National Assembly - 08 March 2007
THURSDAY, 8 MARCH 2007 __
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
____
The House met at 14:01.
The House Chairperson took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS – see col 000.
NOTICES OF MOTION
The CHIEF WHIP OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move:
That the House-
(1) expresses its strong disapproval of the fact that the report of the ad hoc committee appointed to propose what action Parliament should take in respect of the Travelgate fraudsters was handed to the Speaker and the Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces on 8 February 2007, but has not yet been tabled in this House or debated; and (2) enquires whether the Speaker and the Chairperson disagree with the recommendations of the ad hoc committee and, if so, whether this is the reason for the failure to inform the House of those recommendations.
Mr L B LABUSCHAGNE: Chairperson, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move:
That the House is of the opinion that unspent funds of state departments be returned to taxpayers in the form of tax credits.
ANNIVERSARY OF THREE DOCTORS’ PACT OF 1947
(Draft Resolution)
The ACTING CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Chairperson, I move without notice:
That the House-
(1) notes that tomorrow, 9 March 2007, marks the 60th anniversary of the Three Doctors’ Pact signed in 1947 by Dr A B Xuma of the African National Congress, Dr G M Naicker of the Natal Indian Congress and Dr U M Dadoo of the Transvaal Indian Congress;
(2) recalls that the Three Doctors’ Pact expressed its sincerest conviction that for the future progress, goodwill, good race relations, and for the building of a united, greater and free South Africa, full franchise rights must be extended to all sections of the South African people;
(3) further recalls that the three organisations recognised that unity in action among the people is fundamental to the advancement of the liberation struggle; and
(4) calls on all South Africans to work tirelessly for the realisation of the goal of a better life for all and social justice.
Agreed to.
MONEY ALLOCATED FOR IMPROVEMENTS IN MZIMKHULU AREA
(Member’s Statement)
Nksz N M MAHLAWE (ANC): Sihlalo, umhla we-19 nowama-20 kweyeDwarha, kunyaka ophelileyo, ziintsuku ezingasayi kuze zilityalwe ngabantu bengingqi yaseSisonke KwaZulu-Natala, ngakumbi kwabesithili saseMzimkhulu. Ezi ziintsuku apho uMongameli weli lizwe, ohloniphekileyo uQabane Thabo Mbeki, wathi wandwendwela esi sithili eRiverside. Olu tyelelo ke luthe lwaba neziqhamo ezincumisayo nezivuyisayo kubantu baseMzimkhulu. UMongameli uthe jize umasipala waseMzimkhulu ngama-31,9 ezigidi zeerandi. Umasipala uyicalucalule kakuhle le mali.
Okokuqala ezimbalini, lo masipala uza kukwazi ukuba afake imibhobho kwisithili sonke, eza kutsala amanzi ukuze afakwe kwiindawo ngeendawo. Kwakhona, zonke izikimu zamanzi zaseMzimkhulu ziza kuvuselelwa ukuze kufakwe amanzi acocekileyo kwimizi ngemizi ebingenawo amanzi, kunye nombane kwiiwadi ezintathu ebezisebumnyameni.
Bathi abantu baseMzimkhulu: Nangamso, Sijadu, Zizi elimnyama neenkomo zalo, ngokusipha ubomi obungcono. Ze wenze njalo nakwabanye. Ndiyabulela. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa member’s statement follows.)
[Mrs N M MAHLAWE (ANC): Chairperson, the days 19 and 20 October 2006 will never be forgotten by the people of the Sisonke district in KwaZulu-Natal, especially those from the Mzimkhulu district. These are days on which the President of this country, Comrade Thabo Mbeki, visited this district in Riverside. This visit was fruitful to the people of Mzimkhulu. The President allocated an amount of R31,9 million to the Mzimkhulu Municipality, which was accordingly divided for different projects.
This will enable the municipality to install water pipes that will supply different areas in the whole district with water for the first time in its history. Furthermore, all Mzimkhulu water schemes will be revitalised in order that clean water can be supplied to all households to which it was previously not accessible. Electricity will also be supplied to three wards that had no electricity at all.
The people of Mzimkhulu sing your praises, and they say: Well done, Sijadu, one from the Zizis – he who is, like his cows, black. [Applause.]]
GREEN POINT STADIUM FOR 2010
(Member’s Statement)
Mnr T D LEE (DA): Voorsitter, dit is verregaande dat mev Helen Zille, die persoon wat die belastingbetaler in Kaapstad se belange op die hart dra, in die ontwikkeling van die Groenpunt-stadion deur mnr Mcebisi Skwatsha daarvan beskuldig word dat sy met “haar speletjies” Kaapstad se kans om ’n gasheerstad in die 2010-Wêreldbeker te wees in die gevaar stel.
Dit is geensins onduidelik dat daar ’n definitiewe geldelike tekort bestaan vir die aanbou van die nuwe Groenpunt-stadion nie, en dat nóg die stad Kaapstad nóg die Wes-Kaap as provinsie in staat is om die tekort te finansier. Die versigtigheid waarmee mev Zille die saak benader is dus nie ’n poging om Kaapstad se kans om die sokkertoernooi aan te bied in gedrang te bring nie, maar ’n voorbeeld van verantwoordelike en verantwoordbare leierskap. Mnr Skwatsha kan dalk iets by haar leer.
Die DA steun met oorgawe Suid-Afrika en Kaapstad se poging om die beste Sokkerwêreldbekertoernooi aan te bied, maar wil die ANC-regering weer eens ten sterkste aanmoedig om eienaarskap te neem van die stede se pogings en ’n bereidwilligheid te openbaar om hulp te verleen, in welke vorm dit ook al mag nodig wees. Dit is nie regverdig om die belastingbetalers te belas met ’n finansiële verpligting wat hulle nie kan nakom nie. Ek dank u. [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Mr T D LEE (DA): Chairperson, it is preposterous that Mr Mcebisi Skwatsha, with regard to the development of the Green Point Stadium, is accusing Mrs Helen Zille, the person who has the interests of the taxpayers in Cape Town at heart, of jeopardising Cape Town’s chance to act as a host city in the 2010 FIFA World Cup by way of the “games” she is playing.
It is clear that there is a definite monetary shortfall with regard to the construction of the new Green Point Stadium, and neither the City of Cape Town nor the Western Cape as a province is able to finance the shortfall. The cautionary manner in which Mrs Zille is approaching this matter is, therefore, not an effort to jeopardise Cape Town’s chance to host the soccer tournament, but an example of responsible and accountable leadership. Perhaps Mr Skwatsha can learn something from her.
The DA wholeheartedly supports the effort by South Africa and Cape Town to host the best Soccer World Cup Tournament, but would, once again, in the strongest terms encourage the ANC to take ownership of the cities’ efforts and to demonstrate a willingness to render assistance in whatever form it might be necessary. It is not fair to burden the taxpayers with a financial obligation that they are unable to fulfil. I thank you. [Time expired.]]
BUDGET CUTS IN MARINE AND COASTAL MANAGEMENT
(Member’s Statement)
Ms C N Z ZIKALALA (IFP): Chairperson, the IFP notes with great concern that the research budget of Marine and Coastal Management has been cut drastically to about half of what it recently was.
The research budget is used to do annual fish stock surveys on which MCM then bases the amount of fish that can be caught by the various permit holders. What is even more shocking is that MCM has apparently now asked fishing companies to make additional contributions to it so that the research can be carried out. This is particularly worrying because the fishing companies already have to fork out substantial levies to MCM for exactly this purpose.
One consequence of inadequate research into the health of fish stocks is that South Africa might lose its marine stewardship certificate, something which European customers insist on. If we do lose this certificate it would have dire consequences for our fish exports to the continent. The Auditor- General recently uncovered a number of accounting problems at the Marine Living Resources Fund and qualified its audit report. Marine Coastal Management is also responsible for the fund and, taken together with these latest revelations, it is clear that MCM is in trouble. [Time expired.]
EDUCATION POLICIES – GRADE R
(Member’s Statement)
Ms R J MASHIGO (ANC): Chairperson, Sadtu women educators in the Thabazimbi region of Limpopo were addressed by the Deputy Director-General of Education on 3 March 2007. The dialogue reiterated the fact that the educators’ priority is the education of learners.
What came out clearly was the fact that some teachers had to understand that neither should Grade R learners be mixed with Grade 1 learners, as Grade R learners are there for stimulation, nor should their programmes be the same.
Grade R is actually for stimulation and this, in the areas like the disadvantaged communities, should be taken into cognisance because they need stimulation before they go to Grade 1. The Deputy Director-General, Mrs Tyobeka, will follow this issue up and organise a meeting with the foundation phase educators.
The ANC applauds the step taken by the department in this regard. Thank you. [Applause.]
HUMAN TRAFFICKING
(Member’s Statement)
Mr S N SWART (ACDP): Chairperson, on 23 February 2007, the bicentenary date of the Slave Trade Abolition Act passed in the British House of Lords was officially celebrated in many countries. This Act was the result of tireless efforts of the parliamentarian, William Wilberforce, one of the greatest reformers in British history who, motivated by his Christian faith, for 18 years campaigned to end the slave trade.
Regrettably, 200 years later slavery still exists, despite the fact that it is banned in most of the countries where it is practised. Women from Eastern Europe are bonded into prostitution; children are trafficked between West African countries and men are forced to work as slaves on agricultural estates, and that is not to mention the slavery that still exists in the Sudan.
Other forms of slavery include bonded labour, early, enforced marriage, slavery by descent and child labour. The question is whether parliamentarians worldwide will be prepared, like William Wilberforce, to similarly dedicate themselves to the eradication of all forms of modern-day slavery.
We particularly need to support anti-slavery movements worldwide, particularly in this bicentenary year. Let us seize the abolitionist spirit. Thank you.
CLIMATE CHANGE
(Member’s Statement)
Mr L W GREYLING (ID): Chairperson, climate change is an impending global catastrophe and it will affect the livelihoods of people across the world, particularly the most vulnerable who live in developing countries. It is imperative for us to take action now to avoid the dangerous destabilisation of the earth’s climate. This requires action on an international, national and local level. It also requires action on an individual level.
Today I did what most politicians are loathe to do: I got my hands dirty. I am not talking about corrupt activities; I am talking about planting trees. I planted 20 trees at schools in Philippi and Khayelitsha to offset my carbon emissions from air travel. Due to the nature of our work, Members of Parliament have a high carbon footprint, because of air travel.
I therefore urge all members of this House to stand up as leaders and also offset their emissions by purchasing trees and planting them in needy areas. I also call on Parliament to institute an initiative whereby our collective emissions can be offset by either tree planting or investments in renewal energy sources.
As the hon Minister of Finance said last year, the environment is not a party-political issue, but it must be the responsibility of us all. This is an opportunity to rise to the challenge and prove to the public that we take responsibility for all the hot air that we produce in this House. Thank you.
ERADICATION OF BUCKET SYSTEM
(Member’s Statement)
Mof N N MADUMISE (ANC): Modulasetulo, ke ema mona ka ho hlahisa polelo ka kaho ya matlwana, eleng “Eradication of Bucket System” mane Masepaleng wa Matjhabeng, moo nna ke dulang teng. Mokgahlo o moholo wa ANC o boetse o bontshitse botshepehi ba ona, ka ho neha bo-masepala tjhelete ya kaho ya matlwana. Sepheo e le ho fedisa tshebediso ya mabakete metseng e fapaneng,jwalo ka ha Mopresidente Mbeki a tshepisitse puong ya hae ya pulo ya Palamete selemong sena.
Kahoo mothating ona, masepala wa Matjhabeng o bonahala o le matholeng a ho phethahatsa thomo eo o e entseng dikgethong tse fetileng tsa bo-masepala, ka ho ahela baahi ba se nang matlwana, matlwana dibakeng tsa Meloding, Kutlwanong le Phomolong.
Hona ho tla phethelwa ka kaho ya matlwana a 7 000, le ho fana kapa ho hlahisa mesebetsi ya nakwana batjheng ba … [Nako e fedile.] (Translation of Sesotho member’s statement follows.)
[Ms N N MADUMISE (ANC): Chairperson, I want to comment on the eradication of the bucket system in the Matjhabeng municipality, where I stay. The ANC has again showcased its commitment by giving municipalities funds for sanitation. The objective is to eradicate the bucket system in our communities, as President Mbeki promised in the state of the nation address this year.
Matjhabeng municipality is therefore on the verge of accomplishing its mandate set in the past municipal elections. It has built toilets in areas of Meloding, Kutlwanong and Phomolong.
This will be completed by building 7 000 toilets and giving or creating temporary job opportunities for the youth of … [Time expired.]]
INEFFICIENT SERVICE DELIVERY
(Member’s Statement)
Mr M T LIKOTSI (PAC): The PAC of Azania wishes to bring to the attention of this House that as we are comfortably seated in this Chamber, there is economic, social and political unrest in North West at Ikageng, Boikhutso, Boitumelo, Khutsong and some other areas such as the Barcelona informal settlement extensions 25, 26 and 27 at Ekurhuleni due to inefficient service delivery. The PAC wants to repeat what it said in the past: Our people are fast losing patience, and due to their revolutionary background they will do anything to fight any form of oppression that comes their way.
The councillors, provinces and the Cabinet must stop intellectualising about service delivery and provide people with what they want: employment opportunities, housing, better equipped educational and health facilities, equitable distribution of land and wealth. Let us all, as the members of this House, get out of our shell and attend to the grievances of the struggling masses of our country, nationally. I thank you. [Applause.]
RAPE AND MURDER OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN
(Member’s Statement)
Ms S RAJBALLY (MF): Chairperson, the rape and murder of women and children is a serious reality. While the tragedy and loss affect all of us, we need to realise that there are many more horrific and barbarous crimes of rape and murder that we do not hear of, but which occur on a daily basis. Our police stations report a frightening amount of these cases being reported throughout the day.
Headlines talk of the South Coast victims to a number of cases of rape and murder of women, the handicapped, and children. In most cases victims know the perpetrators, and this instils more fear in us. There should be greater determination to clamp down on these criminals.
We appeal to all parents and guardians that they should not be obligated to trust anyone, but they are obligated to protect their children. Temptation is a human flaw. A rapist is a criminal and doesn’t have one face. It has many faces, shapes, sizes and colours, and different sexes. Please take the necessary precautions to protect. Don’t regret.
We further call for a revision of legislation governing the crime of rape and murder with the intent to legislate harsher punishment for the protection of our people from these sick, perverse monsters. The MF calls on all communities to get together and assist our police departments to overcome crime in our communities. Thank you. [Applause.]
TSHWANE METRO COUNCIL
(Member’s Statement)
Dr S M van DYK (DA): Voorsitter, die Tshwane Metroraad is besig om baie sleg agteruit te gaan. Sedert die burgemeester, Dr Gwen Ramokgopa verlede jaar aan bewind gekom het, is ‘n mosie van wantroue reeds verskeie kere teen haar in die raad geopper. In ‘n verslag wat aan die raad se korporatiewe en gemeenskaplike dienste komitee voorgelê is, blyk dit dat ongeveer 50% van die huishoudings in die Tshwane Metrogebied ontevrede is met dienste wat deur die raad gelewer word.
Een-en-sewentig persent van die inwoners word nie met die eerste foonoproep gehelp nie. Sewe-en-sestig persent moet drie of meer oproepe maak voordat klagtes aangespreek word.
Twee-en sestig persent van die inwoners beleef gereeld kragonderbrekings. Dan praat ek nie eers van die chaos by lisensiekantore en die foutiewe diensterekenings wat uitgestuur word nie. Boonop, is die topbestuur van die raad besig om uitmekaar te tuimel. Sowat 15 topbestuurslede het die raad verlaat sedert Ramokgopa burgermeester geword het. Verlede week het twee lede van die burgerskomitee ook bedank. Die munisipale bestuurder het ook bedank vanweë Ramokgopa se bestuurstyl.
Daar word nou bespiegel dat Ramokgopa blykbaar die swakste van vier kandidate gaan aanstel as nuwe munisipale bestuurder omdat dié persoon die burgemeester se gunsteling is.
Ons vra dat die Minister van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering dringend sy invloed by die President gebruik sodat Burgemeester Gwen Ramokgopa vervang word voordat sy die Tshwane Metroraad verder skade aanrig. Dankie. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans member’s statement follows.)
[Dr S M VAN DYK (DA): Chairperson, the Tshwane Metro Council is deteriorating very badly. Since the mayor, Dr Gwen Ramokgopa, came into office last year, a vote of no confidence in her has been proposed several times in the council already. In a report tabled in the council’s Corporative and Community Services Committee it is apparent that nearly 50% of households in the Tshwane Metro area are dissatisfied with the services provided by the council.
Seventy-one percent of the residents are not attended to with the first phone call. Sixty-seven percent have to call three or more times before complaints are dealt with.
Sixty-two percent of the residents are experiencing power failures regularly. And that is not to mention the chaos at licence offices and the incorrect services accounts that are sent out.
Furthermore the top management of the council is also in the process of disintegrating. Approximately 15 members of the top management left the council since Ramokgopa became mayor. Two members of the mayoral committee also resigned last week. The municipal manager also resigned as a result of Ramokgopa’s management style.
Presently there is speculation that Ramokgopa will probably appoint the poorest of four candidates as the new municipal manager because this person is the mayor’s favourite.
We urgently request the Minister for Provincial and Local Government to use his influence with the President in order to replace Mayor Gwen Ramokgopa before she causes even more harm to the Tshwane Metro Council. Thank you. [Applause.]]
CRIME IN MAFIKENG
(Member’s Statement) Moht N R MOKOTO (ANC): Modulasetilo, mokgatlho wa ANC o tshwentse thata ke kokotsego e e makatsang ya bosenyi, bogodu le go kgothusiwa ka dikgoka mo go tsweletseng go itemogelwa ke baagi ba kgaolo ya Mafikeng. Mo dikgweding tse pedi tse di fetileng, baagi ba Mafikeng le metse e e mabapi, ba itemogetse mefuta e e latelang ya botlhokotsebe: Go tseelwa dithotho ka dikgoka, go kgobogelwa ke magodu, go betelelwa le go thubelwa mo matlong.
Re le mokgatlho wa ANC ga re kitla re letlelela magodu go pateletsa baagi go itseela molao mo matsogong a bona. Re tla tswelela go ema nokeng kgaratlho ya bona go netefatsa gore mo re dulang teng re dula ka tshireletsego, kagiso le kgololosego. Ntwa kgatlhanong le bosenyi re tla e fenya fela ka tirisanommogo ya baagi le mapodisa le fa re nna le kgatlhego ya go tsaya karolo le go nna maloko a di diforamo tsa sepodisi tsa baagi (Community Policing Forums) le batlaleletsi ba sepodisi (Police Reservists).
Kwa bokhutlong, rona mokgatlo wa ANC re ikuela kwa go ba SAPS gore ba oketse mapodisi a bona mo metsemagaeng, kwa ditoropong le gotlhe kwa batho ba dulang gona go netefatsa ponagalo e e tiileng ya mapodisi ka nako tsotlhe, le go kgapela basenyi kwa sekhutlwaneng se se ba tshwanetseng. Ke a leboga. [Legofi.] (Translation of Setswana member’s statement follows.)
[Ms N R MOKOTO (ANC): Chairperson, the ANC is very concerned about the substantial increase of crime, theft and mugging that is continuing to be experienced by the people of Mafikeng. During the past two months, the residents of Mafikeng and neighbouring villages experienced the following types of crime: robbery, rape and housebreaking.
We, as the ANC, will not allow these criminal elements to force the community to take the law into their own hands. We will continue to support their efforts, to ensure that the places in which we stay are safe and peaceful, and that we have live in freedom. We will win the war against crime only if the community and the police work together by taking part in community policing forums and becoming police reservists.
Lastly, we, as the ANC, would like to appeal to the SA Police Service to increase the number of police officers in the villages, towns and places where people stay to ensure that their services are available at all times, and to get rid of these criminals.] [Applause.]]
TEACHER PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND TRAINING
(Member’s Statement)
Prince N E ZULU (IFP): Chairperson, the Department of Education has been accused of poor planning and a lack of urgency towards implementing teacher professional training despite the availability of funds. According to recent research more than 12 000 teachers lack proper qualifications and those that were qualified were battling to implement the new curriculum and new education policies.
The IFP believes that continuous teacher professional development is critical to the improvement of the overall quality of education. Lack of teacher training, together with our crowded classrooms, low pay, school violence and lack of support, will drive many students and teachers away from the teaching profession.
The shortages of teachers are felt in classrooms across the country. A shortage of 35 000 teachers is predicted by the year 2008. Many teacher unions believe that a well-planned teacher training programme will restore the image of the teaching profession. Teachers who are well-trained and supported by the department are unlikely to leave the profession.
The IFP therefore urges the education department to fast-track the roll-out of its policy framework on teacher development. The policy framework should come with clear strategies for training students, the induction of new graduates and retraining of teachers in the profession. Somlomo. [Thank you, Chairperson.]
BRUTAL EVICTION OF PEOPLE FROM FARMS
(Member’s Statement) Mr S E KHOLWANE (ANC): Chairperson, I am deployed to the Lydenburg constituency office in Mpumalanga. The ANC-led government has put in place legislation and policies to regulate relations between farm owners and the people living or working on farms to realise the objectives of the Freedom Charter.
However, we are concerned that around Lydenburg, particularly in Badfontein, most of the farmers still disregard the implementation of the sectoral determination and other pieces of legislation. There are illegal and brutal evictions, such as that of Mr Moyo, who was evicted and had his property, including livestock, confiscated by the farm owner.
Our people are not allowed to have visitors. Their electricity and water supplies are cut. They are forced to drink water from the same source as their livestock, not to mention that they are refused permission to bury their loved ones on the farms. Indeed, these are really inhumane practices.
We will continue to work with government institutions and other role- players in educating our people about their basic human rights, whilst condemning strongly the unscrupulous farmers who continue to violate the laws of the land and who have no regard for basic rights and human dignity. Thank you. [Applause.]
MISMANAGEMENT OF FUNDS BY ANC OFFICERS
(Member’s Statement)
Mr C M LOWE (DA): Chairperson, the Minister of Labour’s sudden interest in the affairs of Sector Education and Training Authorities, Setas, in the wake of the Fidentia scandal begs the question: Why only now? The DA has brought a number of matters to the Minister’s attention, but he has failed to act. Why has he not intervened in the ongoing problems of the Construction Education and Training Authority Seta and the Media, Advertising, Publishing, Printing and Packaging, Mappp-Seta, where the CEO has had death threats made against herself and her family?
The DA recently revealed a forensic report into alleged financial mismanagement at the Seta. The findings have criminal implications. Yet the Seta’s response has been to deny the seriousness of the report. The chairman said that there was nothing new about the allegations and that the Seta, the Department of Labour and the Auditor-General all had copies of the report. He is wrong!
There is strong evidence that the general public was deliberately kept uninformed about the deficiencies in the construction Seta’s management. Financially, the Seta is technically insolvent. Money has been stolen and high-level management is involved in the theft, fraud and corruption.
A culture of unaccountability has come to define the ANC government’s mismanagement of the public’s money. If the people in charge mismanage money, there must be consequences. Until the ANC government realises that it is accountable to the South African people, it will continue to mismanage their money.
The Minister of Labour and the Director-General, who is also the department’s financial officer, need to start leading by example and putting principle ahead of excuses. The Minister needs to act. [Applause.]
CONGRATULATIONS TO THE SA NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE
(Member’s Statement)
Ms T V TOBIAS (ANC): Chairperson, the ANC hereby takes this opportunity to congratulate the SA National Defence Force for the sterling work that it continues to do in disaster management in Africa. It has been reported that the SANDF will be spearheading the flood-relief project in Mozambique, after the country has experienced more unfortunate floods for the second time in a short space of time.
As part of the ANC policy outlined in the Defence Act, social engagement is important to ensure that the army does not just participate in military aspects, but also in social, environmental and economic security programmes that seek to create a peaceful and stable continent. It is only the ANC, through its policies, that can do this.
Phambili ngamasosha eNingizimu Afrika, phambili! Ngiyabonga. [Forward with the South African Defence Force, forward! Thank you.]
THE CHALLENGES FACING SETAS; INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY; CLIMATE CHANGE; FARM COMMUNITIES
(Minister’s Response)
UNGQONGQOSHE WEZEMISEBENZI YOMPHAKATHI: Sihlalo ohloniphekile namalungu ale Ndlu, ngiyabonga ngethuba esilitholayo lokuba siphendule. Ngithanda nje ukuqala ngokuphendula uzakwethu lo okhulume mayelana namaSeta, lapho ebuze khona ukuthi yini uNgqongqoshe Wezabasebenzi abe nomdlandla manje emveni kwalo mkhonyovu otholakale kwi-Fidentia. (Translation of isiZulu paragraph follows.)
[The MINISTER OF PUBLIC WORKS: Hon Chairperson and members of this House, thank you for the opportunity that we get to respond. I wish to start by responding to my colleague who spoke about the Setas. The member concerned asked why the Minister of Labour had started showing an interest now that corruption has been found in Fidentia.]
I think it will be important to correct the perspective that there hasn’t been an interest from the Minister of Labour on the challenges that are facing Setas. Hon members will recall that the Minister of Labour has on more than one occasion in this House, both in the answering of questions and also in his own budget statement, indicated some of the challenges that the Setas are facing and what he and his colleagues are doing.
In my capacity as Minister of Public Works I am responsible for the construction Seta, and we have been working with the construction industry to try and resolve some of those challenges and find a way in which we can bring that Seta into better management. In our analysis of the problem, we’ve not shied away from accepting that there has indeed been mismanagement. There have indeed been problems, but this does not mean we need to sit back and complain. Our solution has been to find the way in which we can resuscitate and rebuild that construction Seta. I must say, I thank the construction industry which has been part of that process in working with us in resuscitating the construction Seta in particular. Therefore, what the member is saying about the Setas is not new. It is a matter that he has continuously dealt with.
Hon members, I also would like to say on this important day, which is International Women’s Day, that one cannot but agree with the hon member of the MF who raised sharply the issue of rape amongst women and also the crime that has engulfed some of our communities, but what she says, which I agree with is, how we as community members must work with the law enforcement agencies to ensure that we bring down the level of crime and actually eradicate it as it affects our communities. It cannot happen only by saying the police must do this. It will happen as a result of how we see our responsibility as citizens in working with our law enforcement agencies to actually deal with the scourge.
Hon member of the PAC of Azania, even though we are in South Africa, I would like to say that we did acknowledge the issues you are raising about the challenges of service delivery in a number of our municipalities. You will recall that last year and the year before both the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Provincial and Local Government, working together with their colleagues, put in place a programme which is known as Siyenza Manje and also looked at Project Consolidate to find a way in which we can assist handson that sphere of government, given the challenges that is facing, and we will continue to do so. But it is also important to indicate to our citizens that it does not help to actually destroy the infrastructure that we have just because of anger at the lack of service delivery. It is our responsibility to find a way in which we can support one another - even those municipalities - to actually change the situation for the better.
On the issue of climate change, I must say I am very happy that this Parliament has raised this important matter twice in a week. One hon member from the DA, I think, on Tuesday raised the importance of us finding some programme of action and policy on how we could work on this important challenge that faces the world.
And again our hon member from the DA has just indicated how we, as citizens, can also get hold of the spanner to fix the problem. I am sure that the Ministry and the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism will be very happy that we are indeed becoming conscious even about our own responsibilities in managing this situation.
Lastly, on the matter raised by the hon member deployed in Lichtenberg, it is indeed a pity to note once again that we still face such challenges in our country, where some among us still disregard the human rights that must be enjoyed by all of us as citizens. It is sad that some farmers who continue to treat their workers badly actually spoil the name of many farmers who have been working in partnership with their communities to do better. We do hope that the sectoral determination that has been put in place by the Minister of Labour in dealing with the issue of wages at the farm level will be taken positively. We all know that this is one sector where there have been low wages among those workers on farms, and this is a measure to ensure that at least some people can also have a living wage. Thank you very much.
Mr L W GREYLING: On a rmpoint of order, Chair, can I just remind the Minister that I haven’t crossed the floor and I am not a member of the DA. I am a member of the ID. Thank you.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Those might be the effects of climate change. [Laughter.]
CONGRATULATIONS TO THE SANDF; REDUCTION IN VIOLENT CRIME
(Minister’s Response)
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF CORRECTIONAL SERVICES: Thank you, Chairperson. There are two statements I would like to respond to: The first one is from the hon member Tobias, and I want to add my voice to hers in congratulating the SANDF for their efforts. As government, we have, since 1994 committed ourselves to the creation of peace, stability and development on the continent. This commitment also extends to assistance in times of disaster and to the rebuilding of those communities affected by disaster. As I said, I also wish to add my voice in congratulating the SANDF.
The next one is the statement by hon member Mokoto on crime. May I just say that the reduction of violent crimes and crimes against women and children top the list of government’s priorities and it has been so since 1994. Those committing these crimes must be assured that they will face the might of the law, especially now that we today, as we speak, have launched the 365 days of activism of no violence against women and children and we would like to urge all members of this House to rally their communities, their constituencies, in support of this campaign. Thank you.
ERADICATION OF BUCKET SYSTEM; SISONKE AND RIVERSIDE IN MZIMKHULU
(Minister’s Response)
The MINISTER OF WATER AFFAIRS AND FORESTRY: Chairperson, on this International Women’s Day I would like to wish all women of this country a very happy day indeed.
I rise on two statements. With regard to the first one, I would like to join hon member Madumise who congratulated the municipality on the progress that it has made with regard to bucket system eradication. Indeed, as we all know, we have set ourselves December 2007 for bucket eradication in all established settlements in our country. I might also say that we are on track with delivering on that commitment.
We all know that sanitation is about health and hygiene, and it is also about respect and dignity of our people and this ANC-led government has taken the decision that it wanted to restore the dignity of our people to ensure that everyone who doesn’t have basic sanitation in our country actually gets it.
As the ANC-led government, we will leave no stone unturned until all our people have access to basic and decent sanitation. The highest backlogs as we speak of sanitation are in the North West, Eastern Cape and the Free State.
I must say that all these provinces have programmes in place to ensure that we eradicate the bucket system. Municipalities who face problems are being assisted by national government. We have a programme like Masibambane where we are hands-on as all departments, the Department of Provincial and Local Government, the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry, and provinces.
We have a programme with the Development Bank of South Africa, Siyenzamanje Manje - We are doing it now. Again, it is a programme that seeks to accelerate the delivery of this service. We have deployed engineers to all the municipalities that are struggling with the planning, implementation and spending of their money.
It is all systems go with this. We have a budget from the Minister of Finance to deal with bulk water infrastructure and I can assure members that we will meet this target. All we ask is that all of our people assist us in ensuring that we deliver these services and in the event where waterborne sanitation is not a solution or an option, they must understand when we have to implement alternative types of sanitation.
The next statement that I would like to respond to is the one that was about Sisonke district and Riverside in Mzimkhulu. Indeed, I was part of the delegation that accompanied the President during that imbizo, and what was unacceptable to all of us who were there is that, here is this district municipality which is bordered by three rivers, and yet there was such an acute shortage of water.
So, we are very happy and excited that our visit to the Sisonke district has yielded such quick results. As you know, that district is rich in agriculture and it is somewhat of a food basket in that area.
We are going to continue holding izimbizos to make sure that we consult our people on what their needs are. Indeed, this is the success story of this very innovative programme that is held by the Presidency, assisted by the Department of Provincial and Local Government, to ensure that we talk to our people and explain to them what our plans and programmes are, in bringing delivery to their areas, and we are happy when there is delivery that everyone can see.
It is important, hon members that we also congratulate the municipalities who do well so as to encourage them because most of the time they are under attack for not delivering services. [Time expired.] I thank you.
WELCOMING OF DELEGATION
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doige): Before we proceed to the first Order of the day, I would like to welcome the delegation from Fatah in the gallery, which is led by Jamal Shobaki. You are most welcome. Thank you very much.
DEBATE ON INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY: DEEPENING THE DEBATE ON GENDER
MAINSTREAMING IN THE WORK OF PARLIAMENT
Ms S P RWEXANA: Chairperson, on 10 February 2007, we laid Mama Adelaide Tambo to rest. As the ANC Women’s League and the nation, we paid tribute to her commitment to the ANC. She was a towering figure in our struggle. We will miss her positive contribution towards the upliftment and the empowerment of women in rural areas.
Our nation mourns her passing away and that she is remembered by all nations across the globe. Once again, we congratulate the Foreign Minister of Tanzania, Asha-Rose Migiro, who was appointed to the post of United Nations Deputy Secretary-General. As South African women, we pledge to offer her our full support. Allow me to begin this debate on International Women’s Day by alluding to the words of the late Comrade Samora Machel:
The emancipation of women is not an act of charity; the result of a humanitarian or compassionate attitude. The liberation of women is a fundamental necessity for the revolution, the guarantee of its continuity and the precondition for its victory.
The main objective of the revolution is to destroy the system of exploitation and build a new society, which releases the potentialities of human beings. This is the context within which women’s emancipation arises.
Gender mainstreaming is defined as a means of addressing gender imbalances that existed within our society. It therefore seeks to insert gender into a decision-making process and that is critical to good governance.
During the last decade the ANC-led government has developed, enacted and implemented a comprehensive legislative framework that gives effect to the right of women to be free from gender-based violence.
The national gender machinery, which is another aspect of the Constitution, contributes to the direct promotion of women’s equality. It has been functioning hand in hand with the Commission on Gender Equality which is one of the constitutional institutions to strengthen constitutional democracy.
Gender mainstreaming in the work of Parliament has been conducted in various ways. Departmental monitoring is required to supervise the implementation of gender mainstreaming programmes so that we are able to identify the progress made and the obstacles that have been encountered.
The Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women was primarily established to monitor government’s implementation of Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Beijing Platform for Action. Its functions relate to formulating specific legislation on gender issues and legislation that is gender sensitive.
The multiparty women’s caucus was appointed last year by the initiative from the office of the Speaker. It consists of all women members of the National Assembly and permanent women delegates in the National Council of Provinces. It functions as an advisory, influencing and consultative body. Its functions include engaging with civil society. At this stage it has been referred by the Joint Rules Committee to the review of Rules Committee for finalisation.
Awareness of gender equality became one of the crucial areas for the Commission on Gender Equality. This commission is trying to make education awareness to promote gender equality through the use of radio stations that broadcast in all the indigenous languages.
It gives me pride and joy to say that our Constitution in South Africa is among the best leading globally for its recognition for its equality clause, which leads to the implementation of the promotion of the Equality Act. This legislation seeks to eliminate gender discrimination.
Section 39 of our Constitution allows us to apply and make use of international instruments. These foreign instruments create an obligation on the state to take action to bring domestic policy and practices in line with relevant international standards. We are collaborating with other international human rights instruments that constitute the international legal framework aimed at eliminating gender discrimination and advance the status of women globally.
The African Charter renders any custom, tradition, culture or religious practices that are inconsistent with the rights, duties and obligations contained in its charter null and void. It further compels state parties to apply all appropriate measures to abolish customs and practices that are harmful to the welfare, dignity normal growth and the development of women and girl children.
We would like to congratulate the trauma centre in Cape Town which offered to give counselling to the young girls that were kidnapped for a long time by a serial killer in Caledon. Further, we call on government, civil society, NGOs and the business sector to stand together and fight gender violence against women and the girl children.
We have collaborated with the international protection for women and girls against gender-based violence, which is a comprehensive body of international law which sets the norms and standards that hold governments accountable for allowing patterns of violence against women and obliges them to prevent violations where possible.
In 2003 the African Union Assembly held its second ordinary session in Maputo, Mozambique, where it adopted the protocol to the African Charter on human and people’s rights on the rights of women in Africa. This protocol recognises that despite the African Charter on human and people’s rights and the other international instruments, women in Africa still continue to be victims of discrimination and harmful practices.
This resulted in the adoption of the optional protocol which contains provisions such as the elimination of discrimination against women by state parties through appropriate legislative, institutional and other measures, the right to participate in political life and decision-making. Our Parliament adopted the optional protocol on 17 November 2004.
The ANC constitution provides that one third of the representation should be by women. I am proud to say that today we have gone beyond that. Relevant structures such as Chapter Nine Institutions and policies have been put in place to ensure that gender discrimination is eliminated, women are empowered, their voices are heard and they participate equally with men in decision-making. Quoting from one of our great leaders, the late O R Tambo, when he delivered a speech in Luanda on 14 September 1981:
We need to move from a revolutionary declaration to revolutionary practice. We invite the ANC’s women’s section and the black women of South Africa, more oppressed and more exploited than any section of the population, to take up this challenge and assume their proper role outside the kitchen among the fighting ranks of our movement. The women’s section is not an end in itself. It is a weapon of struggle to be correctly used against all forms and levels of oppression and inequality in the interest of a victorious struggle of our people.
We express our people’s solidarity with the women of Somalia and Darfur. We stand firmly with our comrades who are fighting for social and political freedom. Our conviction in the certainty and their victory is unshakeable. Malibongwe igama lamakhosikazi! [Praise the name of women!]
Ms J A SEMPLE: Chairperson, today we celebrate International Women’s Day and yes, we are having yet another so-called “women’s debate”. The men might roll their eyes and yawn but the women of this Parliament, and indeed, the women of this country, have news for them. Gender is not just about women; it is also about men and until men and women are equal not only in law but at home, at work and in this House, we will keep on having these debates. [Applause.]
Only once we have closely examined all the organisational policies and practices of Parliament, to see how they impact on men and women, can we really determine whether these policies are equitable and nondiscriminatory.
Debates are all very well but as my leader, the hon Tony Leon, is fond of saying, “talk is cheap but money buys the whisky”. So we can talk as much as we like, but only when the hearts and minds of all of us in this House are committed to change in terms of gender transformation, can we truly say that gender mainstreaming has been achieved within this institution.
This is not only about the number of women versus men. Nuket Kardam defines mainstreaming gender as:
Both a technical and political process which requires a shift in organisation of culture and ways of thinking, as well as in the goals, structures and resource allocations of international agencies, governments and NGOs. Maintaining gender requires changes at different levels within these institutions, in agenda setting, policy-making, planning, implementation and evaluation. Instruments for the mainstreaming effort include new staffing and budgeting practices, training programmes, policy procedures and guidelines.
How do we relate this to our institution, Parliament? My friend, Claire Mathonsi, from the Gender Advocacy Programme says:
Parliament has a multifarious, radial relationship with gender mainstreaming, because Parliament is a key player in the process of relations between other key players, the state, civil society and the market within different domains.
Parliament should have a dual focus; on one level there is a need for gender sensitive responses to all legislation - a task undertaken by the JMC as mentioned by the previous speaker; and on the second level, there is a need for gender mainstreaming within the internal structures of this institution.
However, while the gender sensitive response of legislation is monitored and evaluated, implementation must also be monitored. The Domestic Violence Act is a good example.
Internally, the organisational culture of Parliament also needs to be transformed. This organisation, like most others in our country, and indeed around the world, is based on deeply historical political patriarchal norms and values which must be transformed if you are truly going to talk about gender mainstreaming.
The organisational structure of Parliament needs to be seriously interrogated to ensure that Parliament itself complies with the principles of gender equity and equality beyond numbers of men and women present. Yes, we do now have enough toilets for female members although they all appear on one side of some buildings, but what happened to the crèche for children of working parents in this institution?
Why is there no sexual harassment policy that applies to everyone who works here? When I tried to put this question to the Deputy President it was sent back by the Questions office. Which Minister is going to champion this course and why does it have to be a woman? Is it only because women are victims of sexual harassment or are they the only ones who are brave enough to talk about it?
Post-1994 parliamentary hours were changed to accommodate working parents, but we are now looking at a new form of programming which reverts to late hours one evening a week. Did anyone look at this from the view of gender mainstreaming?
Most of us acknowledge that gender equality is critical yet it is quite appalling how consistently your so-called “gender machinery” is underprioritised and underfunded. All government departments are supposed to have gender focal points.
No lesser person than Prof Kader Asmal recently asked: What is a gender focal point? I am sure a lot of other people would ask the same question. Why is the issue of gender so jargonised? It gives people the perfect excuse for not understanding what we are talking about. The gender focal point is the person who is supposed to keep the gender mainstream flag flying.
The problem is that the effectiveness of gender focal point is largely dependent on the level at which that person is appointed and who they report to. If that department has not changed in the fundamental way necessary to hear and accept critical gender voices, participation and influence, then the necessary enabling conditions for the implementation of development priorities and accountability for genuine gender mainstream will not exist either, regardless of the gender focal point. All too often top leadership takes the position of “add women and stir”. In other words, we have our gender focal point, and the gender mainstreaming ends right there.
Gender analysis of departmental budgets is another area where gender mainstreaming can play a huge role - and I intend to ask questions to all departments in this regard. We have come a long way in terms of gender mainstreaming since 1994 but there is still plenty of work to be done in this institution and throughout our society. Let’s match the talk with action and genuine conviction from men and women in this House. Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms C N Z ZIKALALA: Chairperson, first of all allow me to thank the presiding officers of Parliament for setting aside time in the parliamentary programme for today’s debate. Some may consider it a small matter but International Women’s Day means a tremendous amount to billions of women around the world.
Today marks a day when we celebrate women’s achievements and honour their roles and contributions to global society. It is also a day on which we identify the problems that many hundreds of millions of women face every day. We should therefore note specifically that the theme for this year’s celebration of the role of women is “Ending Impunity for Violence against Women and Children”. I will return to this theme a bit later.
It is also apt that the focus of this debate should be on gender mainstreaming in the work of our Parliament. With perfect hindsight it can be argued that this Parliament could have done more for gender mainstreaming since 1994.
Understandably, when the democratic Parliament was first established there were many competing issues that had to be addressed and perhaps one of the issues we got to a bit later was to examine our own internal organisational functioning and culture from a gender perspective.
In the first years of the democratic Parliament some attention was paid to investigating and overseeing the gender mainstreaming of budgets to see, for instance, how they impacted on women and water, women and sanitation and women and health.
In later years it seems that the emphasis has shifted to other aspects of oversight and holds the executive to account and less critical analyses of gender budgets have been done. There is also a school of thought that suggests that the available resources within Parliament have not been properly allocated to gender mainstreaming.
It is a sad fact of life that some form of violence is perpetrated against women and children every minute of the day both in our country and around the world. All we have done and accomplished for women’s rights over the decades has not eradicated this societal aberration. It continues unabated across race, ethnic, religious, cultural and class lines and has serious implications for every single society in which it occurs.
In 1998 this Parliament adopted the Domestic Violence Act in the hope that legislative intervention would protect women and children from violence. It has not. It may have helped to a certain extent but clearly legislation is not the answer to the problem. The answer lies much deeper, in changing societal attitudes and addressing the root causes of crime against women and children.
In the next few months parliamentarians will scrutinise the budgets of various departments and institutions. It is in this process that gender mainstreaming in our work can be advanced by hon members, critically analysing budgets to gauge their impact on women and children. For instance, we have to ask how the Water Affairs budget will benefit women in providing access to clean water and sanitation. How will the Social Development budget provide for the women that are unemployed and vulnerable? How will the Justice budget cater for victims of domestic violence and will it improve the maintenance system? Will the Tourism budget provide employment and business opportunities for women entrepreneurs?
I can go on and on but the picture is clear. We have to re-introduce and re- emphasise critical analysis of budgets and government programmes to determine their effects on women. In this way, we will definitely deepen the debate on gender mainstreaming in Parliament. Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms M R MORUTOA: Chairperson, hon Minister, hon Members of Parliament and distinguished guests in the national gallery, I must say, ``Malibongwe!’’. [Let it be praised!] [Interjections.]
International Women’s Day is an annual day for the recognition of and struggle for women’s economic, social and political rights, and opportunities for awakening self-consciousness among women workers and for the unity of the working class.
Women’s Day emerged out of the simultaneously growing workers’ and women’s rights movement during the rapidly industrialising period of the early 20th century. In the United States, in 1908, the Socialist Party’s newly formed women’s national committee responded by calling for the party to designate a day each year to campaign for women’s suffrage.
International Women’s Day is an important occasion for women all over the world. It is not only an occasion for women from all continents to celebrate our triumphs and achievements, but to take stock of what still needs to be done.
In South Africa, we also have a lot to celebrate. During the brutal years of apartheid, women were at the forefront of the battles against that dreaded system of systematic oppression. Our history is filled with stories of heroic deeds carried out by patriotic South African women who were not prepared to concede to the yoke of apartheid.
Women in urban and rural areas, black and white, rich and poor, religious and nonreligious, stood together side-by-side to fight emphatically and to defeat apartheid.
The struggle for women’s emancipation in South Africa is as old as the struggle itself. In the first instance, it is worth noting that women played a central role in production and reproduction during the pre- colonial era. As a response to the increased attempts of the apartheid government to enforce a systematic control over movement through the pass laws, women stood up against Prime Minister Strydom and organised a massive anti-pass march to the Union Buildings in Pretoria on 9 August 1956.
Two years before the historic Women’s March, the first Women’s Charter was adopted at the founding conference of the Federation of South African Women in the same year that the Bantu Education minister enforced a separate and unequal education system for African children.
Way before the advent of feminism in the West in the sixties and seventies, South African women started a movement that situated women’s emancipation within the context of a broader liberation struggle. At its core, the Women’s Charter denounced and challenged a struggle for liberation that benefitted only one section of society.
Since 1994, South African women have achieved many milestones. These include, one, having amongst the highest proportions of women parliamentary representivity in the continent, and a Constitution that guarantees the right of women to dignity, protection and access to opportunities. Many women have made their mark in the political and business arenas. We have a woman Deputy President, two women Speakers of Parliament, and a record of 12 Ministers in our national Cabinet.
South Africa performed very well in respect of the indicators mentioned in the gender and Millennium Development Goals, to which our government has subscribed. The third MDG prescribed indicators are: Indicator 9 - ratio of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary education; indicator 10 - ratio of literate females to males of 15 to 24 years of age; indicator 11 - share of women in wage employment in non-agricultural sector, and indicator 12 - the proportion of seats held by women in national parliament.
Despite the fact that we have performed very well on the MDG’s specified indicators, I want to point to a few achievements as well as areas that still need attention.
I want to speak about women and poverty. More than one billion people in the world today, the great majority of whom are women, live in unacceptable conditions of poverty, mostly in the developing countries. Poverty has various causes, including structural ones. Poverty is a complex, multidimensional problem with origins in both the national and international domains. The globalisation of the world economy and the deepening interdependence amongst nations present challenges and opportunities for sustained economic growth and development, as well as risks and uncertainties for the future of the world economy.
The gender disparities in economic power-sharing are also an important contributing factor to the poverty of women. Migration and consequent changes in family structures have placed additional burdens on women, especially those who provide for several dependents.
Macroeconomic policies need rethinking and reformulation to address such trends. These policies focus almost exclusively on the formal sector. They also tend to impede the initiatives of women and fail to consider the differential impact on women and men.
While poverty affects households as a whole because of the gender division of labour and responsibility for household welfare, women bear a disproportionate burden, attempting to manage household consumption and production under conditions of increasing scarcity. Poverty is particularly acute for women living in rural households.
Women’s poverty is directly related to the absence of economic opportunities and autonomy; lack of access to economic resources, including credit, land ownership and inheritance; lack of access to education and support services, and their minimal participation in the decision-making process. Poverty can also force women into situations in which they are vulnerable to sexual exploitation.
Gender mainstreaming is a globally accepted strategy for promoting gender equality. Mainstreaming is not an end in itself but a strategy, an approach, a means to achieve the goal of gender equality.
Mainstreaming involves ensuring that gender perspectives and attention to the goal of gender equality are central to all activities - policy development, research, advocacy, dialogue, legislation, resource allocation and planning, implementation and monitoring of programmes and projects.
Pertaining to gender mainstreaming in business, in the next five years, as it embarks on its R84 billion infrastructure programme, power utility Eskom has to appoint two new members of staff every working day, and it is adamant that one of them will be a black woman.
The need to recruit 5 000 skilled employees will impose unique challenges even for Eskom, widely acknowledged as South Africa’s most empowered company. Having launched an affirmative action and employment equity drive in the early 1990s – well before it became a moral and regulatory imperative – Eskom is in a better position than most to meet the skills crunch head-on, while retaining its empowerment momentum.
The state-owned enterprises have been tasked with spending more than half of the R400 billion government is setting aside to improve public infrastructure over the next few years. However, in this endeavour they have to contend with shortages in key skill categories, particularly engineering, technical and project management skills.
The sharp decline in technical and artisan skills in South Africa over the past decades is hurting the private sector as well, but the damage is more severe in the SOEs. Thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Ms S N SIGCAU: Chairperson, the quest for gender equality continues. This Parliament has demonstrated in a number of ways that gender equality matters, but still there remain improvements that we can make to advance the cause.
We concur with the suggestion that the Parliamentary Women’s Group should be formalised in the Rules of Parliament to ensure that it is taken more seriously by the institution. At the same time, we must ensure that such a structure rises above party politics, otherwise it will not succeed. We also agree that gender budgeting is a vital parliamentary tool. Speeches and discussions about gender mean nothing if they do not lead to actual change. As we all know, real change occurs when budgets are allocated and spent.
We must ensure when this Parliament asserts a greater role in the overall budget process that gender is one of the leading criteria for evaluating budgets before they are approved.
The continuing scourge of sexual violence against women and girl children is a blight on our society. These violent crimes remind us that patriarchy did not die with the advent of democracy.
The ability of Parliament to engage government on this issue and to force positive change will, in the end, be the yardstick with which our efforts at gender equality are measured by future generations. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs P DE LILLE: Chairperson, hon members, I want to deal with this so- called notion of “deepening the debate”. I think it is totally unacceptable that on such an important day as International Women’s Day we can deepen the debate in one minute. How is that possible? The ANC must understand that they do not hold the monopoly on ideas in this country.
It is an indictment on the two women Speakers of Parliament to actually allow this to happen. It is the International Women’s Day and we must come and stand here for only one minute. I want to appeal to the Speakers and the Whips that instead of allowing a long weekend, which is meant for constituency work on a Monday, we should rather use that time to add extra time for debates in this House. Then we can talk about deepening and strengthening the debate.
The ID do not want just more dresses in Parliament; we want more women who can take up the issues of women outside here, like our MP Florence Batyi who has put 20 men behind bars for failing to pay their maintenance. Those are the issues that we in Parliament must do for women. Women don’t just want long speeches from us here; they need our help out there and we should stop claiming to speak on behalf of them when we don’t even know where they live in this country. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mrs M L NGWENYA: Chairperson, I just want to say that I feel pity for hon De Lille, for, I thought, that if you really want to get hold of more women you should go to their constituencies and meet more of them. [Applause.] But, maybe you are right, hon member.
Lehono ke Letšatši la Basadi Lefaseng ka Bophara. [Today is International Women’s Day.]
Hunger and poverty are enemies of human dignity; and women are the primary victims of hunger and poverty. Yet women are also crucial partners in finding sustainable solutions to these twin scourges. Without women, the target we all set in 1996 to halve the number of the hungry in the world by 2015 will not only remain elusive; it will become impossible to attain. Women and girls constitute three-fifths of the world’s poor. Their poverty level is worse than that of men as clear gender disparities in education, employment opportunities and decision-making powers exist.
Basadi ba bantši mo Afrika ba swaragana le thankga ya go fepa malapa a bona, mola ka lehlakoring le lengwe ba rwalela dikgong šokeng le go ga meets kgole, go ruthufatša malapa a bona. [Most women in Africa are struggling to provide for their families. On the other hand, they still have to get wood from the fields to keep their families warm, and water from the wells, which are far away from their homes!]
Statistics show that in Sub-Saharan Africa women food farmers produce 80%, do 90% of the work to process the food, 80% of the work to transport and store the food, 60% of the work to market the food and provide 90% of water, wood and fuel. This they do using rudimentary hand-held tools and without appropriate modern technology. Indeed, women meet the basic survival need of the continent, despite the fact that they own only 1% of the land, receive less than 7% of farm extension services, and receive less than 10% of the credit given to small-scale farmers.
Provision of household water needs is a major problem facing African rural women. Only 47% of urban women in Africa have access to safe drinking water. Most of those in the rural areas have to trek long distances from their homes in search of water, no matter the quality. This remains a challenge for African governments and international funding agencies.
A large number of women are mainly engaged in subsistence agriculture as well as the micro and small-scale enterprises. In most of the developing countries, particularly in Africa, women consist of 70% to 80% of the total agricultural labour force and they account for over 80% of food production. It is not surprising therefore to find many women engaged in food processing, weaving, personal services, beverages preparation and selling of snacks.
To strengthen the partnership with rural women, one of the vital challenges would be to support their continued empowerment. This is viewed as a necessary catalyst to ensure that they can fulfil their potential and participate on an equal footing with men in the formulation and implementation of agricultural and rural development policies and programmes. Several instruments for bringing about this change are already available. In 1979, the international community reached a milestone with the adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which contains important legally binding provisions in support of women in agriculture.
In South Africa, land is an important source of capital used in economic activity and a factor of production. During the apartheid years, around four million people were removed and displaced from the land they were occupying. A small percentage of African people gained access of land through freehold title prior to introduction of the laws in 1913 and 1936. Many of these people have since been dispossessed.
Since 1994, an opportunity has presented itself to all the citizens of South Africa, particularly the previously disadvantaged, including rural women. That opportunity is the enabling legal and policy framework of land reform. However, rural women have not been able to take advantage of this opportunity and use it for improving their quality of life.
Mmušo wa rena wo o eteletšwego pele ke ANC, o kgonne go thuša batswadi ba dikobo-di-magetleng go godiša le go fepa bana ba bona ka tšhelete ya kgwedi le kgwedi, mola diputswa kgwedi ka kgwedi di hwetša mphiwa-fela go lwantšha tlala le bohloki ka malapeng. (Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[The ANC-led government has managed to make children’s grants available monthly in order to assist poor parents to provide for their children. The elderly people also get pensions monthly to fight hunger and poverty in their homes.]
The Department of Land Affairs has encouraged participation of women in land reform projects. However, there has been no concerted effort to mainstream women’s issues in such projects. Recognising this weakness in strategies for implementation of the land reform programme, the department has resolved to develop strategies for gender, particularly mainstreaming of women’s issues in land reform.
These are some of the strategies that the department may explore. Firstly, representation of women, particularly rural women, at all levels in decision-making positions in rural development public institutions. Secondly, giving women a voice at village level and village development structures to try to avoid and reduce patriarchy. Thirdly, we need to establish women-only land reform projects. Fourthly, establishing communication and information sessions of land reform programmes that would target rural women.
Essentially, these strategies will contribute to enabling rural women to develop tools that they need to bring about organisational transformation in rural development structures, particularly those dealing with issues of access to land and land tenure rights.
Rural women must stand up and fight for their socio-economic rights. No one but they themselves will free them from the shackles of poverty, victimisation and abuse.
A plan or strategy must be designed and implemented in close co-operation with various development partners in different specialised areas, notably education, health, human rights as well as environment and energy.
There is a need, therefore, even in South Africa, to strengthen the public administration to make …[Time expired.] [Applause.]
Mr H B CUPIDO: Chairperson, according to a report compiled by the Inter- Parliamentary Union based on information received from 189 parliaments as at 31 January 2007, it is the country of Rwanda on the African continent that has the most women representatives in parliament. Rwanda leads all parliaments by 48,8%. Mozambique is at number 10 with 34,8% and South Africa at number 13 with 32,8%, doing much better than the countries like Australia, New Zealand and Germany, that follow at numbers 14, 15 and 16. South Africa therefore still needs to do a lot. The colonial power who dominated the world during the previous century, the UK, only rank at number 53, with a mere 19,7% of women representation.
Many African countries still need improved policies in order to tackle gender inequality and to fight poverty and HIV/Aids. The ACDP supports the campaign launched by the NGO Gender Links to increase the numbers of women representation in the South African Parliament and other spheres of government. Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms M M MDLALOSE: Chairperson, on International Women’s Day, let us salute the brave souls who went on hunger strikes, who created the Suffragette Movement for women.
Size sibonge ngisho iNgcugce imbala. [Let us salute even the women’s regiment, iNgcugce.]
Let us create a sense of unity and energy between women. Let us work towards the betterment of all women, rural and urban. Let us all unite. The women of Parliament need to give much more to other women who are outside of Parliament, because they are the women who suffer most; they are the women who need most help and we here in Parliament are the ones best suited to be of help to them. Thank you, Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mr K M KHUMALO: Chairperson, before I speak, I just need to dedicate this speech to women who contributed to the struggle internationally. One, I am speaking about Indira Gandhi of India, who fought quite fiercely; two, Aung San Suu Kyi, who is currently under house arrest in Myanmar, formerly called Burma; three, Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan who fought, and actually after her father was assassinated, led the people of Pakistan; four, Comrade Ray Alexander, a trade unionist from the ICU, and five, Lillian Ngoyi. So this speech will actually be a dedication to women.
I just want to clarify that the debate on women is not about women only, but about both men and women. For us to achieve an equal society, both men and women must be dedicated to eradicating all forms of discrimination.
A writer in Africa known as Buchi Emecheta writes in her book called The Joys of Motherhood that the pain and suffering of women are normally seated in the context of their barrenness, witchcraft and many other things.
Now it is quite clear that it is not only in pre-colonial society that these things are prevalent. It is unfortunate that today the suffering and pain of women continue to persist in postcolonial society, democratic states and independent states. These are the things that we need to fight for quite seriously.
The consequences of such perceptions lead to serious discrimination against women, and all of them lead to something called misogyny, which is hatred towards women. Now, we need to make sure that we deal with this, because this may lead to serial rapists, murder, systematic exploitation of women and all those forms of discrimination.
Young women are quite vulnerable in our society. They are exploited, raped and they disappear amongst all forms of discrimination. This is a fight that men and everyone must engage in and something they must fight against.
It is important for us to make sure that the current debate on the issue of learner/student pregnancies is understood in the context of society that counts on a particular past that needs to be corrected. One aspect of this is that these pregnancies that we need to deal with in our schools are a reflection of a society that is quite sick. It is the type of issue, which we as parents, young people and teachers must attend to.
It is important to note that the protection of young women will need to be achieved not only through laws and legislation, but also by men and women of strong morals and values, to inculcate the culture of human dignity, respect, and honour. Extensive sexual education in schools, within youth organisations, nongovernmental organisations and higher learning institutions must be intensified. Current statistics will indicate that, today, there are more young women living with the prevalence of HIV/Aids. It is important for us to make sure that we deal with that particular issue and attend to it.
I also want to deal with the issue of women and disability, just to indicate to all of us that we are all susceptible to some form of disability or another. In the past, we used to cage people with mental disabilities, keep them in institutions and places like Witrand in Potchefstroom, Sterkfontein and Bephelong. It is important for us to show some love and respect for those of us who are living with mental disabilities, and make sure that we help them so that they feel part of society.
It is also important that when government engages in programmes of construction and housing, it must make sure that it accommodates people with disabilities, in particular those in wheelchairs. If I could raise an example: The houses that are being built currently are not designed in such a way so as to accommodate those people in wheelchairs. Therefore, when we build them, we must take into account that the doors need to be bigger, and the toilets must be built so that they are compatible for people in wheelchairs. The electric plugs that are installed must also be able to accommodate those in wheelchairs. These are the things that we believe that women and men with disabilities must be provided with.
We also wish to request that the SABC must make sure that in all their programmes, and not only in the news programmes, subtitles and sign language are used; thus in each and every single programme that is run.
We also request that when the Ministry is imposing quotas on specifications, those RDP houses, houses of development, government institutions, buildings and everything must be accessible to all by means of ramps and many other things.
We also believe that in most of the municipalities around the country there are no translation and interpreting facilities. Now, it is important that these institutions must have those, so as to allow those people who cannot hear or see or are suffering from any form of disability can be accommodated.
We also request that these government departments, even Parliament, must at least avail national documentation application forms and all other important documentation in Braille so that those who are blind can get access to information, and all other important things.
In terms of gender and education, two economists called Michael Todaro and Stephen Smith wrote quite extensively regarding the discrimination against women and youth in terms of gender. In the study that they conducted, they discovered that out of 108 countries, 66 had a 10% to 20% discrimination average of girls against men, but then Todaro and Smith indicated that there were areas were quite important to us, and to prove that point there is empirical evidence that once you teach young girls they sometimes perform better than men.
They mention quite a number of reasons. Firstly, that the rate of return on investment on education for women is higher than for men in developing countries. Secondly, an increase in women’s education increases productivity in the workplace, leads to marriage, lowers fertility, and improved health and nutrition. Thirdly, they indicated that improved child health care and nutrition and more educated mothers lead to the multiplier effect on a nation’s human resource and generation income. Fourthly, they also discovered that once you educated the young girls, compared to educating men, education can have an important impact on breaking the vicious cycle of poverty and inadequate schooling of young girls.
In terms of rural women, those who are disabled are likely to be neglected, left by their spouses, their children, and they also face degradation, isolation and helplessness.
It is the duty of every man and woman in this House and out there to make sure that young women are protected and that women with disabilities can live properly, be respected and get love and care. Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Igama lamakhosikazi! Igama lamadoda futhi! [Uhleko.] [The name of women! The name of men too! [Laughter.]]
Chairperson, today we commemorate the greatness of women of South Africa and around the world. It is crucial today to applaud our Bill of Rights that has, with the birth of our democracy, enshrined our equality to men in every factor and sector of the community and in our daily lives. When we look around us in the House today, I am proud to note the growth of female representation in the NA and the NCOP, and the Cabinet, as well as the office-bearers of both Houses.
South Africa is noted as being one among the top developing countries such as Jamaica, Belize and Antigua, as our women are at the helm of both Houses. The MF however has a vision that, some day, we shall have an equal number of male and female representatives that shall encourage a balanced representation of all sexes.
I take this opportunity to thank all the comrades that strove to achieve freedom, democracy and a voice for all women. I wish all South African women who strive to preserve their culture, customs and religion in a fast- changing society the very best.
To our mothers, sisters and daughters of South Africa, we celebrate and salute your greatness. I thank you. [Applause.]
Nkszn P TSHWETE: Sihlalo, malungu abekekileyo ePalamente, iindwendwe ezibekekileyo, kunye nabemi boMzantsi Afrika uphela, xa sisithi ngalo nyaka we-2007 sivuyisana nomhla wesi-8 kaMatshi singuMzantsi Afrika, sisithi uMzantsi Afrika uyabalwa nawo kumazwe athe anyusa izinga loomama kurhulumente wabo sithi siyabulela koomama beli abalwela inkululeko kwanakuMongameli weli.
Xa ndingqina ndithetha ukuba uMzantsi Afrika walungiselela amakhosikazi nakuMgaqosiseko wawo ngokumisela iziko esithi yi-sithi Commission on Gender Equality, CGE. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[Mrs P TSHWETE: Chairperson, hon members, hon guests and South African citizens, as we celebrate the day of 8 March 2007, we want to express our sincere gratitude to the women of this country who fought for liberation, as well as to the President. Today South Africa is counted amongst the countries that have raised women representation in their government.
Furthermore, South Africa provided for women even in its Constitution. They established what is known as the Commission on Gender Equality, CGE.]
The CGE is one of our constitutional institutions that was established under Chapter 9 of the Constitution to maintain and promote democracy through gender equality.
One of the most important tasks of our democratic government was to repeal old laws and policies that discriminated against women. The new laws and policies give women the rights that they were previously denied.
In South Africa, more than half of the population is female. We are still undergoing a process of gender transformation within our country and globally. Women are still under-represented in other spheres of government, especially, in important positions of power.
It is the duty of Parliament, government and civil service to acknowledge the role of women and ensure that their voices are heard in the democratic South Africa.
The Commission on Gender Equality’s mandate, among others, is to monitor and evaluate policies and practices of state agencies, public bodies and the private sector in order to promote gender equality and the rights of women.
CGE not only designs legislated society, which equally balances the needs of both women and men of democratic South Africa, but it analyses priorities set by government to impact positively on gender issues as it has done in partnership with the Office on the Status of Women.
CGE has much broader tasks practically to encourage both men and women to speak out and demand a stop to the violence they experience daily.
Sisenenxaxheba ekufuneka siyithathile ke boomama le yokufundisa ootata ukuba nabo bathethe, bathethe xa bedlwengulwa, beze ngaphambili. Mayingasoloko ingomama abaza ngaphambili xa bedlwengulwa. Sinenxaxheba ekufuneka siyithathile, ngoba ubukhulu becala ngoomama abatshoyo ukuba baphatheka kakubi. Amadokethi amapolisa akhoyo phaya ezikhululweni ndiqinisekile ukuba ngawoomama, alikho idokethi likatata elithi, ‘Mna ndiyabethwa ngumfazi wam yonke le mihla.’ Ngoko ke siyanqwena ukuba ootata beze ngaphambili, ukuze nabo sibancede kwezi nkathazo bakuzo. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[We still have a role to play as women to educate men about sexual abuse. Those men who have fallen victim to this must come forward and speak out. It should not only be women who report it when they are abused. I can assure you that most police dockets have the rape cases of women rather than men. Men do not go to court to report abuse. You will never find a police docket in which a male complainant wrote: “My wife beats me up daily.” Therefore, we wish to make an earnest appeal to men, that they must come forward to get help.]
The “alpha male’’ mindset is still dominant among culturally diverse South Africans. This is what further complicates the transition to gender equality.
Our practical participation should be to encourage the CGE on their mandate and deepen the “how to” discussions on gender issues through studies and asserted research so that we can stop these brutal killings of womenfolk and attacks on children.
Members of Parliament can be utilised as a link between the CGE and constituencies where the MPs in both the NA and NCOP can be empowered in areas of gender equality so that they can take the influence down to their constituencies. For instance, to participate in implementing legislative measures that would keep out of our beloved country the damaging exposure of media materials that stimulates inappropriate sexual awareness. We have to deepen our participation and invite CGE to encourage survival-friendly environments in law facilities, communities and families.
So, when sexually violated survivors are interviewed and not interrogated, we, as the ANC, welcome the idea that CGE can be invited to workshop the committees so that they may encourage awareness in decreasing the “silent father” syndrome that I’ve been talking about.
“I-silent father syndrome” le bendithetha ngayo yokuba ootata abathethi … [The “silent father” syndrome I spoke about, that men do not speak out …]
… and both parents being active participants in child rearing.
In 1994, we were honoured with the Constitution that even respects and promotes a nonsexist environment of democracy and equality. The battle of addressing gender imbalances became manageable through the role played by Chapter 9 institutions. Kula maqhawe sithi, nangamso! [To those heroes we say: Well done!] As South Africans, we can never say that we have achieved democracy. It is not enough without equality for both men and women.
Ngubani owayesazi ukuba ngonyaka wowe-1956 xa oomama baphuma iphulo beyokukhalazela amalungelo abo kabuhlungu phambi koStrydom kwi-Union Buildings ukuba namhlanje siza sisitya iziqhamo zemizamo yabo, sihleli eziPalamente nathi singoomama?
Xa ndigqibezela ndithi, ndiyabulela kwabo mama abathatha inxaxheba. Sithi kaloku ne-Comission on Gender Equality kufuneka siyiqinise, sibonakalise ukuba nathi siyabaxhasa kwimizamo yabo abayenzayo kumaphondo ethu. Sithi ke, Phambili ngomhla wesi-8 kuMatshi oyi- International Women’s Day! Ndiyabulela. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)
[No one ever thought that when women vigorously faced Strydom and others at the Union Buildings in 1956, that it would bear the fruit we are enjoying today. Today, we women, are in Parliament.
In conclusion, I would like to thank those women who took part in the struggle. We therefore, need to put our weight behind the Commission on Gender Equality and support their hard work they are doing in our provinces. We say forward with the 8th of March, International Women’s Day! I thank you. [Applause.]]
Mr L M GREEN: Chairperson, the FD is aware that South Africa has a proud history of the role of women in political activism. In justification of the efforts and astute political tradition, South Africa is ranged 13th in the world, with 32% of women holding positions in Parliament.
However, women’s representation is not only about numbers; it is also about driving policy issues that impact on the total wellness of women in our society. Women parliamentarians ought to drive the processes that will advance gender influence in the political arena.
Men have a supportive role to play to give women their rightful place in society as equal partners serving complementary functions for the benefit of the family and society at large.
The FD believes that women’s presence should be felt in all spheres of government. Most women are naturally peace loving, and we therefore want to see more women taking leading roles in decisions affecting defence and world peace.
Women’s perspectives are what is needed in our hostile world. However, to be effective, women ought also to show leadership when they are in positions of power, especially in the perspectives of an inappropriately male dominated world.
We have women in powerful positions in Parliament, yet there is very little example of how women have shaped parliamentary processes, specifically for their needs, for example. Where there is legislation affecting women, certain parliamentary processes could be set in place whereby the passage of legislation goes through, for example, a women’s ad hoc committee to assess its impact on women in society. And the women’s caucus can play a leading role in this regard.
In conclusion, if all women in this House would form a political movement, they would represent 32% of the members in this House. They would become the official opposition overnight. We men, we would be in serious trouble. I thank you.
Ms F HAJAIG: Chairperson, comrades and colleagues, I should begin by quoting Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations. He noted that: African women had always been a force for peace and development. Africa was now showing an economic growth and a renewed sense of hope and determination as well as an increased respect for Human Rights. However, violence and conflicts were still rampant and women were more affected by both.
He further emphasised that, at international level, global conferences had provided a new purpose to the course of women. The countries that had ratified conventions with reservation were doing so against the tide of history. He emphasised women’s rights as Human Rights, which should include qualitative education, health care, economic rights, freedom from violence and participation and decision-making. Without recognition of women’s rights as Human Rights and as a cross-cutting issue, the development process would falter. He urged the African countries to respect and protect women’s rights. Gender equality was a goal in itself and a precondition for poverty eradication, sustainable development and good governance.
After the Cairo and Beijing Conferences a number of UN agencies began to engage women in a more constructive manner. In situations of armed conflict women were doubly exposed. They were targeted at home and in camps due to the unequal power relations. With regard to the use of rape – a military strategy - the UN Refugee Commission had adopted three strategies, namely prevention, protection and solution of the problem. Refugee women were like any other women but had particular immediate needs. The UNHR planned to continue to support post-conflict initiatives for returnees and assist in the reconstruction and reconciliation process.
UNICEF noted that true gender partnership needed to take into account the feminisation of poverty and that women needed space for participation in the economy. Women needed to be aware of globalisation and that process should also be accountable to communities and not only to capital markets. In this respect, women should participate in the development of trade policies and have a voice in macro-policy development. The use of ITC should be encouraged.
UNICEF also addressed issues of violence against women. It said that the empowerment of girls was in principle enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child and Cedaw, not forgetting the, Vienna Convention of
- Girls’ education was at the heart of the matter. There were 140 ongoing education projects in Africa sponsored by Unesco, the World Bank and a UN system-wide special initiative in 15 countries, particularly in the Horn of Africa, in the Sahel, Kenya and Uganda.
The UNDP informed that among the challenges that constrain women’s participation in development were lack of resources to enhance women’s productivity and the exclusion of women from economic management and decision-making. UNDP programmes will include mainstreaming gender and capacity-building training. These human development reports will be given to respective governments where they will have an opportunity to analyse the situation of women. The reports can give women a platform on which they can lobby for change.
Unesco said that peace-building is much cheaper than peacekeeping. Unesco had a project in place to develop education for women on traditional peacekeeping strategies. In collaboration with the UNDP and FAWE, Unesco is training women trainers to support peace initiatives.
Although African women have made significant progress in the two past decades, the process is not easy. Women contend with cultural factors, belief systems that often impose limitations on what a woman can aspire to, irrespective of whatever talents and capacity she may be endowed with.
The African Union took a major step by promoting gender parity in its top decision-making positions. In 2003, five males and five women were elected as AU Commissioners. The following, Ms Gertrude Mongella was chosen to lead the African Union’s Pan-African Parliament, where women make up 25% of the parliamentarians. Madam Savane leads the APRM which oversees standards for good governance.
On 25 November 2005, at last, the protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights relating to women’s rights came into effect. The protocol, beyond recognising women’s rights, addresses the fundamental issues pertinent to the lives of women in Africa. The protocol, through its provisions, allows scope for addressing crucial issues such as multisided violations of rights in marriage violence; and attacks to life, physical and moral integrity to women and girls’ security.
The coming into effect of the protocol provides an irreplaceable legal framework to put an end to violations of which women and children, particularly girls, are victims in periods of conflict as civilians, refugees or soldiers and to take up the challenges of peace in Africa and indispensable condition for development.
The coming into effect of this protocol will enhance the credibility of the African Union’s re-equitable representation of women in the AU Commission and equitable representation of judges at the African Court of Justice and the African Court on Human and People’s Rights.
A special advisor on gender issues at the United Nations states that because the continent is diverse, the problems are complex. Therefore, in global debates, the problems in Africa should not be made simplistic or be reduced to a single denomination - for example, girls do not only need access to education but must also be protected from violence and harmful practices.
While there is a need to continue with basic strategies to lift women out of poverty and to halt HIV and Aids, there are also important, second and third generation strategies to put in place. These include ensuring that global trade agreements, new information and communication technologies provide immediate benefits to women. Empowerment of women should not be confined to a narrow range of factors within countries but should also ensure equal participation of women in fast moving global processes.
Women throughout Asia confront systematic discrimination and abuse, often with little hope of any redress. From deeply entrenched social norms that subordinate women to pervasive and horrific acts of violence, women’s rights violations remain one of the most enduring and grave human rights crises in the region. Recent decades have witnessed the proliferation of women’s rights groups and activism in many countries, new legal reforms, strides in education and public participation.
Despite these hard-won changes, hundreds of millions of women in Asia still struggle on a daily basis. Among the major human rights violations against women in the region are exploitation and abuse of women workers; high rates of gender-based violence; discrimination in education, health care and property rights; and barriers to women’s free movement and participation in the public sphere.
I’m going to skip a few things. I just want to outline something which I think all of us ought to know. I think one of the members did make some reference to it. As you know, Rwanda’s Parliament leads in the participation of female representation. It’s interesting that the five permanent members of the UN Security Council are not included among the top 20 countries as far as women’s representation in Parliament is concerned. China is ranked number 48, the United Kingdom number 50 and the United States of America number 69. In Afghanistan, and, as you know, it is a very poor country, there are 27% of women in Parliament and Iraq has 25%. France holds position number 85 with only 12% of women. Russia is ranked number 100 with only 9% of women. Currently, there are 11 women heads of state out of 193 countries.
Women represent over half the world’s population or should I say more than half of humankind. Let us rededicate ourselves today to level the playing fields and let women have their rightful place for a better home, a better country and a better world. Thank you.
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Chairperson, on International Women’s Day I want to give credit to the ANC for their leadership in the field of women’s rights. But all, well those of us who are here in this House, deserve a pat on the back for embracing these values and contributing to South Africa becoming internationally reckoned as a frontrunner in the field of gender parity.
Pre-1994 South Africa was virtually unaware of the tremendous drive for the equality for women, along with equality and human rights for all which was bubbling up throughout the world. Compare us to Mongolia, a country that had already ratified three important international conventions on rights and equality for women in the 1960s. Somewhat unreconstructed chauvinists still survive here and they should be consigned to a dustbin, but I have sympathy for those parliamentarians who have a slightly puzzled response to the language used to keep gender in the mainstream of political thinking and also for the difficulties it presents to the language service.
Byvoorbeeld, indien ek hierdie debat in Afrikaans gevoer het, sou ek gepraat het oor “geslag in die hoofstroom van die Parlement,” en dis nie wat ek sou bedoel het om te sê nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[For instance, if I were to conduct this debate in Afrikaans, I would have spoken about “gender in the mainstream of Parliament” and that would not have been what I had meant to say.]
But, to serious matters: Are we doing enough? Of course not. The periodic country report of government to the United Nations on our levels of compliance with Cedaw, the Convention on Elimination of Discrimination against Women, is not tabled in Parliament before submission to the United Nations.
According to the Minister in the Office of the President, hon Pahad, there is no need to do so. I don’t agree. It cannot be right that Parliament ratified Cedaw and is then sidelined in the report on our compliance.
Parliamentarians doing oversight work must keep the issue of gender- mainstreaming foremost in their business. This is all the more self-evident if we recognise poverty-mainstreaming as the flip side of gender- mainstreaming. If we don’t succeed with the one, we will fail with the other. Gender-mainstreaming is not only best practise for women, but for Parliament as an institution and for the people as a whole.
The World Bank makes a clear business case for mainstreaming gender for the simple reason that the development of women is the most cost-effective way of spending development funds. From Andorra to Australia and Zambia and from St Kitts and Nevis to Kazakhstan, gender-mainstreaming is occurring in some form or another.
In Nigeria’s House Committee on Women’s Affairs the membership is 20 men and 20 women; in Lebanon, 8 men and 4 women; in Japan’s Committee on Health, Labour and Welfare there are 39 men and 6 women, but in India it is 5 men and 25 women. Our own JMC, help me if I am wrong, has 3 male members and, I think, 13 women. [Laughter.]
Kuwait has a committee on Women’s Affairs. Since there is only one gender present in the National Assembly, I give you no prizes for guessing what the membership is. So we can safely assume that to have a committee devoted to gender issues is not a foolproof method for ensuring success. Swedish studies confirm that the gender perspective is often forgotten when a large number of proposals are considered before parliament and gender equality is weighed against other priority areas. If Minister Manuel was here, I would have asked him what has happened to our much-vaunted gender- budgeting. Pfft, weg! [Phfft, gone!]
SADC also reported that regardless of the head of state affirming the need for women in decision-making, cultural barriers present major challenges to women in gaining access to positions of power. And in this Parliament, specifically, almost daily, and internationally as regularly, I see how culture is used to excuse indefensible positions and to justify discrimination against women and we mustn’t fall into that trap once again.
With an average of 150 rapes per day in South Africa reported, with the alarming increase in teen pregnancies, with the burden of Aids falling squarely on women, with the unemployment rate of African women at 37%, gender considerations cannot be left out of any sphere of parliamentary operation for any reason.
The World Health Organisation puts it this way:
Gender is not something that can be consigned to watchdogs in a single office, since no single office could possibly involve itself in all phases of each of parliament’s activities. I cannot say it any better. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr H P CHAUKE: Chairperson, on a point of order: In the past 12 years, this has been the first time we heard a wonderful speech from a DA member. I therefore want to propose that she becomes the leader of the DA. Thank you. [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr G Q M Doidge): Unfortunately we can’t endorse any such decision here, Mr Chauke, but I am sure Mrs Botha will consult with you outside the House.
Nkskz R A NDZANGA: Mgcinisihlalo, ndibulela eli thuba undinike lona lokuba mandize kuthetha apha. Ndimamele intetho kamama onguSekela Sihlalo namhlanje, kwaye uyandothusa, ngoba bona emakhayeni abo umntu omnyama wasethyini ebengumntu obahlambela iimpahla, abaphekele nokutya. Babengakhathali nokuba loo mntu unabo na abantwana. Babengambuzi nokuba baphekelwa ngubani bona. Namhlanje bafunde isifundo apha kuKhongolozi. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraph follows.)
[Mrs R A NDZANGA: Chairperson, I would like to thank you for affording me the opportunity to come and have a word here. The speech of the Deputy Chairperson really surprises me because black African women used to wash their clothes and prepare their food. They were not interested in knowing whether that person had children nor did they bother to ask any questions about who made food for her children. Today they have learned a lesson from the ANC.]
Chairperson, thanks for affording me the opportunity to take part in this debate. The issue of global warming is a world concern, the concern being that reduced rainfall will lead to a decrease in maize production and that grazing for livestock would also be reduced.
Global warming effects are being felt in hot areas where adult plants survive the heat as old plants have water storage capacities and younger plants die because they cannot hold water. The general opinion is that some parts of the world are becoming hot and dry and the question is what effect global warming will have on the future of poor farming communities who farm in dry hot areas in our country.
Climate change and global warming are issues linked to all the citizens of the world. While global warming increases temperatures, damage to crops is expected, especially in hot rural areas. Wildfires occur regularly resulting in the death of animals, both wild and domestic. Shortages of drinking water for both domestic animals and human beings are experienced. There are always shortages of food and medicine in hot rural areas.
Sources of energy are sought and as a result women, the people who suffer most, cut wood in forests due to a lack of another means of energy to prepare whatever meals they can find for their families as well as to keep their families warm during severe, cold winters. Energy and clean drinking water is still a problem in our poor rural areas. Young mothers suffer most as they have to take care of their infants both during summer and severe, cold winters; the babies have to be kept clean and well-fed.
We could start by acknowledging the amount of work that is being done by the SA Weather Service on global climate change, which is a great environmental change facing our country in this century. We are thankful to the SA Weather Service for helping to safeguard lives, to safeguard the environment and we hope that their services will in future be extended to our deep rural areas as well. The indigenous methods of detecting weather disasters have passed on with the elders of our communities.
I would also like to thank Parliament for always celebrating March 8, International Women’s Day, to remind the women of the world that women in our rural areas celebrate with all other women. Our democratic government under the ANC has done a lot to provide water and electricity in our rural areas. Our rural areas are vast. We still have areas that are in need of clean energy and clean drinking water.
Climate change is always associated with tornados, with floods, with heat waves and spells of severe cold. The SA Weather Service uses some of the most sophisticated types of technology to serve our country, and is of great assistance to our country’s disaster management authorities.
Our South African weather personnel participate in international conferences and groups focusing on climate change. The SA Weather Service has representatives in international working groups and intergovernmental panels on climate change.
The priority of our SA Weather Service is saving lives through effective and timely warnings. I wish to thank you very much for this opportunity. Malibongwe! [Let it be praised!] [Applause.]
HON MEMBERS: Igama lamakhosikazi! [The name of women!]
Mrs R A NDZANGA: A pula e ne! [Let it rain!]
An HON MEMBER: Yebo Mama! [Yes, Madam!]
DEBATE ON PROMOTING DIVERSITY AND EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL THROUGH UNIVERSAL DEMOCRATIC AND ELECTORAL STANDARDS
Mr S L TSENOLI: Chairperson, the formation of the ANC was an affirmation by Africans, in Southern Africa, that they are better off working together politically in their diversity to seek remedies for the concerns they had as individual types. Its formation was a positive reaction to a universally growing spirit of the right of people to self-determination.
Through struggle the movement learnt to appreciate more the value of unity and increased its campaign to fight exclusion, fragmentation and always looked forward to working with others to pursue common objectives. The promotion of diversity and equality was as much an internal imperative as it was an external reason for its existence. Systematically the ANC campaigned to win over people to its objectives for a common South Africanness that the majority were denied.
The rejection of colonialism and apartheid was a rejection of an imposition of alien rule and its immoral inhumanity and exploitation that stood in dramatic opposition and contrast to our people’s philosophy of “botho” or ``ubuntu’’ [humanity].
In addition, and following decades of struggle, the ANC grew to appreciate even more the value of inclusiveness and, through a deeply democratic process, collected demands from people across the country that ended being quoted in the Freedom Charter.
As many members now know, the Freedom Charter, following its adoption by the ANC in 1956, became its basic political statement. It became the beacon that pointed its members and allies, including the people of South Africa as a whole, towards the kind of society that it stood for.
The key statement that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, was a clarion call to reject fragmentation on racial grounds or any other grounds. The equality before the law clause of the Freedom Charter was self-explanatory.
The problematic and one of the practical steps that the apartheid system insisted on was the removal of blacks and others representing them from the problematic voters’ roll that existed then, pushing for a separate arrangement only on the basis of racial and/or tribal affiliation. People saw through these sham electoral schemes, and rejected them as meaningless.
The 1994 breakthrough signalled a profound change from the past. The majority of South Africans emphatically endorsed a democratic dispensation that provided a democratic a universal right for anyone above 18 years to vote and/or stand to be voted for, irrespective of race, colour or creed.
Respect for diversity is not just our historical practice in the ANC, but it is now a value in our supreme law of the land, the Constitution, which unites all South Africans. So is equality such a value as well, even as we continue to strive for the realisation of that provision in practice in every sphere of life. Elections and electoral processes are only part of a broader dispensation that is required to entrench the values of respect for diversity and equal rights for all. The huge campaign to eradicate poverty in our country is critical to making such equality meaningful.
Poverty and its many negative manifestations, including crime and corruption, can effectively render aspects of our Constitution meaningless. It is not an accident that our Constitution contains both social and economic rights. It is precisely because of the value of this that they are inseparable, and that we insist on their full implementation.
By concerted efforts across the boundaries, we have to recognise the importance of poverty eradication to making democracy and elections meaningful. The work that is now underway in South Africa and elsewhere is crucial. The Interparliamentary Union, where these debates will be taken up further, has to concretise a programme of work to identify and remove those factors that affect the poorest, most marginalised, from full benefits of democracy and elections.
South Africa, in 2004, during the 10th anniversary of our freedom, joined Idea, an intergovernmental Institute for Democracy Through Electoral Assistance. This body does its work by sharing knowledge, resources and providing assistance when called to do so by government. Its website and links are rich repositories of useful material to compare and contrast our work, so go and learn from that.
Idea, as an institution, provides newsletters, various forms of information and holds conferences, and in so doing, brings nearer and closer to people the kind of information that will make the quality of their lives improve. This body has relations with several United Nations organisations and agencies – with the International Union of Local Authorities, International Union of Journalists, International Commission of Jurists and others that advance its cause.
In so doing, South Africa, by being part of this body and as part of a collective international effort, is spreading the values of respect for diversity, equal rights for the entrenchment of democracy and proper electoral standards. The elections that we have had in our country since independence are a forceful example, a modelling of what we wish others to emulate. The accolades that South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission has received for the work it does, both inside the country and outside, is a good example of what we want to see in the rest of the continent and globally.
That excellent work is complemented by similar accolades that the President received for the hands-on support he lends to countries in difficult conflict situations that are clearly struggling with issues of diversity, of democracy and electoral concerns. The time, energy and resources he expends in those efforts will contribute enormously to our own peace, development and prosperity.
To put it like Nkrumah did when talking about Ghana’s independence, South Africa’s independence, prosperity and its development will be unsustainable without the neighbours themselves on the continent also developing and moving significantly to stop debilitating conflict, and embrace emerging and strong democratic impulses that exist in those countries.
It is on this note of collective solidarity that the principles of respect for diversity and equal rights for all will stand or fall. Our country is on the right track under the steadfast guidance by the oldest movement in Africa, the internationalist 95-year-old ANC. I thank you. [Applause.]
Mr M SWART: Madam Chair, diversity is a key feature of South Africa. We have 11 official languages. We form a cultural melting pot. We have various ethnic groups and we have different religions. We hold various beliefs - the list is endless and despite all these differences, we as South Africans have committed ourselves to being united in our diversity.
It is, however, disturbing to note that after almost 11 years since the lofty ideals regarding what we are and how we would like to be were enacted into law in order to hold the rainbow nation together, some South Africans feel that they are no longer treated equally. They feel some sense of alienation.
In this regard, I would like to refer extensively to the verbal exchange between Sunday Times Editor Mondi Makhanya, the designated executive officer of the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings and editor of Die Vrye Afrikaan and the Afrikaans edition of the Le Monde Diplomatique, Johan Roussouw. Writing in his column of 25 February entitled, “We must delve deeper into new wave of Afrikaner seize mentality”, Makhanya claims that there is a strong feeling of alienation within some sectors of the Afrikaner population and a sense that it is time to fight back against something.
He goes further and asks the following questions:
Did something recently happen that resulted in the reduction of the status of Afrikaners? Was there a pronouncement that said Afrikaners were henceforth to be regarded as lesser South Africans than others? Was there an edict that reduced their rights?
Makhanya fails to understand why some Afrikaners feel alienated because in his view:
The new South Africa has been good for Afrikaners; better than apartheid South Africa in many respects. Their language is no longer regarded as the language of the oppressor and is jealously protected by those who once took to the streets to reject it.
In both the public and private sectors, it enjoys a status far above that of the other official languages other than English. It is thriving in the print and electronic media and its literature is in bloom. In business Afrikaners have done well. Freed from the bondage of the civil service they have transformed themselves into great entrepreneurs. Afrikaner symbols still dominate our urban landscapes and Afrikaner sportsmen are everybody’s heroes nowadays. One could go on and on.
This is then what Makhanya said.
Responding to this, Roussouw makes the following observation in the Sunday Times, dated 4 March:
Firstly, avoid the myth that Afrikaners are still suffering from power loss syndrome. After all the young Afrikaners singing about De la Rey never knew state power. Secondly, avoid reducing Afrikaners to mere economic beings by claiming that since some have become successful entrepreneurs and often ugly materialists Afrikaners should be happy. Thirdly, avoid the myth that Afrikaans is doing well. Two-thirds of Afrikaans schools have disappeared or are being anglicized and Afrikaans universities are all in various stages of Anglicisation, except Stellenbosch. Afrikaans has practically disappeared from the civil service. The root cause of the alienation is the fact that the recognition between Afrikaners and Africans that served as the basis for 1994 have been severely eroded after the Mandela era. The important point is that the alienation is much more symbolic than material and there is no reason it can’t be dealt with speedily.
Roussouw‘s suggestions to ensure that Afrikaners do not feel unwelcome in the new South Africa and that their fears are allayed include, inter alia, the following:
By all means restore all African place names but not by erasing Afrikaans place names, for example Tshwane or Pretoria. Increase mother tongue education for all children instead of targeting Afrikaans schools in the name of access, often anglicising those schools and winning poor education in a second language for speakers in African languages.
More than anything else the exchange between Makhanya and Roussouw highlights two important lessons for South Africa. Firstly, the need to constantly engage one another so that we are able to have some form of mutual understanding.
Secondly, we have to guard against complacency. In a diverse country such as ours a ceaseless conversation is imperative; after all, South Africa’s democracy came through the use of words. In effect, the need to constantly negotiate our diversity resonates with this year’s parliamentary theme: “Let’s deepen the debate, South Africa”.
The theme should not just be an empty slogan; if anything, it requires a pragmatic and meaningful application. It should not be confided to the politicians; on the contrary, the misconceptions can only be dispelled if there is a candid and serious debate. People’s fears and concerns should not be taken at face value. That is one of the ways to preserve our diversity and practically demonstrate that indeed South Africa belongs to all who live in it.
Touted as one of the most democratic constitutions in the world, our Constitution makes provision for a multiparty democratic system of government to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness. In a nutshell, this is the fundamental role of an opposition party. It is regrettable that some of our colleagues from the ruling party view opposition parties as nothing more than bunch of people who are hellbent on attracting media attention and focusing on what, in their view, are trivial issues.
Contrary to what these sceptics believe, all that we say and do is driven by our unshaken commitment to the democratic values of this country. Perhaps more importantly, we have a constitutional right to express views which may not appeal to the ruling party.
This is made possible by our electoral system, the proportional representation or PR system as we know it. One of the measured advantages of the PR system is that political parties or candidates have the percentage of legislative seats that reflect their public support. Put differently, the PR system leads to more diverse representation and it accords with the diverse nature of South Africa.
To demonstrate that we uphold the values of our Constitution and to promote diversity and equal rights for all, we have to listen to all South Africans. We have to treat them equally. Let’s show them that they all count by taking their concerns seriously. Let’s meaningfully deepen the debate in South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]
Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: Chairperson, at the forthcoming meeting of the International Parliamentary Union at the end of next month in Indonesia, 147 parliaments from all over the globe will be discussing the very subject that we are discussing today, namely promoting diversity and equal rights for all through universal democratic and electoral standards. It is therefore incumbent on this House today to air its views on this subject so that our delegates could take an informed stance in Indonesia on behalf of this Parliament. That is what this debate is about.
Democracies across the world are increasingly being confronted by the realities; realities of accommodating cultural and ethnic diversity. The idea of one nation state with one homogenous population group is an idea that is dead and buried. Even the most traditional nation states of Europe such as Germany and France are being challenged by minority language and religious groups.
The greatest challenge faced by the EU is how to build a Europe-wide identity while at the same time recognising multiculturalism.
France, for instance, recently had some severe ethnic demonstrations and public violence. Belgium is battling to remain a single country with Flemish and French speakers moving in separate directions. The United Kingdom is gripped with fear that large parts of London and other cities have lost their British character.
Spain is feeling the weight of waves of illegal immigrants. Australia last year stood witness to public violence when Muslim and white youths embarked on open conflict. The USA is spending billions of dollars to keep immigrants from the south out of the country. The dream of democracy in Iraq is in tatters due to intercommunity conflict and hatred.
We have learned precious lessons from our international experiences such as that the protection of individual rights alone is not enough to ensure survival of cultural identities. Recognising cultural diversity is a strength and not a weakness. Winner-takes-all electoral methods and models are not equipped for ethnically diverse societies where voting is, in many instances, along group lines. Language, cultural and religious diversity is a reality; a reality that must be recognised in the legal framework and policy measures of states. Recognition of diversity does not imply discrimination against individuals on the basis of race or any other aspect.
The state has a duty to protect cultural diversity and to enable groups to maintain and develop their unique identity. Failure to accommodate diversity is arguably the greatest threat in young democracies. A range of constitutional and legal techniques as well as policy measures must be used to build national unity and recognise diversity. For example, provincial and local government must be resourced to serve local needs, the electoral system must accompany the diversity of views and opinions, the Bill of Rights must recognise that many individual rights only come to fruition within the context of community and governments at local, provincial and national level must be formed on coalitions to give minorities a voice in the executive.
We have to be careful not to be held captive by an outdated, old-fashioned approach to cultural diversity. Majority dominance is not a guarantee for democratic stability and those that believe so are ignoring the lessons of history. Democratic stability is ensured by giving all a space in the sun: By allowing children to speak their mother tongue, to be taught in the language of their mothers, to learn and practice the traditions of their ancestors, to hear their cultural music on public broadcasters, to see their leaders in government and to take decision over things that matter to them - that is democratic government for a new millennium which we are taking to Indonesia. Thank you. [Applause.]
Ms N C NKABINDE: Madam Chair and hon members, the objective of promoting diversity and equal rights for all is best served by democratic norms. This is why democracy is the pre-eminent political system in the world today, because it best succeeds in promoting diversity and equal rights. In its simplest definition, democracy is about allowing everybody the opportunity to participate and to be heard and for the majority of the citizens to govern through their elected representatives.
Promoting diversity is a continuous task. We must constantly guard against the tendency to suppress dissenting views and diversity. Recently, the SABC went through the public embarrassment of the blacklist saga and has subsequently lost a number of quality media workers. This is a current example of the erosion of diversity and of the suppression of dissenting views.
Political intolerance remains in our midst. This morning we were shocked by the news that a new UDM member in Cape Town, formerly from the ANC, was shot dead. If this was a politically motivated attack, we must be concerned about the willingness of some among us to protect and promote diversity and equal rights for all. I thank you, Madam Chairperson. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Ms N R MOKOTO: Madam Chairperson, hon members, people everywhere want to be free to determine their destinies, express their views and participate in the decisions that shape their lives. Just as crucial for human development as being able to broaden one’s choices is to enjoy good health and being able to read.
In the 1980s and 1990s, a dramatic turn of events swept across the world bringing into life new political systems and extensions of political freedoms.
The UNDP Development Report of 2002 hinted that at the time about 81 countries took significant steps towards democracy and at the same time in 2002, more than ever before, close to 140 of the world’s nearly 200 countries held their regular multiparty elections.
It has been pointed out that even where democratic institutions are firmly established, citizens often feel powerless to influence national policies. Many people have traditionally occupied disadvantaged positions in society, including women, youth and the disabled and they have entered into dialogue with politicians at local and national levels to promote and press for greater recognition of their concerns, as the instruments of parliamentary democracy are not sufficient to answer their needs.
Women and youth struggles seem to be under-valued and their attempts to form part of or even influence outcomes are neglected if not viewed as sectoral and transitional matters, hence not so significant. This is exacerbated by the fact that they do not have access to diverse platforms to raise their own perspectives.
In the 1999 Gallup International’s Millennium Survey recorded responses from more than 50 000 people in 60 countries on whether their countries were governed by the will of the people less than a third of the respondents said yes and only one in ten said their government responded well to the will of the people.
As the ANC, we believe that in any democracy we have to acknowledge that effective public participation depends not only on dedicated institutions and procedures, but also relies on the creation of a broader environment in which general rights can be exercised and the empowerment of the marginalised groups are pursued.
We have to understand that the promotion of democracy does not only start and end with the successful holding of elections and people voting in large numbers every five years, but it is all about ensuring massive participation of the diverse range of people in the democratisation process right from the beginning of policy formulation through to the implementation of and finally at the evaluation stages of those policies.
While in many older democracies, public participation and other democratic involvement of the citizenry is the result of an evolution of political system, in South Africa the concept was enshrined in the Constitution itself right from the onset. The Bill of Rights, which is well-constituted and with various supporting legislations and policy mechanisms employed by government, provides for solid testimony to this practice.
The right to petition government generally is recognised in section 17 of the Constitution. Petitions allow individuals or groups to raise issues in a formal way without having to go through a particular member of the legislature. They are useful mechanisms for unorganised sectors of society to come together to raise particular issues for consideration by the legislative authority.
In South Africa, where language and illiteracy or poor educational background and lack of confidence and material resources stand in the way of participation in political processes, administrative assistance has served as a crucial way of ensuring that petitioners are assisted through the intricacies of the petition process.
There are a number of ways in which members of the public or constituencies can use their MPs to approach the legislature, including asking for motions and statements to be put in the House and raising issues for consideration.
Another area of interest relates to the right of the public to contribute to and participate in the implementation of laws and regulations. Internationally, environmental legislation has led in this respect, probably because environmental lobbyists challenged the prevailing power of established sectors and tend to be driven from the grassroots. The environmental lobby groups that came to fore in the 1960s and 1970s operated outside the fringes of the political order.
Ideally, these democratic practices provided means whereby public comment and experience with regard to existing legislation, regulations and processes may be entertained and revisited. Thank you, Madam Chairperson. [Applause.]
Mr A HARDING: Madam Chair, the ID continue to believe that we must adopt the recommendations of the Van Zyl Slabbert report, because we believe that it will deliver to us a system in which MPs are more responsive to the people who vote for them and thereafter their political bosses.
To this effect, the ID has, since 14 August 2006, asked the Minister of Home Affairs twice to report to this House with regard to the process. In August 2006, the Minister promised, and I quote: “The current government will take the responsibility to ensure that public engagement takes place in preparation of the 2009 elections.” She went on to say, and I quote: “I will then, as the line Minister, present it to Cabinet for further consideration and will certainly report back to Parliament.”
In following up on the original question of the hon De Lille, I asked the Minister about a timeframe for this report-back and she replied: “Soon!” Yesterday we again asked the same question and seven months later we are impatiently waiting for an answer.
Consequently, we believe that it is of little use for this House to debate lofty IPU topics against a background of such blatant disregard, and in one minute on top of it all. I thank you, Madam Chair. [Time expired.]
Mr S N SWART: Chairperson, in the one minute that I have I want to take you back to the deadlocks that we had when we were negotiating the new South Africa. A crucial one was related to the new Constitution and the fact that there was a rigidly controlled minority regime and a majority that was resisting that.
The question arose: why were the negotiators not elected? There is also the whole idea of bringing these two diverse positions together. Let us not forget that the impasse was resolved by compromise with the newly-elected national legislature then doubling then as a constitution-making body; and that is the issue that we are discussing today - how to promote diversity and equal rights for all three universal democratic and electoral standards.
We were able to do that and we should never forget it; that we were able to bridge that historical divide that threatened to engulf our country and that we were able to unite in our diversity. So, we fully support this motion and the urgent need to promote diversity and equal rights and we trust that these views will be passed on to the Inter- Parliamentary Union debate. Thank you very much.
Mrs B M NTULI: Deputy Chairperson, Deputy Minister, colleagues and friends, for promoting diversity and equal rights for all through universal democratic and electoral standards there are several democratic models in the world. After the removal of apartheid South Africa was based on a constitutional democracy with a Bill of Rights playing a central role in shaping the values adopted by the country.
Elections cannot be regarded as the main or the only base of a working democracy. As a result it was imperative that the country considered adopting a Constitution that would act as another tier of ensuring democracy.
The country’s citizens had to agree to this Constitution. We also needed to become involved in peace-building efforts beyond our borders to make sure that democratic values are adopted as widely as possible.
Diversity, equality and inclusivity are dynamic concepts. They recognise that no society is composed of people of the same kind and are uniform. They are not homogeneous. Diversity cuts across cultural, social, linguistic and economic features of society, just as we have 11 official languages in South Africa.
Governments are required to promote diversity through legal and constitutional institutions and make sure that there is inclusivity. The state must make sure that it does not create divisions in the country and promote human rights, democracy and equality that cut across the diverse groups in society to ensure unity and peace.
Equality and diversity are key elements of democracy and can be promoted through universal democratic election standards that allow for the promotion of effective ways of combating violence and crime against humanity. The Human Rights Charter calls on all countries to embrace human rights, equality and ensure that democracy is internationalised and not only localised. Protection and promotion of democracy, diversity and equality is vital.
Throughout the ages people have tried to make sense of their reality and the society they live in and have tried to understand the meaning of life, social relations, spiritual entities, moral and ethical framework of law and of how society should be organised. This in turn impacted on how society manages its social relations.
Once we claim a universal value for a democracy, it follows that there must be mutual benefits from sharing the experiences of common problems and workable solutions across different countries and traditions, assuming that all are transiting towards the same goal. Of course, there will be objections to fitting all countries with divergent political cultures and traditions into the same straitjacket.
There are many types of democracy in the world that countries practise. We have participatory democracy, single-party democracy, Marxist democracy, liberal democracy, constitutional democracy and many more. Democracy without freedom is a contradiction. Individuals must be guaranteed a set of rights in a constitutionally protected Bill of Rights.
We need to make sure that our democracy involves values, effectiveness and accountability in the delivery of electoral programmes between equality and accountability in an electoral system. All rights are entailed in equality and all rights in principle should guarantee equality. In all human rights policies there is a strong antidiscrimination clause.
Secondly, it is increasingly insisted on human rights circles that civil rights and political rights should not be separated from economic and social rights. The rights belong to individuals. The duty to protect the rights resides with the states which are signatories to the relevant international conventions.
States must be effective in protecting the rights to the extent that communities themselves are prepared to acknowledge the rights of others. This means respect for the rights of others even if they differ from yours and readiness to accept the results when others win in a fair competition for votes. The laws must command our deep respect for public affairs and we must keep the law.
It is the parliament’s role to act as a voice for the voiceless and to protect vulnerable persons against the emerging dictatorship of international capitalism, which creates poverty. Parliamentarians have to encourage dialogue, the pursuit of truth and common good, listening, forgiveness and reconciliation. Institutions that help to build democracy like the Independent Electoral Commission have to be developed, maintained and protected.
Finally, countries need to become involved in peace-building efforts beyond their borders to ensure that democratic values are adopted as widely as possible. There are key international codes and standards relating to democracy, diversity and equality rectified by South Africa. These codes include the following: the Charter of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Convention on Civil and Political rights, Forced Labour Convention on Political Rights of Women, Convention on the Rights of the Child, International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination and many more. If I had time I would list them all.
The Bill of Rights constitutes the cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all South Africans and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom. It binds all organs of state in one. Everyone is equal before the law.
In terms of the language and cultural rights enshrined in the Constitution everyone has the right to use the language and to participate in the cultural life of their choice. Section 31(1) provides that persons belonging to cultural, religious, and linguistic communities may not be denied the right to enjoy their culture, practise their religion and use their language. Within the context of the progressive human rights-oriented Constitution, South Africa’s social transformation is grounded in a legislative framework that is supportive of facilitating a positive social change. While diversity and equality can survive under different political systems, it is under democracy that they are guaranteed.
Phambili-ke ngentando yeningi. [Forward with democracy.] Discriminatory laws and practices should be a thing of the past … … izinto ezasala nobandlululo. [… things that were buried with apartheid.]
Countries have individually and collectively recognised that equality and diversity are a requisite for political stability, predictability, political legitimacy and allow for efficient allocation of scarce resources. It is also important for international institutions like the Inter-Parliamentary Union to begin dialogue across the globe on the different interpretations of human rights, democracy and liberty.
Asihlalisane ngokuhloniphana sibe munye kule lizwe esilinikwe uNkulunkulu wethu ukuze izwe lethu libe nokuthula nenqubekela-phambili. Ngiyabonga. [Let us live together and respect one another. Let us unite in the country that our God gave us, so that there can be peace and prosperity in our country. Thank you.]
Mr E N N NGCOBO: Hon Madam Chair, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, you who are here, hon members, the flowers of our nation, the sons of the soil, people of integrity, let me remind you in this House about where we come from as a new nation. Perhaps no country in the world has ever changed as dramatically as South Africa, with a clash of cultures, interlinked but powerfully divergent struggles to find a common voice in the globalised world.
Well, contrast is nothing new in South Africa. For centuries various people fleeing national conflicts, natural disasters, starvation, continental wars, etc, came to settle in this country of ours in search of a better life. Although isolated by extremes of apartheid policies and removed from the dynamic world of change, the inhabitants of this beautiful country never managed to assimilate, but have instead remained apart in language, culture and appearance.
No doubt this country represents a microcosm of global differences in its own right. But within these diverse communities there is also a vibrant contrast of artistic expression clearly visible in the cultural field of music, where kwaito hits thrive side by side with classical, ballet and Wagner’s Ring.
The county’s diversity reaches its fullest expression in nature as its glistening beaches embrace magnificent landscapes, such as Cape Town’s Table Mountain; needless to talk of aquariums, snake parks, etc. Indeed, at this juncture it seems appropriate to call our country a land of sun and fun, another shape of Good Hope for our rainbow nation, if not the prize and pride of Africa as a whole.
The biggest challenge in any democratic society founded on freedom, human rights and equality has been the promotion of equality and maintenance of diversity. Likewise, in the case of our society, the rainbow nation that I have just described as the prize and pride of Africa can only be sustainable if all the people of South Africa are united their diversity in accordance with their desires and aspirations as outlined in the Freedom Charter adopted in 1955 in Kliptown’s people’s historic congress.
In a document known as “Ready to Govern”, the ANC states that a central place in the Constitution would be occupied by the Bill of Rights, at the heart of which lies the notion of fundamental equality of all people irrespective of race, colour or creed.
Centralisation of equality by the ANC was a response to our brutal past which, as many of us know, was characterised by gross and immoral unequal treatment of human beings on the basis of race and gender. The Reconstruction and Development Programme document of the ANC-led government further committed the government to eliminating or eradicating racism, gender, inequality and all other forms of inequality wherever they manifest themselves in our society.
It is therefore the duty of our Parliament, as a public representative institution, to improve the performance of government by ensuring that the notion of the above-mentioned documents is monitored and upheld.
Parliament has to uphold the service standards of our government. It must ensure a continuous channel of communication and consultation with our masses. Parliament must bring government closer to the masses through instruments like izimbizo; it must build an atmosphere of safety in our communities and it must also build a better Africa and the world.
From the latter statement, thus, there are many reasons for promoting participation of democratic Parliament in multilateral inter-parliamentary forums and bilateral relations with other Parliaments. These forums create opportunities for our Parliament to actively participate in building a global society founded on democracy, equality, justice, peace and prosperity.
But furthermore, our participation in such forums as the International Parliamentary Union ensures some degree of external progressive influence into otherwise internal, aggressive decision-makers who believe in unilateralism in solving international problems and conflicts, thus resulting in the genocide of innocent lives and the instability of our world.
Furthermore, participation of our Parliament in international forums maintains and reinforces the fact that legislative institutions everywhere in the world are representative of the people, defenders of public interest and also overseers of government actions. In a nutshell, participation indirectly improves the position of our own democratic Parliament in the international scene whilst at the same time it enhances our international reputation within the inter-parliamentary networks.
Such networks surely create possibilities and opportunities for our Parliament to build a strong progressive international movement which no doubt advances the interests of the poor and marginalised sections of our global society that has been hitherto condemned to backwardness, disease and superstitions by the so-called modern society.
Indeed, the shape of good hope brought about by the 27 April 1994 historic elections, the long-awaited taste of victory over evil and justice over unjustifiable injustices of apartheid, must be kept alive and be developed by this people’s Parliament. Yes, April 27 was a historic day when black first truly met white, a day when our country once scarred by the tyranny of apartheid became the laboratory of mankind in the resolution of political conflicts. I thank you. [Applause.]
Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Chair, when we look at our past and our achievements as a democracy, the desire for democracy to liberate nations all around the world is born.
But then we also need to realise that there are a variety of political systems and traditional political systems that countries have successfully maintained for centuries and have become an order for the people of that nation with their acceptance.
However, in democracy today we still find present in taboo political systems imposition on human life and the harsh cruelties that we point a finger at. But it is a supreme Constitution that swears by a Bill of Rights that secures human dignity, equality and other rights.
We certainly support universal democratic and electoral standards to be practiced globally. But we believe that the respect of human life must be sanctified first before we label democracies. I thank you.
Mr L M GREEN: Chairperson, the FD believes that democracy is the foundational prerequisite that enables qualities such as diversity and equality to function freely. The means and mechanisms must exist to ensure that these qualities are protected and promoted without favour or discrimination in a democratic society.
Although these qualities may be entrenched in the Constitution of many countries who purport to be democracies, the will and obligation to protect and respect these qualities remain the primary prerogative of those in authority and in power. A society that is governed by an open and transparent system provides certain checks and balances to keep that balance of power in favour of democratic practice.
A heterogeneous or diverse society, enshrined by democratic principles, promotes inclusiveness whereby everyone has equal access to the institutional and legislative means within that society.
The FD supports and will promote international treaties such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which are examples that recognise the importance to protect the democratic principles of diversity and equality.
South Africa, in the Preamble to its Constitution, states that the country belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity. The Bill of Rights in Chapter 2 of our Constitution has a list of provisions on how these will be enacted.
In conclusion, as far as possible, all states must seek to avoid the temptation of dominance over the other, within its borders or outside its borders, and to engage in broadening the field of democratic interpretation without jeopardising basic human rights, where everyone can live in peace and joy equally and have no fear of discrimination. I thank you.
Mr Y I CARRIM: Madam Chairperson, comrades, friends, I have a slight bout of the flu, so I’m not going to take responsibility for what I say. In fact, I tried this morning to wriggle out of the debate, but …
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Ms C-S Botha): Order! Hon Carrim, will you please take your seat? I heard you’re ill, so I want you to sit down.
Mr M J ELLIS: Madam Chair, I simply wanted to say to the hon member that if he’s feeling very ill, we really don’t mind if he doesn’t speak. [Laughter.]
Mr Y I CARRIM: I was going to offer not to use my full nine minutes, especially as the opposition members, for once, have been so conciliatory. I’ve been one who believes that we should have consensus, we should be conciliatory and that, within the national framework, we should defer, and so on.
Madam Chairperson, I’m not sure that that is a very happy state of affairs because, in fact, I was meant to reply to the very controversial things they usually say. And now that they’ve been so conciliatory and so harmonious with the majority party, I have so little to say that I’m pleased to tell you that I shall indeed only take half the nine minutes I have been allocated. [Interjections.]
May I also add, since I’m being so kind to the opposition, that one would imagine that they would not heckle me, but now they’re heckling me. Madam Chairperson, I’m prepared to give you two minutes of my time to explain to them what exactly it is that I have said, slowly and simply, so that they understand that I’m complimenting them for once.
May I point out that the topic, mind you, is not an easy topic to understand. Those who are representing us on the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, - you, I suggest, and I’ve engaged with some of them – might want to seek some clarity.
There are two senses in which this topic has to be understood. The first is that it’s not precisely clear what is meant. For example, it’s not always clear that diversity has the same weight as equal rights, nor indeed is it clear what exactly is meant by democratic and electoral standards. Does this simply mean democracy and elections, or does it mean standards about democracy or both? If both, what precisely is the significance of the distinction?
Of course, another interpretation, which is what I think most speakers have made from what they said, is that the topic is just concerned with standards of democracy and electoral systems because, of course, in each country we have different notions of what democracy is and what electoral systems best suit us.
In any case, I thought it simple, for my purposes at least. The leader of my delegation in this debate said it’s in fact fine to do so, and presumably he had the support of the Chief Whip in saying so. However, that’s a matter between the two of them, outside this meeting. Promoting diversity fairly, through democracy and elections, is at least, Mike, what we are speaking on and, I fear, not very illuminatingly.
Well, given globalisation, internal and international migration, socioeconomic, historical and other factors, most societies are far more diverse today than in the past. And every democracy has to address issues of diversity, however defined and in whatever form.
Of course, there is a variety of forms of diversity. These include ethnic, racial, cultural, religious, linguistic, sexual orientation and others. But there is also – it must be stressed – the diversity of ideas. A society can be considerably enriched if it encourages a fair expression of diversity within the framework of a national consensus that all share.
Finding the right balance between diversity and unity is never easy. Usually it’s a fine, delicate act. But those countries that get it right have considerable rewards to reap. Unfortunately, most never do.
For diversity and democracy to be mutually reinforcing, there has to be clarity about the content and the scope of the diversity. In other words, where does diversity begin and end? Of course, there cannot be an unfettered expression of diversity. Basically, it seems to me, the limit should be two-fold. Firstly, any subgroup or individuals within society can express their specific identities, provided that these do not intrude on the rights of any other subgroup or individuals. Secondly, diversity has to be expressed in a way that doesn’t contradict the basic core values of a society or undermine its fundamental cohesion.
Flowing from this, it’s possible that in certain societies diversity cannot be expressed through giving equal rights to all those seeking expression of diversity. There may well be cases where rights to diversify are reduced or taken away altogether from some, if the rights of others are infringed or the society’s cohesion is significantly undermined.
It may well be too that in certain cases there are different levels of right for the expression of different forms of diversity, where the two conditions I have just referred to have not been met. But such restrictions will only apply in exceptional conditions.
As far as possible, diversity and equal rights should go hand in hand, and where there are restrictions, there must be clear constitutional, legal, normative and other foundations for them. There must indeed be structures to decide on this ultimately and in most societies, presumably, it’s the judicial system.
Of course, flowing from what I’ve said, there are many issues concerning clarity that need to be addressed. Unfortunately, there isn’t time in this debate to do so. We may come back to this in future debates, in this House, in topics that are similar to the one we currently have before us.
It’s certainly clear that free and fair elections are a vital means of consolidating democracy and providing for diversity. Elections are an important, though by means no final, barometer of the diversity of a country.
Of course, the value of elections in this regard depends crucially on the electoral system and various aspects of elections. Some electoral systems encourage outcomes that more accurately reflect diversity than others. For example, generally in proportional representation systems … I think somebody has covered this, so I’ll skip the rest of it.
HON MEMBERS: Hear! Hear!
Mr Y I CARRIM: I’m getting worried now. The DA is so complimentary about me.
I do want to point out that in many ways our country is a remarkable example. Obviously we are not going to go to the IPU to extol ourselves in some sort of uncritical way; we have many challenges, and Mr Swart and others referred to some of them.
But I do think, Madam Chairperson, that our country has phenomenally useful examples. At the time we were undergoing a transition we opted for a full PR system so that any party, even the one that got 0,25% of the vote, could end up in this Parliament. I think that should be reviewed now, 13 years down the road. I think it’s still possible with the ward and the PR system to provide for diversity.
I think that if we look at our Constitution, this very Parliament right now is looking at Chapter 9 institutions and the degree to which they are performing their roles. However, it is true to say that the Human Rights Commission, the Gender Commission, the Section 185 Commission, as we call it, on culture, language and religious rights, the Public Protector, and so on are wonderful institutions.
So democracy, as an expression of diversity, comes not only through elections, but through a variety of other means as well. Ultimately, I think, one of the biggest challenges we have – and I’m running out of time, I’m amazed to see – is religion, given the complexities around the fundamentalisms of all sorts. I really think that managing religious diversity is important. As somebody who is not a religious practitioner, it surprises me that there is so much tension. Ultimately, I think, all religions have the same basic core values and it’s regrettable that as democracies we have not been able to manage that.
Ultimately, I want to say that we don’t have a choice about this; we have to manage diversity. The issue, simply, is how, at what pace and towards what goal? But the goal, ultimately, surely, should be some or other form of recognising that we need not just a national consensus, but a global one. Ultimately, whatever our religious or ideological background, or whatever, we belong to the one final human race. I thank you for that. [Applause.]
The HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mrs C-S Botha): Nine minutes to the second, hon Carrim.
Debate concluded.
The House adjourned at 17:08. ____
ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS
ANNOUNCEMENTS
National Assembly and National Council of Provinces
The Speaker and the Chairperson
- Classification of Bill by Joint Tagging Mechanism
(1) The Joint Tagging Mechanism, on 6 March 2007 in terms of Joint
Rule 160(6)(c), classified the following Bill as a section 77
Bill:
(a) Finance Bill [B 5 – 2007] (National Assembly – sec 77).
National Assembly
The Speaker
- Membership of the Assembly
(a) The following member lost her seat in the National Assembly
with effect from 6 March 2007:
Mdaka, M N.