42(3) of the
same Act.
8. The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance:
a) Government Notice No 667 published in Government Gazette No
28847 dated 26 May 2006: Listing and Classification of public
entities, in terms of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
(Act No 1 of 1999).
b) Government Notice No R.491 published in Government Gazette No
28884 dated 29 May 2006: Pension Funds Amendment Regulations
for 2006, in terms of the Pension Funds Act, 1956 (Act No 24 of
1956).
c) Government Notice No 797 published in Government Gazette No
28937 dated 23 June 2006: Listing and classification of public
entities in terms of the Public Finance Management Act, 1999
(Act No 1 of 1999).
d) Government Notice No 671 published in Government Gazette No
29004 dated 14 July 2006: Exemptions of 1.1 (IDC and its
subsidiaries – Findevco (Pty) Ltd, Konoil (Pty) Ltd, Impofin
(Pty) Ltd, Export-Import Finance Corporation of SA (Pty) Ltd,
1.2 (Foskor Limited.), 1.3 (Debt Restructuring subsidiaries of
the IDC.), in terms of section 92 of the Public Finance
Management Act, 1999 (Act No 1 of 1999).
9. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Environmental Affairs and Tourism for consideration and report:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Marine Living
Resources Fund for 2001-2002, 2002-2003, 2003-2004, 2004-2005,
including the Reports of the Auditor-General on the Financial
Statements for 2001-2002, 2002-2003, 2003-2004, 2004-2005 [RP
41-2006].
10. The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Environmental Affairs and Tourism:
(a) Government Notice 611 published in Government Gazette No
28945 dated 19 June 2006: Consultation process: Blyde River
Canyon Nature Reserve and indigenous forest management areas,
in terms of the National Environmental Management: Protected
Areas Act, 2003 (Act No 57 of 2003).
(b) Government Notice No R.612 published in Government Gazette
No 28938 dated 23 June 2006: Commencement of Environmental
Impact Assessment Regulations for 2006, in terms of the
National Environmental Management Act, 1998 (Act No 107 of
1998).
(c) Government Notice No R.613 published in Government Gazette
No 28938 dated 23 June 2006: Notice in terms of section 24 and
24D: Amendment, made in terms of the National Environmental
Management Act, 1998 (Act No 107 of 1998).
(d) Government Notice No R.614 published in Government Gazette
No 28938 dated 23 June 2006: List of activities and competent
authorities identified in terms of sections 24 and 24D, made in
terms of the National Environmental Management Act, 1998 (Act
No 107 of 1998).
(e) Government Notice No R.615 published in Government Gazette
No 28938 dated 23 June 2006: Repeal notices in terms of
sections 21(1) and 22(1), made in terms of the Environmental
Conservation Act, 1989 (Act No 73 of 1989).
(f) Government Notice No R.616 published in Government Gazette
No 28938 dated 23 June 2006: Repeal of regulations, made in
terms of the Environmental Conservation Act, 1989 (Act No 73 of
1989).
(g) Government Notice No 682 published in Government Gazette
No 29027 dated 14 July 2006: Natal National Botanic Garden:
Change of Name, made in terms of the National Environmental
Management: Biodiversity Act, 2004 (Act No 10 of 2004).
11. The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Service and Administration for consideration:
(a) Report of the Public Service Commission (PSC) on Measuring
the Efficacy of the Code of Conduct for Public Servants for
2006 [RP 30-2006].
(b) Report of the Public Service Commission (PSC) on an Audit
of Affirmative Action in the Public Service for 2006 [RP 6-
2006].
(c) Report of the Public Service Commission (PSC) on the
Second Consolidated Public Service Monitoring and Evaluation
Report for 2006 [RP 7-2006].
(d) Report of the Public Service Commission (PSC) on the
Overview of Financial Misconduct for 2004-2005 Financial Year
[RP 228-2005].
12. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Transport for consideration and report. The Report of the Auditor-
General on the Financial Statements is referred to the Standing
Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:
(a) Report and Financial Statements of the Cross-Border Road
Transport Agency (C-BRTA) for 2004-2005, including the Report
of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements for 2004-
2005 [RP 195-2005].
13. The following paper is are referred to the Portfolio Committee
on Finance for consideration and report:
(a) Annual Report of the Bank Supervision Department on the
South African Reserve Bank for the year ended 31 December 2006.
14. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance and the Portfolio Committee on Labour:
(a) Government Notice No R.621 published in Government Gazette
No 28953 dated 23 June 2006: Determination of limit on amount
of remuneration for purposes of determination of contribution
in terms of section 6 of the Unemployment Insurance
Contributions Act, 2002 (Act No 4 of 2002).
15. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Finance and the Portfolio Committee on Defence:
(a) Government Notice No R.609 published in Government Gazette
No 28938 dated 23 June 2006: Determination of amounts in terms
of sections 1 and 5 of the Military Pensions Act, 1976 (Act No
84 of 1976).
16. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Minerals and Energy and the Portfolio Committee on Labour for
consideration:
(a) Report of the Mine Health and Safety Inspectorate for 2005-
2006 [RP 108-2006].
17. The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
Public Enterprises for consideration and report. The Report of the
Independent Auditors on the Financial Statements is referred to the
Standing Committee on Public Accounts for consideration:
a) Report and Financial Statements of Eskom Holdings Limited
(Eskom) for 2005-2006, including the Reports of the Independent
Auditors on the Financial Statements for 2005-2006.
COMMITTEE REPORTS
National Assembly
-
Report of the Portfolio Committee on Defence on the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Prohibition and Regulation of Certain Activities in Areas of Armed Conflict Bill [B 42 -2005] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 15 August 2006:
The Portfolio Committee on Defence, having considered the subject of the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Prohibition and Regulation of Certain Activities in Areas of Armed Conflict Bill [B 42-2005] (National Assembly – sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint Tagging Mechanism as a section 75 Bill, presents the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities and Regulation of Certain Activities in Country of Armed Conflict Bill [B 42B -2005] as a redraft.
The Democratic Alliance and the Freedom Front Plus chose to abstain
from the final voting on the Bill as they felt that the bill is
unconstitutional and, in principle, flawed.