THURSDAY, 19 JUNE 2008 __

                    PROCEEDINGS AT JOINT SITTING
                                ____

Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 14:02.

The Speaker of the National Assembly took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

                      CALLING OF JOINT SITTING

The Speaker announced that the presiding officers had called a Joint Sitting of the National Assembly and the NCOP in terms of Joint Rule 7(2) for the purpose of receiving and debating the Report of the Task Team of Members of Parliament Probing Violence and Attacks on Foreign Nationals.

REPORT OF TASK TEAM OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT PROBING VIOLENCE AND ATTACKS ON FOREIGN NATIONALS (Debate)

Mr K O BAPELA: Thank you, Speaker. The recent violence that erupted and the attacks on foreign nationals in certain communities in our country shamed us as a country and had a negative impact internationally. The very few people who perpetrated the violent attacks created havoc and trauma, and left a bad mark on the history of our country. However, we were consoled by the fact that millions of South Africans of goodwill rejected and denounced the violence and the attacks on foreign nationals.

In the debate that took place in Parliament in the week of the eruption of violence, all political parties condemned and denounced the attacks, which was followed by a resolution that led to the establishment of the task team and its being sent to affected areas to see and listen to the people who had witnessed that — from the victims themselves, community leaders and the security agencies in those particular areas.

As I present the report on the probes on behalf of Parliament’s task team, I would like to take this opportunity to remind South Africans of the vision of our founding fathers of democracy such as Enoch Sontonga, the writer of Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika, which forms part of our National Anthem today. We sing it with pride, as it evokes emotions of solidarity with Africa. It refers to Africa, and that includes South Africa, which is an integral part thereof. This is the vision of the South African patriot who composed the song; his dream was of a united and free South Africa. It is also to remind our people that the ruling party is the African National Congress. As the name says, it embraces a similar vision of Africa, with South Africa as an integral part thereof. Other parties that have names that include the word “African” are the Pan African Congress, the African Christian Democratic Party and the newly-formed African People’s Convention.

As we report on our probing into the recent violence, one of the key recommendations is to initiate and embark as South Africans on a campaign to be called “We are all Africans”. This campaign will be aimed at educating, having awareness programmes, and teaching our children about our history as a country, our values and principles, the cultural links to Africa and the economic ties, which span centuries, with Africa and the rest of the world.

Lastly, as I present the report, I wish to call on South Africans to see the positives in the migration towards economic growth and trade, and to see how some places which were in decline have been revived. Like in any society, there will always be some that become mischievous or misbehave, and the law processes will take care of such. Cities in both the USA and the rest of the world have been shaped by the migration of people, and continue to grow in that direction.

Parliament has established this task team to get a sense of the gravity of the situation in regard to the reported incidents of violence and the attacks on foreign nationals and others. Secondly, it is to interact with the victims of the violent acts and the relevant communities and authorities, and to present a report on the visit that can form the basis of how Parliament will want to intervene in the matter. Lastly, we want to lay a basis for ongoing work by the parliamentary committees in this matter.

We visited areas such as Alexandra, Tembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park and Ramaphosaville. In those areas the people spoke and characterized the situation and the attacks. When you go and look at the report, you will see that there is a section where it characterizes the issue of the IFP. I think it was at a meeting of the Chief Whips Forum yesterday, which met and considered the matter, where one of the ANC Youth League members made a strong contention that the IFP was at the root of the violence. It is there in the report.

We have now agreed that since that statement was made, the IFP Youth Brigade and the ANC Youth League have met at the national level and distanced themselves from it and denounced such utterances and statements. We embrace the report with that understanding and acknowledge the two parties’ distancing themselves from it and rebuking the making of the statement.

If you look at the report, you will see that we as a delegation also said to the meeting that no conclusion should be arrived at. If there was any suspicion of any person or party or organisation, it should be reported to the police. Secondly, the ANC and the IFP committed themselves in that meeting in Alexandra to work together, which they have been doing, to deal with any elements within them who are found to have been involved in the violent attacks.

Tomorrow, when South Africa will be celebrating Refugees Day, the ANC and IFP leaders from Alexandra will be here in Parliament to give their view of what happened so that they can further elaborate on the matter. The report should be read within that particular context.

We report here that most of the attacks and violence took place in the poor areas, informal settlements and hostels, where there is a lack of development and service delivery, and where the poorest of our people reside.

Regarding the geographical aspect of the violence, it only happened in corners of particular communities, and entire communities were not engulfed, though they were gripped by violence. We found that the few people who perpetrated this violence had only affected some, though the impact was very great, because we saw graphic pictures of people being burned; we saw the looting, the burning and the destruction of property; and we are sitting with a situation where we have over 32 000 people who have been displaced as a result of the violence. The impact has been quite serious. We also got reports that there were certain organisations who distributed pamphlets or used a loud hailer before the attacks. In Ekhurhuleni we also got a report that there were people moving from one place to the other in Kombis or taxis, provoking the violence. As a result we found ourselves in that situation.

We found the following to be the causes of the violence. The first one is xenophobia. Though the issue should not be exaggerated, at the same time it should not be underplayed. The issue of xenophobic attitudes does exist among some South African citizens who will have been exploited to initiate the violence and attacks on foreign nationals.

It is also because of the migration aspect in a globalised world, where we see a lot of movement of people in the cities of Europe, in the cities of the USA and also in South Africa and other African countries, it is mostly South Africa and Botswana within SADC who are receiving migrants coming to them. The figures that have been put forward are that before the apartheid era 500 000 foreign nationals used to live in South Africa, and today it is estimated to be about 6 million. Let us look at those figures in a very positive light. As I indicated earlier, they are contributing positively to our economy, except for a few of them who might be mischievous. The criminal element took advantage of the situation. Looting, armed robbery, housebreaking, theft and violent crimes and attacks have been indicated by the number of people arrested and charged. As soon as the cases are heard in the courts, those are the situations that will be explained.

We saw the involvement of the youth and particularly young people between the ages of 16 and 22. If you look at this issue, you will note that they were children of up to 3 years old in 1994. There is a lot that we need to learn from this. Most of them don’t know African values and beliefs and we therefore need to deal with that issue.

The socioeconomic aspects were also pointed out, such as the competition for scarce resources, social and economic inequalities in society, poor living conditions and a high rate of unemployment. These have all indeed exacerbated an already tense situation. In some instances people raised the concern of the undocumented migrants who, when they were pursued to the full extent of the law, were not to be found. South Africans who are law- abiding and documented will be arrested if they break the law. That is an issue that calls for some kind of discussion.

The fourth issue was the involvement of a third force and whether there was such a force or not. Although the delegation did raise the matter, no evidence came forth. It is safe to say that a measure of planning and orchestration in the attacks was pointed out in Alexandra and also in Ekurhuleni, where people moved from one place to another provoking violence. We have agreed as a task team that the police should follow those matters up and find out whether it was indeed in pursuance of a particular agenda, or a political agenda of some sort.

The fifth one is the knowledge and awareness that amongst South African citizens there is a lack of knowledge and awareness, what we can refer to as ignorance about foreign nationals. They do not know who these people are. Some are naturalized citizens. Some have refugee status. People are confused about that. Some have an asylum seeker’s permit. The general trend is to put them all in one basket and that is it! That ignorance is quite dangerous and we need to do something about it.

Lastly, there are the existing perceptions in communities, where we found that as a result of the growth of migrant people who are moving into those communities, people are saying that these people are taking their jobs, their women and their houses. These are perceptions, and when you investigate deeper, you find that these are just rumours and people tend to believe them rather than looking for facts and following them up. There are social relations that have broken down, where fights occur from time to time. This has never been a problem but all of a sudden these issues are being elevated. As was mentioned earlier, the undocumented migrants remain a concern.

I am not going into the impact of the violence. I think it was well reported. Regarding the humanitarian situation, a number of displaced people were left in crisis, and this is in the report.

We then came to the following proposals or recommendations. The first is that parliamentary public hearings should be held by a joint session of all relevant parliamentary committees, where we will begin to assess the policies and the legislative framework dealing with migration and immigration, including the magnitude of the problem of undocumented migrants, the porous borders that we have, and whether the decision or no decision that was taken that the army should no longer patrol our borders was correct or not. Our closing in on our borders does not mean we are saying no one shall come into South Africa. It is really the issue of safety and security, and the transitional crimes such as women trafficking that we need to prevent. Whoever comes to South Africa should come through legal means. Those hearings will assist us in finding a balance and seeing the challenges and gaps in our policies.

The parliamentary task team, comprising members from the Western Cape and also Gauteng, should continue to oversee the programme of reintegration of those people who were displaced into the communities, where it will be safe, and into other parts of communities where it is safe to do so. Such reports will come to Parliament continuously. Parliament should recall all the resolutions contained in the UN World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance and see to it that these are being implemented and how far we have moved as a country in the implementation.

The long-term recommendation includes the “We are all Africans” campaign. We also need to look at the violent nature of South Africans. It is quite worrying that 14 years down the line, South African people can still respond in the manner in which they did. Something is not well within our society and we need to look at these issues. We should also begin to engage in campaigns that are positive, that will rebuild the image of South Africa, which has been dented, especially now before the 2010 World Cup. We need to ensure that everyone is on board. We need to begin to root out corruption within society, particularly in Home Affairs. They need to begin to ensure that the systems are clean and not corruptible, or those who are corrupt are then removed.

In conclusion, I want to take this opportunity on behalf of this institution to thank all the people of South Africa who really helped by denouncing and condemning violence, and by opening their hearts, their homes and their purses in assisting. Our thanks also go to the national, provincial and local governments, community leaders, religious leaders, NGOs and civil society for their assistance. Some of them are sitting in the gallery. A big thank you goes to the policemen and women who were there when the violence broke out and who really ensured that it did not spread further. Lastly, I thank the Speaker, the Chairperson of the NCOP, the members of the task team on these violent attacks, hon members, political parties and the Chief Whips Forum for their co-operation and support.

The report is presented for consideration. We have attached an annexure which attempts to give the graphic situation of the history of people’s movement to South Africa from colonialism up to now. It is quite educational and helpful. People can thus engage with the issue. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mrs S M CAMERER: Madam Speaker, as a member of the parliamentary task team, I would like, at the outset, to acknowledge the good work done by the Chair of the team, hon Obed Bapela. His approach to this task given to us by Madam Speaker has been laudably inclusive, consultative and thorough. We have had ample opportunity to observe, discuss and make contributions to the report, and we have had excellent support from the researchers. But basically it was a task hedged around with tragedy, as the Chair has said, and shame.

The events which started on the evening of 11 May in Alexandra Township, part of my constituency area, and which spread to other areas in Gauteng and eventually to the Western Cape, bear shocking testimony to the deep- seated xenophobic tendencies and violence which characterise our society. Over 60 people have been killed and over 30 000 displaced, but the image of the kneeling Mozambican man burning to death in the dust in Ramaphosa squatter camp as a xenophobic mob laughed and hurled insults, shocked the world as South Africa has not shocked the world since the end of apartheid. As we say in this report, our image has been dented to say the least.

We as South Africans have a lot of work to do to process what has happened and to search for the way forward. Hopefully, this report of our parliamentary task team can make a positive contribution to this search.

Two things are very clear from this report. The first is that government must shoulder the responsibility for what happened. It is clear that the state’s failure to stem the tide of illegal immigration, and incapacity to process the wave of refugee applications, were a short-term catalyst to the violence in a fertile field of rising food and fuel prices, a shortage of housing and jobs, and general poverty. The fact is that poverty-stricken South Africans bear the brunt of government’s policy failures. The Human Sciences Research Council’s study of the violence, released this week, confirms this position.

Secondly, while the police, local government and civil society have done a magnificent job in dealing with the immediate crisis – and on behalf of the DA, I would like to thank them once again - Parliament itself must play a key role in providing solutions in the short, medium and long term.

It was appropriate that in compiling the report the team started on the ground in Alex, talking to the police, the community and the victims of the violence. The extent of the tragedy was made clear to me when I was told by women from Zimbabwe and Mozambique, temporarily housed in the conference room of Alex Police Station, that they had lived in our country for 15 to 17 years and regarded South Africa as their home. Was that not enough time to escape the label of “foreigner”? Apparently not.

The SA Human Rights Commission, in its comprehensive report published in 2006, found that South Africans are exceedingly xenophobic and the causes for it are complex. These include South Africa’s racist history, along with extreme levels of poverty. It is mostly black African foreigners who face discrimination, hostility and abuse, which lead to intermittent violent attacks. It is particularly shocking that the SAHRC report found that those officials tasked with the protection of foreigners, such as the police and the Department of Home Affairs, displayed the highest levels of xenophobia.

Since 1994, South Africa has engaged with the problem of xenophobia as indicated in this report. In 1998, there was a consultative conference which came up with a national programme of action and the Roll Back Xenophobia Campaign, which has regrettably lately not been resourced and appears to have fallen into disuse. It urgently needs to be resuscitated.

In 2001, the issue of xenophobia was one of the key areas under discussion at the UN Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in Durban, and South Africa did subscribe to the declaration emanating from that conference recognising, among other things, the key role of parliaments in fighting xenophobia.

In 2004, the SAHRC and Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Portfolio Committee held hearings, which eventually led to the 2006 report I mentioned earlier.

The impressions gained at Alex are summed up in the report, with overwhelming evidence from all parties that the xenophobic violence was orchestrated, and that it started in the Beirut section of Alex, dominated by hostel dwellers. By contrast, in other areas we visited, Tembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park and Ramaphosa, although outsiders are alleged to have visited these areas before the violence started, these attacks were more in the nature of copycat attacks, coupled with opportunistic criminal incidents.

A common denominator of the attacks is that they all occurred in areas where people are really poor, competing for meagre resources and services, resentful at competition for what little was offered by government. Grievances relating to occupation by foreigners of government supplied housing was typical of complaints that were made. The Ramaphosa settlement, visited by the task team at dusk when thick smoke from fires partially obscured our vision, is about as poor as it gets in urban areas. We were told by the police that within 24 hours of chasing out the foreigners, the local residents had cleared their shacks, which they had burnt down, and were building their own shacks on that reclaimed turf.

This raises the burning question which has still not been answered: How do we reintegrate the foreign nationals washed up in the camps back into these sorts of places they used to call home if they do not wish to return to their own countries and indeed have the right to remain in ours? Is it possible and, if so, will we not risk more violence? The new HSRC’s report confirms that it will not be easy to do so and it will require very strong leadership. The task team report suggests that this leadership should be provided by Parliament, because xenophobia cannot be tolerated.

This report makes a number of recommendations. Some of those have been dealt with by the hon Bapela, including the following. In the short term, as he has indicated, the relevant parliamentary committees must get together to review the entire policy and legislative framework dealing with immigration and assess how many people are here who are undocumented immigrants and what the magnitude of that problem is. The Members of Parliament in both affected areas, mainly Gauteng and the Western Cape, should remain as monitoring task teams to monitor the implementation of humanitarian and reintegration programmes.

In the longer term, Parliament must ensure that the corruption in the Department of Home Affairs is rooted out and urgent steps are taken to process refugees and immigrants, and to issue them with the correct documentation. We must also monitor the interministerial task team looking into the causes of the attacks. As a matter of urgency, parliamentary committees within the security cluster should review the securing of South Africa’s borders and ports of entry. Together with civil society and government departments, Parliament must promote a national campaign against violence, and at the same time establish the ability of the SA Police Service’s crime combating units to stem future attacks and respond to violent situations in general. We must resuscitate the Roll Back Xenophobia Campaign and focus on our commitments as a country to observing foreigners’ rights. We must help to enhance South Africa’s image ahead of the Fifa World Cup in two years’ time; we must enhance that image, and we must work towards that goal. We must examine to what extent the Millennium Development Goals have been attained. We must monitor progress in processing cases arising from the xenophobic attacks in special courts established for this purpose. And there are further goals for the longer term which are listed in the report.

The DA supports all these actions. Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]

Mr B W DHLAMINI: Madam Speaker, Chairperson of the NCOP, Ministers present and hon members, the IFP commends the chairperson of this task team, hon O Bapela, for his able leadership of the team, as well as the entire membership of the all-party team for their commitment and diligence. The IFP also feels that the recommendations of the task team are ideally positive, not only in highlighting the social, economic and political origins of the conflict and violence, but also the recommendations suggesting the way forward.

The IFP sympathises with all those affected by the senseless violence and commends South African civil society, the government and the general public for their humanitarian aid offered to those affected. We deeply regret the loss of lives and offer our deepest condolences to those affected.

We must be tough on xenophobia and criminality, and, yes, we must be equally tough on the causes of xenophobia. South Africans are neither xenophobic nor mean-spirited. South African people are hospitable and generous, even when they have little or nothing to share. They have long embraced the spirit of ubuntu botho, which says: “Umuntu ngumuntu ngabanthu.” [“A person is a person through other people.”]

Their misfortune is that of having a less than fully competent government which has made enormous mistakes and has stood by them with steadfast stubbornness, especially in the field of migration control, service delivery, poverty and the fight against crime. A lack of service delivery and fighting crime, poverty, and a lack of proper immigration control resulted in the emergence of another phobia, which burst out at Polokwane in December 2007.

On 16 May 2008 the IFP in this House denounced the xenophobic attacks and placed on record that it believed that the failure of government to deliver services to the people of Alexandra was the cause of the current crisis in that area. It also rejected the notion that it was the IFP that had caused the violence in Alexandra. The IFP called upon both the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Home Affairs to champion a tangible programme to deal with xenophobia, which is in line with the recommendations of the task team.

This is a true reflection of how the IFP views the matter at hand, but an irresponsible, callous and not surprising statement from the ANC Youth League in Alexandra, which accused the IFP of being responsible for the attacks, appears in the report. I am pleased, Mr Bapela, with the way you have handled the issue. However, as you have correctly stated, at a meeting of the youth formations convened by the ANC Youth League at Luthuli House, the IFP Youth Brigade raised the issue of the ANC Youth League in Alexandra and the ANC Youth League distanced itself from such irresponsible statements. It cleared the position of the Youth League and a youth front against xenophobia was formed, which comprises all youth formations, with a slogan: “South Africa, we are listening. Africa, we are sorry.” We therefore wish to put it on record that the IFP has serious reservations about this report, which gives the wrong impression to the reader, that the IFP is the root cause of the attack.

One is aware that more especially the ruling party is divided on how to deal with the xenophobic attacks. The one side, like all South Africans and independent institutions and researchers, agrees that the root cause of these unfortunate incidents is a lack of service delivery, poverty, poor or no immigrant control, and the fight against crime. The other side is worried about its legacy, which has been exposed by these attacks, showing that they were stubbornly against accepting their failures in service delivery, fighting crime and immigration control.

The time has come for South Africans to desist from the syndrome of denials, scapegoating and spin doctoring the facts. We are all in this — let us work together to deal with these xenophobic tendencies and criminality. There is no amount of economic and social hardship which can justify this barbaric behaviour. Visiting Alexandra, Tembisa and the offices of the Ekurhuleni Municipality and driving through the Ramaphosa squatter camp has not given us a full picture of what happened. There is a lot that needs to be done to effectively bring about the necessary healing and reconciliation. I thank you. [Applause.]

Nksz S N SIGCAU: Somlomo ohloniphekileyo, baPhathiswa bembeko namalungu ahloniphekileyo, xa ndixabangela malunga nalo mba, ndingathi iqela lale Ndlu, elibandakanya onke amaqela ezopolitiko amelweyo kule Ndlu, lifumanise oku kulandelayo ngokubhekisele kumba wokutshutshiswa kwabantu bangaphandle.

Okokuqala, iingingqi ezibandakanyekayo kolu dushe zingingqana ezincinci ezibandakanya abantu bangaphandle kunye negcuntswana labantu balapha eMzantsi Afrika. Okwesibini, olu dushe lube neziphumo ezikhulu, zokukhutshwa kwabantu ezindlwini zabo; ukubethwa kwabantu ngohlobo oluhambisa umzimba, maxa wambi batshiselwe naloo mizi yabo; ukubulawa kwabantu okanye ukutshiswa kwabo ngomlilo bephila.

Lo bholokodlela ushiye umzi ontsundu wahlulalene phakathi. Kukho abalugxekayo olu hlaselo, ngeli lixa abanye bentyontya amakhwelo, kuxhelwe exhukwana kubo. Into eqaqambileyo kulo bholokodlela yeyokuba uxhaphake kwezi ndawo kuhlutshekiweyo kuzo, ematyotyombeni.

Olu hlaselo luqubulisile, khange lubonakale luseza; nto leyo ethetha ukuba khange luqulunqwe kwantlandlolo, koko yinto esuke yathi gqi qhaphu. Nakaloku nje, alikabikho eliqinileyo elivela kurhulumente elithi uza kuyithini na le ntlekele, le ngxubakaxaka.

Simana sisiva nje ukuba aba bantu uza kubabuyisela eluntwini. Esingayivayo kakuhle into yeyokuba uza kubabuyisela njani. Into encomekayo kuyo yonke le nto kukuphakama kwabantu ngamxhelo-mnye belugxeka olu hlaselo; ne-UDM yazibandakanya nesi simbonono kwaye isazibandakanya naso nakaloku nje.

Ngokukokwam ukubona, asikabikho isizathu sokuba abantu abanenyama negazi njengam nawe baphatheke kabuhlungu kangaka, ngakumbi oomama, abantwana, amaxhego namaxhegokazi.

Xa ndigqibezela, urhulumente makakhawulezise ukuphanda ukuba le ntlekele isuswe yintoni na. Urhulumente wethu makakhawulezise ukubatshutshisa abantu abafumaneke bechaphezeleka kolu dushe, ze kwenziwe isifundo ngabo ukuze nabanye bangaze banqwenele ukwenza into eyelele kule.

Urhulumente wethu makabe neenkqubo zokufundisa abantu ngobuzwe baseAfrika, ngobuntu jikelele, nangokuhlonipha abasemzini, ze ongeze nangemithetho engqingqwa ekhusela imida yeli negxile ekukhuseleni abo sele bengaphakathi, nokuba bangene ngayiphina indlela.

Masimanyane maAfrika! Imvelaphi nekamva lethu linye; sidityaniswe ngumqokozo ongenakuqhawuka. Masele ndiphela apho, Somlomo. Enkosi. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Ms S N SIGCAU: Madam Speaker, hon Ministers and hon members, concerning the issue under discussion, namely xenophobia, let me say that a task team consisting of all political parties represented in this august House came to the following conclusions.

First of all, the xenophobic attacks took place in pockets of areas where foreign nationals and a few South Africans reside. Secondly, these attacks have had profound results, such as people being chased out of their houses; others being brutally attacked and having their houses burnt down; and the killing of people by burning them alive.

This tragedy has left South Africans divided. There are those who criticise these attacks, whilst others are having a field day instigating them. What is clear is that these xenophobic attacks are common in informal settlements.

These attacks took us by surprise and they happened spontaneously. Even now, there is no word from government as to how government plans to deal with this matter.

We hear that the displaced people will be reintegrated into the communities they came from, but we do not know how government plans to do that. At least one good aspect out of this was the fact that the people, including the UDM, unanimously condemned these attacks.

In my opinion, there is no reason that people with flesh and blood just like you and me, particularly women, children and the elderly, should be treated in such a terrible manner.

In conclusion, government should take steps, without delay, to investigate the reasons behind these attacks and make an example of the perpetrators by prosecuting them.

Government should create programmes to educate people about African nationalism, ubuntu in general and respect for foreign nationals. Government should also come up with strict border controls to protect those who are already inside our borders, regardless of how they came to be here.

Let us all unite as Africans! Our past and our future are one and are irrevocably linked. Let me end there, Madam Speaker. Thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr M H HOOSEN: Madam Speaker, many debates and discussions have been held in this House and on platforms throughout our country on the causes of and matters pertaining to the recent shocking xenophobic attacks. As the free movement of people for better living conditions becomes more and more apparent, xenophobia has become a growing international phenomenon, with many countries experiencing similar problems. What has elevated the South African situation is the high level of violence associated with these attacks.

Madam Speaker, without exploring the causes in detail, which are several and have been well documented, let me say that as responsible leaders we need to urgently look ahead. We must ask ourselves: Why are our actions becoming increasinly reactive, rather than proactive? What can we as a nation do to be better prepared in the future? What preventative measures can we adopt to ensure that this does not happen, on such a scale, in the future?

Indeed education must form the backbone of our aim to eradicate xenophobia from our nation. As a signatory to the Durban Declaration, the product of the conference on xenophobia a few years ago, South Africa has a responsibility to proactively adopt preventative measures and we must accept that we have not pursued this with the vigour that it deserves.

At this point, I would like to congratulate hon Bapela for the good work that he has done, but at the same time also suggest that this ugly word, makwerekwere [foreigners], in our communities must be banned from the vocabulary of our people.

The regularisation of asylum seekers and proper documenting of migrants also need urgent attention. Against the backdrop of these urgent measures, the ID supports the recommendations that this committee continues the good work that has been done and be further tasked with oversight over the implementation of the recommendations produced.

In particular, the second recommendation on developing educational programmes around the principle of “We are all African” must be given priority and urgently implemented. Parallel to this, a programme to reduce the high levels of violence in our societies must also be implemented. I thank you.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: Somlomo, malungu onke abekekileyo … [Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Speaker, hon members …]

… last month our country witnessed a wave of xenophobic attacks and violence that spread to various parts of our country. Xenophobia is based on unfounded, unverified fears, as well as the inclination to stereotype foreigners as the cause of social and economic problems.

Generally, xenophobic attitudes are a reflection of a change in migration streams and the perceived threat to citizens’ rights and interests. It is one of the most inhumane forms of discrimination facing many migrants in many parts of the world.

Somlomo obekekileyo, thina bantu baseMzantsi Afrika siqhele ukuhlala nabantu bamanye amazwe, kwaye sihleli nabo iminyaka ngeminyaka. Asifuni ke ngoko ukudibanisa ukubukulwa kwezinye izizwe nobundlavini esibubone buqhubeka. Kwaye iyothusa into yokuba abo babengamaxhoba ocalu-calulo ibe ngabo abaphambili ekundlandlathekiseni abantu ababhacele apha ngenxa yeemeko kumazwe abo.

Ndiyaphinda ndithi, umbutho wethu norhulumente wethu … (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Hon Speaker, as South Africans, we are used to living side-by-side with foreigners, and we have been living with them for many years. Therefore, we do not want to associate ourselves with the violent xenophobia attacks we witnessed recently. It is alarming that the very people who were victims of apartheid are alleged to be the ones perpetrating these attacks on foreign nationals who fled to this country owing to terrible conditions in their own countries.

I repeat this again, our political party and our government …]

… condemn in the strongest possible terms this inhumane front of criminality and blatant exploitation of challenges faced by our people.

Ndazi nto nye ke, Somlomo, ukuba thina sendiselene naba bantu, kwaye siyazalana. Kufuneka ke sizame ukuba zingohlulwa iintsapho ngenxa yemikhwa yoofunzeweni abangenazinjongo zakuncedisana norhulumente ekuphuculeni nasekuziseni iinkonzo ebantwini. Kwakhona, uMzantsi Afrika awusosiqithi eAfrika; uyinxenye yeAfrika.

Njengabameli babantu, ngumsebenzi wethu ukuba sithi rhoqo sixoxisane nabantu bakuthi, silwe naluphi na uhlobo localu-calulo lwabantu abangaphakathi eMzantsi Afrika. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[One thing I know, Madam Speaker, is that we have intermarried with these people, and therefore we are related. We must avoid a situation where families are separated on account of wrongdoings by rogue elements who have other motives than to assist government improve service delivery to the people. Furthermore, South Africa is not an island in Africa; it is part of Africa.

As representatives of the people, it is our duty often to hold debates with our people and fight any form of discrimination against people in South Africa.]

As a caring organisation, the ANC deployed its leadership to all the centres and areas where people were housed. We made sure that we addressed people, showed that we care, and many of our members are continuing with that work as we speak.

We must indicate that many foreign nationals still regard South Africa as their beacon of hope and a home away from home. As the ANC, we would like to take this opportunity to reiterate that we will continue to use all means to quell any form of discrimination against foreign nationals. We will continue to seek solutions and work with those affected to redress the impact of these violent attacks.

We would also like to express our deepest appreciation for the heartening support to victims of thuggery and hooliganism, and the overwhelming positive response of many South Africans, including students, churches, nongovernmental organisations, the private sector, media houses, artists, national and provincial governments, municipalities and even local communities.

We would like to take this opportunity to congratulate institutions, organisations and individuals for showing the real spirit of ubuntu and African unity by providing humanitarian support, including shelter and physical support, to assist those who were relocating, and food for those who were placed in temporary shelter.

Ndifun’ukuthi, ilungu elibekekileyo uNkskz Camerer, njengomntu owayekhe wakurhulumente owawuphethe ngaphambili, uyawazi umahluko phakathi kwalo rhulumente wethu norhulumente owayekho awayinxalenye yawo. Wazi kakuhle ukuba akukho nto basenzela yona thina; sazilwela. Lo rhulumente uzama ukulungiselela abo babengaxhamli. Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: [Engavakali.]

UMBHEXESHI OYINTLOKO WEBHUNGA LAMAPHONDO LESIZWE: Ndiyothuka kuba nalo uthethayo uthetha kanye le nto bendiyithetha. Benza kanye le nto bendiyixela; balibele kukujonga kurhulumente. Urhulumente akazi kukhuthaza ubundlavini. Khange kubekho lubukulo lwabantu ngokobuzwe; bubundlavini qha obu benzekileyo. Yaye asisoze sibukhuthaze ubundlavini, nokuba benziwa ngubani na. Yiyo loo nto sisithi iyasothusa into yokuba ibe ngabantu ababengaxhamli abakhokelayo kobu bundlavini.

Mandize kweli lungu belisandul’ ukusuka apha. Iyinene yona into yokuba ngulo rhulumente oncede ekubeni kuphele amaholo apha eMzantsi Afrika. Ukubangaba i-ANC ibingaphethanga, ngekusekho ooNdokwenza nanamhlanje apha eMzantsi Afrika. Ngenxa yemithetho ekhoyo kuMzantsi Afrika omtsha, abantu bahlala kwiindawo abathanda ukuhlala kuzo, apho baziva bengonwaba khona.

Mandigqibele ngelithi, thina siyi-ANC siya kuncedisana norhulumente ukuze abantu abangabophuli-mthetho bafakwe kwindawo ebafaneleyo. Ngaphezu koko, asisoze siyikhuthaze into yokuba, kuba abantu namhlanje besazi ukuba sijongene nonyulo, bazenze ngathi bayasebenza ukulungiselela ukuba banyulwe. Awukho omnye umbutho osebenzileyo apha eMzantsi Afrika ngaphandle kwe-ANC. Kwaye awukho omnye umbutho oseza kusebenzela abantu, okwangoku sisaphilayo sisonke, ngaphandle kwe-ANC. Enkosi, Somlomo. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[I want to say to hon member Camerer, as a person who was part of the previous government, that she knows the difference between our government and the government she served in. She knows very well that they did nothing for us, as we fought for everything we have. This government is trying to help those who were previously disadvantaged.

Moulana M R SAYEDALI-SHAH: [Inaudible.]

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE COUNCIL: I am surprised because even this hon member who is heckling me, is saying exactly what I was saying. They are doing exactly what I said; they are blaming the government. Government does not encourage violent behaviour. What we just witnessed was not xenophobia; it was plain violence. And we do not encourage violence regardless of who perpetrates it. That is why we say it is surprising to notice that the people who are alleged to be at the forefront of these violent attacks are people who were previously disadvantaged.

Let me respond to the previous speaker. Indeed it is true that it is this government that took the decision to abolish migrant workers’ hostels in South Africa. If it wasn’t for the ANC government, even today we would still have migrant workers’ hostels in South Africa. Because of the new laws in South Africa, people are free to stay where they want to stay; where they feel happy.

Let me conclude by saying that we, as the ANC, will work hand in hand with government so that criminals are put in prison where they belong. Furthermore, we can see through the actions of people who, now that we have elections coming up, pretend to have the interests of the electorate at heart. No other party, other than the ANC, has worked hard in South Africa. And no other political party in our lifetime, other than the ANC, will work for the advancement of the interests of the people. Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]]

Mrs C DUDLEY: Madam Speaker, the ACDP offers sincere apologies to the 32 000 people, mainly foreign nationals, who have been displaced and accommodated in tents, community halls and churches across the country, and expresses deep regret and concern for all who have experienced the consequences of the shocking actions of a few.

The ACDP salutes all those who worked and gave so generously and selflessly, and in fact are still accommodating foreign nationals. The manner in which the SA Police Service responded also needs to be commended.

The ACDP appreciates Parliament’s urgent attention to the calls of Members of Parliament for us to respond adequately to this crisis. We also recognise the work of MPs, officials and staff, and commend them for this effort. Having participated in the efforts of the task team, the ACDP supports the resulting report and its recommendations.

All manner of conspiracy theories arose to explain the xenophobia. It was said to be too organised to be spontaneous, yet, having visited four different, high-density areas in turmoil, I’m not sure it was particularly organised. Many side agendas, it seems, also took advantage of the situation, escalating and distorting it.

The sudden outpouring of violence against foreigners shocked us as a nation, despite the fact that we knew that xenophobic attitudes were rife and many reports on this have been available. One of our major blind spots, I believe, is that South Africans somehow see themselves as naturally good people. Well, we are only as good as we choose to be and in reality every one of us is capable of shocking behaviour. It would be helpful for us to remember this, and not just to assume that we are somehow going to do the right thing. We have to be alert and to work on our attitudes and actions at all times. We will exhibit base, selfish, survival instincts.

We also make the mistake of assuming that people who have experienced pain and suffering will be compassionate, but so often the opposite is true, as wounded people tend to wound others. And people who have suffered rejection reject. This vicious cycle can only be broken when people choose to forgive, choose not to take offence, and choose to pass on only what is good.

The number of foreign migrants to South Africa has increased from 500 000 in the 1990s to around 6 million at present. This reality is a major part of our lives and government must ensure that adequate measures are in place so that unnecessary pressure is not placed on people as migrants integrate into society. There should be easy access to conflict resolution processes, for example, as people living in close proximity and sharing inadequate resources are bound to experience times of conflict.

The ACDP recognises the economic value migrants bring to this country, besides the wonderful diversity, and this should be encouraged and supported.

Bitter complaints heard by the delegation range from, “they take our jobs” to “they take our women”. And the fact that foreign nationals had businesses caused particular irritation. One person told me how unfair it was that people from Mozambique were being financed by Graça Machel Mandela – irrational, maybe, but tragically heartfelt.

Skills development, mentorship programmes and entrepreneurial opportunities are desperately needed, but ultimately people who succeed will always be those who put in the effort, and not those who wait for everything to be done for them. “South Africa, we are listening! Africa, we are sorry!”

Dr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, the hon Bapela says the ANC has “Africa” in its name and that is correct. Afrikaners named themselves after Africa and that is also correct. [Laughter.]

The xenophobia attacks have radically changed South Africa. Photos of foreigners being burnt has shattered the dream of a South Africa showing the world how people should live in harmony with each other. Who would, a year ago, have predicted that South African embassies in Africa and the Bafana Bafana soccer team would need extra security, and that on our own continent?

The government says it was caught by surprise, but the government was warned timeously. In the African Peer Review Report government was seriously warned more than a year ago about xenophobia and racism in South Africa. Paragraph 956 says xenophobia against other Africans is currently on the rise and should be nipped in the bud.

To accommodate a few thousand ANC exiles in Africa during the struggle years is something totally different from allowing 6 million foreigners to compete with poor South Africans for scarce resources and thinking that it will not create conflict. I don’t think we can make that comparison that easily.

The HSRC found that people are angered by foreigners, as “(t)hey believe migrants are putting strain on already limited resources”.

We need improved border control, a new national migration policy, and a programme to deal with corruption at Home Affairs and municipalities, and in the police. Frustration over the pace of service delivery in general and housing in particular must also be addressed.

Hierdie probleem is veroorsaak deur die korttermynoplossings van die regering. Moenie dat ons nou weer dieselfde foute maak nie. Die huidige ANC- oplossing om deur middel van opvoeding vir Suid-Afrikaners te leer hoe om vreemdelinge te hanteer en om die vreemdelinge in die gemeenskap te herïntegreer, is uiters belangrik, maar dit is net deel van die oplossing. Dit is nie die hele oplossing nie. As dit die regering se oplossing vir die probleem is, voorspel ek dat ons oor ‘n tydperk, en dalk kort voor 2010, weer uitbarstings kan kry, as ons die probleem net oppervlakkig gaan aanspreek.

Mevrou, probeer gerus om onwettig, byvoorbeeld in Botswana, in te kom en kyk of jy daar kan werk kry. Botswana het, soos alle ander Afrikalande, streng reëls oor wie toegelaat word en wanneer jy toegelaat word. Die onderliggende rede hiervoor is om jou eie burgers teen oorstroming en onnodige kompetisie te beskerm. Dis net logies. Ons kan dit nie ignoreer nie. Beter grenskontrole, beter dienslewering en beter behuising is deel van hierdie oplossing. Anders het ons weer moeilikheid. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[This problem was caused by the government’s short-term solutions. Let us not make the same mistakes now. The current ANC solution to educate South Africans on how to deal with foreigners and to reintegrate foreigners into the community is extremely important, but it is only part of the solution. It is not the whole solution. If this is the government’s solution to the problem, I predict that over a period, maybe even shortly before 2010, there could be outbreaks again, if we were to address the problem only superficially.

Madam, you are welcome to try and gain illegal entry into Botswana for example, and see whether you can get a job there. Like all other African countries, Botswana has strict regulations about who is to be allowed entry, and when you will be allowed such entry. The underlying reason for this is to protect your own citizens against unnecessary competition and from being swamped. It is only logical. We cannot ignore it.

Better border control, better service delivery and better housing are part of this solution; otherwise there will be trouble again. I thank you. [Applause.]]

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Speaker, our lovely country has been thrown into a morass of shame by some people who rose against foreign nationals last month.

They are selfish, insecure people who say the foreign nationals have taken their wives, their jobs and their money. Saying this indicates their weaknesses. One wonders how easily such women could have been taken away. They ignore the fact that they don’t want to work, while these foreign nationals have ways and means of fending for themselves and making money.

The UCDP believes that mankind, regardless of stature, status, educational background, gender or nationality has loved, respected, served, consulted and tolerated. To a degree we agree with the motto of the AME Church. They say, “Man, our brother”, indicating that every person is our brother or sister. We challenge the perpetrators of these atrocious acts to desist and never, ever engage in them again and shame us as a nation.

All law-abiding citizens have by now acknowledged and condemned violence in South Africa and have furthermore expressed different views on the causes of the violence. Whatever ostensible reasons may be advanced, we South Africans have to agree unanimously that we must find one another and trace our follies where we have gone wrong, confess our iniquities and transgressions, and ask for forgiveness, for He is a loving God. He will heal our land. I thank you.

Mr E RASOOL (Premier of the Western Cape): Speaker, Chairperson of the NCOP, members, I am quite aware that I am making my debut in this House, so it’s not for me to enter into any contentious debate with any speakers before me.

I thought that I should much rather help to add to the report of the hon Obed Bapela by providing a synopsis of an anatomy of what happened in the Western Cape on 22 May, 2008, starting off in Knysna and spreading to Du Noon and later that night to Masiphumelele, where attacks against foreign nationals occurred. The next day these incidents and attacks continued to Lwandle and to Khayelitsha.

Out of those direct attacks 5 000 people were displaced, but about 14 000 other foreign nationals were displaced on the basis of a fear of attacks that had taken place. We need to understand that 19 000 people were displaced, of whom about 5 000 were placed under direct violent threat by gangs of looters and people driven by other motivations. At its height in the Western Cape 19 000 people were displaced, 6 people died and 20 people suffered injuries, including one of the worst, a policeman who is in ICU because of having been attacked by someone who threw a brick at his head.

Having seen what had happened in Gauteng, we know we have been fairly fortunate in the Western Cape. We were able to place the province on alert. A safety forum was established by the Provincial Commissioner of Police, relief NGOs were put on alert, and because a conference on xenophobia had been convened in that week, ahead of these attacks, we could intervene immediately and minimise the loss of life, injuries and fatalities. We could also mobilise relief in the way that it has been done.

I also want to say more in general appreciation of the police. We saw in that period that the police were all called off leave, their shifts were extended from seven hours to twelve hours, they were placed on alert to move to any part of the province and, together with Bambanani, they were able to play an admirable role in all of this.

I think we managed all of this despite many agendas and despite challenges to co-ordination and disagreements about the details of the operation and what we had to do. We were able to put together a three-pronged strategy in the Western Cape that was based, firstly, on ensuring safety, secondly, on mobilising relief and, thirdly, on creating the basis for reintegrating foreign nationals back into the communities from which they had come.

Some of the conditions in the Western Cape allowed us to be fairly successful. Within 30 hours the violence in the Western Cape was quelled, a total of 376 people had been arrested, and even some of the courts heeded the call not to grant bail to any of the arrested people in order not to jeopardise any efforts at reintegration.

On humanitarian relief, we had food given by NGOs, but to be honest in a forum like this, many of the food resources were supplied by government. Shelter was also given by churches and mosques.

The point of disagreement was simply whether people should be housed within communities to facilitate reintegration, or should be isolated in mega camps on beaches. That was a major point of contention.

I am relieved that the issue is being resolved as, finally, there is overall agreement, including with the city, to disband Soetwater. There is agreement that it created unintended consequences, it created security problems and challenges for us, it compromised the dignity particularly of women in the camps, and it gave the impression of secondary trauma as we went on from that point. We now have agreement to disband Soetwater, as we are attempting to move Soetwater’s people to other places. We now need to make sure that reintegration occurs.

Our interaction with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees indicates very clearly that 95% of foreign nationals, particularly in the Western Cape, will not be able to go back to their countries of origin, or any other country of their choice. That means that for the foreseeable future they are our guests. That furthermore means that they cannot for the foreseeable future be in refugee camps or mega camps or isolated from communities.

We have over 200 people working as mediators in order to facilitate it. I want to say that at the height of these attacks on foreign nationals and the fear that it engendered, we had 19 000 displaced people. The figure this morning was more or less 8 250. What that means is that over 10 000 people have successfully been reintegrated into their communities.

This speaks of enormous goodwill and balanced behaviour by South Africans, and Masiphumelele led the way. [Applause.] Apologising, collecting the stolen goods by going door-to-door and getting them back, and helping to re- erect the shops and the houses of foreign nationals: That speaks to the true spirit of South Africans. For every one person who attacked a foreign national, there were tens of thousands of other people who poured their hearts out. That is the silver lining that must not be lost in the dark cloud of what is South Africa today.

It is also important that we understand that we need to drive a massive campaign that creates welcoming and safe conditions for people. In that regard I think that the campaign that the hon Bapela spoke about, “We are all Africans”, is something that we embrace very heartily, not only for our xenophobic province, but for our general perceptions in the Western Cape.

I am happy that I’ve had this opportunity to share some of these thoughts with you, and I look forward to embracing the report by the hon Bapela. Thank you very much.

Ms S RAJBALLY: Thank you, Madam Speaker. The recent spread of xenophobic attacks throughout the country has been absolutely horrific and barbarous. This abominable behaviour has shocked many of us and we have questioned where this has possibly stemmed from. In view of the report, the MF is pleased that the task team, led by our hon Bapela, has looked into the situation. For us it has certainly been an eye-opener regarding the type of South Africans we have among ourselves.

Government has been working endlessly on policies and legislation to take South Africa and the South African lifestyle to the heights of democracy. What we have failed in is socialising our people into democracy and its values and purpose. While it has certainly been rosy visualising our dream for South Africa, our people have fast forgotten our past, and have become isolated from humanitarianism and brotherhood. It was our brothers and sisters of Africa and countries around the world that became an asylum to so many of our comrades. Have we really forgotten this so soon?

However, I praise all the volunteers and donors that lent a hand to all the victims displaced by xenophobic attacks.

The MF, however, feels that we need to further investigate the road travelled and who the culprits were who were responsible for these attacks around the country. Our hon President built and maintained great relations around the continent and abroad. We need to salvage these relations and work hard to recreate South African confidence and international trust. This will certainly impact on the 2010 Fifa Soccer World Cup tournament and, I fear, on the international market that we are expecting.

We need to continue with our oversight in this matter and hopefully reach consensus with the public about this in reintegrating displaced families into the communities. The MF conveys its heartfelt thanks to the task team for work well done. I thank you, Madam Chair. [Applause.]

Mr M T LIKOTSI: Thank you, Madam Speaker.

Re le mokgatlo wa African People’s Convention, re leboha ha Palamente ya rona e ile ya ntsha mokgupi wa Palamente wa mekgatlo yohle e Palamenteng ho ya shebana le bothata ba ditwantshano tsa maAfrika a rona le baahi mane Alexandra, Thembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park le Ramaphosaville. Re ellellwa hore merusu ena e ile ya namela dibakeng tse kang Mamelodi, Atteridgeville, Soshanguve le Motse-Kapa.

Mokgatlo wa APC o rata ho leboha ha setjhaba se amehang se ile sa utlwa kgweletso ya hore “Marumo fatshe, bana ba thesele, ntwa ha se tharollo. ’O ka nketsang’ ha e ahe motse, motse ke wa morapedi.” Batho bana ba maAfrika ha se bona ba re nketseng naha le moruo wa yona. Ha e seke ya tshaba lehala ya mathela moratheng.

APC e re phephi, lefu ke ngwetsi ya malapa ohle. Re lakaletsa bohle ba lemetseng nameng le moyeng pholo le bophelo bo botle. (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)

[As the African People’s Convention, we are pleased that our Parliament sent a delegation of parliamentarians of all political parties that are in Parliament to go and address the problem of violence perpetrated against fellow Africans by locals in Alexandra, Thembisa, Germiston, Reiger Park and Ramaphosaville. We are aware that this violence also spread to areas such as Mamelodi, Atteridgeville, Soshanguve and Cape Town.

The APC would like to thank the affected communities for heeding the call to “lay down arms”, because war is not the solution. Being arrogant is not the right attitude, we have to be humble. These fellow Africans are not the ones who took our land and our wealth. Let us not direct our anger at the innocent people. The APC would like to send its condolences to those who were affected, because misfortune befalls us all. We wish all those who suffered both emotional and physical harm a speedy recovery and good health.]

The government should declare all informal settlements in our country disaster risk areas, as contemplated in Chapter 1 of the Disaster Management Act, Act 57 of 2002, with the definition of “disaster”. Just as with nodal areas, government is bound to channel resources where they are most needed. In my observation, the attacks took place in areas affected by poverty, most notably informal settlements.

We want to state that there are no “foreign nationals” amongst Africans and, if it is government policy to name them that, then it must be revisited. They must be called “Africans from our neighbouring countries”. This will act as an antidote to xenophobia. Government should put processes and systems in place to register these Africans on the country’s registers. They must be accorded all the privileges in international protocols that we are signatories to.

The APC is a Pan-Africanist organisation; we regard Africa as one continent but subdivided by the colonialists and the imperialists through the Berlin Act during the scramble for Africa in the 19th century. We regard you Africans as our brothers and sisters. You are more than welcome in our country. Please take stock of yourselves and become good residents in our country. We are a peaceful nation, as you might have noticed. We are patient, but our patience has a limit — do not overstretch it.

APC e qetela ka hore mathata a mangata ao re tobaneng le ona naheng ena, empa a hloka mamello. Ha e lale makwala re none. Re a leboha. [The APC concludes by saying that there are a lot of problems that we are faced with in this country, but we need to be patient. Let peace reign supreme. We thank you.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, in the two minutes allocated to me, let me remark that what happened in our country and was called xenophobia has been condemned by an overwhelming majority of our people. It is inexcusable, and it must not be allowed to rear its ugly head again.

Moreover, it must not be dealt with superficially. We must be careful not to deal with the symptoms of the disease, instead of the disease itself. Therefore, thorough investigation and research must be done into why this barbaric thing happened.

It is reported that a third of the people who were killed were South Africans. If this was because of poverty, why was it the poor who were targeted, and not those perceived to be rich?

Not long ago Africans of the African continent were united against colonialism and apartheid. Their countries made a rich Pan-African contribution to the liberation of South Africa. They were then appreciated and loved. Why would South Africans now exchange this appreciation for acid hatred? We must really know through thorough investigation the cause of this political imbecility.

Africans cannot be foreigners in Africa — Africans have a common destiny. We are sailing on the same ship — if it sails across the waters, we shall all be safe; if it sinks, we shall all perish. When we were enslaved or colonised, the authors of these inhuman acts never asked whether we were Nigerians, Zimbabweans, Azanians or South Africans. They inflicted their atrocities on every African, even in Jamaica or in America.

Let us also avoid discrimination against the citizens of this country with regard to housing, employment and other areas. The citizens of this country and those from the rest of Africa derive their rights from the Constitution of this country, and not from the membership of any political party. Long live Africa! Forward to the giant, monolithic state of Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr K P MOTLANTHE: Madam Speaker, hon members, allow me to add my voice to those who have commended the task team for a job well done. I would like to commence by dealing with this big word, “xenophobia”, and also give content to it by sharing with the House my experience of how people who are compelled to live in fetid, squalid lean-to shacks can be ignited into responses to their challenges which defy the very meaning of the word “humanity”.

A few years ago – three years ago, to be precise – in the same township of Alexandra, people living in lean-to shacks along the banks of the Jukskei River had to be moved because those banks are made of ash and in the rainy season the ground simply collapsed. Because this was regarded as a disaster by the provincial government of Gauteng, those people were then moved to an area outside Dobsonville, Soweto – between Dobsonville and the Randfontein Estate Gold Mine.

The people of Dobsonville, who themselves reside in an informal settlement made up of lean-to shacks, demonstrated against these new arrivals, described them as outsiders, and regarded them as a threat to the limited possibilities of accessing better housing.

So when we use this word “xenophobia”, we should also be mindful of the fact that people who live in informal settlements eke out a precarious living. In certain cases “living” simply means “not dying”. It has no other meaning, no other value beyond that.

If you add to that what hon Minister Trevor Manuel said yesterday about the impact of inflation on the poorest of the poor, it means that a year ago someone who tended the garden of those who had the means, and was therefore able to feed a family with R200 earned over a month, can no longer do so. This means the buying power of the limited means that they have is depressed to such levels that they can no longer survive.

Therefore, if there is anybody in the community who possesses even a TV set which is in a state of disrepair, such a person can be identified as a legitimate target.

I’m saying this because if we were to go to the same areas where people were attacked under the pretext of being foreigners or strangers, and suggest to them that Tinashe Nengomasha who plays soccer for Kaizer Chiefs should be repatriated to Zimbabwe with immediate effect, they would turn on you and kill you for suggesting that.

What does this tell us? It tells us that human beings are never and can never be fully defined by one element. So, the same people who would regard Oliver Mthukuzi as an icon and who would be prepared to live in his back yard, are able to attack others with the hope that they can gain something that will bring relief to their desperate situation.

I want to plead that we should look at this issue in that context, so that as we say the “yesizwe” [national] xenophobic attacks, we also understand that this is not a permanent feature. It is a seasonal occurrence.

This is not just the experience of South Africa. Other countries go through similar ups and downs as well. I recall that in the former Democratic Republic of Germany in the olden days of the divide, there was a time when the economy was doing so well that at airports and public places fruit was even laid out for any traveller to collect in a little paper bag, so that he or she could take some of the fruit as provisions on the long journey. But when the downswing in the economy happened, they all of a sudden had skinheads, people who were attacking others of Polish origin and so on. However, in the early rosy days 60% of the workforce had been made up of Polish nationals! We will have similar ups and downs in our country.

The point is: What does this tell us? What is the meaning of these attacks and what should our response be? The task team has made a number of recommendations which we as the ANC endorse. However, I think, correctly speaking, we should also be saying that in the long term as a country, as a nation, as a people, we should make sure that no human beings are compelled to live in those fetid lean-to structures. [Applause.]

Earlier this year I had the privilege of having a discussion with the Chief Justice and the Deputy Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court. In the course of our discussion, they put the question to me of why people do not seem to appreciate and understand the importance of the independence of the judiciary. I responded by throwing a question to them. I said to them that my feedback, as I interact with our people, is that they fail to understand why, once people break the law, the courts find in their favour.

In cities such as Johannesburg there are many derelict buildings which are in a bad state. The branding system is nonexistent. They are actually not just a health hazard, but disasters waiting to happen. And people occupy them — they squat. They occupy those buildings without authorisation, without permission, in the same way as people occupy land which is not serviced and squat on that land.

The courts, without fail, find in favour of those people. Even when the city council says, “This building is dangerous to your own safety; get out of the building so that we can renovate it,” a lawyer goes to court and the court says, “You can’t move those people unless you provide them with accommodation of a similar or better standard.”

So I threw this question back to the Chief Justice, and he promised me that he would write an educational piece in two instalments to explain the basis of such judgments in relation to the Bill of Rights. This is because I said to him that our people say: “No, look, these people break the law.” That’s the first thing, and the law enforcement units and the by-laws kick in and they are then asked to leave, but the courts always protect them.

So what this whole experience tells us is that there is a convergence of factors which underlie the eruption of this kind of violence, and that as a country we should take steps to address these underlying factors.

We must also strive to ensure that we inculcate in our people an understanding and acceptance of the concept of the rule of law - because if we don’t do that, the general environment of lawlessness encourages people to take advantage of the weaker.

As Parliament, as Members of this Parliament, I think we have a dual responsibility: We have a responsibility to play the oversight role, but we are also public representatives. We must be the eyes and ears of this institution. As we go out to do our work, we must ensure that we listen, and listen very carefully, to what our people have to say when they raise their concerns, because they not only raise concerns but also provide workable suggestions as to how these problems can be attended to.

I think we should live up to this responsibility. In that way we will be able to address the need for the prestige that our country enjoys internationally and ensure this blemish is well understood by our neighbours, our friends and those who regard South Africa as a beacon of hope. That’s our collective responsibility.

Therefore, regarding our national responsibility, I think the attacks were tragic enough not to be used for purposes of point-scoring, but we should truly try to respond in the spirit and manner in which diverse communities responded to this tragedy. We as an institution should not use this tragedy as an electioneering tool, but we should attend to these challenges as people who are sincerely concerned and who seek to find solutions to the problems. That is because, if we engage in grandstanding and apportioning blame, in a manner which does not address the core challenges, we are doing a disservice to those who sent us to this Parliament.

And, I think, with these words, on behalf of the ANC I also add my voice to those commending the task team, and I hope that we will all play our role in ensuring that this never ever happens again in South Africa. Thank you. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The Speaker of the National Assembly adjourned the Joint Sitting at 15:26.