TUESDAY, 11 APRIL 2000 _____

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                _____

The House met at 14:05.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Mr J P CRONIN: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  seven years ago Chris Hani was gunned down by right-wing
       elements in an attempt to derail negotiations towards a new,
       nonracial, democratic dispensation in our country; and

   (b)  this sinister act had, as its consequence, the direct opposite
       of what it intended as Chris Hani's death strengthened the
       resolve to achieve a democratic settlement wanted by an
       overwhelming majority of South Africans across the political
       spectrum;

(2) believes that despite great progress in democratisation, deep inequalities of race, class and gender still afflict our society; and

(3) calls upon all South Africans to emulate Chris Hani’s spirit of selfless devotion to the cause of the oppressed, the marginalised, the unemployed, the battered, the homeless and the landless.

[Applause.]

Mr C W EGLIN: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) congratulates the general secretary of Cosatu, Vavi, for speaking out on behalf of the trade unions on the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe and in doing so -

   (a)  condemning the violent occupation of farms which the Mugabe
       government is condoning, contrary to the ruling of the High
       Court;

   (b)  pointing out that the failure by the Mugabe government to
       respect the judiciary is bound to lead to the breakdown of
       social order and will make the country ungovernable, that the
       situation can give rise to political violence and instability,
       and will have grave consequences for the people of Zimbabwe and
       the region; and

   (c)  stating that the Mugabe government's gross interference in the
       affairs of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions was meant to
       intimidate workers and silence their voice; and   (2) calls on President Mbeki to follow the trade union's example and to
   state publicly his Government's attitude towards the unlawful and
   undemocratic actions being carried out by President Mugabe and his
   followers, to the detriment of the whole of the Southern African
   region.

[Interjections.] [Applause.]

Dr R RABINOWITZ: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) congratulates Government, universities, NGOs and volunteers who have alerted MPs and the public to the dangers of alcohol abuse in mothers, causing foetal alcoholic syndrome with resultant brain damage to children;

(2) notes that alcohol abuse contributes significantly to violence, road accidents, family breakdown and susceptibility to tuberculosis and Aids; and (3) calls on the President, the Deputy President and the Ministers of Health, of Education and of Welfare and Population Development to support all initiatives to combat foetal alcoholic syndrome and to demonstrate renewed commitment to tackling alcohol abuse in our country by, among others -

   (a)  improving the policing of existing legislation;

   (b)  eradicating the dop system;

   (c)  promoting parenting education;

   (d)  providing recreational facilities for our youth; and

   (e)  ensuring that lifestyle education is introduced at schools,
       particularly from Grade 4 upwards.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House - (1) notes that the dispossession of the people of Zimbabwe of their land by war, trickery and oppressive colonial wars was the root cause of the two wars of liberation waged by the people of that country;

(2) notes that Britain undertook a solemn obligation to assist the government of Zimbabwe to solve the issue of landlessness amongst the people of that country; and

(3) impresses upon the government of Zimbabwe the urgent need to enforce the rule of law in that country to ensure that the landless majority has access to land.

[Applause.]

Dr E A SCHOEMAN: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move:

That the House -

(1) expresses alarm and concern that the inability of the Zimbabwean security forces to give effect to a court decision to remove land invaders, has already resulted in threats of similar invasions in Kenya;

(2) notes that, in contrast to Cosatu’s public stance, the South African Government has neglected to make any statement regarding this matter and that this silence impacts negatively on overseas confidence in Africa at large, and the SADC region in particular; and

(3) urges the President, Mr Thabo Mbeki, and the Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs to deal with this matter on a principled basis, stating South Africa’s position in unequivocal terms.

Mr C T FROLICK: Madam Speaker, I give notice that at the next sitting of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House -

(1) expresses its shock at the sacking of Hansie Cronjé as captain of the South African cricket team, following continued allegations of his involvement with Indian bookmakers and his admission that he had not been ``entirely honest’’ with the United Cricket Board of SA;

(2) calls for a full public inquiry to deal with this matter quickly, openly and decisively, in the interests of justice and the image of South African cricket;

(3) recognises that a full public inquiry is in the country’s best interests, since we are a cricket-loving and sport-loving nation and such allegations cast a huge shadow of doubt over the image of integrity and honesty of South African sportsmen and sportswomen; and

(4) expressly states that we, as South Africans, cannot tolerate corruption of any sort in our society and that in sport we must be even more vigilant, since our sportsmen and sportswomen are more than just national heroes - they are role models for our children and ambassadors of our country.

Mr C NQAKULA: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC: That the House -

(1) notes -

   (a)  the tense situation in Zimbabwe arising from land occupations
       carried out by landless liberation war veterans and their
       supporters;

   (b)  that continued landlessness among large numbers of Zimbabweans,
       20 years after independence, poses a serious threat to peace and
       stability in that country; and

   (c)  that the ANC-led Government in South Africa has opted for a
       constitutional reform process; and

(2) urges all political parties in this country -

   (a)  to lend their unstinting support to land reform measures carried
       out by the Government; and

   (b)  urges their constituencies to co-operate with the Government's
       land reform programme as the best means of ensuring continued
       peace and order in our countryside.

[Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes that the Triangle Pharmaceutical Company from the United States of America initiated the HIV/Aids trial treatment programme Number FTC 302 which resulted in the deaths of five women;

(2) demands that the Triangle Pharmaceutical Company provide comprehensive treatment for any side effects that may arise out of the trial treatment programme and pay full compensation for any temporary or permanent disability arising out of the trial programme;

(3) notes that the Medicines Control Council has denied Mrs P de Lille access to the names of all other pharmaceutical companies currently conducting HIV/Aids treatment trials by quoting certain outdated regulations of the Medicines and Related Substances Control Act of 1965; and

(4) calls on the Minister of Health to give proper guidance to the Medicines Control Council, as the regulations quoted are contrary to the constitutional provisions on access to information.

Mr G E BALOI: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the UCDP:

That the House -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  the closing of Steenberg post office will hurt local communities
       and possibly add to job losses;

   (b)  a few years ago, when the post office at Lakeside was closed,
       residents and businesspeople in the area were moved to Steenberg
       post office; and

   (c)  Steenberg post office serves the residents of Lakeside,
       Kirstenhof and Steenberg, who have grown in numbers because of
       housing developments that have gone up over the past few years;
       and

(2) requests the Department of Communications to desist from closing down service-rendering institutions as this has costly effects on people who have to move farther afield for services and run the risk of being waylaid and robbed.

Mr G Q M DOIDGE: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that the policies of affirmative action which the ANC-led Government is pursuing are mandated by our democratic Constitution;

(2) notes that these policies constitute the wisest course in an orderly and constitution-driven process to correct the criminal discriminatory policies of the past;

(3) calls upon all parties in Parliament to give their unconditional support to the principles and policies of affirmative action;

(4) urges the ANC Government to accelerate the pace of the land distribution process, thereby ensuring that all South Africans share equally in the country’s wealth; and

(5) congratulates the ANC-led Government on the constructive and sensitive manner in which it has handled the Zimbabwean situation.

[Applause.]

Ms R TALJAARD: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) notes that the defamatory, racist and deeply offensive allegations made under oath by Minister Jeff Radebe in an ANC submission to the HRC on racism in the media constituted a clear attack on the journalistic integrity and competence of Lizeka Mda;

(2) notes that Ms Mda said: ``I cannot imagine a worse insult to my professional integrity, but then, again, to the ANC, which has sidelined every member who has dared not to toe the line, the idea of a black woman who can think for herself may be a novel one.’’;

(3) expresses its concern at the apparent breach of the Human Rights Commission Act by Minister Radebe;

(4) expresses its surprise at the deafening silence emanating from the ANC Women’s League about the attack on Lizeka Mda from the ranks of their own party;

(5) calls on Minister Radebe and the ANC to make a public apology to the parties concerned for the shortsighted and farcical assertions contained in the ANC’s submission to the HRC; and

(6) agrees with Ms Mda’s deep concern that, as president of the ANC, President Mbeki wrote or gave his express approval to ``that nonsensical document that was presented to the HRC’’.

[Applause.]

Mr J H SLABBERT: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) notes -

   (a)  that countless motions have been moved in the House lamenting
       the frequent tragic accidents on our roads; and

   (b)  the Ministry has frequently been challenged to implement
       strategies which will cause South African drivers to begin
       observing the laws and rules for safety;

(2) is seriously concerned that its sentiments regarding the lawlessness on our roads are not being addressed with vigour, determination and consistency; and

(3) calls upon the Minister to bring greater zeal and missionary purpose to bear on the problem of lawlessness in order for our roads to cease to be the killing fields they have become.

Mr N P NHLEKO: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes -

   (a)  the escalating tensions between the government of Zimbabwe and
       various components of civil society in that country, especially
       the trade unions; and

   (b)  that the right of working people to join, to organise and to
       take collective action through their unions is a universally
       recognised human right; and

(2) urges the government of Zimbabwe to recognise and defend the rights of the working people and their organisations.

[Applause.]

Dr R T RHODA: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the New NP:

That the House -

(1) notes with deep concern -

   (a)  the thousands of job losses in the clothing and textile
       industry; and

   (b)  the accompanying hardships being endured by our people;

(2) notes the commitment given by the Government at the Presidential Jobs Summit in 1998 to support the ``buy local’’ campaign;

(3) finds it disturbing to learn that a clothing company based in China might secure a contract to produce thousands of shirts for the SA Air Force; and

(4) calls for an immediate investigation into how such a decision could be arrived at, if the contract is awarded to the Chinese.

Ms O N MNDENDE: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I will move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House -

(1) expresses dismay at the translation policy in Parliament which shows preference to languages that were elevated as official during the apartheid era to the detriment of other languages which are also official in status according to the democratic Constitution of the new South Africa;

(2) notes that English and Afrikaans always have simultaneous translations, whereas African languages are treated as appendages and have translations only in exceptional cases;

(3) rejects the implication that the present African MPs are the adopted or co-opted sons and daughters of these two languages, like ``white souls in black skins’’; and

(4) calls on the Government to redress this matter so that this country will stop being a European island in Africa, and allow all South Africans to benefit from our legislative deliberations, as the constitutional right to equality of language expects of us.

                        MOTION OF CONDOLENCE

                     (The late Mr W W T M Mbete)

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House - (1) notes with profound sadness the untimely passing away of the father of the hon Deputy Speaker, Baleka Mbete; and

(2) conveys its heartfelt condolences to her, her family and relatives.

Agreed to.

CONSIDERATION OF REPORT OF JOINT STANDING COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE -
                  APPOINTMENT OF INSPECTOR-GENERAL

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I participate only to say that the DP was unable to play its full role in this appointment, because of the decision by the National Intelligence Agency to deny Mr Richard Pillay security clearance. I thank my friend the hon chairperson, Ms Mapisa-Nqakula, for her courtesy in keeping me informed about the process of the appointment.

The DP’s attitude is quite clear. The grounds are flimsy and spurious and there is no nexus between the allegations and Mr Pillay’s fitness or otherwise for service on the intelligence oversight committee. [Interjections.] The SPEAKER: Order! Hon Mr Gibson, I am sorry, as you are aware, that process is under review, and I would appreciate it if it were not discussed in the House until the review process is over.

Mr D H M GIBSON: Madam Speaker, I certainly abide by that. In fact, we are left with no alternative but to proceed with the review proceedings, and the sooner those take place, the better. The person being appointed in the position which we are considering today is, no doubt, a reasonable choice and we have no reason as a party to oppose him. We will, therefore, merely abstain from voting to demonstrate our objection to the exclusion of the DP’s representative on the committee for reasons that are not his fault or that of the DP.

Mr V B NDLOVU: Madam Speaker, the person we were proposing was Mr Ngwenya. He proved to be an excellent person and number one of the three candidates who were interviewed. However, because of the … [Laughter.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Please proceed.

Mr V B NDLOVU: Bangihlekani laba? [Uhleko.] [Why are these people laughing at me? [Laughter.]]

The problem is that procedure was not followed here, ie to capacitate the people who were there and who came from three different groups. In this case it seems as if Mr Ngwenya was turned down because of the knowledge that he had. The person who was approved was someone who was going to be capacitated so as to understand the process of the working of the committee. I, as a member of the IFP, prefer Mr Ngwenya to the candidate who is being appointed now. But I will still go along with the candidate, provided that he knows that he works for us. [Applause.]

Mrs M E OLCKERS: Madam Speaker, although the New NP nominated and supported another candidate, we made it clear to the committee that we would fall in with the vote of the majority. That is what we are doing.

On behalf of the New NP, I want to congratulate Dr Randera on his appointment as inspector-general. We wish him well with his appointment. It is a challenging post and he will need all the calm and dignity that he possesses to deal with it.

I want to thank our chairlady of the standing committee, who really bent over backwards and did all she could to persuade the DP to attend the interviews and to nominate a candidate. In spite of all that, they did not attend the interviews. They did not nominate a candidate. [Interjections.] [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order!

Mrs M E OLCKERS: I would like to congratulate our chairlady on a job transparently and well done. [Applause.]

Mr S ABRAM: Madam Speaker, I have no problem with the comments made by the hon member Olckers. All I would like to tell my good old friend Mr Gibson is that, unfortunately, the DP missed the boat. [Interjections.] The DP did not use the opportunity even to nominate somebody, nor did it accede to the request by the chairperson of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence to sit in on the hearings at which the three candidates were considered.

If I may just say something about the three candidates: I must admit that all three of them were excellent. The three of them were all good candidates with immense capabilities, men of integrity. But what were we really looking for? We were looking for somebody who, on the one hand, would look after the interests of the total South African society and, on the other hand, would have a sympathetic ear for Government. We were also looking for somebody who would not hesitate to tell Government and society where to get off if they were in the wrong.

We believe that the sort of experience that Dr Randera has built up, particularly as a commissioner in the TRC, and the fact that he is involved in a profession in which one has to act humanely, make him an ideal candidate.

Thirdly, we were told that perhaps a person with a medical background would not be able to do the job and that one had to have a person who had a legal background. My response to that is that, in the past, we have had dominees'' here who were Ministers of economic affairs. Can members imagine adominee’’ with experience in economic affairs? [Laughter.] I believe that this particular medical doctor will do South Africa proud. I believe that he needs to be supported by all of us.

I do not think it was really necessary to have a debate on this particular issue because we must keep this particular appointment totally outside the realm of politics. May I also congratulate fellow colleagues in the JSCI on being very balanced people. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr L M GREEN: Madam Speaker, hon Ministers and members, the ACDP was part of this process right from the word go. We are happy and satisfied that the chairperson had gone out of her way to ensure that the process was inclusive, impartial and fair.

I must say that I do regret the absence of the DP in the process of the appointment of the inspector-general, but it is not because of the doing of the chairperson. In fact, she went out of her way to include each and every political party. We know that there is a concern at the moment that the DP is not part of this committee. [Interjections.] We would like to appeal to the DP to try to sort out this matter as soon as possible so that we can have the DP as part of the process. [Interjections.]

Allow me also to congratulate the candidate, Dr Randera, on his appointment to the post. We know that it is the prerogative of the President to make the appointment. We have had three excellent candidates, but after they were all thoroughly interviewed for more than an hour, we all came to the conclusion that he is the best candidate for the job. We believe that he will be an impartial and bold person. We also believe that he has the necessary commitment to the new democratic order. So, we believe that Dr Randera is the best candidate and, therefore, the ACDP approves his appointment. [Applause.]

Mrs P DE LILLE: Madam Speaker, my apology to the House. The PAC wishes to support the appointment of Dr Randera as Inspector-General of the National Intelligence Agency. We hope that his appointment will improve the image of the NIA and the credibility of our national intelligence internationally. We wish him well in his new job. [Applause.]

Mr M A MANGENA: Madam Speaker, hon members, we wish to congratulate Dr Randera on his appointment. It is a sensitive - and hopefully not difficult

• but important task that he has to carry out on behalf of our nation. He will need all our support, and he has got it. Congratulations and good luck! [Applause.]

Ms N N MAPISA-NQAKULA: Madam Speaker, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to restate what we all know: Nothing is done until it is done.

Today marks an historic development in the history of our intelligence dispensation as we edge closer to the appointment of the inspector-general. This is a long-awaited appointment, not just by Parliament and the joint standing committee, but also from the perspective of the services.

The intelligence dispensation has not been complete in the absence if the inspector-general, as certain structures had to absorb functions which were designed for this post. It is in this sense that this day is historic. Nothing is done until it is done. The approval of the candidate will add an important layer of supervision of the intelligence services and would enhance public confidence in our intelligence services.

In future, when we say that the intelligence services are right or wrong, we will know that such a conclusion was reached after an independent and rigorous process of review and self-application by the committee and the inspector-general. This can only be good for our democracy and will create a more conducive environment for the operations of a critical state resource, our intelligence services which are our first line of defence.

The Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence would like to thank members of the public and the different political parties in Parliament for nominating candidates and assisting in this process. Furthermore, a word of gratitude goes to all the candidates who made themselves available for interviews for the post of inspector-general. I also like to recognise the senior management of the intelligence services, who have come to lend support to this process of the approval of this inspector-general by Parliament. Nangomso [Keep up the good work.] [Applause.]

I will be failing in my duty if I do not thank members of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence for the way in which they worked. They have dealt with this matter in the national interest, without any sectarian or party-political inclination. I am sure that, with this approach, the oversight of the intelligence services, on behalf of this Parliament that represents our people, is in good hands.

I would like to urge all parties in this House to approve the appointment of Dr Randera, who is up in the gallery, as the inspector-general of the intelligence services. An approval by the hon members will enable the President to appoint him to start work on 1 May 2000.

Hon members, nothing is done until it is done, and it is time to do it. I am confident that we will rise to the challenge. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

Question put: That the Report be adopted.

AYES - 259: Abrahams, L A; Abrahams, T; Abram, S; Ainslie, A R; Arendse, J D; Asmal, A K; Bakker, D M; Baloi, G E; Baloyi, M R; Baloyi, S F; Belot, S T; Benjamin, J; Bhengu, F; Bhengu, G B; Bhengu, N R; Biyela, B P; Blaas, A; Bloem, D V; Booi, M S; Botha, N G W; Buthelezi, M N; Camerer, S M; Capa, R Z N; Carrim, Y I; Cassim, M F; Chalmers, J; Chiba, L; Chikane, M M; Cindi, N V; Coetzee-Kasper, M P; Cronin, J P; Cwele, S C; Davies, R H; De Lange, J H; Diale, L N; Ditshetelo, P H K; Dlamini, B O; Doidge, G Q M; Dowry, J J; Dudley, C; Duma, N M; Durand, J; Du Toit, D C; Dyani, M M Z; Ebrahim, E I; Fankomo, F C; Feinstein, A J; Ferreira, E T; Fihla, N B; Frolick, C T; Gandhi, E; Gcina, C I; Geldenhuys, B L; George, M E; Gerber, P-J A; Gigaba, K M N; Gogotya, N J; Gomomo, P J; Goniwe, T M; Goosen, A D; Gous, S J; Green, L M; Gumede, D M; Gxowa, N B; Hajaig, F; Hanekom, D A; Hangana, N E; Hendrickse, P A C; Hlengwa, M W; Hogan, B A; Jana, D P S; Jassat, E E; Jeffery, J H; Joemat, R R; Jordan, Z P; Kalako, M U; Kannemeyer, B W; Kasienyane, O R; Kasrils, R; Kekana, N N; Kgarimetsa, J J; Kgauwe, Q J; Kgwele, L M; Kota, Z A; Kotwal, Z; Landers, L T; Leeuw, S J; Lekgoro, M K; Lekgoro, M M S; Lishivha, T E; Lobe, M C; Lockey, D; Louw, J T; Louw, S K; Lucas, E J; Lyle, A G; Mabeta, M E; Madasa, Z L; Magashule, E S; Magazi, M N; Magubane, N E; Magwanishe, G B; Mahlalela, C C; Mahlangu, G L; Mahlangu, M J; Mahomed, F; Maimane, D S; Makasi, X C; Makunyane, T L; Makwetla, S P; Malebana, H F; Maloney, L; Malumise, M M; Mangena, M A; Manie, M S; Maphalala, M A; Mapisa-Nqakula, N N; Mars, I; Marshoff, F B; Martins, B A D; Masala, M M; Maserumule, F T; Mashimbye, J N; Masithela, N H; Maunye, M M; Mayatula, S M; Maziya, A M; Mbadi, L M; Mbombo, N D; Mbongo, P F; Mbulawa-Hans, B G; Mdladlana, M M S; Meshoe, K R J; Mfundisi, I S; Mgidi, J S; Middleton, N S; Mkhize, B R; Mlangeni, A; Mnandi, P N; Mndende, O N; Mngomezulu, G P; Mnumzana, S K; Moeketse, K M; Mofokeng, T R; Mohai, S J; Mohamed, I J; Mokoena, D A; Molebatsi, M A; Molewa, B G; Moloto, K A; Momberg, J H; Mongwaketse, S J; Montsitsi, S D; Moonsamy, K; Morkel, C M; Morobi, D M; Moss, M I; Mothoagae, P K; Mpaka, H M; Mpehle, M; Mpontshane, A M; Mhsudulu, S A; Mthembu, B; Mtsweni, N S; Mutsila, I; Mzondeki, M J G; Nair, B; Nash, J H; Ncube, N B Z; Ndlovu, V B; Ndou, R S; Nel, A C; Nqodi, S B: Nene, N M; Newhoudt-Druchen, W S; Ngcengwane, N D; Ngculu, L V J; Ngubane, H; Ngubeni, J M; Ngwenya, M L; Nhlanhla, J M; Nhleko, N P; Nhlengethwa, D G; Niemann, J J; Njobe, M A A; Nkomo, A S; Nkosi, D M; Nqakula, C; Ntshangase, I B; Ntuli, B M; Ntuli, M B; Ntuli, S B; Odendaal, W A; Olckers, M E; Olifant, D A A; Oliphant, G G; Omar, A M; Phala, M J; Phantsi, N E; Pheko, S E M; Phohlela, S; Pieterse, R D; Rabinowitz, R; Radebe, B A; Rajbally, S; Rajoo, K; Ramgobin, M; Ramotsamai, C M P; Rasmeni, S M; Rhoda, R T; Ripinga, S S; Saloojee, E; Schneemann, G D; Schoeman, E A; Scott, M I; Seaton, S A; Sekgobela, P S; September, C C; September, R K; Shilubana, T P; Shope, N R; Sigcau, S N; Sigwela, E M; Sikakane, M R; Simmons, S; Sithole, D J; Skhosana, W M; Skweyiya, Z S T; Slabbert, J H; Smith, V G; Solo, B M; Solomon, G; Sonjica, B P; Sotyu, M M; Thabethe, E; Tinto, B; Tolo, L J; Tsheole, N M; Tshivhase, T J; Turok, B; Twala, N M; Vadi, I; Van den Heever, R P Z; Van der Merwe, A S; Van der Merwe, S C; Van Deventer, F J; Van Jaarsveld, A Z A; Van Wyk, A (Anna); Van Wyk, A (Annelizé); Van Wyk, J F; Van Wyk, N; Verwoerd, M; Vilakazi, B H; Vos, S C; Woods, G G; Xingwana, L M T; Yengeni, T S; Zondo, R P; Zuma, J G.

ABSTENTIONS - 29: Andrew, K M; Bell, B G; Borman, G M; Botha, A J; Clelland, N J; Da Camara, M L; Davidson, I O; De Vos, P J; Eglin, C W; Ellis, M J; Farrow, S B; Gibson, D H M; Gore, V C; Grobler, G A J; Heine, R J; Lee, T D; Maluleke, D K; McIntosh, G B D; Moorcroft, E K; Ntuli, R S; Opperman, S E; Pillay, S; Selfe, J; Semple, J A; Singh, A; Smuts, M; Swart, P S; Taljaard, R; Waters, M.

The required majority for the nomination of an Inspector-General of Intelligence in terms of the Intelligence Services Act, 1994 (as amended), not being obtained, decision of question postponed.

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Debate on Vote No 33 - Transport: The MINISTER OF TRANSPORT: Madam Speaker, hon members, the role of transport can be defined in economic, social and political terms. In terms of its economic role, transport holds the key to economic growth in the country, because without the means and capacity to move people and goods effectively, efficiently and on an affordable basis, we stand still as a nation and as a country.

The economic integration of the Southern African region requires an efficient and affordable system of transport. Our own integration into the life and activities of our continent makes a similar demand.

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon Minister, would you just hold it please? There has been a problem with microphones since the early part of today. Table, will you please address that? If the podium microphone is on, Minister, will you proceed? [Interjections.]

The MINISTER: The globalised world economic environment makes it imperative that our transport system facilitates South Africa’s successful participation in a competitive world economy dominated by powerful interests.

Its social role is a two-fold one. Firstly, to provide for the transport needs of the people generally, but, secondly, to address and redress the gross distortions created by apartheid policies which consigned black people to locations, townships and reserves, far away from cities and other centres of economic life, facilities and amenities.

Its political role is, perhaps, not readily apparent, but it is an important one. Transport must help to unite us with the rest of the continent of Africa so as to promote our African consciousness and the African renaissance. In this context, the Department of Transport performs functions in relation to road, rail, sea and air transport, both passenger and freight. The current world economic environment dictated the need for the Department of Transport to effect institutional reforms in accordance with a vision which separates policy-making, strategy formulation and regulation, on the one hand, from actual operations.

Secondly, it divested Government from being directly involved in actual operations. In this context, Government retains a regulatory role to ensure unbiased regulation in respect of safety matters, environmental matters, quality control and market access for transport operators, to prohibit excessive tariffs in the case of monopolies and to create a more competitive environment.

This general approach ensures opening up the sphere of operations to private sector participation, whilst also ensuring that the operator is not player and referee at the same time. In respect of infrastructure development we also rely greatly on public-private partnerships, promoting black economic empowerment whilst contributing to the creation of an enabling environment for investment and trade in the Southern African region.

In addition to these transport-specific functions, the Department of Transport must contribute to the achievement of the general objective of creating a better life by participating in the campaigns to fight HIV/Aids, combating racism and sexism, focusing on violence against women and children, fighting crime and corruption and creating job opportunities.

Appropriate structures and mechanisms operating at arm’s length have been created to enable the various functions outlined above to be performed; such as, in respect of aviation matters, the Air Traffic and Navigation Services Co Ltd, the SA Civil Aviation Authority, the regulating committee for the Airports Company Ltd and the ATNS, the International Air Services Council and the SA Air Services Liaising Committee. Secondly, in respect of our airports, we have the Airports Company Ltd of South Africa, which has done outstanding work. Thirdly, in respect of maritime matters, we have the SA Maritime Safety Authority. Fourthly, in respect of national roads, we have the SA National Roads Agency. Fifthly, in respect of cross-border road matters, we have the Cross-Border Road Transport Agency. Sixthly, in respect of commuter rail services, the SA Rail Commuter Corporation - comprising, of course, Spoornet and Metrorail - is part of the Transnet stable, and they fall under Public Enterprises.

I should also say that we are currently engaged, together with other relevant departments, in promoting legislation to set up an independent rail-safety regulating authority and an independent ports regulating authority so as to effectively separate independent regulation from operations. We also have a role to play in the Road Accident Fund, in respect of which a new board is about to be appointed. In the Southern African region, in SADC, we participate in the Southern African Transport and Communication Commission and in the active implementation of the Protocol on Transport, Communication and Meteorology. We participate in the International Maritime Organisation, IMO, the International Civil Aviation Organisation, ICAO, and the Permanent International Association of Roads Congresses, PIARC. We also continue to build up good co-operation with the private sector and other role-players.

Currently, in order to ensure that we are able to discharge our obligations effectively, we are reassessing our organogram, reviewing our systems and management, and implementing the new regulatory framework for the Public Service and the Public Finance Management Act. At governmental level we have good co-operation between national, provincial and local spheres of government. We also participate in the integrated sustainable rural development strategy, the poverty relief programme and the disaster management programme.

Having given a cursory overview of transport functions and structures, allow me to turn to some key areas of our work. Firstly, there are safety issues. Our top priority for the current year relates to safety: safety on the road, on rail, in the air and at sea. We play a role in all of these. The most urgent in the eyes of millions of South Africans is that of the road.

Currently road traffic management and road safety matters, as well as law enforcement, fall predominantly within the area of competence of provincial and local governments. We have been living with a fragmented system of road traffic management and law enforcement, fragmented between nearly 800 provincial and local authorities. As a result, road traffic management, road safety and law enforcement have been negatively affected. We cannot allow the current system of anarchy and the carnage on our roads to continue. There needs to be drastic intervention. There have been some road safety programmes in provinces and some local authorities, but there has been no national road safety programme for the country as a whole.

The Arrive Alive campaign, which is basically a communication campaign with enhanced law enforcement, a programme designed to change attitudes and the behaviour of road users, has been successful within its limited framework of objectives. However, it is no substitute for a comprehensive road safety programme. The matter has been discussed with the MECs for transport of the various provinces and representatives of the SA Local Government Association. Everyone has, generally, agreed that we must proceed as speedily as possible to put before the country a comprehensive road safety programme.

I do not promise overnight solutions, but a start has to be made and we are making it. At the same time, the Arrive Alive campaign will continue to be an important component of the programme, but the programme will deal with much more. It will, for example, deal with vehicle-related issues. It is not enough that we should ask vehicle owners to ensure that their vehicles are in a roadworthy condition. There needs to be effective action to promote vehicle fitness. For example, corruption must be eliminated from vehicle testing stations. These stations must, in the public interest, impose an uncompromisingly high standard.

In the case of public passenger transport vehicles, regular and periodic compulsory testing must be considered. For certain classes of vehicles, compulsory road safety checks on a regular basis must be considered. When I say that these things must be considered, I am also saying that we are considering them.

Then there are driver-related issues. For example, testing centres must not compromise on the standard of skills required. Stricter tests must be introduced. Effective health tests, and especially eye tests, on a regular basis must be considered. Driving schools may have to be registered and the curricula for training, especially for public passenger transport vehicles, may have to be more stringently controlled.

Law enforcement must receive top priority attention. There must be zero tolerance for road traffic violations. We will be looking at increased penalties for speeding, overloading, drunken driving, reckless and negligent driving. Provincial and local traffic authorities need to be empowered to enable them to employ more traffic officers. We are also looking at enlisting the participation of technology firms in the private sector to revolutionise law enforcement in certain areas such as speed- related violations.

There must be closer interaction between the authorities such as the national Department of Transport and the bus and taxi industries to win greater compliance with the rules of the road. In that regard, unroadworthy vehicles must be removed from the road. Drivers who are not fit to drive must not be allowed to drive. Passenger transport vehicle owners, I must warn, will risk losing their certificates if they deliberately put unroadworthy vehicles on the road. We will also focus on physical infrastructure matters such as road conditions, road signage and the introduction of compulsory stops to compel vehicles to stop at certain points - for example, in the Kei cuttings - but only where it is appropriate.

The issue of education in road safety matters is important. Community-based and school-based road safety education programmes must become a reality in all schools and communities as part of the ongoing programme of the Arrive Alive campaign. Now I can indicate that the Minister of Education, Kader Asmal, and I have had a number of discussions with regard to these matters and there is a very exciting programme unfolding in our schools as a result of that co-operation. [Applause.]

The current fragmented road traffic management system must also come to an end. It is for this reason that we are creating the Road Traffic Management Corporation in which the national Minister, provincial Ministers and representatives of local government will serve. Its task will be to end the system which is so defective and to introduce a more rational and effective national road traffic management system. It is hoped that this corporation will come to life during the course of this year.

We must deal more effectively with road traffic offences. Much more important for us at this stage is the implementation of the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act. Consistent with our zero- tolerance approach to traffic violations, the current situation in which the overwhelming majority of persons receiving tickets and summonses for violations ignore them with impunity, will come to an end. The new system will ensure that once a traffic violation has been ticketed, such violation will be recorded against the vehicle licence concerned. When the owner seeks to renew the vehicle licence for the new year, the renewal will be refused, unless all fines and penalties accrued have been paid. In addition, the demerit point system will count against repeat violators of the law. It can result in the suspension of drivers’ licences. We hope to introduce this new system on an incremental basis in certain parts of the country which are ready for them, and then the system will be gradually extended to the rest of the country.

The first areas in which the new system will apply will be announced in due course, hopefully before the end of the current year. The implementation of the Road Traffic Management Corporation and Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act require the co-operation of all three spheres of Government. We are confident that we will win such co-operation, because it will benefit all tiers of government. I must say that, regrettably, bribery and corruption remain a special and serious problem. I have already discussed these matters with the Minister of Safety and Security and the National Director of Public Prosecutions. We hope to launch a number of initiatives which will address this problem firmly. Offending traffic and other officials must know - and, indeed, political office bearers must know

• that where corruption takes place, we will be acting firmly. Those who engage in corrupt methods must know that their days of undermining law enforcement and law compliance are drawing to an end. Again, I do not promise instant results, but we will face the problem head-on and will not sweep them under the carpet.

We will shortly be reporting on our last Arrive Alive campaign, and will also be launching the campaign for the Easter holiday period. At the same time, I hope to launch a discussion document on the road safety programme for South Africa. I hope to present the document to the public for comment and suggestions. When the Road Traffic Safety Board meet in May this year, the matter will be on their agenda as well. We will also consult with all relevant stakeholders and role-players, including bus owners, truck operators, taxi owners, trade unions and community-based organisations.

In the meanwhile I can say that the reduction of the speed limit on our highways from a maximum of 120 km/h to a maximum of 100 km/h for buses and minibus taxis has proved to be a great success, though, of course, there are always those who think that they know better and continue to break the law. The National Road Traffic Act was due to come into operation on 1 May

1. However, at the request of certain provinces the implementation date, regrettably, had to be delayed and has been changed to 1 July 2000. This has been conveyed to the provinces.

A road traffic signs manual for Southern Africa and a South African road traffic safety manual will also see the light of day shortly. The issue of working hours of drivers and of driver fatigue - both road and rail - will be addressed in our discussions with relevant role-players. Already we have had discussions with the Minister of Labour and if it becomes necessary appropriate legislation will be passed, because many accidents are caused by driver fatigue.

With regard to safety at sea, the SA Maritime Safety Authority is already playing an important role and in respect of air safety, the Air Traffic and Navigation Services Co Ltd and the SA Civil Aviation Authority are increasing their activities and their monitoring functions, so as to ensure that air accidents are not only reduced to a minimum, but are totally eliminated. One air accident is one accident too many. Addressing the transport needs of the country, the people and the economy represents, therefore, the core functions of the department.

I want to turn to the issue of the transformation of the minibus-taxi industry. We have been devoting considerable energy and time to the transformation of that industry. Many people see the minibus taxis as a curse, but for more than 60% of South Africa’s people it is their only mode of transport. It is one of the miracles of survival and triumph of our black entrepreneurs.

The industry arose at a time when the apartheid masters had failed to make adequate provision for the transport needs of the overwhelming majority, who happened to be black. What is more, blacks were denied the opportunity of effective participation in the professions, in business and in the economic life of the country except, of course, as drawers of water and hewers of wood. Under very difficult conditions, the minibus-taxi industry arose. Therefore the minibus-taxi industry represents an area of black participation in the economy to which I want to give my unreserved support. There is every possibility of many thousands of people at many levels - at local level too - throughout the country being drawn into the economic life of the country through their participation in the minibus-taxi and related industries. There is a wonderful window of opportunity for genuine black economic empowerment for large sectors of the historically disadvantaged communities. Our recapitalisation programme must be seen as part of a broader economic empowerment programme which will give millions of blacks a stake in the economy of the country.

But this process must not be seen in isolation. Because the industry arose in the margins of our society, the law was often ignored. In many instances, regulation became almost nonexistent. Lawlessness and violence became prevalent. Accordingly, it is incumbent upon Government, as part of the transformation process, to introduce effective regulation, to transform the informal into formal and to implement effective law enforcement. This, however, can only be done in full co-operation with all the stakeholders and role-players, including the taxi industry itself, as well as representatives and organisations of drivers and workers.

In that regard, special attention must be given to the role and concerns of the SA Taxi Council, Sataco, as it establishes itself as the parliament of the taxi industry, based on democratic elections. The programme also makes provision for training and inculcates pride and a sense of responsibility. We are actively involved in these processes and continue to interact with other stakeholders to bring them on board as well. I can indicate that despite the announcement by Sataco of a limited suspension of its participation in one of the structures of transformation, I have been maintaining regular contact with Sataco and met with it only two days ago. We are building up the co-operation which we need to ensure that our processes succeed.

The minibus-taxi recapitalisation programme is a very ambitious one. Let me explain. Owing to oversupply on lucrative routes, weak regulation, corruption and rising vehicle prices, underinvestment in vehicle renewal has been occurring over the past decade. Apart from their age and condition, the current 16-seater vehicles were not designed for passenger transport, because in countries such as Japan they are used only as light delivery vehicles. The reality is that the age of the current vehicle fleet is making it unsafe and it can only grow older and more costly. This state of affairs suggests that structural problems exist and that interventions and institutional reforms by the state are imperative. The essence of the recapitalisation project is to replace, over a five-year period, the current ageing and increasingly dangerous fleet of approximately 126 000 taxis with new, locally assembled, 18-seater and 35-seater vehicles specifically designed to the high quality safety standards required for public passenger transport.

This innovative scheme, developed by a task team represented by the Departments of Transport, of Trade and Industry, of Finance, and of Minerals and Energy, in partnership with the taxi industry, will be facilitated through a permit swop system - old for the new - and a scrapping allowance which will be available to legal owners of existing vehicles to offset the price of the new vehicles. The scheme has built-in regulatory levers in the form of compulsory registration of new vehicles onto a national permits database and forced maintenance contracts linked to the residual scrapping value of the vehicle at the end of its effective life.

Clearly, the industry has to be based on its vehicle fleet. This fleet has to be technically suitable from a safety point of view, cost-effective and operated in such a manner that it can provide a sustainable and affordable service to our people. Any industry based on capital equipment must be able to continuously replace that capital equipment in order to grow and remain cost-effective on a sustainable basis. The current fleet development process in the industry is failing to do this. Accordingly, Government is intervening in this market failure to restructure the fleet onto a more suitable growth path. Potential assemblers have been shortlisted and they have had the opportunity of showing what could be possible in terms of vehicle type and the associated packages of financing and maintenance. Now we need to move to our next decision-making phase. It is in this regard that Sataco’s concerns must be addressed, whilst, at the same time, ensuring that the process is fair and impartial.

Turning briefly to rail and bus transport, I want to emphasise that I consider rail transport to be very important. I would like to see rail transport, both freight and passenger, become the preferred mode of transport. I want to make rail more attractive, and we are interacting with the providers of the service in the hope that over a period of time, that objective can be achieved.

The institutional arrangements are being changed for greater effectiveness and, hence, we are preparing for the devolution of the SA Rail Commuter Corporation’s contracting functions to the provinces and transport authorities to be created by pending legislation. In terms of bus contracts, the replacement of lifelong bus operator permits through a process of conversion from interim to tendered contract has almost been completed, thus removing the legal stranglehold that existing big operators had on the market. Contracts have been set aside for emerging operators and joint-venture groups as a means of empowering small contractors and developing SMMEs.

In our transport sector, the needs of the disabled and other special groups are also being addressed, as well as the development of a transport environmental policy. In addition, we have a rural transport project team to address the needs of the rural communities. We would also like to see our people, especially our young, become much more self-reliant through the use of bicycles, for example, in special promotion programmes. These are some of the aspects of our work which are currently unfolding to address the transport needs of our country.

Then there are aviation matters. We are paying special attention to bilateral air services agreements between South Africa and other countries. As all members are well aware, airport development under the auspices of the Airports Company has, in the case of Johannesburg, been nothing short of spectacular. Johannesburg has become a hub for South Africa and large parts of Southern Africa, including the continent. The aircrafts of many countries now operate on routes between different parts of the world and our country. We have concluded bilateral air services agreements with 101 countries, of which 55 are active and 46 are dormant at present. Currently many more are being negotiated.

In line with international trends in a globalised economic environment, aviation policies throughout the world have been undergoing change. Likewise, we in South Africa are currently reviewing our aviation policy with a view to moving away from protectionism, introducing greater openness and competition, and providing a better service to customers. We are particularly mindful of the needs of our tourism sector, which is growing apace. But business and trade also dictate that we must pay attention to air freight transport and air passenger transport for business and official purposes, not only for tourism.

We are also party to the Yamoussoukro declaration, which provides for the opening up of the skies of Africa over the next few years. I will make a few comments on infrastructure development and the work of our roads agency in due course. But I would like to take this opportunity to express my appreciation for the support that I have received from the President and his deputy, Cabinet colleagues, the director-general and his deputies, the management and staff of my department, the MECs of Transport of the various provinces, the co-ordinator and members of the Committee of Land Transport Officials (Colto), Salga, the chairpersons, members of the board, CEOs and staff of the various agencies and institutions to which I have referred - some of them are here in Parliament today, the bus and taxi industry, the Civil Aviation Advisory Council, and all our law enforcement officers. I want to thank them all.

I convey a special word of thanks to the Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Transport, Jeremy Cronin, and members of all parties, who have been very co-operative in the committee, and to Penny Majodina, who is the chairperson of the select committee, and the members of the NCOP select committee for their valuable role. The co-operation and support which I have received from all these role-players have been immeasurable. [Applause.] Mr J P CRONIN: Mr Chairperson, Minister Omar and hon members, the Minister of Finance, Comrade Trevor Manuel made some appropriate comments in his closing address in the Budget debate. He told all of us:

… I want to urge members to examine carefully the policies and spending plans of departments … so that we - all of us together, as a national legislature - can contribute more substantially to the process of reviewing the three-year spending Estimates later in the year when we prepare for the 2001 Budget.

Minister Manuel also said:

Our task is not just to nod and applaud when spending allocations go up, or to join the chorus of complaints when someone’s favourite programme does not get the increase that was hoped for.

He added:

But our task does include an examination of the effectiveness and the relative priority of programme allocations within each Vote. It is very much in that spirit that, as the ANC, we wish to approach the Transport Vote 2000. When he briefed the portfolio committee, the Minister of Transport, Comrade Dullah Omar, shared with all of us, across the spectrum of parties, a relative unease about certain aspects of this budget. I believe the Minister was not primarily voicing concern about the gross amount that was allocated to the department, although, no doubt, it would have been nice to have received more.

The concern the Minister expressed was that strategic priorities were not always being adequately reflected in the budget. The question we want to ask is, why? Not that we complain, but so that we can learn as we move forward. We think that if we are to achieve a more effective strategic coherence in the coming years around transport budgeting, then we need to look, in greater depth, at the institutional challenges that have bedevilled attempts to transform transport in line with the ANC’s overall growth and development objectives.

There are several institutional complexities. In the first place, at the national political level, it is not just the Department of Transport that has the responsibility for transport. In particular, there are two major publicly owned assets, Transnet and SA Airways, which fall under the Department of Public Enterprises. We are not suggesting for a moment that they should now be shifted to the Department of Transport. It is not about turf. We are saying that if we are to achieve strategic coherence, it is imperative that there be a close working relationship between the Department of Transport and the Department of Public Enterprises, as well as other departments which have important responsibilities for transport, such as the Department of Trade and Industry and the Department of Minerals and Energy.

This is the only way in which we shall be able to mobilise all the transport resources that we have, whether they are in public hands or in the private sector, so that we are able to achieve the kind of growth and development around transport that we need so much. We are, in this respect, encouraged that the new Cabinet is now paying greater attention to the clustering of Ministries. Correspondingly, surely at the parliamentary level we should also explore much greater co-operation between our relevant portfolio committees, so that we achieve this kind of strategic coherence. A related concern is that we must remember that originally, in the 1980s, the Department of Public Enterprises as it is now called, was called the Department of Privatisation. Transport parastatals such as Transnet were seen, at the time, as little more than liabilities by a regime that was up to its nostrils in war debt and had little concern for the transport needs of millions of South Africans or, for that matter, for the kind of infrastructural needs that that industry needs within our country.

Over the past five years we have struggled to change this mindset in parastatals such as Transnet. However, certain habits and attitudes have lingered on, and perhaps, on occasion, they have even proved to be infectious amongst key management in some of these parastatals. This, too, in our view, has impeded the search for coherence in transport policy, and, above all, in the implementation of such policy.

Then there are also complexities which we need to understand between the national, the provincial and the local government spheres. A large part of the responsibility for transport infrastructure falls under provincial governments, as indeed it should probably do. However, we have the impression that, in the face of financial pressures, money that is earmarked by the provinces themselves for road maintenance and road construction, often gets diverted to other, no doubt, very pressing needs.

Capital expenditure, we note, in the provinces has actually been falling. In 1997-98, there was R7,6 billion worth of capital expenditure in our provinces. In 1998-99, it had declined to R7 billion. As Minister Manuel correctly noted, in his closing address, there is income poverty, but there is also what he called ``capability poverty’’; that is, the people might be poor because they do not have a decent income, but they are also impoverished by the fact that they do not have access - because infrastructure is weak - to jobs, to information and so on. Therefore transport becomes an important means of addressing this kind of capability poverty. We need to ensure that we address that need, that there is national strategic coherence, and that there is adequate funding to address this kind of poverty.

In this regard, we welcome the Minister’s forthright admission that there is insufficient provision in this budget for road and rail infrastructure maintenance and development. There has been a reduction of National Roads Agency’s allocation from a base-line of R900 million last year to just under R610 million this year, and that is unfortunate. We welcome the Minister’s commitment to take this discussion further in Cabinet, and to search for a funding mechanism that will sustain an infrastructural focus. Transport infrastructure needs to be seen not just as critical to address poverty and other social requirements, but it also is a major potential catalyser, perhaps the sine qua non, for any sustainable economic growth in our economy.

A second area in which the complexities of the three spheres of Government have impacted on coherent transport policy over the last period, has been in the area of road traffic management and of law enforcement on the roads. The Minister has just noted, in his speech, that we have nearly 800 separate provincial and local authorities responsible for what can often only be a very fragmented system of road traffic management and law enforcement. As the ANC, we therefore wholeheartedly welcome the Minister’s prioritisation, in his speech at this moment, of safety and enforcement issues. He has committed Government, we note, to move rapidly now with the setting up of the Road Traffic Management Corporation and with the implementation of the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act.

Finally, in noting the institutional complexities and challenges that might be impacting on our ability to budget effectively and better for transport, we should note the multiplicity of stand- alone, transport-related agencies. Many, but not all of them, have been set up in the past five years. Many of them fall within the Transport budget. Indeed, something like 94% of this year’s Transport budget is actually for transfer payments; and a bare 6% is left for the actual needs and activities of the Department of Transport. As the ANC, here in Parliament, we intend to monitor and to evaluate the performance of these stand-alone agencies and bodies, not just in their own right, but by asking whether they are augmenting, as they may well be, or detracting from our ability for strategic co-ordination and implementation of transport policy.

In conclusion, we would like to thank the Minister, Comrade Dullah Omar, and his department, some of whom are here today, for their consistent openness with and their availability to the portfolio committee. The ANC supports the Transport Vote. [Applause.] Mr S B FARROW: Mr Chairperson, every one of us, in some way or another, has been affected by the death of or of injury to family and friends in motor vehicle accidents. We all know what trauma is caused by such accidents. Accidents cost the South African economy over R12 billion every year. Statistics show that accidents have been on the increase by approximately 14% over the past 10 years.

More and more commuters rely on private road transportation as the safest way of getting to and from work or home. Public transport, in particular rail, carries the danger of crime. As far as the taxis go, the public have to contend with unlicensed and drunk drivers, taxi wars and unroadworthy vehicles. What this is doing is making more and more single car drivers use our roads, which are not designed to carry so much traffic. This in turn requires greater maintenance, but, equally important, a higher need for traffic control and law enforcement. We welcome the Minister’s zero tolerance initiatives in this regard, but want to know when this will be implemented.

Unless we can reverse this trend, pressure on the Road Accident Fund will increase. The fund has been in financial crisis since the mid 1980s. Reports from the fund as of May 1999 show that its deficit was estimated to be R9,2 billion, and was growing at a rate of R1 billion per annum. Settlement delays are between 34 and 46 months after the accident. For the financial year ending 30 April 1998, claims paid out amounted to R1,4 billion, administration costs were R103 million, legal and other fees were R277 million, and of the balance available to the victim, which was R1,11 billion, it is estimated that 30% was expended on party and client fees.

In essence, the percentage of total expenditure paid to the victims amounts to 52%, while the percentage of total expenditure used in administrating claims is 48%. This must be the most inefficient insurance fund in the world. As a norm, private insurance funds run at approximately 15%. This situation is totally unacceptable. The Minister needs to look very carefully at ways of avoiding further depletion of the fund and, more importantly, the excessive and continued exploitation of the fund by unscrupulous lawyers and agents to the detriment of the victims, 90% of whom are the poorest of the poor.

This also needs attention, and for this reason the DP supports the Heath Special Investigating Unit’s investigation into this dastardly practice. It has been estimated that if no general damages were paid out or lump sums paid out from this fund as an undertaking, this would reflect in savings in the Road Accident Fund’s cash flow of R1,36 billion, which could easily be channelled towards increased law enforcement and, in so doing, drastically reduce the number of accidents on our roads, or to contribute to improving the condition of roads, which has also contributed to road accidents.

The reduction in the budget allocation to the National Roads Agency last year, coupled with the poor road conditions in most provinces, will mean an estimated increase in budgetary requirements to meet the backlog of maintenance in next year’s budget of R3,4 billion, which is almost three times more than currently allocated. It is now estimated that road maintenance works have reached a crisis point, with R37 billion needed to meet the backlog. The introduction of toll roads from East London to Port Alfred, for instance, to link with the Wild Coast SDI, could be a major income boost and development catalyst for that impoverished area. The Minister might like to think about that.

World Bank figures show that for every $100 million invested in highways, 1 700 construction jobs and 2 300 new jobs in other economic areas are created. CSIR figures show that a 50% decrease in highway investment would decrease the GDP by 3,2% and increase inflation by 8%. Yet if one looks at the budget presented here, it is disturbing to note that where one would expect a major increase in budget allocation towards regulation safety, one sees an overall decrease of some 17% in total and a reprioritisation of this expenditure towards the policy strategy and implementation programme that the Minister talked about. This is all very well, considering the majority of this programme … [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mnr J H SLABBERT: Mnr die Voorsitter, agb Minister, met die min tyd tot my beskikking vandag kan ek glad nie oor begrotingsyfers as sodanig debatteer nie, want daar is ander belangrike dinge waaroor ek wil praat. [Tussenwerpsels.]

Ek moet dit egter baie duidelik stel dat die Departement van Vervoer in die toekoms meer geld uit die Begroting sal moet kry indien die departement wil doen wat die publiek van hom verwag. Ek wil vir die agb Minister baie dankie sê vir van die mooi dinge wat hy vandag in sy toespraak gesê het. Dit was soos musiek op die oor. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[Mr J H SLABBERT: Mr Chairperson, hon Minister, because of the little time available to me today, I will not be able to debate the budget figures as such, because there are other important matters I want to discuss. [Interjections.]

However, I must state very clearly that the Department of Transport will have to receive more money from the Budget in future if the department is to do what the public expects of it. I want to thank the hon the Minister most sincerely for the pleasant things he said in his speech today. They were music to our ears.]

I want to refer to the saying ``a better life for all’’. It is a fact that, unfortunately, in many instances there is still no better life for all. [Interjections.] As an example, I refer to schoolchildren in the rural areas who live, in many cases, up to 6 km and perhaps more away from their schools. Through winter and summer, rain and sunshine, they must walk these distances twice a day to get to school and back home. Two weeks ago, I watched a TV programme in which schoolchildren themselves said they had to get up at 04:30 to be on time for school. This is surely not an example of a better life. Let us hope there is also a better life on its way for those thousands of children by way of some or other form of transport.

Transport is one of the most important responsibilities of Government. It plays a vital part in ensuring the freedom of the individual in a country of such long distances. It is the artery of the economy and good administration. In spite of this, transport is still one of Government’s most neglected responsibilities. Public transport, in comparison to many other countries in the developing world, is almost nonexistent. I think the time has now come for Government to realise that the Department of Transport is not a Mickey Mouse department. It has many obligations and we trust that this will be reflected in future budgets.

‘n Ander saak wat absoluut ernstige kommer wek en hand aan hand met padveiligheid en sterftes op ons paaie gaan - ‘n saak waaroor ek glo ons almal bekommerd is, ook die Minister - is die toestand van baie van ons paaie in die land. Ons het oral waarskuwingstekens op teen slaggate. Van dié borde sal egter nou verander moet word, want baie van die slaggate het dongas geword, in so ‘n mate dat wanneer daar verkeer van voor af kom, moet ‘n mens vinnig besluit watter een die kleinste is en dan gaan jy maar vir daardie een met jou duur motor. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)

[Another matter which is giving cause for grave concern and goes hand in hand with road safety and deaths on our roads - a matter I believe we are all concerned about, as is the Minister - is the condition of many of our roads in the country. We have warning signs everywhere for potholes. However, some of these signs will now have to be changed, because many of the potholes have become dongas, to such an extent that when traffic approaches one from the front, one has to decide very quickly which donga is the smallest, and then one aims for that one with one’s expensive motor car.]

I suppose there is more than one reason for the condition of our roads, but, in my opinion, the main reason lies in the fact that only about 15% of the country’s freight is transported by rail and the rest by road. Surely this tendency started during the days of the former SA Railways and Harbours, when the attitude was that they were doing one a favour. They started running out of business because of very poor service and high prices. Today we are paying a very dear price for that in the form of the conditions of our roads. Our railway lines of 32 000 km are not utilised and are rusting, while our roads are being destroyed. I have every reason to believe that the hon the Minister will address this issue somehow. We wish him all the wisdom and strength he needs.

I have no time to touch on the issue of the transformation and recapitalisation of the taxi industry. I can only say that I stand by what I said in my speech in this House on 16 February.

Allow me to express a vote of thanks to the hon the Minister who has an open-door policy, to our chairperson, the hon Mr Cronin, and to each and every member of our portfolio committee, as well as to the department as a whole, from the top right down. The IFP supports the Transport Vote. [Applause.]

Mrs T P SHILUBANA: Mr Chairperson, Minister Omar and hon members of the House, the disadvantaged communities in the rural areas have not been properly cared for by the regime in the past. As the hon the Minister has already stated in his speech, the role of transport is not only to provide the transport needs of people generally, but also to address and redress the gross imbalances of the past, created by the apartheid policies.

My speech will, therefore, concentrate on the poverty relief fund allocated to the Department of Transport. We commend the Minister and Government for the approval of this special poverty relief fund programme. An amount of R100 million was allocated in the budget, targeting two provinces, namely the Northern Province and the Eastern Cape. The intended beneficiaries of this programme are women, youth and the disabled.

We are aware that the two provinces that I have mentioned do not comprise the only disadvantaged communities. We have many more. It is, for instance, estimated that only 5% of the roads in the former homelands and the so- called self-governing states fall within the category of fair to good'' and 95% fall within the categories ofpoor’’ and ``very poor’’.

The gravel roads serve mainly the rural areas and these roads provide mobility and accessibility to the communities, schools, clinics, hospitals and police stations within these areas. Sometimes where one would have been able to travel at 70 km/h on such roads, one is forced to travel at 20 km/h because of the inhibiting, bad condition of these roads.

Mali leyi ya mphalalo yo pfuna swisiwana yi pfuna ku nyika vanhu mintirho ya ku endla na ku hlayisa mapatu ya magiravhele na ku aka mabiloho. Lomu swi kotekaku ava nga tirhisi michini, kambe va ta tirha vona hi voxe hi mavoko, mali leyi va nga ta hola yona va ta kota ku hanyisa miti ya vona ngopfu ngopfu laha manana a nga yena nhloko ya muti a ri yexe ku hlayisa vana va yena.

Vamanana hi vona va tivaka nhlupheko ngopfu hi yena manana loyi a nga twa ku vava, ku veleka n’wana a tlhela a fanela ku n’wu kurisa. A fanela ku ongola loko a vabya, a faneela ku famba a kayakaya na n’wana emakatleni a lava tihunyi na mati a ta swekela ndyangu. Hiri nhlupheko lowu eka mfumo lowu tiyimiseleke ku antswisa vutomi bya vanhu, mfumo lowu nga riki na xihlawuhlawu, a swi ve ngaringani wa garinga. (Translation of Tsonga paragraphs follows.)

[This poverty relief programme assists in providing people with job opportunities, such as the establishment and maintenance of gravel roads, as well as the construction of bridges. Where possible they are not going to make use of machinery, but they are going to work by making use of their own hands. The money that they are going to earn will be used for the upkeep of their families, especially where a woman is the head of a family or a single parent responsible for bringing up her children on her own.

A woman knows what poverty is all about, because she is the one who feels pain when giving birth to her child and is even responsible for bringing up her child. She must take care of her child during illness. She must battle with her baby on her back, to hew wood and draw water in order to cook food for her family. We say that poverty, at a time when we have our own Government that is prepared to improve people’s quality of life, and a Government with no discrimination, should be spoken of as a thing of the past.]

It is for the reasons mentioned here that, although we commend the allocation of R100 million, we would like to urge the Department of Finance to increase this allocated figure and to continue with the funding. More funding has become even more imperative after the recent floods which hit our already impoverished rural communities in the Northern Province, Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape and parts of the North West. We have had more than the normal rainfall and the condition of gravel roads has deteriorated even further. Where we had gravel roads, we now have dongas; where we had bridges, some of them have been washed away; and many families have been left roofless and homeless.

I want to commend the Government for the allocation of an immediate disaster relief fund. Allocations of R7,1 million and R7,9 million were made in February to the Northern Province and Mpumalanga respectively. We hope that the other affected provinces will also be able to get some assistance.

This fund is at present helping to reconstruct access roads and bridges where some communities have been turned into islanders. Some clinics in the Modjadji area in the Northern Province at present still have no services. The clinics can only be reached by helicopter. Food parcels are also distributed to stranded and homeless families.

We would like to commend the Government on its establishment of a reconstruction team headed by the hon Deputy Minister Lindiwe Sisulu, to undertake the formation of the national emergency relief foundation to take care of future disasters. This the apartheid regime never ever thought of.

We would like to urge the provinces to closely monitor all the processes of these reconstruction and poverty relief programmes so that, firstly, the funds allocated addresses the RDP; secondly, the National Roads Agency seeks to get the allocation approved to expedite the use of the fund; and thirdly, that the business plans that are drawn up include community participation.

It is also imperative that training has to be done whilst carrying out various activities. Labour-intensive methods have to be used for training. Gone are those days when our people were made labourers on the roads without sufficient training or skills that would empower the beneficiaries to do the work on their own.

The example of the KwaZulu-Natal transport department is a progressive one. They have established an innovative programme called Zibambele, meaning ``Do it for yourself’’. It is a routine road maintenance programme which uses labour-intensive methods. The programme employs a household rather than an individual to maintain the roads and ensures that the household does not rely on one person for the continuity of the contract. It is aimed at breaking the poverty cycle in the medium to long term. The contract is awarded for 12 months and may be extended annually. The maintenance of the roads is carried out up to a maximum of 60 hours a month. This type of project creates a sense of community ownership and partnership with Government.

In conclusion, in some provinces, a road condition survey was done by consultants in 1997. It was discovered that there was a need to reconstruct about 67% of the unpaved road network, firstly, because of irregular maintenance programmes and, secondly, because of road profiles which were either level with adjacent ground or below ground level, like a canal.

In addition to this, only 30% of the unpaved road network has sufficient gravel thickness. It is no wonder that most of the roads in some of our rural areas have been washed away by the floods because the constructors in those days never cared to train our people. The ANC-led Government is committed to transformation and a better life for all. [Applause.]

Mnr J J NIEMANN: Mnr die Voorsitter, as ons na bladsy 279 van die agb Minister van Finansies se begrotingsuitgawe vir die boekjaar 2000-01 kyk, sien ons daar word in die missie gekonstateer dat die doel van die Departement van Vervoer is om effektiewe vervoerstelsels op nasionale vlak te vestig. Die vraag is of daar sprake van ‘n effektiewe diens is. ‘n Verdere vraag ontstaan of daar enigsins sinvolle, verantwoordelike fiskale bestuur plaasvind. Op albei hierdie vrae is die antwoord plein en simpel, nee!

Vyftig persent van alle paaie in die platteland is in ‘n haglike toestand. Die meeste van die paaie se verval is só groot dat die paaie in totaliteit herbou sal moet word, natuurlik teen geweldige hoë koste. In hierdie boekjaar is daar nie ‘n enkele sent deur die Minister begroot vir die instandhouding van ons paaie op die platteland nie. Die Minister erken ook self dat die voortdurende agteruitgang in die vervoerinfrastruktuur veroorsaak word deur die ontwikkeling van paaie, spoorlyne, hawens en lughawens wat voortdurend plek moet maak vir oënskynlik dringender probleme wanneer dit kom by die toekenning van geld aan die onderskeie begrotingsposte.

Met die onlangse oorstromings, wat skade van miljoene rande aan paaie en brûe aangerig het, vererger die agteruitgang nog meer. Ons weet dat ons in ‘n land van uiterstes woon. Net so seker as wat ek vandag hier staan, sal daar weer eendag erger oorstromings wees waarin nog meer miljoene rande se skade aan paaie en brûe aangerig word. Wetende dat natuurrampe deel is van ons bestaan, wil ek pleit dat die Minister jaarliks ‘n begroting opstel en bedrae in ‘n fonds stort sodat wanneer vloedrampe ons tref en ons paaie en brûe verspoel, daar minstens onmiddellik geld beskikbaar sal wees vir die herstel daarvan.

Die administratiewe verantwoordelikheid vir die herkapitalisering van die minibus-taxibedryf berus by die Departement van Vervoer, maar helaas, ook hiervoor is geen spesifieke begrotingstoekenning gedoen nie. Vir die R100 miljoen wat nodig sal wees om die konsepoorgangswetsontwerp op nasionale landvervoer in werking te stel is ook geen voorsiening gemaak in die boekjaar 2000-01 nie, aldus die waarnemende direkteur-generaal.

Ons is aan die vooraand van ‘n Paasnaweek waarin tientalle mense weer eens die lewe sal laat as gevolg van taxi- en busongelukke. Ek wil ‘n beroep op die Minister doen om dringend toe te sien dat alle busse wat passassiers oor lang afstande gaan vervoer vir padwaardigheid getoets word. Dieselfde geld vir minibus-taxi’s.

Ten slotte, op 16 Februarie vanjaar het ek ook hier gestaan en gesê daar is groot ontevredenheid in die taxibedryf omdat beweer word dat Sataco onwettig saamgestel is. Met die stigting van Sataco ongeveer 20 maande gelede is die onderneming deur die tydelike leierskap gegee dat ‘n grondwet opgestel sou word en dat ‘n vrye, demokratiese verkiesing sou plaasvind om ‘n wettige bestuur of leierskap aan te stel. Die Regering was onder meer ‘n stigterslid. Daardie onderneming is nou nog nie nagekom nie. Indien daar, soos gedreig word, ‘n opstand in die taxibedryf kom wat ons land ontwrig, moet die skuld vierkantig voor die deur van die Minister gelê word.

Nieteenstaande die tekortkomings van hierdie begroting, wil ek sê die Nuwe NP sal dit steun, veral na aanleiding van die positiewe klanke wat die Minister vandag hier gemaak het. Dit is wat die hele land sê. Ek hoop net hy voer dit in die komende jaar uit. [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mr J J NIEMANN: Mr Chairman, if we turn to page 279 of the hon the Minister of Finance’s Estimate of Expenditure for the 2000-01 financial year, we see that in the mission it states that the objective of the Department of Transport is to establish effective transport systems at national level. The question is whether there is any suggestion of an effective service. A further question is whether any meaningful, responsible fiscal management is taking place. To both these questions the answer is resoundingly, no!

Fifty per cent of all roads in the rural areas are in a critical condition. The state of disrepair of most of the roads is so severe that they would have to be entirely rebuilt, at extremely high cost, of course. In this financial year not a single cent has been budgeted by the Minister for maintenance of our roads in the rural areas. The Minister himself admits that the continuing decline in the transport infrastructure is caused by the development of roads, railway lines, ports and airports constantly having to make way for apparently more urgent problems when it comes to the allocation of money to the various Votes.

The recent floods, which caused millions of rands’ worth of damage to roads and bridges, have made the decline even worse. We know that we live in a country of extremes. Just as certainly as I am standing here today, there will one day be even worse flooding in which more millions of rands’ worth of damage will be caused to roads and bridges. Knowing that natural disasters are part of our existence, I want to appeal to the Minister to draw up a budget annually and deposit amounts in a fund so that when flood disasters hit us and wash away our roads and bridges at least money for repairs will be available immediately.

The administrative responsibility for the recapitalisation of the minibus- taxi industry rests with the Department of Transport, but alas, no specific budgetary allocation has been made for this either. For the R100 million that will be required to put the draft national land transport transition Bill into operation no provision has been made in the 2000-01 financial year either, according to the acting director-general.

We are on the eve of an Easter weekend during which dozens of people will once again lose their lives owing to taxi and bus accidents. I want to appeal to the Minister urgently to see to it that all buses transporting passengers over long distances are tested for roadworthiness. The same goes for minibus-taxis.

In conclusion, on 16 February this year I also stood here and said that there was great dissatisfaction in the taxi industry, because of allegations that Sataco has been established illegally. With the founding of Sataco about 20 months ago the undertaking was given by the temporary leadership that a constitution would be drawn up and that a free, democratic election would take place to appoint a legal management or leadership. The Government, inter alia, was a founding member. That undertaking has not yet been kept. If, as is being threatened, there is a revolt in the taxi industry that disrupts our country, the blame should be laid squarely at the door of the Minister.

In spite of the shortcomings of this budget, I want to say that the New NP will support it, especially as a result of the positive things the Minister has said here today. This is what the entire country is saying. I only hope that he puts it into effect in the coming year. [Time expired.]]

Mr T ABRAHAMS: Mr Chairman, it is tempting to take the convenient line and to focus squarely on the details and figures which are so readily available from the Minister’s department and the information that is passed on in the portfolio committee meetings and briefings which are chaired so capably by Mr Jeremy Cronin. However, in the light of the fact that 94% of the Transport budget represents transfer amounts and that a not unreasonable percentage of 19,27% of the budget represents personnel expenditure, the single concern I will express about the current budget for Transport is the danger of allowing for extensive use of consultants. Otherwise the UDM supports this budget.

A reading of the report of the Auditor-General on the financial statements of the Transport Vote for the financial year ending on 31 March 1999 reveals that unauthorised expenditure features prominently and that it involves consultants and expenditure on professional services. Of even greater concern is that, because the lion’s share of the Transport budget comprises transfer payments, Treasury Instruction K5 has reportedly not been complied with and the use of consultants in the previous tax year may very likely prove to be far more extensive than is presently shown. I say to the Minister that the UDM is especially determined that budgeted funds in all departments must materialise in the improvement of quality of life of the very people who have sent so many of its members, and so many more ANC members, to this forum. It will be very hard to find any of those good people who can claim that they have seen any of the benefits of the millions which are spent on consultants and professional services. The UDM urges the Minister to keep a watchful eye on undue expenditure on such services, especially where transfer payments are involved.

It would be wrong for me not to touch on the matter of taxi recapitalisation and formalisation. While information and assurances have been given about the taxi recapitalisation programme, the UDM regards it as more important to listen to what directly affected people understand about the project. Generally, the views obtained from those people cast doubts about the efficacy of the consultation process. For example, drivers of taxis express concern about the future of their jobs as drivers. Bodies representing them have not come forward with acceptable answers to their anxiety about losing their jobs as drivers. It is not a very clever idea even to mention certain acronyms of organisations which were supposed to have consulted them. The reported withdrawal of Sataco from the process has created greater uncertainty because it now seems that Government, meaning the steering committee which comprises Finance, Trade and Industry, Minerals and Energy, and Transport, is said to be going it alone on the formalisation of the industry. The UDM hopes that the Minister will respond very clearly on this matter in his reply to this debate.

Taxi operators, on the other hand, are vexed about what they can expect to be paid for their minibuses. They do not want fancy talk. They want to know what they will be paid should they decide to quit the industry altogether. It is not clear how the scrapping allowance will compare with the actual value of the vehicle. Others are aggrieved that Government is aiming at taking over control of an industry that was created by the people themselves. They point to other parts of the transport industry which might more happily accept Government control. They feel victimised.

The view of commuters themselves is generally reliant on what they learn from drivers. From some quarters the view is held that passengers are going to spend time waiting for transport to get to work and back home and that, under Government control, fares are bound to rise. The suspicion is also expressed that Government is trying to steer passengers away from taxis to other transport services such as trains and buses.

I have to refer also to the Moving South Africa project. From the Government’s end of things, it would appear that the Moving South Africa project, which was initiated as a joint venture of the SA Roads Board, Transnet, the Urban Transport Fund and the SA Rail Commuter Corporation, is being abandoned in favour of the very same taxi recapitalisation programme.

I now want to get to the matter of testing stations. I would like to thank the Minister for having answered some of the questions that I put to him. But we are concerned that only six inspectors, under the auspices of the SABS, have to inspect 450 testing stations across the country. We believe that not only the number of inspectors needs to be increased urgently, but also that their brief and their modus operandi must be assessed and revised because we need to ensure that only roadworthy vehicles are on the roads today. [Time expired.]

Ms S K MNUMZANA: Mr Chairperson, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members, today we are back in this Chamber to debate the budget for Transport. One of the reasons to budget for the recapitalisation of the taxi industry is to ensure that the minibus industry is transformed within the limited budget that we receive.

In my view, the present budget will not be adequate to address the needs, especially our road and transport infrastructure backlog. We need to maximise delivery with the little that we have. I think it is the responsibility of all of us in this Parliament to change the lives of our people out there. The budget must reflect the priorities, plans and programmes in monetary terms. As such, if recapitalisation is our priority, we must devote a greater portion of our budget to that.

The business plan of the department for 1999-2000 clearly indicates that all our plans are delivered in the context of fundamental institutional reform. In the line with the White Paper and informed by the Moving South Africa strategy, the role of the Department of Transport has changed from that of administrative and bureaucratic regulation to that of policy leadership, substantive regulation and the facilitation of action.

When we discuss the budget, we should align what we intend achieving with the policies voted by the Government. The White Paper clearly states that the Government recognises public passenger transport as a basic need, but wishes to ensure that it is provided efficiently so that public resources are used in an optimal manner. Other aspects under this statement will be addressed by other members.

When we deal with the budget, we should remember that particularly urban public transport has experienced low priority. The specific funding issues which have arisen include several aspects, but I will focus on the absence of dedicated funding sources for passenger transport, especially for the transformation of the minibus-taxi industry. The approach to passenger transport should shift priority from private to public transport and within the latter sector, from provision of primary peak period commuter services to a fully fledged public transport system catering for a wide range of passengers.

Moving South Africa has a long-term vision for rural passengers. It clearly defines the approach towards customer care, strategic changes, integrated provision of infrastructure, rural road priorities and so on. We should remember that this is a process, and not an event. It will definitely take this Government years to address the backlog and ensure that there is a balance in all communities, irrespective of colour, race and creed.

We all know that there is a relationship between departments. No department is functioning independently as an island. Hence, the recapitalisation of the taxi industry is driven at national level through active interaction among four departments, namely the Departments of Transport, of Trade and Industry, of Minerals and Energy and of Finance.

We should also take note that the process of taxi recapitalisation includes, firstly, access to the scrapping allowance by operators; secondly, the implementation period which, we think, will be around October 2001; thirdly, the system once the tender is awarded; fourthly, the scrapping of the vehicle attached to the permit; fifthly, the 20% to 30% of the price of the new vehicle; and, sixthly, the package, which includes a smartcard, an insurance package, a maintenance plan, a finance package and the scrapping allowance.

We need to come up with innovative and creative plans and programmes that will be easy to implement to address this backlog. We support and applaud the teamwork that is being displayed by the Ministries and departments involved in addressing the challenges of our time, despite budgetary constraints.

Bothata ba tjhelete ena eo re qoqang ka yona kajeno, tsietsi ya yona ke taba ya hore re fumana e le nyenyane haholo ha re e bapisa le ditlhoko tseo beng ba indasteri ena ba nang le tsona. Ka hoo, re ipiletsa mafapheng ohle a ditjhelete hore ba ke ba dule fatshe, ba shebisise ditjhelete tse sa sebediswang dilemong tse fetileng mme ba ke ba bone hore na ha ho mokgwa oo ba ka di fetisetsang ka oona lefapheng la recapitalisation of taxi industry. (Translation of Sesotho paragraphs follows.)

[The problem with the money we are discussing today is that it is too little when compared to the needs of the people in the industry. Therefore, we appeal to all the financial departments to sit down, look for the funds which were not spent in the past years and see whether there is a way of transferring them to the body involved in the recapitalisation of the taxi industry.]

We further say that in the budgetary process of 2001-02, the two departments - the Department of Trade and Industry and the Department of Transport - should improve their budgets for the taxi recapitalisation programme.

Re tshehetsa tekanyetso ena ya ditjhelete ya 2000-01. Yaya ya kgaola. [Mahofi.] [We support this budgetary allocation for the year 2000-01. I conclude here. [Applause.]]

Mr S K LOUW: Mr Chairperson, Mr Minister, although our country has the most developed transport infrastructure on the continent, it was structured to serve an apartheid economy and is inadequate for current needs.

The slow pace and lack of reinvestment in roads and rail infrastructure over the past two decades, has triggered a pattern of decline. That can hamper our future socioeconomic growth, and must be drastically redirected to accommodate the change in our country.

Proper transport planning plays a key role in the social development of and integration and entrance into a global economy. The previous government’s policy of separate development shaped public and freight transport into such a costly situation that it will cost us billions to get out of the mess. Both are inadequate to accommodate our current developmental needs.

Traffic congestion is approaching crisis proportions on major roads such as the N1 and N2 to Cape Town during peak hours, with a serious destructive impact on infrastructure and the environment. For our poor people from the disadvantaged communities, travelling from home to work is costly and time- consuming. It is a fact that the existing public transport is not adequately integrated with working-class suburbs. Working-class suburbs are usually close to the centre of town and are linked to working areas with subsidised public transport.

The apartheid system inverted this so that people who could afford transport the least had to pay the most for it. Poor and unemployed people spend up to 40% of their income on transport, which limits their purchasing power as consumers. Rural communities are even further isolated from transport that would allow them access to shopping centres and to participating and contributing to the coffers of the local market. There is a tremendous amount of kilometres required to connect rural people to the transport network. To develop these roads will cost the Government billions of rands.

The legacy of people having to commute long distances has undoubtedly raised local transport costs to five times more than in many other countries. It has, therefore, become necessary and of utmost importance to our Government to implement the Moving South Africa project, so that the progress which has been made in implementing the tender contract system in the bus industry may continue and the delivery of new contracts improve.

The creation of transport authorities within the local sphere of Government needs to be applauded. This will enable transport planning across a functional transport area and it will include investment and also the enforcement thereof. It will enable a rationalised system which is responsive to demand.

The vision that the department has for the transport authorities to enable the tender contract system to be implemented in accordance with the public transport plans, to rationalise and integrate public transport models, is a major plus point for our transport users. Therefore it is essential for greater investment by both Government and operators to improve the public bus services.

It is, undoubtedly, a fact that commuters are paying too much for poor bus services, and they need to enjoy the benefits that they are paying for. That is why careful planning is necessary and the improvement of the standard of service is critical. The support of the local planning council and other measures linked to the improvement of commuter services can contribute to improving the quality of life within the towns and cities.

The planning authority can meet with the stakeholders and direct them to effective and efficient bus services and routes. The following areas can be focused on for immediate improvements. They can plan so that the routes to the centre are linked literally to provide a comprehensive service and a maximum transfer is possible for passengers. There can be a morning interchange from trains towards the centre and the situation can be reversed in the afternoon.

The bus services to different destinations can arrive at the same time and leave five minutes later. There must be improvements in the infrastructure of the bus stops and improved accessibility both to the routes and the buses. Comfortable waiting areas to protect the commuters against the weather are necessary. Good security at bus stops is of the utmost importance. The urban planning measures that are in the pipeline will reduce the space allowed for parking in towns and also ensure that the high level of carnage on roads will be lowered.

My concern is the way in which apartheid shaped the development of the freight transport structure. The present railway system is run-down and there is a serious shrinkage in general freight. We must rebuild this and try to uplift the freight system. It is, therefore, necessary to move away from the syndromes of the past and create a transport network that will consolidate core freight and passenger transport in high volumes. We must also decrease transport costs, while improving quality and adorability. We should promote our public transport and uplift the quality of service to what is real and affordable.

Proper transport planning will play a pivotal role in our 2006 Soccer World Cup bid. With a smooth transport system - having air, road, and rail transport - our country can be sure of a massive soccer festival that will be able to accommodate thousands of soccer supporters in 2006. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Rev K R J MESHOE: Mr Chairperson, the ACDP believes that the reprioritisation of funds to the SA National Roads Agency, to cater for the maintenance of our infrastructure, is the right move. It is estimated that the backlog in repairing South Africa’s roads exceeds R53 billion. Coupled with this, road accidents cost this country about R12,5 billion a year. It is essential then that the maintenance of our roads should enjoy the biggest area of concentration.

The ACDP suggests that, as the Department of Transport will continue to need funds for the maintenance of our roads, they must institute a plan to ensure that all funds generated from the fines imposed for the misconduct of drivers on public roads, go towards that fund. We also feel that the fuel levy should be restructured in such a way that a specific percentage is redirected to the maintenance of our roads. A surcharge must also be placed on heavy freight carriers that damage our roads.

A few weeks ago, the ACDP introduced in this House a debate on the Government’s recapitalisation programme of the taxi industry. At that time, we warned that the Government had chosen to take a high-handed approach by unilaterally pushing their plans forward. Sataco, the group that had supported the Government’s programme all the way, has withdrawn from the consultation process. Its reason was that Government failed to include it in deciding who the preferred bidders to manufacture the new taxis would be. The ACDP said, at the time, that Government must use discretion in scrapping old and unsafe vehicles but allowing newer vehicles on the roads.

I want to appeal one more time to Government, not to scrap all the 16- seater vehicles, but only the old, dilapidated ones. There are people who have invested in new 16-seater vehicles who will suffer a great loss if their vehicles are also scrapped. Compensation of between R30 000 and R40 000 will not cover the cost of these new vehicles.

The problem we face is not the size of the vehicles, but their condition. It is the attitude and poor qualifications of drivers that must be addressed. Changing from 16-seater to 18-seater or 35-seater vehicles is irrelevant. An unqualified driver behind the wheel of a 35-seater vehicle is as dangerous, if not more dangerous, than an unqualified driver behind the wheel of a 16-seater vehicle.

The Minister’s argument that the 16-seater taxis were not designed to carry passengers is not convincing. The problem with many of the taxis on our roads is their unroadworthiness and their dilapidated condition. There is structurally nothing wrong with new kombis that are driven by qualified and well-trained drivers who obey traffic laws and signs.

The major challenge for this Government is to enforce the rules of the road. Without enforcing the law and eliminating corrupt officials, even the introduction of the point system that the Minister referred to will not reduce the number of accidents on our roads.

The taxi industry is concerned that Government will put the price of taxis out of their reach, and this will result in only a small group of taxi owners, who are able to control the market. Government must listen to the concerns of all the protestors and bring them on board.

Mr G D SCHNEEMANN: Mr Chairperson, Comrade Minister, comrades and hon members, the action agenda of the Department of Transport is aptly called Moving South Africa. This is what transport is all about - the moving of people, freight and goods. Without transport, a country cannot move. People would not be able to get to work or travel and freight would not be able to move between cities, across our borders or to our ports for export.

Transport, therefore, forms an important component of our country, and together with all the other components, helps to determine the growth and success of our economy. Throughout the world there was a trend which saw the importance of rail transport diminishing, with emphasis being placed on road transport. However, this trend has started to change, as governments around the world are looking to revive rail transport, driven by traffic congestion, accidents and air pollution, amongst others. The situation in South Africa has been no different. Over a number of years road has become a preferred mode of transport, with rail taking the back seat.

Firstly, I would like to focus on the freight sector. I am told that in a SA Railways and Harbours board meeting of 1899 concern was raised that ox wagons were taking traffic away from rail. Today, 100 years down the road, the only aspect that has changed is that it is now trucks and not ox wagons. According to the Road Freight Association, road transport is more frequently used in the Durban-Gauteng corridor which, it is estimated, handles more than 70% of all traffic. Road traffic on this route amounts to approximately 60% whilst rail amounts to only 40%. On the longer routes such as in the Gauteng-Cape Town corridor, rail transport carries the majority of traffic.

In 1994, approximately 400 million tons of goods were transported by road, while only 175 million tons were transported by rail. These figures indicate the vastness of the sector and the need, therefore, to ensure that it is effectively and efficiently managed.

The deregulation of road transport in 1987 saw road transporters gain short- term to medium-term benefits, with severe long-term consequences, particularly through the laws governing vehicle size, gross mass and axle- load tolerance, allowing 25% to 40% greater pay loads. These regulations need to be reviewed on an ongoing basis. This has had a severe impact on rail and has seen a swing to road. It has also resulted in our roads taking severe strain.

According to the CSIR, heavy vehicles, in general, cause immense damage to our country’s roads. For example, a typical single six-axle truck and trailer, weighing between 48 tons and 56 tons and travelling on national roads, causes as much damage as about 2 000 cars, whilst a single truck of the same mass travelling on provincial roads causes the same damage as between 300 000 and 600 000 cars. Of equal importance is the aspect of overloading of vehicles. It is estimated that damage to roads caused by overloading costs the country between R400 million and R600 million annually.

However, why do we have a situation in South Africa where our rail network is underutilised for freight transport? The reasons, amongst others, are that road transport between Durban and Johannesburg, for example, takes place overnight, while by rail it can take anything between one day to a week, or more; customers do not have guarantees of pick-up and delivery times; a lack of enforcement for road offenders; and the absence of full user-charges for road hauliers.

The rail infrastructure we have is not always used as effectively as it should be. We need to ensure that we make maximum use of it and, where necessary, extend and enhance infrastructure and use it to its maximum capacity. The freight industry needs to be actively involved in helping to reshape rail transport for freight traffic.

Spoornet is undergoing a restructuring and transformation process. Included in these processes are solutions to make rail the preferred mode of transport for freight transport. The road haulier will always be an important link in the transport industry. Calling for a move back to rail does not mean that they will be sidelined, but it does mean that they will have to rise to the challenges and adapt accordingly.

With regard to passenger transport, the rail network was developed in a distorted manner. It was developed to fit in with apartheid policies and, as a result of this, we have sections of South Africa that do not have access to rail. The infrastructure has not been properly maintained. The average age of the rolling stock is around 30 years. Little, if any, attention was given to a programme of upgrading.

Metrorail handles up to 2,2 million passenger journeys per day. Its market share, measured against all other types of transport, is 13%. Initiatives are under way to ensure that when passenger rail transport exists, it becomes the preferred mode of transport for passengers. These include things such as the development of offices and shops around stations, as well as the upgrading of stations themselves. Imaginative ways will have to be found to make commuter rail efficient, safe, comfortable and enjoyable.

The planning around infrastructure was often short-sighted in the past. Little regard was given to the importance of trade and travel within the SADC region, or to ensuring that development and planning took place to position South Africa as a global player. We will need to identify if there are any particular areas where the rail network and infrastructure need to be expanded.

Moving customers and freight back to rail means, firstly, that less money would have to be spent on the continuous repairing of damaged roads. Secondly, it would mean that the rail sector will have additional funds to both expand and upgrade the rail infrastructure.

Our roads will not be able to continue coping with the ever increasing amounts of passenger and freight traffic. We will, therefore, have to find a more effective and efficient mode of transport and the answer to this is simply rail transport. Rail transport needs to become the preferred mode of transport for both freight and commuters in South Africa.

In closing, echoing the words of our President, Comrade Thabo Mbeki: ``We are on course.’’ Further to that, we are also on the move and we are on track. [Applause.]

Ms J A SEMPLE: Chairperson, in terms of an agreement between Metrorail and the SA Rail Commuter Corporation, fare revenue must increase by 9% of total income per annum. This will be very difficult to meet considering the high incidence of crime and free-riders on the service. The latter is estimated to constitute approximately 25% of passengers at a cost of R120 million to Metrorail. The problem is that the control of free-riders would cost R300 million and Metrorail is already spending R200 million on security contracts.

The previous speakers have already pointed out that the average age of our rolling stock is between 30 years and 40 years. In addition to this, the cost of replacing one coach is R10 million and the possibility of replacing or renovating rolling stock is very limited within the current budget. A further problem is that major refits to rolling stock should take place every seven years according to the manufacturers’ specification, but at present these are only taking place every 18 years. These factors all contribute to the inability of Metrorail to run a safe, efficient and profitable service. Government should seriously consider redeeming or taking over existing loans and the interest on capital should be returned to Metrorail for recapitalisation of their rolling stock and for consideration of the development of new and more usable lines.

Some of the problems of rolling stock have been dealt with. What can be done about the development and extension of existing lines to meet the urban flow of business and office space out of city centres to the suburbs, which is taking place at an alarming rate? Without the lines being extended, many potential rail commuters are denied access to affordable transport, for example from Motherwell to Port Elizabeth, Mdantsane to Westbank, and Johannesburg/Pretoria to Sandton/Midrand. The problem is compounded by the scarcity of parking in city areas. Extension of the lines will help with this problem and relieve pressure on the already full roads.

However, it appears that Metrorail is entrapped contractually in terms of its inability to move where commuters want transport. The current complicated structure of Metrorail reporting to two different Government departments, namely Transport and Public Enterprises, makes the management and rationalisation of assets very difficult. Serious consideration should be given to consolidating the top structure and thereby clarifying the relationship and sharing resources between all agencies of rail.

For example, many disused and redundant Spoornet lines could quite easily be lifted and sold on tender or for scrap and the money raised from this could then be channelled towards developing new lines. Spoornet should be congratulated for its initiative in considering leasing out nearly 12 000 km of under-utilised railway lines for passenger service use by private operators, as was recently reported. This is certainly one way of combating rising costs and sliding profits.

We are pleased to hear the hon the Minister endorse rail as a preferred mode of transport, as there are many advantages to rail travel over road, apart from the devastating damage that overloaded trucks do to our roads. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr G E BALOI: Chairperson, the Department of Transport’s aim is to promote an efficient transport system at national level. A strategy for 2020 is a 20-year strategic framework to deliver in the long term. The aim of the exercise is to present a vision of a transport service which is in line with the needs of the nation and the real needs of customers, while at the same time striving to come as close to financial self-sufficiency as possible.

The implication is that the transport service must deliver improved basic mobility and better service levels to all. The budget allocation to the Department of Transport for 2000-01 is about R4 093 000 609 compared to the 1999-2000 budget of R3 495 000 311, which is an increase of about R598 million. This shows that the aim of the Government is really to deliver to the poorest of the poor. Nothing much has been done in our provinces in the previous financial year to better the lives of our people, but owing to the budget allocated to the Department of Transport in the year 2000-01, we expect to see changes in the lives of South Africans.

The Arrive Alive campaign has been in operation for the past two years. The hon the Minister of Transport and the MECs for the provinces have been involved in an intensive process to find a long-term solution to the tragic levels of deaths and injuries on our roads. To this end, the Road Traffic Management Corporation Act was introduced in this Parliament. The purpose of the Act is to place unco-ordinated road traffic management and safety systems under one umbrella. Pedestrians are the most vulnerable of all road users and therefore a special effort is being made to reduce pedestrian accidents. The UCDP supports the Vote, in all fairness.

Mr E J LUCAS: Mr Chairman, hon members, I bring to the attention of this House that the Department of Transport’s budget has been increased from R3,4 billion to R4,09 billion this year, which translates to an increase of R598 million or 17%. This has come about mainly due to the 30% increase in Programme 3: Policy, Strategy and Implementation and the 17% decrease in Programme 2: Regulation and Safety.

The 17% decrease in Programme 2 is mainly due to a decrease in the allocation to the SA National Roads Agency and for aviation and maritime regulation. The latter is especially worrying. One of the major functions of aviation and maritime regulation is the maintenance of standards for ships and aircraft in order to prevent accidents that threaten both lives and the environment. One has to ask whether less funding will not make it more difficult to enforce these standards. If that is the case, the potential for accidents occurring due to the required standards not being enforced could increase dramatically.

The 30% increase in Programme 3: Policy, Strategy and Implementation is mainly due to a 9% increase in bus subsidies and a 53% increase in rail commuter subsidies. The 53% increase in rail commuter subsidies is of great concern to the IFP. The Government continues to pump hundreds of millions of rands into rail subsidies. Transnet, the SA Rail Commuter Corporation and the concession holder, Metrorail, are not able to provide rail services at competitive, market-related costs without Government’s assistance in the form of subsidies.

A question to be asked is whether Government should be involved at all in rail commuter services, through ownership or subsidies. Clearly, if rail commuter services were to be privatised, the need for Government’s financial assistance would fall away, resulting in a major saving on the expenditure side. The IFP is convinced that full privatisation of rail services and opening up of the sector to competition will result in lower costs to the customer.

Before I close, I would like to take a moment to focus on the recent developments in the taxi industry. The IFP is deeply concerned that unless significant consultation occurs with all relevant stakeholders, Government will be guilty of simply creating legislation that it cannot implement, thereby turning the majority of members of the taxi industry - who will not uphold the new regulations - into criminals. All that this will achieve will be to heap hot coals on the already overburdened Departments of Safety and Security and of Justice.

A responsible government produces legislation that it is able to enforce. The IFP recommends that the October launch date for the taxi recapitalisation programme be reconsidered in order to allow for a smooth transition and to use the time to gain the support of the majority of the stakeholders, including the commuters.

Finally, our disabled and elderly citizens have great difficulties when embarking and disembarking from our passenger and rail vehicles. Government should find a way of assisting in this regard. It was encouraging to hear the Minister talk about improving transport facilities.

Mr N E MAGUBANE: Chairperson and hon members, it affords me a great pleasure to talk to this House about taxi recapitalisation. It is important that I give a background of this taxi industry as I know it.

The taxi industry began in the early 1970s. Those were the days of Valiants, Biscaynes, Impalas, Dodge Polarisses and Monacos. It was the only channel open for black people to trade. I must say that it was not the official opening of the taxi industry to blacks, but the former regime did not look at the taxi industry as a big threat. There are rare cases in which the railway police would set up roadblocks and arrest taxi operators for not possessing the operation documents. Kangaroo courts would be set up on the road side where all the operators would be tried and had to pay spot fines, failing which they would be put in a khwela-khwela [police van] and sent to a police station where they were charged for operating illegally.

The roadblocks, which always took place late at night, would be manned by policemen, station commanders, prosecutors, magistrates and conservative farmers. The next day at court one would have to face a magistrate, a prosecutor, a station commander and a conservative farmer who had been at the roadblock the previous night. One had no option but to pay the fine or face a jail sentence.

The present Government has put down plans that will make the taxi industry a sustainable one. This has involved financial institutions, planning technicians, manufacturers and taxi operators. Taxi operators have been given a task of reorganising themselves so as to gear up for the new system. The local, regional, provincial and national associations should work together with the Government to implement this recapitalisation process. On the part of the taxi operators, they need to work very hard to make their people understand what the Government wants of them, because the Government wants a smooth-running and profit-making industry.

UHulumeni wethu omusha ufuna ukuthi abantu bamatekisi baziphathele bona umsebenzi wabo. Kubalulekile-ke ukuthi izinhlangano zabo kube yilezo ezithandwa futhi nezikhethwe yiningi.

Izimoto ezisebenza manje akuzona izimoto ezifanele. Kodwa kuhulumeni omhlophe, owawungenandaba nokubheka ukuthi zidingo zini ezifunwa ngosomatekisi nokuthi bangalekelelwa kanjani, kwakungasho lutho lokho.

Baningi abantu abafile ezingozini zamatekisi. Ziningi nezizathu ezidala izingozi. Ezinye zazo yilezi ezilandelayo. Okokuqala, ukulayisha ngaphezu kwenani elivumelekile. Okwesibili ukungaqeqesheki kahle kwabashayeli. Okwesithathu, ukujaha ngokweqile. Okwesine, ukungayihloniphi imithetho yemigwaqo. Okwesihlanu, ukungaphili kwezimoto ezilayisha abantu. Okwesithupha, ukungayihloniphi impilo yabagibeli ngabashayeli abasuke beshayela ngaleso sikhathi abagibeli begibele. Konke lokho kwenza isimo sonke singabi sihle.

UHulumeni uthi konke lokhu kufanele kulungiswe. Nami ngiyavuma. Sonke siyavuma. Kufanele zonke izinhlaka zezinhlangano zosomatekisi zikhethe kabusha izigungu zazo kusuka ezifundeni kuya kuzwelonke. Lokho kuyokwenza ukuthi bonke abantu babe nethemba kuzo zonke izimiso zezinhlangano zosomatekisi ngoba zizobe zikhethwe zonke ngo-elethu.

Kukhona inhlangano njengamanje eyibamba uHulumeni akhulumisana nayo, u- Sataco. Ezindaweni eziningi le nhlangano ayaziwa kahle. Izimoto eziningi ezilayisha abantu abayi-18 nabangama-35 ziyadingeka ngoba ngaso sonke isikhathi sithola osomatekisi belayisha abagibeli abeqile esibalweni. Lokhu kudala isisindo esingafanele nomshayeli angakhululeki kahle uma eshayela.

Izimoto ezintsha zizoba nendawo yezimpahla phezulu. Impilo yalezi zimoto ngicabanga ukuthi ingcono ngoba zihamba ngodizili futhi wona ungaphansi ngentengo kunophethroli. Lolu hlelo luzokwenza ukuthi amatekisi angamalahle, okuyizimoto ezintshontshiwe, kanye no-hitmen, izinkabi, namaphoyisa anezimoto ezihamba emgwaqeni baphelelwe ngamathuba okusebenza kule mizila okusetshenzwa kuyona.

Umzila ngamunye uzoba nomphathi werenke okunguyena ozohlela umsebenzi. Uhlobo lwezimoto zokuthutha ezintsha lwakhiwe ngendlela yokuthi imoto ifaka abantu abayisibalo esithile kuphela. Uma ngephutha noma ngabomu kweqa esibalweni kuleyo tekisi, ayisuki imoto kuze kube uphumile lowo muntu owenza isibalo eseqile. (Translation of Zulu paragraphs follows.)

[Our new Government wants to enable taxi owners to manage their own businesses. Therefore, it is important for their associations to be supported and elected by the majority.

The taxis that are operating at the moment are not in good condition. However, the white government did not care about the grievances of the taxi owners and it did not care about how they could be assisted.

Many people have died in taxi accidents. There are many causes of these incidents. Firstly, there is overloading. Secondly, there is poor training of drivers. Thirdly, there is outrageous speeding. Fourthly, there is ignoring of road signs. Fifthly, there is unroadworthiness of taxis. Lastly, there is disregard for the lives of passengers. All these things create a bad situation.

The Government says all these should be corrected. I fully support this view. I also believe that we are all of this opinion. All taxi associations should re-elect their executive members both at the provincial and at the national level. This will make people trust these associations because they would be elected by the majority.

There is an acting association with which the Government is engaged in discussions. It is known as Sataco. In many places Sataco is not well known. There is a need for vehicles that can take 18 to 35 passengers, because taxis are always overloaded. This causes unnecessary weight, which makes the driver uncomfortable.

New cars will have a carrier for bags. The condition of these vehicles will be better, because they will use diesel, not petrol since this is expensive. This new programme will make it impossible for stolen cars, hitmen, ambushers and police who have taxis to operate on public routes. Each route will be managed by a rank manager. These new vehicles are built in such a way that they have a specific number of people to be loaded. If consciously or unconsciously they are overloaded, the vehicle will not move until the extra passenger gets out.]

We need to create jobs for the taxi industry by embarking on and introducing new routes. I am saying this because there are big companies which use trucks and bakkies to transport their employees. These are Mondi, Sappi, NTE, Masonite and others. They have contracted small companies to transport their employees, who are always exposed to wind, rain and hot summer days. The Sugar Cane Growers’ Association also operates in the same way as the forestry people who also use trucks as means of transport for their employees. Sataco and the Government need to officially introduce taxis to all these areas so that new jobs can be created.

Secondly, we need to teach these industrial giants that it is high time they give respect to the people who make them rich. It will also reduce the chances of big accidents and fatalities that are caused by these truck drivers. Yes, we need to support the taxi industry and the Government. [Applause.]

Mr S PILLAY: Mr Chairperson, hon members, we do not believe that the budget is able to deal adequately with the issues that depend on it.

The following issues will amply illustrate the above point. Law enforcement has long been a casualty of inadequate budgets and it is evident that, once again, law enforcement is a casualty in this budget. It is common knowledge that some of the consequences of this is competition and rivalry over lucrative routes, resulting in taxi violence. Unroadworthy vehicles continue unchecked. Excessive speeding results in fatal accidents. Incompetent and unlicensed drivers prowl roads unchecked and passenger- carrying vehicles seldom undergo legislated inspection when required to do so by law.

All of the above happens and will continue to happen because the traffic departments cannot afford to employ more traffic officers. The equipment used by traffic officials is totally inadequate and includes motor vehicle testing equipment, video cameras, speed-trapping devices and communication equipment. With the demarcation of municipalities, there is bound to be integration of traffic departments and that will cause more problems, especially with regard to the computer systems. The question is whether the Minister has really applied his mind to this problem and the potential hardships it will cause to ordinary citizens. The Minister talks of giving this matter priority. Exactly what does he mean by this?

One other consequence is the duplication of registration numberplates. The Minister says that unroadworthy vehicles must be removed from the roads. That is obvious. However, with this budget, it is doubtful whether that will be achieved.

The Minister of Transport says surplus drivers will be retrained for employment in the manufacturing and servicing of new vehicles and other auxiliary services. Yet he carefully omits to mention the cost of such training, how such training will be funded, where such training will take place, the time it will take to retrain such affected people, and how they will earn a living whilst undergoing such training. Perhaps the Minister will take time to clarify these issues. As a clear illustration of what happens to workers who are deemed surplus, one only has to evaluate the number of teachers who were declared surplus. They are still unemployed today. One can only wait to see whether surplus drivers will really be trained. Of course, the Government, in its usual fashion, will blame everyone but itself for the loss of jobs.

Surely, money should be spent where it will provide the most benefit to the country and commuters. In all of this, the commuter will continue to bear the brunt of lack of law enforcement if this aspect of transport is not urgently attended to. Surely, the commuter should be protected by the state. How can this happen in the existing climate?

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, your speaking time has expired.

Mr S PILLAY: In conclusion, I have no doubt that when the budget is proved to be inadequate, the hon the Minister will blame the DP for that. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, please remain at the podium. When a presiding officer asks for order, you do not ignore it and continue with your speech, sir. Your time has expired, and that is that.

Mr S SIMMONS: Mr Chairperson, hon Minister and colleagues, all indicators point to the fact that the national land transport transition Bill, irrespective of the withdrawal of Sataco from the negotiating table, will be passed by this Government.

Die finansiële las wat die beoogde wetgewing vir die taxibedryf sal meebring, is maar een van die nadelige faktore. ‘n Meer belangrike aspek, en een waarna die agb Minister deeglik moet kyk, is die aspek van wetstoepassing wat, na my oordeel, van kardinale belang in die proses is.

Die Suid-Afrikaanse publiek is al vrot gereguleer oor vervoer, en dit is duidelik dat wetstoepassing nie behoorlik en deeglik toegepas word nie. Vele redes kan hiervoor aangevoer word, maar na my mening is ‘n tekort aan finansies die belangrikste rede. Tans is daar landswyd ‘n tekort aan 8 000 verkeersbeamptes, wat in ‘n groot mate daartoe bydra dat wetstoepassing skipbreuk ly.

Wette word op nasionale vlak gemaak, maar moet op plaaslike bestuursvlak toegepas word sonder die versekering dat fondse van nasionale vlak voorsien sal word. Die agb Minister is terdeë bewus van die haglike finansiële toestand waarin baie plaaslike besture en sommige provinsiale administrasies tans verkeer. Sommige is op die punt om in duie te stort, onder meer as gevolg van ‘n tekort aan fondse en/of uiters swak finansïele bestuur. Selfs die Wet op die Administratiewe Beregting van Padverkeermisdrywe kan nie behoorlik geïmplementeer word nie weens ‘n tekort aan fondse.

Sonder die versekering van finansiële steun aan plaaslike besture en provinsies sal die toepassing van enige addisionele wette met edele en goeie bedoelings wat op plaaslike bestuurs- en provinsiale vlak toegepas moet word, dus seer seker liederlik faal. Indien genoegsame fondse … [Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[The financial burden which the proposed legislation will place on the taxi industry, is but one detrimental factor. A more important aspect, and one that the hon the Minister must examine thoroughly, is the aspect of law enforcement which, in my opinion, is of the utmost importance in this process.

The South African public is already grossly overregulated with regard to transport, and it is clear that law enforcement is not being implemented properly and thoroughly. Many reasons may be advanced for this, but, in my opinion, the most important reason is a lack of finances. Currently there is a nation-wide shortage of 8 000 traffic officers, and this contributes a great deal to the failure of efficient law enforcement.

Laws are made at national level, but must be implemented at local government level without the assurance that funds will be provided by the national level. The hon the Minister is well aware of the precarious financial situation in which many local authorities and some provincial administrations currently find themselves. Some are on the verge of collapse, due to, among other things, a lack of funds and/or extremely bad financial management. Even the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act cannot be implemented properly, due to a lack of funds.

Without the assurance of financial aid to local authorities and provinces, the implementation of any additional laws with noble and good intentions, which must be implemented at local government and provincial level, is surely doomed to failure. If adequate funds … [Time expired.]]

Mr P F MBONGO: Mr Chairperson, hon members, could I perhaps take this opportunity to thank the Minister of Transport, Comrade Dullah Omar, for sharing with us the fact that transport infrastructure plays a critical role in stimulating investment, economic activity and providing jobs.

The structural inequities resulting from the apartheid legacy bestowed on us a particular pattern of development that has entrenches segregated towns and cities, fragmented and scattered settlement patterns and lack of road and transport infrastructure. The uneven distribution of infrastructure to our communities was the archpedestal on which apartheid was built. The social significance of an uneven distribution of infrastructure may not be apparent, but a deep analysis shows that its impact is significant on the social and economic life of our people.

The predominantly conservative, white urban areas continue to be characterised by the high level of macadamised roads, with sufficient lighting both in the houses and on the roads. The winter nights in these urban areas are as the summer days in our townships. The high quality of roads and constant monitoring and maintenance remain uncompromised. On the other hand, black townships and rural areas remain residences of abject poverty and are invariably marked by the lack of roads. In some places the movement of vehicles has carved out its own roads, while gravel roads are the norm.

Even those roads which exist in the black township areas are, more often than not, of poor quality owing to a lack of storm-water drainage. It is a known fact that roads deteriorate rapidly when moisture accumulates underneath them and drainage is thus imperative for their maintenance. In addition, many areas have a strong accumulation of water during the rainy spell, which renders access to certain areas impossible. Ironically, it is in these poor streets that the likes of Lucas Radebe, Vuyani Bhungu, Riya Hlalele and Sarah Mahlangu - the list is inexhaustible - were born and bred.

Mobility is the basic fundamental question for social interaction. Thus the ability to move to work, to play, to interact with other human beings is the foundation of human existence. The uneven distribution of road links, as in my constituency, the Vaal Triangle, has hindered social interaction with some communities and encouraged social interaction with others.

In the Vaal Triangle strong north-to-south links exist. These are evident in the Golden Highway and the Johannesburg-Vereeniging road. These strong links, however, run between communities of a single race. Africans were expected to interact strongly within themselves and therefore the Golden Highway, which links Evaton and Sebokeng, was constructed. In addition, it was a mere means to get thousands of people into Johannesburg for work purposes. The road between Johannesburg and Vereeniging, another north-to- south link, links the white communities of Vereeniging with Vanderbijlpark. It is noteworthy that no east-to-west links exist.

In an endeavour to address the apartheid legacy, the Northern Province government has established a road agency with the aim of commercialising the management of the road and bridge network. The aim was informed by the reality of a rapidly deteriorating road network. The province’s entire road network accounts for roughly 21 000 km. It has about 6 000 km of tarred roads and 15 000 km of gravel roads which carry 76% of the traffic. In the same vein, there is a backlog of some R1 851 million for the maintenance, repair and upgrading of roads. Regrettably, it is in this province, poor as it is, that the recent floods devastated the road infrastructure. The preliminary estimates point out that approximately R1,27 billion will be required to repair the damage.

In the Eastern Cape some studies by the National Department of Transport found that building reasonable access roads to most villages, schools and clinics in the rural areas will require 8 600 km of roads, at a cost of R1,01 billion, benefiting some 6,6 million people. A similar follow-up study conducted in KwaZulu-Natal - the community access-road needs study - found that actual needs were closer to 11 000 km of roads. Accordingly, our national road infrastructure continues to deteriorate.

The N2 road network to the Eastern Cape serves as an immediate example. During the rainy season drivers often find it difficult to drive on this road, and to date this road accounts for a number of accidents that have occurred in the recent past. The commercialisation of the management of this infrastructure is but one strategy employed by the Government to reverse this deterioration and to enable the huge backlogs in the previously disadvantaged areas to be addressed.

The establishment of the SA National Roads Agency Limited, which is responsible for the provision of road infrastructure in our national road network has, indeed, yielded positive results. The Minister, in his speech, alluded to these facts. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, before I call the next speaker, please lower your voices. There is too much noise in the House.

Miss S RAJBALLY: Mr Chairperson, Minister and hon members, the transport industry is an essential service which can never be sold in the complex economy of South Africa, based on unconditional and predetermined standards.

The objective of the Department of Transport’s new policy is to envisage the department at all levels with financial self-sufficiency, so that the funding levels can be enhanced and equity between provinces and regions can be maintained. The transport industry is intimately tied to the national economy and, therefore, deserves priority on a par with housing, education and health. The restructuring of the transport industry must be based on the premise that affordable mobility is a prerequisite for the process of democratisation and for redressing the discrepancies between urban, rural and regional opportunities.

The main goal of passenger transport is affordability and safety. In contradiction to this goal, the rise in the petrol price does not help the poor employees who have to contend with an increase in their travelling fares. For many breadwinners this means a sacrifice of one loaf of bread per week per household. The end result is a blow to the stomach for hungry children.

Therefore the introduction of 35-seater diesel-operated buses is a blessing to the poor. This could possibly mean a drop in travelling fares. Despite the threat of strict legislation and other measures to be implemented against perpetrators who defy the regulations and safety rules, road accidents are still escalating and many innocent lives are being destroyed.

The commuters are in direct contact with the drivers and conditions in the vehicles concerned. Therefore, to combat more accidents and loss of lives, the Government must form a partnership with the passengers - or any other patriotic citizens, for that matter - by empowering them to become watchdogs against drunken drivers, faulty vehicles, unskilled driving habits, etc.

This can be achieved by including an awards system in the transport policy development framework. Rewards and incentives to the citizens who loyally advocate safety in the transport industry are more cost-effective in the long term. This strategy can sufficiently contribute towards, or possibly make up for, the severe shortage of traffic officers in South Africa.

The difficult challenge for the Government is to timeously co-ordinate policy formulation and planning, improve safety regulation and the information service, and to carefully monitor infrastructure development. Once the above have been successfully achieved, the Government must shift its focus to devising strategies to integrate motorised and nonmotorised two-wheelers and three-wheelers into the traffic system. The growth of two- wheelers and three-wheelers can significantly contribute to the development of small business, and has successfully been implemented in First World countries such as Denmark, Holland, Germany, Switzerland and Japan.

For far too long authorities responsible for road traffic and local government planning took into consideration only the needs of upper-income groups. We must face the fact that we are an African country in which the masses are poor. Therefore the Government must gradually introduce a policy to encourage the use of cheaper individual or collective forms of transport. The implementation of affordable and practical solutions will satisfy the growing demands and aspirations of the poor in South Africa. [Time expired.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Before I call the next speaker, please take note that the hon A R Ainslie is making his maiden speech. Please, give him the courtesy he deserves. [Applause.]

Mr A R AINSLIE: Mr Chairperson, hon Minister and colleagues, we are approaching the long Easter weekend. It is appropriate, therefore, to reflect on the question of road safety, which the Minister has dealt with as a matter of urgency in his speech, and which several other members have alluded to. The hon Mr Baloi, for instance, spent some time looking at the Arrive Alive campaign.

I also want to deal with the Arrive Alive campaign in my speech. The fundamentals on which the campaign is based are very sound. These fundamentals include a data-driven programme based on scientific research, aggressive advertising, education programmes in schools and the wider community, the use of state-of-the-art technology and effective co- ordinating structures. With proper application and enforcement of the fundamentals that I have indicated, I have no doubt that the objectives of reducing road fatalities by 5% per annum should be achieved.

A major flaw in our approach to road safety, as the Minister has pointed out, is the lack of a national road safety programme for the country as a whole. We welcome, therefore, moves to initiate a national, comprehensive road safety programme.

In discussing the question of road safety, we would do well to examine the progress being made by KwaZulu-Natal in this regard. KwaZulu-Natal represents a working model of successful road safety programme and is an example of what can be achieved if the fundamentals that I have indicated are properly applied. As a result of its close association with the road safety programme in the State of Victoria in Australia and in 1998 the formation of the Asiphephe [Let us be Safe] programme, there continues to be a significant reduction in the fatalities on the roads of KwaZulu-Natal

• in fact, well above the 5% annual target set by Arrive Alive.

The approach in KwaZulu-Natal has been based on zero tolerance for even the smallest traffic violation, aggressive advertising and community participation - for example through road safety councils - and a sound organisational structure underpinning the programme. Using the same approach, the State of Victoria reduced fatalities by 50% in five years. KwaZulu-Natal reduced fatalities by 34% in just three years.

Incidentally, KwaZulu-Natal is emerging as a world leader in road safety in developing countries. It has been acknowledged as such by the World Bank and features on the World Bank’s website. I have little doubt that the coalition government in KwaZulu-Natal between the IFP and the ANC, which has succeeded in bringing peace to Umlazi, Inanda, KwaMashu and throughout KwaZulu-Natal, will, in time, succeed in bringing peace on the N2, the N3 and the M4. [Applause.]

In addition to alcohol abuse, speed and vehicle roadworthiness, overloading has been identified as a critical area for attention. I want to underline what the hon Mr Schneemann has said in this regard. Overloading, especially by heavy vehicles, is a double-headed monster. It is both the cause of road accidents and responsible for considerable damage to our road infrastructure.

Research in the USA and South Africa has shown that damage to the road by axle loads that exceed the legal limit increases out of all proportion to the load. For example, a vehicle carrying twice the legal load causes 18 times as much damage as one loaded within the legal limit. Light vehicles such as passenger cars and light commercial vehicles make a very small contribution to the structural damage of a road. They contribute about 1% to the damage. Legally loaded heavy vehicles cause 42% of the damage. Overloaded heavy vehicles cause 57% of the damage, estimated by the CSIR in 1996 to be in excess of R400 million annually.

The same CSIR study also details by name of company the overloading offenders. The names of several companies recur several times over in the report. This suggests that enforcement is either completely inadequate and/or that fines are so low as, in fact, to encourage illegality. It would seem that some companies habitually overload their vehicles as a matter of business practice to increase profit margins. We need to protect our road infrastructure. Consideration should therefore be given to the following: firstly, decreasing the axle load legal limit; secondly, introducing a vigorous and ongoing programme to substantially increase the number of heavy vehicles weighed; thirdly, publicly exposing companies that repeatedly transgress the law with regard to overloading; and, fourthly, imposing a substantial increase in penalties for overloading.

Road safety will receive a boost when the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act comes into operation. This has been dealt with extensively by the Minister in his speech. We had hoped that this Act would come into operation in October this year. Any further delays in its implementation will only serve to undermine our road safety efforts.

I would like to say a few words on Metrorail. In the most recent Metrorail corporate report they indicated that their market share of public passenger transport had stagnated to just under 20%. Their market share of all passenger transport types, that is both public and private, is only 13%. Now, if Metrorail’s share of the market is to increase, as it must, it needs to address the question of security on its trains. One notes, therefore, with concern that the total number of criminal incidents on passenger trains increased by 8,5% between 1998 and 1999 and between 1999 and 2000, that is from 3 172 incidents to 3 443 incidents. Passenger numbers will continue to stagnate or decline until people can travel in safety.

Finally, I wish to remind the House of the six commandments of Arrive Alive. These commandments are to be adhered to not only at Easter and in the December holidays, but every day of the week. They are: Do not speed, do not drink and drive, do not overload, wear your seat belt, insist on vehicle and driver fitness, and protect pedestrians. Drive alive, drive safely. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF TRANSPORT: Chairperson and hon members, I would like to take this opportunity to thank all members of the House who participated in this debate. There have been a number of constructive suggestions coming from members, and I want to thank them for that.

There was only one discordant note which came from the hon Pillay from the DP. But when he said that the ANC, in its usual way - I think those are not the exact words - is blaming everyone except itself, this suggests to me that he is fighting other battles here. Nonetheless, he made some points and the important thing in a debate, I think, is to ignore the person and consider the issues. That is what we are going to do this afternoon. Unfortunately, I will have to be a little bit selective in my reply because of time constraints, but I want to assure members that we will be looking at the Hansard of this debate. We will be looking at each and every point which has been raised and will respond to hon members who have raised points in that regard. Furthermore, I invite further discussion in our portfolio committee. I think a large number of very important points have arisen, which we need to discuss further. For example, the issue of the budget for transport was raised by many members on all sides of the House, and that is a very important issue. Suggestions have been made, for example with regard to the fuel levy and a dedicated fund for infrastructure development. Other points have been made which suggest that the issue of the budget for transport, particularly in respect of transport infrastructure development, recapitalisation and our rail transport, requires much more attention and, if possible, consensus, so as to ensure that as we go along, we are able to secure the necessary resources to reverse the decline of infrastructure which has taken place in our country. And, as I said: I think we need to pursue those discussions.

There can be a temptation on one’s part to pass the buck, and I do not want to do that, but I do want to mention a problem, and that is that there are three tiers of government that we will be dealing with which are responsible for the transport needs of our country, ie national Government, provincial governments and local governments. The problem we have is that, whereas the transport budget for the national department is budgeted for by the national Government, the other two tiers depend on other quarters for their budgetary allocations.

A provincial department of transport, for example, relies on provincial allocations. What I do know is that our infrastructure situation has been fairly good at certain levels. For example, our national roads are the best on the continent. Furthermore, if one looks at our airports, for example Johannesburg and Cape Town, one finds that they are competitive with airports throughout the world. Johannesburg can easily be the best airport on the continent itself. If one takes our rail transport, it is competitive with the others in other parts of the world. But our big problem is that at provincial and local levels, there has been such a decline. I am not blaming local and provincial governments. I am saying that we must look at our transport infrastructure as a whole. We must find an answer to this problem of infrastructure.

One of the results or a negative aspect of our constitutional arrangement - and I am not complaining about that arrangement - is the fragmentation to which I have already referred in my speech. How do we overcome that fragmentation? We overcome that fragmentation through, firstly, respecting the different tiers of Government and secondly, through co-operation among the three tiers, ie arriving at arrangements which will ensure co-operation among these three tiers. That is why the establishment of the Road Traffic Management Corporation, the RTMC, is so important. It provides us with a platform to address that particular issue.

That is why the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act is also important, because it will help to ensure that there is better law compliance on our roads. But law compliance does not come automatically; it comes as a result of education, developing a new culture in our country and effective law enforcement. The Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act, will help to ensure that, where traffic violations do take place, there is law enforcement.

I am responding generally to points which have been raised because there have been many questions and contributions. All of them are important. But I thought I should raise some of those issues today. I want to thank the portfolio committee specifically. In the portfolio committee, one looks and listens to the contributions. If one closes one’s eyes, one would not know from which party the person comes because there is a very co-operative spirit. It is very constructive and there are very good suggestions coming from all parties. I welcome the opportunity of being with the portfolio committee to pursue these matters.

A question was asked by the hon Farrow concerning the question of zero tolerance with regard to violations of the law. He said that he had heard about the approach. He welcomed it and wants to know when it will start. What I tried to indicate in my speech is that we have put into place mechanisms such as Aarto, for example, because Aarto does not fall from the sky. If we say that there is going to be zero tolerance, it does not mean that the following day there is going to be zero tolerance. What one has to do is to put into place the mechanisms and procedures which will help to create that.

In answer to the question of when it is going to start, it started when the Government of the day passed the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Act about which we are talking today and which is being implemented. In other words, there has been a start. I did indicate that there are no miracles. There are no instant solutions, but that is being done. Secondly, the establishment of the corporation will enable us to rationalise traffic regulation on our roads.

Again, I just want to indicate to the members the consequence of the fragmentation that I was speaking about. One has a situation in our country in which traffic police officers earn different salaries. They have different remuneration structures in different authorities in our country. One of the legacies which we also inherited from the past is that in the former homelands, the so-called Bantustans, there were different salary structures, different conditions of service, different pension benefits, and so on. That is a huge demotivating factor for traffic officers in our country. Through the corporation, we hope to introduce uniformity in a way which will improve the situation for traffic police officers in our country in terms of their remuneration and conditions of service. These things have begun. It is not a question of when we are going to begin. I hope that we can speed up those matters. But, unfortunately, that is not always possible.

The second issue on which I want to comment is that of the Road Accident Fund. I think that some pertinent questions have been asked in that regard and I want to say to the honourable House and hon members that we are looking very seriously at the Road Accident Fund. Firstly, there is a commission which is investigating the fund and its operation. It will make some recommendations. The hon Justice Satchwell chairs the commission and we expect a report from that commission later this year. Secondly, the financial matters of the fund are also a matter which concerns the fund itself. The CEO of the fund is here. He, together with the chair, the board itself and the department, are looking at a new financial model, in co- operation with the Ministers of Finance and of Minerals and Energy. So it is a matter that is being looked at.

Thirdly, the new board of the fund will come into office very shortly, and the names of the members of the board will be announced. With regard to the question of legal costs, that, again, is a matter of concern. Far too much money is been spent on legal costs, not only by the fund, but by victims of road accidents. That is why the fund has embarked on a pilot project to resolve claims through arbitration.

In the Western Cape there has been a pilot project which has been very successful. I am told that the results are very encouraging. The costs have been cut by 40%. Secondly, the claims have been settled, on average, within nine months, instead of the three to four years which it usually takes. It avoids all the pain and expense of litigation. It also helps to ensure that victims get their money. So, we treat this whole question very seriously.

There is the question of the floods which was raised. I want to say a word or two about it. Government is treating this question very seriously and that is why President Mbeki suggested that we should establish a command centre. The Cabinet agreed with the proposal and as a result an emergency command centre has been established, headed by Deputy Minister Sisulu. The centre has been functioning: we have visited all the flood-stricken provinces, assessments have been made, and now financial and work implementation plans are being finalised. There will be intervention as rapidly as possible in all the provinces affected by the floods.

Then there is the question of Sataco. A number of questions have been asked about taxi recapitalisation. I want to indicate that it is not correct to say that we are riding roughshod over the concerns expressed by different role-players. That is not so at all. In point of fact, we are consulting with all role-players. Secondly, Sataco is not an illegal structure. Daar is niks onwettig omtrent sy struktuur nie. [There is nothing illegal about its structure.]

What has happened is that, in terms of a memorandum of understanding between the Government and the whole of the taxi industry, an interim Sataco structure was formed. It is almost a kind of Codesa process for the taxi industry. As part of this process, provincial elections have been taking place. An elected Provincial Taxi Council has been established. The next stage of the process is the elections for Sataco itself, which is co- operating with the Government in regard to that process. The fact that Sataco has withdrawn from one structure - that is, the project task team - does not mean that it has withdrawn from the processes. In all other processes, Sataco is participating.

With regard to the recapitalisation process and Sataco’s problem, we are saying that we must avoid a situation where a party is referee and player when it comes to the adjudication of the tender process. That is an issue on which there may be differences. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, I have here an invitation which reads as follows:

To all members of Parliament: The Minister of Transport, the hon Dullah Omar, will enjoy the pleasure of your company at an after-work party at 18:00 in the Black Forest Room, 120 Plein Street.

Mr J H MOMBERG: Mr Chairperson, on a point of order: We will only finish at 18:50!

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! The invitation does not include you, then!

      OUR ROLES IN MAKING THE 21st CENTURY THE AFRICAN CENTURY

                      (Subject for Discussion)

Mr E I EBRAHIM: Mr Chairperson, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, this discussion is an important one, and will require more than the one hour allocated to it. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! All hon members, please take your seats. That includes Tommy Abrahams and Mr Green. Please continue, sir.

Mr E I EBRAHIM: Chairperson, I was saying that this discussion is important, and it will require much more time than the one hour allocated to it. I want to suggest that this be regarded as a preliminary discussion, and that a more detailed and comprehensive discussion take place at a later date.

President Thabo Mbeki, in a statement of the ANC on 8 January 2000, declared that, through our own efforts, we must make the 21st century an African century. The President went on to state:

Therefore the question we must answer is: What task faces our movement and people as we prepare for the commencement of the African century?

We Africans must learn from the experiences of the past century, which, according to the President, have included two world wars, the crime against humanity committed against the Jewish people by Nazi Germany, the genocidal killings in Rwanda and Burundi, and the ravages brought about by colonialism, apartheid and neocolonialism.

The 21st century must, of necessity, be an African century in which Africa rises from its long winter and enjoys a period of renewal and rebirth. Africa’s children must see peace and not war; they must witness people- driven development processes and economic regeneration. None of us can pretend that the achievement of the African renaissance will be easy. The absence of human security, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, has been the single greatest internal challenge confronting stability and progress in the region and on the continent, and efforts to enhance the security of people must become the cornerstone of domestic and foreign policy throughout the continent.

Making this an African century will require us to take practical steps to overcome the obstacles that impede the African renaissance. Five key challenges can be identified, which will require our collective energy to confront and overcome obstacles, if we are going to turn our dreams into reality. These are poverty, poor education, HIV/Aids, conflict and lack of good governance.

Poverty can, in many ways, be seen as the enemy of the African dream, for without resources and economic development we will never have the tools to forge our own destiny. In our country, in the region and on the continent, we need to spur economic growth by developing our own human resources, attracting foreign investment and effectively marketing our goods and services.

African economic collaboration should be operationalised and trade missions initiated, in order to capitalise on our strength and tap into the resources that are so abundant within our borders. We need to continue to press for greater access to developed countries’ markets and eliminate trade barriers to African products.

African self-reliance must be an important part of the African renewal. We must exert considerable energy in assisting the poor by developing our own communities through agricultural co-operatives, microcredit schemes, support for small and medium enterprises, and a general promotion of income- generating activities. The emancipation of African women through economic activities is essential for the African renaissance to succeed. Emphasis should consistently be placed on less military expenditure and more spending on capacity-building to reduce abject poverty.

For many years now, African countries had been victims of the World Bank and the IMF, who imposed structural adjustment programmes on them which virtually crippled their economies. Many of the former colonial countries regarded Africa merely as a source of raw materials, which stifled their real economic growth.

In the Cold War period Africa became the victim of proxy wars and corrupt military dictatorships which were set up to serve the interests of foreign economic powers. Africa, therefore, needs to take charge of its own destiny, free of foreign interference that seeks merely to exploit the riches of our continent solely for the benefit of the rich North.

It is essential for South Africa to work together with other African nations to push the international community for complete debt relief. Mass action is required to alleviate unmanageable debt burdens, where many African countries find themselves paying more than 60% of the revenues generated from exports to external commercial lenders.

The initiative to reduce the debt of highly indebted poor countries earmarked 29 countries for debt relief, 24 of which are in Africa. Only four countries have received debt relief to date under this initiative. Relief will free up resources to create fiscal space for direct spending on poverty reduction. South Africa must use its leadership in forums such as NAM to mobilise support in the developing world to press for debt reduction and cancellation of debt.

Linked to poverty reduction is the urgent need to improve access to and quality of education on our continent. The growing knowledge gap between the North and the South is one of the greatest impediments to the African renaissance, as emerging generations of Africans have unequal access to knowledge, economy and hi-tech industry. It is unacceptable that only 0,1% of sub-Saharan Africans are linked to the Internet when some countries in the West have recently seen their last school connected to the Internet. Africa is alone in experiencing declining basic education standards and it will take our collective will and available resources to turn these statistics around, and to ensure that our children are given a chance to compete on an even playing field.

My comrades will speak on conflict and security on our continent. I want to mention the question of good governance. This will have to be nurtured in Africa if we are to truly achieve a renaissance. We should not underestimate our achievements as South Africans in bringing about genuine democracy, a free press and a human rights culture in this country. We have what is touted as one of the most progressive constitutions in the world and a vibrant civil society. We can use these strengths to influence governance processes in other African countries, and initiate parliamentary exchanges to share our experiences.

This year will see fresh elections in Egypt, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Senegal and Tanzania, and we must not hesitate to lend our support to these democratic processes and engage with newly elected members of parliament. It will be through greater dialogue and engagement between African states and at all potential levels that we will be able to strategise and ensure the operationalisation of our African dream. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Mr Chairperson … [Interjections.] I would think the lessons on democracy and free speech that the hon Ebrahim has just mentioned could begin in his own caucus. However, I am not going to be distracted by the bunch at the back, because I actually agree with two of the points which have been made by Mr Ebrahim. [Interjections.] I am certainly not going to be distracted by a gentleman like that, for example, who went around the world telling us why we did not need majority rule in South Africa in the 1980s.

Mr Ebrahim said the following. He said that there is one attribute that we need to aspire to, and that is good governance on this continent. He also said, in a different context from the way I would choose to characterise it, but nonetheless underlined the point, that South Africa must use its leadership in world forums for debt relief, and perhaps that is relevant.

However, we have a duty to speak, and yet we remain silent. We have a duty to act, and yet we do nothing. We have a duty to give leadership, and yet we evade our responsibilities. When that happens, then the dream of an African century will remain just that - a dream, a vision or, at worst, a nightmare. It will consist of poetry, words and sonorous phrases, unmatched by deeds, acts and consequences.

That is because the aspiration of the African renaissance must not be allowed to fail as a consequence of the action or, in this case, I believe, the inaction of anyone, whether it is the President or even the majority party. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order!

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: It is unbelievable that at a time when the worst crisis is facing our region and our immediate neighbourhood in the past six years, I believe, with worse potential direct consequences for South Africa, even greater than the DRC and the Great Lakes conflict in the direct sense, we cannot even have a proper parliamentary debate on the subject of Zimbabwe. I find it unbelievable. When the hon Colin Eglin, my colleague, called on our Government last week to get SADC - to which we all pay obeisance and give respect - to act, he was told that we could not get them to act, as it is Mozambique’s job as chairman to get them to act. It is because I believe that there is an urgent crisis in Zimbabwe that I feel I should speak in this debate. This is why, in fact, I addressed a letter to our President yesterday about the subject. That is because I think that now is the time to act and not just to dream about our future.

I agree with the hon Ebrahim that we need to move swiftly to secure democracy, economic recovery and the rule of law. I think there is cross- party agreement on that. However, we cannot ignore what is happening directly to the north of us or pretend it will go away if we keep quiet, because the situation there is deteriorating on a daily basis.

Only today, the Zimbabwe parliament was dissolved at the end of its five- year term, but still no date has been set for the election. We have land invasions, which this Parliament was made aware of again by motions that were put on the Table today which, I must say, are from the ANC, although I think they were factually strange in some respects. Land invasions and violence against farmers continues, issues to which President Mugabe, on his return from Egypt and en route to Cuba, gave his encouragement. When the head of state, the head of government and the man elected to uphold the rule of law, encourages, invites and condones the flouting of that rule of law, we have a problem in this region, in this neighbourhood and on this continent.

Only last week, a black policeman, as it happened - although I think race is increasingly irrelevant to the conflict there, as I think it is about power - was accused of being an opposition supporter because he chose to implement the rule of law. He was shot dead in an ambush when he tried to uphold the rule of law against a land invasion.

Opposition activist and farmer Iain Kay was ambushed on his own farm by 25 war veterans last week. Of course, having been at some of those land invasions there, the truth of the matter, as Mr Eglin, Mr Seremane or Mr Clelland who were there with me will confirm, is that there are many other people who are not veterans at all. They are younger than 25 years old. We asked them what the reason for their occupation of farms was, and they said that they were sent there by the comrades, and that they were driven there.

It was mentioned in an ANC motion this morning, led by Mr Doidge, that there is a tense situation in Zimbabwe, arising from land occupations carried out by landless liberation-war veterans and their supporters. The truth of the matter is that the government of Zimbabwe has retained the war veterans’ association at the cost of 25 million Zimbabwean dollars to act for them during this election campaign.

I think we know what the issues are. And I think that they do direct them on us, our region and our continent, as well as on all our best hopes and ambitions for the recovery and the renaissance. Only last week one of the leading investment houses which does business in South Africa - and we were pleased to receive them in our office, to encourage them to continue with their investment in this country, I am talking here about Salomon Smith Barney, which is part of the Citi group, as members know - issued a report which said, and I quote:

The recent worsening of the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe contributes to the recent softness in the rand and South African asset markets. Were the situation in Zimbabwe to deteriorate significantly further, then the markets would probably suffer further from concerns about regional political stability and economic growth prospects.

That is an issue then for all of us. However, I think it is wrong for the President’s office to issue a statement which says:

We believe that Zimbabwe is capable of dealing with its affairs without the interference of foreigners.

This is a sort of invocation of the old apartheid South African government, when they were put under stress for nonadherence to the rule of law. I do not think that it serves our purpose or our renaissance well at all when we use it for a politically embarrassing but morally incorrect situation. [Interjections.]

I want to know how it is that we invoke one set of SADC agreements as a precursor to our armed invasion of Lesotho in September 1998, yet in respect of a rapidly deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe, we maintain a very opaque attitude towards any form of pressure or intervention. And I am not, incidentally, suggesting a military solution. I am saying that we use one set of justifications for X and ignore it in a directly analogous situation. [Interjections.]

Mr B A D MARTINS: Mr Chairperson, on a point of order: Is it in order for the Leader of the Opposition to say that this country invaded Lesotho?

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member, you are asking for an explanation, sir. That is not a point of order.

The LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION: Chairperson, South Africa spends more than R250 million a year to belong to more than 60 international organisations and agencies, from the United Nations, SADC, the Nonaligned Movement, the G77, the OAU and the ILO to the World Trade Organisation. We are part and parcel, correctly, of the frontline when it comes to democracy and economic advancement, and yet we choose to remain silent. It is quite obvious that major articles of, ironically, the Harare declaration of 1991, the CHOGM, or Commonwealth Heads of Government recommendations, are being breached and violated; the very principles of good governance, democracy and the rule of law to which we have subscribed and which we invoked, and yet we say and do nothing.

Let the Government of South Africa take the Parliament and people of South Africa into their confidence. Let them stand up and defend the very principles that this motion underlines in respect of the case of Zimbabwe. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Rev K M ZONDI: Mr Chairperson, we in the IFP welcome this debate as a small but important step in the long journey we have to traverse towards the realisation of our highly cherished goal of enabling Africa to take her rightful and dignified place among the continents of the world. The time has come for the continent of Africa. Indeed, the time has come for us in Africa to begin to define that journey which we all have to take towards making Africa a dignified place under the sun.

The image of Africa must change from that of a vast continent plagued by wars and famine, to that of a developing and winning continent inhabited by proud and self-respecting people seeking to hold their own among the peoples of the world. Indeed, the story of Africa must change from that of beautiful and great countries whose greatness and beauty are reduced to dust by internecine strife and military dictatorships.

Vast numbers of displaced people are found in Africa. Africa is full of refugee camps filled by people who have fled their countries of birth, because of wars, persecution and famine. It is, therefore, out of this morass that Africa must emerge. Out of the painful scars and deep wounds inflicted upon her by colonial plunder, rape and conquest of the past, Africa must rise and shine by succeeding to turn adversity into an opportunity for success and progress.

While it is true that most of the problems experienced by Africa today are a consequence of our colonial past, we can no longer honestly only blame all the ills of Africa on the chequered history of colonialism. Most African countries have had more than a quarter of a century of indigenous leadership which has failed the test of democracy and visionary economic leadership. Some African leaders have inflicted more harm and pain on the people of their countries than colonialism was able to.

It is time we Africans sought to put our house in order. It is time we stopped shunning the painful and grim truth of our failure as leaders of the people of Africa to live up to the expectations of millions of souls inhabiting this great continent. While we seek to close the ugly and painful chapter of our colonial past, we must simultaneously close the chapter of self-inflicted pain of misgovernment through dictatorships, military regimes, lack of democracy and gross violations of human rights.

Where do we begin? All this has to begin with us as individuals. We have to define our roles in seeking to change the perilous, headlong rush of Africa into oblivion. All these lofty dreams and ideals we happen to have about this great continent of Africa will come to naught unless we begin to see ourselves as children of mother Africa to whom we owe our very existence. We are therefore duty-bound to strive for her wellbeing.

All these things will not just happen unless we all, as individuals, see ourselves as crucial participants in the rise of this great continent of Africa. Unless there develops in us as individuals a consciousness based on our loyalty, devotion and duty to the sacred service of this continent, the 21st century will come and go without it becoming a very special moment for Africa - a moment of rebirth, of regeneration, of renewal, a time for Africa to rise. Unless we develop a consciousness that compels us to ask ourselves every morning as we rise: ``What am I going to do for Africa today?’’, we will not help to usher in that great moment for Africa.

A movement is abroad in our land, though it is still in its infant stage, to help effect the rebirth and rise of Africa. As individuals we can only achieve that much, but as members of various communities that constitute this great nation, we can begin to harness our actions in collective local, national and continent-wide activities that are consciously designed to help Africa rise.

The time has come for every political party that is represented in this very Parliament to establish its own agenda on helping to make this 21st century the African century. Every civil society body and every university and other institution of higher learning and research must be encouraged to establish their own agendas for the upliftment of the African continent.

Every youth, women’s and other community organisation could focus on what it is they could do to make this the African century. Perhaps there is a need to move towards establishing national consensus on the contents of the agenda through which we hope to render this the African century. Business and labour, alongside cultural and other autonomous social and religious formations, will have to be significant role-players in the establishment of a common national agenda for Africa.

This very Parliament needs to establish a mechanism through which consensus could be developed on a common agenda for this Parliament to help to make this, the 21st century, the century of the African continent. Even our Government needs to identify a range of activities that could form part of the national agenda to make this the African century.

In conclusion, every one of us has a role to play to promote the course of Africa as individuals, as communities and as organisations that are social, cultural, political, religious and economic in nature and character. Even as this institution - Parliament - which represents the sovereign will of the people, we indeed can do something. The time has come for Africa. We dare not shirk this responsibility. We dare not fail, and that time is now. [Applause.]

Mrs A VAN WYK: Mr Chair, to think that our age is the most exciting and challenging period in the history of the world is an unoriginal but all too pardonable assumption. Every generation is convinced of the uniqueness of its experiences and its insights. Yet the dizzying explosion of knowledge leading to ever-increasing advances in science and technology gives one a sense of impending great happenings, impending great revelations.

Despite all its wars, its poverty, disease and backwardness, Africa, perhaps more than any other part of the world, senses the dawning of a new beginning. That is how I intended opening this speech on 22 February. Since then our region has experienced a setback. Zimbabwe, our neighbour, has been launched on a tragic course by her leader and his party. Hope is being compromised by the lack of a human rights culture, the nonadherence to democratic values and a sickly addiction to power. The New NP wishes to express its sympathy with the hard-pressed and long- suffering Zimbabwean citizens who have endured increasing poverty and oppression by an uncaring and corrupt government over the years and now find themselves in truly perilous waters. We wish them courage and fortitude and would like to see the national dispute speedily resolved through fair elections, free of violence, intimidation and fraud. The New NP is committed to democratic values. We want to make South Africa work. We want to see peace throughout Africa, tolerance and democracy. We want to live in the midst of an educated and contented people, confident, secure and prosperous.

We think this is achievable. A lesson learnt from our lengthening past is that for a region to prosper a core or leading state needs to emerge. In Southern Africa the Republic of South Africa is that core state. Already we have many of the qualities needed to fulfil this responsibility and the kind of leadership that has led this country away from a situation of conflict to a negotiated democracy in which people accept the outcome of elections. Looking with horror and pity to the north, one is filled with gratitude for an FW de Klerk and a Nelson Mandela. Neither of them clung to power. After one term in office, Mr Mandela handed over the reigns of power. What an example! Leaders throughout Africa would do well to emulate this and learn from the South African experience.

This alone would be the first step towards the kind of political maturity required to create the circumstances in which those civil and economic liberties may flourish without which Africa will not be able to uplift itself. The misfortunes of our fellow Africans should serve to focus our minds. Many of the shortcomings that could hamper us in the role of core state relate to matters that could be resolved by enhancing integrity and efficiency in the executive and the state.

Unethical conduct, corruption and other crimes in this sector ultimately threaten our democracy. Poverty, crime and misconduct in society are the consequences. The cleanup has to start at the top. Ministers and public servants should adhere to the Constitution and the law. It is in this sector that the example of honesty and efficiency should be set. Strong and courageous leadership is called for. South Africa and indeed our whole continent yearn for moral regeneration.

Hierdie dinge sal slegs gebeur as daar ‘n meer genuanseerde benadering tot menseregte is. Die hooffaktor wat Suid-Afrika strem in sy rol as ‘n kernstaat wat die ontwikkeling van Afrika moet help dryf, is onvoldoende menseregte. Ondanks ons merendeels goeie Handves van Regte lyk dit of die Regering bevrees is om die gees van daardie handves na te kom.

Hoewel daar vordering is met die Kommissie vir die Bevordering en Beskerming van die Regte van Kultuur-, Godsdiens- en Taalgemeenskappe, skram die Regering in ander opsigte weg daarvan om substansie te gee aan die regte van die onderskeie samelewingsgroepe waaruit ons bevolking bestaan. Dit lyk asof die Regering nie genoeg vertroue het in die sterk saambindende weefsel van Suid-Afrikanerskap nie. Gelyke behandeling voor die reg is noodsaaklik, en ek wil klem lê op dié mees basiese van alle menseregte. Om die enorme potensiaal van hierdie land te ontsluit, moet die Regering die mense in al hul verskeidenheid toelaat om hulself te wees en moet hy besef hul talente lê grotendeels opgesluit in hul identiteit.

Hoe gaan Afrika ooit opstaan, hoe gaan die breinkrag van Afrika ooit vlamvat as Engels, Frans en Portugees eerder gesien word as die sleutel tot plaaslike vooruitgang? Dit is die mensereg van elke Afrikaan om sy taal- en kultuurregte uit te leef, en die sleutel is moedertaalonderrig. Deur op ingevoerde tale aan te dring maak Afrika-regerings van hul bevolkings verstandelik kreupeles.

Suid-Afrika kan die kernstaat, die enjin, van ‘n groot deel van Afrika word as hy die volgende fase van sy politieke wasdom energiek betree deur gestalte te gee aan die regte van al sy taalgemeenskappe en begin om onder meer sy een inheemse werklik moderne taal, naamlik Afrikaans, na waarde te skat en aan te wend om die moedertale van alle ander taalgebruikers te help ontwikkel. Voorts is die verskansing van kulturele diversiteit in elk geval die sleutel tot vrede in Afrika. Hierin kan ons land die toon aangee. Die prys wat wink, is die herlewing van Afrika. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[These things will only happen if there is a more nuanced approach to human rights. The main factor which is hampering South Africa in its role as a core state, which should help drive the development of Africa, is inadequate human rights. Despite our for the most part good Bill of Rights, it seems as if the Government is afraid to comply with the spirit of this Bill.

Despite the progress being made with the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities, in other respects the Government is shying away from giving substance to the rights of the different community groups of which our population consists. It seems as if the Government does not have enough confidence in the strong binding tissue of South Africaness. Equality before the law is essential, and I want to place emphasis on this most basic of all human rights. In order to unlock the enormous potential of this country, the Government should allow people in all their diversity to be themselves and should realise that their talents mainly lie locked up in their identity.

How will Africa ever be able to rise up, how will the brainpower of Africa ever ignite if English, French and Portuguese are seen rather as the key to local development? It is the human right of each African to live out his language and cultural rights, and the key to this is mother-tongue education. Through the insistence on imported languages African governments are making intellectual cripples of their populations.

South African can become the core state, the engine, of a large part of Africa if it energetically enters the next phase of its political growth by giving substance to the rights of all its language communities and, inter alia, starts valuing its one indigenous truly modern language, namely Afrikaans, and utilises it to help to develop the mother-tongues of all the other language users. Furthermore, the entrenchment of cultural diversity is in any case the key to peace in Africa. Our country can set the pace with regards to this. The beckoning prize is the renaissance of Africa.]

Mrs F MAHOMED: Chairperson, hon Deputy President, friends and colleagues, in the name of God the Most Gracious and Most Merciful, my hon comrades must have heard the saying: ``Let fools die in their folly.’’ That is what I want to say to the DP, because for fools to understand the spirit of unity and hand-holding is impossible. [Laughter.] [Interjections.] Even if one tries one’s level best to explain to those fools, they will not understand. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order!

Mrs F MAHOMED: Do the members know why? Because they are inherently deaf, dumb and blind.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order!

Mrs F MAHOMED: As far as I am concerned, the DP is saying that on the one hand …

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon Mahomed, please be seated.

Mrs F MAHOMED: Sorry.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon member Mr Ellis, before you speak, I would like to ask the hon member at the podium to withdraw the words that she uttered, namely that the DP will die as fools.   Mrs F MAHOMED: Chairperson, which words should I withdraw? [Interjections.] I will withdraw the words which that member is talking about.

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! The hon member must withdraw the reference stating that members of the DP or any other members in the House are fools.

Mrs F MAHOMED: I withdraw it. [Interjections.]

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Thank you. [Interjections.] Order!

Mrs F MAHOMED: Chairperson, I will not harp on this because it does become difficult to explain to people that will not understand.

There is no doubt that decades of repression and exploitation by colonialists have indeed dented and destabilised the entire Southern African region. The economic cost to the six frontline states was estimated to exceed US $45 billion, not to mention the destruction of agriculture, industry, education and health care in those countries. But, thank God, we survived the ruthless strategies which only left us in the region stronger than ever before.

Our challenge is to make the 21st century an African century. The question is: How do we do that? Firstly, we need to know if we still have invisible rulers in the African continent. Are we further enslaved by external debt which inevitably leads to theatres of war? Do members know that it is believed that some international institutions aim at nothing less than creating a world-wide system of financial control in private hands by aspiring to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole?

The lender of the Third World debt says to the country that it lends money to:

I sit on your back and allow you to carry me by assuring myself that I am sorry for you.

[Interjections.] That member must listen to what I have to say!

The DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON OF COMMITTEES: Order! Hon members, allow the member at the podium to continue with her speech, irrespective of whether you like it or not! [Laughter.]

Mrs F MAHOMED: The debt lender will tell this person: I am sorry for you; I wish to ease your burden, but I will still sit on your back; I will sit on your back until I break it.

We do not want this to continue, so we need to be careful not to be recolonised by different strategy tactics, of being enslaved by the debt burden and the dictatorial saga. Our real challenge is to achieve peace and stability for the realisation of our economic goal. Individual member states have a collective responsibility to create a basis and climate for economic viability, as well as technical soundness, so that effective co- ordination can take place.

If we wish to make the 21st century an African one, plans and strategies need to synergise with absolute commitment to give impetus to regional co- operation. First and foremost, the challenge is to build an ethos of trust and realise leadership among members states. Secondly, it is to show adequate commitment to collective action, as regional co-operation cannot be realised without this basic ingredient. Thirdly, management of valid subregional organs with objectivity is imperative, so that progress is given momentum and not hampered by conflict of national interest.

The concept of the African renaissance is a centrepiece of South African domestic and foreign policy. Whether we believe it or not, we Africans are endowed with intrinsic values, and we are able to master the strength and determination to assert our existence in the world scenario. We are also able to take up challenges, because we have the muscle.

We are also deeply convinced that the OAU has played an important role by affirming our political identity, which is working towards the realisation of unity on our continent. We also reaffirm our determination to promote the use of peaceful means to resolve conflicts, in conformity with the principles of sovereign equality, noninterference, nonrecourse to threats or the use of force, independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of states. In this respect, we believe that the OAU mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution is a valuable asset for our continent, which must be nurtured and consolidated. This does not exonerate the UN organisation from its obligations to maintain international peace and security holistically.

Although we acknowledge the disparity between the world’s richest nations and extremely critical poverty-stricken areas on the African continent, we are compelled to deal forthrightly with the low literacy rate, low life expectancy and high infant mortality. The spread of Aids also needs to be taken into account.

A further challenge is the female population of the African countries, both women and children. They are a disproportionate burden of the countries that are underdeveloped and poor. The burden is further exacerbated by patriarchal, social and political formations which lie at the core of women’s disempowerment in the African states. To address this problem, eloquent rhetoric is not good enough. Concrete policies and pragmatic steps need to be taken to involve women at all levels of the continent’s agenda. Women are not passive recipients of policies. We need to ensure that their development and equality is enshrined in the regional economic and developmental agenda.

However, while the continent is currently characterised by poverty and political turmoil, many positive signs have emerged. The cease-fire efforts in the Congo need to be mentioned, as well as the peace talks in Burundi. In conclusion, I wish to say that it needs to be recognised that some of these objectives can be realised with international donor funds and regional capital. We wish to call for a genuine democratisation of the UN and its Security Council, ensuring Africa’s legitimate place within this organ. The same applies to the IMF and the World Bank for effective reconstruction and development without discrimination.

African renaissance effectively means that we make a clear paradigm shift from the indoctrinated trends of Eurocentricism to Afrocentricism, that is we simply behave like Africans. We are proud of our culture and origin. Our responsibility is to conscientise ourselves, and we need to do some soul searching as a united force. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr S E MZIMELA: Mr Chairperson, no self-respecting and serious-minded African would be proud of the performance of postcolonial Africa. Therefore, the statement that the 21st century is to become the African century must sound as wonderful music to the ears of millions and millions of downtrodden Africans, who wander across the length and breath of this continent - the refugees, the widows and the orphans, the victims and those who suffer as a result of their leaders. So that we do not become victims again of the sangoma syndrome, where the sangomas throw down their bones and say to us Vumani!'' and we simply respond by sayingSiyavuma!’’, we need to raise certain questions.

The first question is, in fact: What do we really mean when we say the 21st century is to become an African century? Are we saying that the murderers, the thieves, the liars, the lunatics and those who held power in the 20th century, and caused so much devastation and suffering, will never again hold power in the 21st century? Are we saying that the seven deadly sins of Africa - wars, corruption, tribalism, ineptitude, debt, etc - will be washed away forever and never visit us again? Are we saying that our African leaders, during the day under the bright lights, will condemn the rich nations and then, under the cover of darkness, run with their big begging baskets and hold them high, crying out: ``Give us this day our daily bread and forgive us our debt?’’ [Laughter.] [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Adv Z L MADASA: Mr Chairperson, African thinking and writing are dominated by protest as a main theme. This paradigm is understandable from a people who have been dispossessed and oppressed for such a long time. However, the time has come for Africans to state a positive case as to what needs to be done for a better future for all.

Africans need to understand and believe that this continent is still virgin land, underpopulated, with unlimited potential and replete with resources. Africans must jettison from their minds the idea of shortage. The pivotal question to be answered by every individual is: ``Where am I going?’’ Each one of us needs to develop a specific individual vision for the future. Every boy and girl must be trained to find out what it is that they would like to do, what future they would personally like to build? Every family must begin to understand its role and define clearly what it is they are going to contribute to the vision of a prosperous Africa.

The culture of begging and seeking donations everywhere must be replaced with a strong and passionate desire for self-sufficiency, engaging in trade where value is exchanged for value. A culture and atmosphere of risk- taking, pioneering and entrepreneurship must be deliberately fostered. Borrowing must stop and those who continue to borrow must pay their debts. France should be congratulated on taking the lead in cancelling the debt of some poor African states over a period of three years.

Through the Organisation of African Unity and other regional structures like SADC, African governments must be encouraged to become democratic by involving people in decision-making, not only in writing wonderful constitutions. Academic, business and media communities must be allowed to influence political thinking and planning. Politicians must be servants of the people, and not view people merely as potential voters. Strong opposition parties to government must be encouraged to ensure healthy political debates. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Dr C P MULDER: Mr Chairperson, Deputy President, before anyone can start to define individual and collective roles in making the 21st century the African century, we first need to have clarity as to what this particular statement means exactly.

What is the meaning of a statement such as ``Making the 21st century the African century’’? What does this actually mean? Do we simply accept it as a fact or do we realise that it might not necessarily be so? What is more, who will decide at the end of the 21st century that the century was indeed the African century? Will it be history? Will it be the UN? Will it be the people of Africa? Who will decide?

What I do know is that the 21st century will definitely not be known as the African century simply because we as Africans hope it to be so. The reality, unfortunately, might be quite the opposite. I am speaking today as an Afrikaner and as an African - someone who is totally committed to our continent, Africa, and someone who desperately wants to see Africa succeed.

We are all aware of the fact that the Cold War is over. But are we all aware of the fact that the Cold War has been replaced by a new, much more ferocious war - an economic war that affects all of us? Strong economic blocs are competing against one another. Nafta and Mercasur in the Americas are against the European Union in Europe and against the Asian Tigers and Japan in the East. But our continent, Africa, is not a role-player at all. Our continent is irrelevant in this new development. This is something that we all should be very concerned about. Only 11 out of a total of 54 African countries, which is 20%, have a per capita income of more than $1 000 per annum. At the beginning of the 1960s, Zambia was a wealthier country than South Korea. Today South Korea is 28 times wealthier than Zambia, and they both had the same colonial history.

The 21st century will not be known as the African century because the 2006 Soccer World Cup is hosted in Africa or because during this century the Olympic Games are held in Africa. No, the 21st century will only become known as the African century if we succeed in becoming a serious and major player in the world economy and the current economic war, as well as in the process of globalisation in the 21st century. The fact is that Africa is currently not such a role-player.

Prof Lester Thurow wrote in his book Head to Head about the current economic battle between Japan, Europe and America. He wrote:

Who will own the twenty-first century? The surprising answer is that a ``House of Europe’’ dominated by Germany will win out over America and Japan in the new post-cold-war era.

He then continues:

The nineteenth century is remembered as the century of Great Britain. It was the dominant economic power. The twentieth century will be remembered as the century of the Unted States. It was and is the dominant economic power.

He then refers to the establishment of the European Union and says:

At that moment, for the first time in more than a century, the US became the second largest economy in the world. This reality will become the symbol for the start of the competition that determines who will own the twenty-first century.

What does he write about our continent, Africa? These are very hard and harsh words:

Africa south of the Sahara, with the exception of South Africa … is the world’s economic basket case. If God gave it to you and made you its economic dictator, the only smart move would be to give it back to Him. Borders are in the wrong places to minimise ethnic animosities. The green revolution has not been made to work in the climates and soil of Africa. Effective, efficient governments do not exist. No economy has ever been able to cope with Africa’s current population growth rates. Aids may be to Africa in the twenty-first century what the plague was to Europe in the fourteenth century.

Perhaps it is a bit overambitious to start off by describing the 21st century as the African century. Perhaps, at this stage, we should first address all these realities, not in the whole of Africa or even in the SADC region, but right here in South Africa itself. [Time expired.]

Mr P H K DITSHETELO: Mr Chairperson, Deputy President, the claim to an African century is realisable. It, however, demands sacrifices from all of us at national, local, regional and continental levels. In defining roles, we should seek not only to be politically correct and relevant but to consciously explore new ways of thinking and doing things. We are challenged to identify ourselves as to who we are, where we come from and where we are heading.

These are the parameters which, I believe, could assist us greatly in defining our respective individual and collective roles in making the 21st century an African century. The dawn of the new century ushers us from the industrial age to what is commonly referred to as the information age. As we stand on the threshold of the 21st century, it has become apparent that we need to prepare different skills bases and capabilities to cope and better our lives by making this century an African one.

Therefore our individual goals should primarily be geared towards acquiring new skills, new attitudes and self-confidence. The governments are morally and constitutionally bound to avail public resources to facilitate the realisation of these objectives. Therefore, any form of definition should encompass a shared African vision. We should begin to appreciate our achievements, no matter how small they may appear to be.

The discovery of Maphungubwe in the Northern Province has rekindled scientific debates about the continent. Africa’s quest and determination to discover the Aids cure and to achieve a stable African democracy, as defined and practised by Africans for Africa … [Time expired.]

Mr D J SITHOLE: Mr Chairperson, hon Deputy President and hon members, the debate today on defining our roles as individuals and as a collective in making the 21st century an African century, is a very interesting debate indeed.

However, my question is: Do we really have to define our role in making the 21st century an African century? The answer is yes. We have to do that. The reason we do that is that at this hour in history, there are people who are members of this House who still believe that South Africa has not changed and that it is still the South Africa of yesterday. They have not realised that South Africa, in fact, has become a nonracial, democratic country and its umbilical cord is tied to the African continent. They still harbour the hope that a racially exclusive homeland is still to be created, whilst others vow to fight democratic changes that are sweeping the country.

I am sure that any person who has been affected by apartheid will agree with me that their endeavours will not see the dawn of the day. As individuals, we have a crucial role in changing the views and attitudes of our people towards Africa and its people, black or white. As a collective, we need to move our people from poverty to an Africa where all economic, political and social chains have been shrugged off and the task of rebuilding a continent that is confident in itself and has taken control of its own future on equal terms with the rest of the world, has started with vigour and enthusiasm.

The century we want to build is a century that will see the African continent on its way to economic recovery and breaking its colonial relations with the economically powerful colonisers. Mobilisation of the continent’s people to take their destiny into their hands, thus preventing the continent from being used, like before, as a place for testing and the attainment of narrow political and strategic interests of the most powerful in the world.

The making of the African century will not be achieved if it is left in the hands of the academics and intellectuals, particularly armchair politicians, to use as an intellectual exercise. The making of the 21st century into an African century should and must be driven by the masses. It must be a people-centred process to ensure that the people take charge of the rebirth of the continent.

We need to guard against making our people spectators in the process of reconstruction and development of the continent and of their lives. In guarding against that, we also need to make sure that those who are engaged in debates, such as who is and how to be an African, do not sidetrack the process of making sure that the continent is rebuilt. The problem with the debate of who is an African and what is an African is that it is in the hands of academics and politicians who, by their own making, are unable to define the challenges that face the continent.

The problem of Africa has been used as a money-spinning opportunity, and those who wanted to test their faith used the continent. As it is put in the Scriptures: ``Isandla esiphayo sibusisekile kunaleso esamkelayo.’’ [The hand that gives is more blessed than the one that receives.] That means that this continent is, and will be, condemned to oblivion, for its existence depends on receiving from the rich. The truth is that this hand, unfortunately, does not only give. All those who unconditionally accepted its gift have not succeeded in building their economies and feeding their people. I am still to see the success of the structural adjustment policy dictated by the blessed hand that gives. This is a sign that Africa should and must work together at all times and all levels of society in order to achieve economic growth, as well as social and political stability. Any minimum programme of co-operation the continent agrees on should be to address the basic needs of the people.

To achieve this, we need to ask those who manage and run our printed and electronic media to share their writing and television programmes between their American preference and Africa. I do not suggest for a minute that they must stop pursuing their American dream, but all I am pleading for is that they should expose us to the continent as a whole.

We will not be able to build an African century if we still create an impression that anything and everything from Africa is backward and superstitious. When I was at school an impression was imprinted in my mind that I was a better, civilised African under the rule of the NP, which today is called the New NP. Why do we still feed this poisonous belief to our children and those who believe in us?

To see the damage this philosophy has done to our people, we just have to see what we do in our trains when we see the so-called ``kwere-kweres’’. But the same will not be said about people who have a different colour to mine. I am not suggesting that what is done wrong to some must be applied to others. All that I am asking is: Why treat fellow Africans as subhumans?

The arrogant promotion of skin whiteners for Africans was a well- orchestrated plan to destroy what was left of the African pride, their being. It was said that everything European was the best and everything African was primitive and backward. The African traditions were vilified, and the Western culture was glorified. This is my childhood. I will not allow my children to be victims of such inhuman treatment.

When we speak of the African century, it is not just a good phrase to throw around. It is not about being politically correct, but it is a commitment we made in the ANC. If one reads our statement of 8 January, one will realise that in our programmes the role of our people is critical to and at the centre of rebuilding the continent. Until all African leaders realise that we are an interdependent region, postpone their narrow political ambitions and face the challenges of Africa, we will neither achieve nor see the benefits of the 21st century.

Over and above political debate and commitment is the willingness of the business community to pick up the pieces in Africa and make the best of it. I do not suggest that they must not invest in the London stock exchange, but I am saying that in their investment strategy, they should think of Africa.

My individual role is to engage in a collective effort to realise the African century, and my question to the Leader of the Opposition is: What is his role? Is it to condemn and complain? Is it to fight back or to awake the volkstaat? It should be to support the process. [Time expired] [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Mr Chairman, the mental liberation of the African people is important as part of our African identity and of rediscovering ourselves, especially during this millennium. The struggle for restoring Africans to their full humanity and empowering them to control all their affairs must continue. That struggle has always been waged on the foundation of Africanism and Pan-Africanism. The essence of Pan-Africanism is the reclaiming of Africa for its people - their land, their gold, their diamonds, their oil, their culture, and their entire epistemology. Africans must dispense with colonial and Eurocentric values. Eurocentricity makes Africans always act under its shadow. The example is the European renaissance. There are some parallels with European history, but Africans must see their history in its own pomp and glory. They must shape their destiny without aping Europe.

As a result of colonialisation of this country, African languages suffer a lack of technical terminology or language technology. Teachers of African languages must ensure that the language of technology is developed for African use and communication. The use of the indigenous, precolonial names of this country are long overdue - Mofulatshephe for Smithfield, Tshwane for Pretoria, eQonce for King William’s Town, and Umngungundlovu for Pietermaritzburg. The name South Africa'' itself is in the category of Gold Coast’’, Rhodesia'',Upper Volta’’, South West Africa'' and British Bechuanaland’’. [Interjections.]

Slaves are named by their masters, but free men and women name themselves. If there are those who think that Pan-Africanists want to achieve the impossible, let me hasten to say that there is nothing impossible under the sun. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Chair and Deputy President, patriotic citizens of South Africa, irrespective of race and cultural origin, will always first identify themselves as African. Whether one is a road sweeper, an educator or the President of South Africa, it does not matter, because status is not the chaperon of authority.

Every single citizen in this country is a leader in his or her own right within the confinement of the Constitution. As political leaders we cannot lead autonomously, but we have to lead with the people to promote collective participation and to develop the diverse cultures, social and political systems and the economy.

Leaders have to establish tolerance, understanding and partnership with the society. An individual who is exemplary not only earns respect, but also strengthens his or her authority to encourage people to integrate their linguistic, cultural, religious, political and socioeconomic differences with love, commitment, and dignity.

This is the first step we must take if we sincerely want to make the 21st century an African century. Establishing the 21st century, the African century, does not require the minorities to give up their identities. All it means is that we must contribute towards the transformation so that we can be part of the African renaissance. [Applause.]

Dr Z P JORDAN: Chairman, while African scholars would argue that our continent passed through its own Dark Ages, which began with the commencement of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, subsequently plumbing the depths during the era of colonialism, it is not as victims that we aspire to the African century. We Africans have to accept the challenges before us. We must assume responsibility for ourselves, for our continent and for its future.

An African century must entail Africa and the African peoples catching up with the rest of the world. And to do this, Africa, like Europe and other continents before it, will have to stand on the shoulders of the rest of humanity’s achievements. There would be nothing new in this. Mutual borrowing and the infinite capacity of all humankind for imitation, adaptation and absorption has been the leavening of progress since time immemorial.

It was precisely by borrowing freely from other people on other continents that Europe, for example, was able to fuel its own advance. During the 15th century Europeans readily accepted that much of what they accomplished in the two centuries usually referred to as the European Renaissance, was built on the achievements of other civilisations, specifically Asian and African civilisations. The printing press, for example, had been invented in China in 583 AD and Chinese sailors had known the mariner’s compass since the 12th century. It was from the libraries and scholars of the Arab and Moorish states of Africa that the Europeans were reintroduced to the classical learning and knowledge that had been lost and suppressed during Europe’s Dark Ages.

The scientific revolution, integral to the European Renaissance, was the outcome of centuries of scientific study and work conducted in Asia, Africa and Europe. The notion that it is Europeans alone who have a peculiar proclivity for scientific thought is self-evidently nonsense. Equally ridiculous is the idea that the intellectual traditions such as humanism, rationalism and materialism, which are usually associated with the European Renaissance, are foreign to Africa and to Asia. Africans must lay claim to the entire body of achievements in the sciences, the humanities, the arts and technology, which are, after all, the common patrimony of the entire human family. It would be the height of folly for Africans to reject them merely because the personalities associated with them are not our blood relatives.

The European Renaissance, it is said, rediscovered that continent’s gilded age, but it did not embrace that gilded age uncritically. In other words, many institutions, beliefs, ways of thinking and ways of doing things that Europeans had venerated and upheld for centuries were subjected to criticism, re-evaluated and, in some instances, dropped. What they embraced were those that were of enduring value. After the Renaissance in Europe there were no longer any holy cows; everything was up for questioning. The scientific revolution, therefore, entailed an intellectual emancipation which required contemporary and subsequent thinkers to develop a sense of critical distance between themselves and the objects of their study. This is a dimension of that Renaissance that is well worth bearing in mind as our African scholars strive to recover our own golden past in order to create an African century. What Africa requires is a continental cultural revival based on the spread of literacy, numeracy, the mastery of the sciences and modern technology. All these are vital ingredients for the renewal of our continent. This assigns a very special role to our schools, technikons, universities and other tertiary institutions.

Africa’s media - print, radio, TV and film - so often castigated by critics as either the lapdogs of government or as unprincipled fault-finders, should also be defining their own role in relation to this movement. The publication and dissemination of the works of the continent’s thinkers, scientists, writers, artists and academics is an immense challenge and Africans themselves must shoulder that responsibility. Spreading knowledge of our continent and of its achievements - ancient, medieval and contemporary - amongst its people, is an essential component of the self- knowledge so sorely needed to restore African self-confidence.

But a meaningful cultural revival must also entail a critical revisiting of our indigenous African culture, institutions, customs, practices and mores. We have to frankly face up to the fact that Africa’s billions are held in thrall, not only by poverty, but they are also the victims of appalling ignorance which compounds our continent’s economic and social problems.

We Africans can ill afford sheltering behind narrow-minded conceptions of what is authentically African as a pretext for rejecting the imperatives of change. The women of Africa should no longer be regarded and treated as child-bearing beasts of burden, fit to be confined to the kitchen and the fields, but shut out from the wonders of the modern world. [Applause.]

In our own country, the striving for the African century must translate into closing the deepening chasm that is beginning to separate the rich from the poor. An African century without South Africa’s economic muscle is inconceivable. But this country’s own potential will be severely constrained if only a fraction of our population contributes to it. What we need are the accumulated skills, talents and capacities of all our people, which must be yoked for this common effort. The economic empowerment of the historically disadvantaged majority is thus an integral part of that effort.

The challenge facing our continent is to pursue rapid economic growth and development, while keeping faith with democratic norms and principles. Taming and reining in the rapacious indigenous elites that have plundered, and continue to plunder, the wealth of our continent is equally important. Since 1994, our Government has been at the forefront of efforts to achieve political stability and peace as preconditions for the regeneration of the African continent. Our Government has done this not by trying to impose a Pax South Africana by force of arms, but by judicious interventions to nudge African countries in desirable directions.

These efforts are continuing and are at the centre of our foreign policy. This might, at times, mean maintaining a dignified public silence on some thorny issues so as to facilitate meaningful dialogue between ourselves and our interlocutors. At this point I wish to remind this august House of the demands that were being made a few years ago by another opposition party on the issue of our relations with Libya. I think that everyone has learnt that despite our silence then, we got things done.

The best in our African political tradition have preferred secularism and advocated pluralism, not only to nurture diversity but also for their intrinsic value. We therefore expect Africa’s intellectuals, where necessary, to unsparingly and rigorously criticise our recent past and the performance of our leadership and statesmen. They must also be keen advocates and defenders of tolerance rooted in an appreciation that the truth is elusive and that it can only be sought in an environment of untrammelled contestation and debate among differing opinions.

Provided we do these things, I am certain that the spring of an African Century shall surely arrive and in time will become a glorious African summer. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 18:30. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                        MONDAY, 10 APRIL 2000

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. Report of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence on Appointment of Inspector-General, dated 3 April 2000:

   The Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, having considered and examined nominations for the position of Inspector-General of Intelligence, nominates, in terms of section 7 of the Intelligence Services Control Act, 1994, the following person for appointment as Inspector-General:

       Randera, M F.
   

 Report to be considered.

                       TUESDAY, 11 APRIL 2000

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 1.     The Minister for Provincial and Local Government on 10 April
     2000 submitted a draft of the Local Government: Municipal Systems
     Bill, 2000 and a memorandum explaining the objects of the proposed
     legislation, to the Speaker and the Chairperson in terms of Joint
     Rule 159. The draft has been referred by the Speaker and the
     Chairperson to the Portfolio Committee on Provincial and Local
     Government and the Select Committee on Local Government and
     Administration, respectively, in accordance with Joint Rule
     159(2).


 2.     The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to
     the relevant committees as mentioned below:


     (1)     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
          Committee on Trade and Industry and to the Select Committee on
          Economic Affairs:


          Reports of the Board on Tariffs and Trade on the -


          (a) Rebate of duty on biaxially oriented polypropulene film
              used in the manufacture of self-adhesive tape, Report No
              3873;


          (b) Rebate of the duty on textile fabrics impregnated, coated,
              covered or laminated with polyurethane, for fishing,
              Report No 3874;


          (c) Reduction in the rate of duty on "Agarbatti" other
              odiriferous preparations which operate by burning, Report
              No 3875;


          (d) Withdrawal of items under rebate items 307.04 of Schedule
              3 to the Customs and Excise Act, 1964, Report No 3877;


          (e) Withdrawal of the provision under rebate item
              313.04/26.10.01.00, Report No 3878;
          (f) Rebate of full duty on vinyl, chloridevinyl acetate
              copolymers, for the manufacture of floor coverings,
              Report No 3880.


     (2)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also
          referred for information to the Portfolio Committee on Justice
          and Constitutional Development and to the Select Committee on
          Security and Constitutional Affairs:


          Report of the Auditor-General on the Deposit Account
          Administered by the Department of Justice for 1997-98 [RP 196-
          99].


     (3)     The following paper is referred to Standing Committee on
          Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also
          referred for information to the Portfolio Committee on
          Transport and to the Select Committee on Public Services:


          Report of the Auditor-General on certain Transport-Related
          Agencies, Authorities and Funds [RP 60-2000].


     (4)     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
          Committee on Transport and to the Select Committee on Public
          Services for consideration:


          (a) Letter of Notification of Association with the
              International COSPAS/SASAT Programme as a Ground Segment
              Provider, tabled in terms of section 231(2) of the
              Constitution, 1996.

          (b) Explanatory Memorandum to the Letter of Association with
              the International COSPAS/SASAT Programme as a Ground
              Segment Provider.


     (5)     The following papers are referred to the Portfolio
          Committee on Trade and Industry and to the Select Committee on
          Economic Affairs:


          Reports of the Board on Tariffs and Trade on the -
          (a) Application for a reduction in the rate of duty on certain
              frozen and canned berries and fruit, Report No 3882;

          (b) Application for increase in the rate of duty on plastic
              pipes, Report No 3883;

          (c) Application for rebate of the duty on frozen, mechanically
              deboned meat of bovine animals for the manufacture of
              sausage, Report No 3884;

          (d) Application for increase in the rate of duty on industrial
              gloves and application for rebate of duty on synthetic
              rubber latex used in the manufacture of industrial
              gloves, Report No 3886;

          (e) Rebate of duty on anti-oxidants classifiable under tariff
              subheading 3812.30.10' Report No 3887;

          (f) Application for a reduction in the rate of duty on anti-
              oxidants and accelerators, Report No 3888;

          (g) Increase in the duty on thin sheets (voiles) of glass
              fibre, Report No 3893;

          (h) Reduction in the rate of duty on other extracted
              oleoresins obtained from extraction of natural raw plant
              material classified under tariff subheading 3301.90.70,
              Report No 3895;

          (i) Increase in the rate of duty on other pigments and
              preparations based on titanium dioxide, Report No 3889;

          (j) Increase in the rate of duty on alkyd esins, Report No
              3894.


     (6)     The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee
          on Public Service and Administration and to the Select
          Committee on Local Government and Administration for
          consideration and report. It is also referred for information
          to the Portfolio Committee on Labour and to the Select
          Committee on Labour and Public Enterprises:


          Report of the Public Service Commission on the Management of
          Remunerated Overtime in the Public Service [RP 171-99].


     (7)     The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee
          on Public Accounts for consideration and report. It is also
          referred to the Portfolio Committee on Communications and to
          the Select Committee on Labour and Public Enterprises for
          information:


          Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of
          the Human Resources Fund for 1998-99 [RP 55-2000].


     (8)     The following paper is referred to the Joint Standing
          Committee on Defence:


          The letter from the President of the Republic, dated 28 March
          2000, informing Parliament, in terms of section 201(2) of the
          Constitution, 1996, of the employment of the South African
          National Defence Force in terms of section 201(2)(c) of the
          Constitution, 1996.

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 The following paper has been tabled and is now referred to the Standing
 Committee on Public Accounts.

 Resolutions of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for 1999 and
 replies thereto obtained by the Department of State Expenditure -
 Eighth, Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth,
 Fifteenth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth and Twentieth
 Report, 1999.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    Reports of the Auditor-General on the -


     (a)     Financial Statements of Vote 36 - Water Affairs and
          Forestry and related accounts for 1998-99 [RP 160-99];

     (b)     Financial Statements of Vote 21 - Justice for 1998-99.


 (2)    A summary of issues for possible consideration in any review of
     the current framework setting out the powers and privileges of
     Parliament prepared by Professor N R L Haysom.


     Memorandum for Committee on Powers and Privileges of Parliament

     Introduction


     1. Professor Haysom was asked to summarise some of the issues for
          possible consideration in any review of the current framework
          setting out the powers and privileges of Parliament.

     2. The report of the consultants who were commissioned to
          investigate the above matters strongly recommends that a new
          statute be enacted to deal with the powers and privileges of
          Parliament. In any event the Constitution of the Republic of
          South Africa Act, 1996, (the Constitution) contemplates such a
          stature (see Section 58(2)).


          The reasons offered by the consultants are persuasive and
          include the following:


          (1) The act is a malaise of amendments dating back more than
              three decades. The treatment of the subject is
              unsystematic and dated.

          (2) The framework for dealing with powers and privileges needs
              to be reviewed against the requirements of the new
              Constitution and an interrogation of the practices
              consonant with a new parliamentary culture and tradition.
     Privileges


     3. The question of privileges is currently dealt with by the
          Constitution (see 58(1) and (2)), the Powers and Privileges of
          Parliament Act, 1963, (the Act) and, indirectly, the rules of
          Parliament. It is necessary at the outset to determine what
          the concept 'privileges' embraces, or should embrace. As the
          consultants point out, the international trend is to move away
          from the elastic concept of 'privileges' and to use the term
          'immunities'. The Committee may wish to follow this trend for
          the same reasons, In either event it may help to set out the
          purposes for which the immunities are to be created.

     4. The historical development of both the powers and the
          privileges of Parliament indicates that they derive from the
          need to protect and promote the functioning of the
          legislature, originally in the face of threats or persecution
          of legislators by the monarch or the executive, and
          subsequently from interference from other sources such as the
          judiciary and civil society, which would undermine the
          functioning of the legislature. The rationale behind
          conferring special privileges and powers on the legislature
          can best be understood in the light of the doctrine of the
          separation of powers: that is that Parliament should regulate
          its affairs independantly of the other arms of government.
          Immunities or privileges generally fall within the following
          three categories.

     5. Freedom of Speech Immunity


          While the Freedom of speech Immunity, contained for example in
          section 58(1) of the Constitution, may have had its origins in
          the desire to protect legislators from the monarch, it now has
          a much broader rationale - the promotion of open debate and
          the immunity offered is expected to prevent what the courts
          elsewhere have called the 'chilling' effect of defamation law.
          It is the pre-eminent immunity but it is not absolute and may
          be subject to manner and form requirements agreed by
          Parliament. The privilege is also contained in the Act, but
          this is probably unnecessary. The present act also explicitly
          extends the immunity offered to members so as to include
          petitions and resolutions brought by a member. This is
          nonetheless an aspect of the freedom of speech privilege (see
          Section 8 of the Act).


     6. 'Immunities' relating to civic obligations or criminal
          proceedings.


          Immunities, taking various forms, have arisen to protect
          legislators from certain criminal or civil proceedings. Again,
          their origins lay in the need to protect legislators from
          political persecuton, and later from harassment which
          indirectly might prevent a legislator from performing his
          duties. Such immunities might once have taken the form of an
          absolute immunity from judicial process, but this has given
          way to procedural protections which require, for example, in
          certain countries that criminal proceedings against
          legislators be brought only in higher courts, or that such
          proceedings be subject to certain delays. The trend is to move
          away from granting any immunity from civil or criminal
          liability, even of a temporary nature, to members of the
          Executive or of the Legislature, Our Constitution reflects
          this trend. The remnants of this form granting any immmunity
          are still in existence in the Act.(see Section 7 of the Act)


     7. The privileges of Parliament.


          The third of privileges are those that attach to Parliament
          itself. These exist for the purpose of enhancing Parliament's
          status, dignity and proper functioning. As the consultants
          point out it is not clear which of the inherited common-law
          privileges survive and the continued existence of some common
          law offences may be questionable. Furthermore it may be that
          there is an overlap between the privileges of Parliament, and
          the powers of Parliament in this regard. The following issues
          serve to illustrate the more general proposition that
          Parliament is entitled to have its status protected.


          (1) Should Parliament be protected from actions and statements
              that undermine it as an institution (not mere criticism
              of its members or its functioning). It may be that the
              answer lies within the ambit of security legislation.
              However a very recent incident in Nigeria is relevant. A
              senator, allegedly called for the restoration of military
              rule, in turn prompting public pressure on Parliament to
              protect itself against the sentiments expressed by the
              senator, and raising the question of Parliament's duty to
              assert this privilege.

          (2) Should Parliament be able to assert its financial
              requirements. Section 31 of the Act suggests it should be
              able to do so. In Kenya, this month, members of
              Parliament have called for legislation to limit the power
              of the President's office to unilaterally set the budget
              for Parliament. Once again this may be a question which
              is broader than the question of Parliamentary privilege.

          (3) There may be other 'privileges' a Parliament can claim so
              as to protect its status and functioning. For example, in
              Switzerland the police may not enter the precincts of
              Parliament. The current Act allows, or allowed,
              Parliament to bar a court from inquiring or pronouncing
              upon a matter involving parliamentary privilege. This
              provision has been found to be unconstitutional in a
              recent high court decision.


     8. The question arises whether there are any other types of
          privilege which require to be afforded to Parliament or its
          members? The entitlement to Parliamentary privileges is always
          founded on the need for the effective performance of the
          legislative function.

     9. Powers of Parliament


          Parliament's power to make its own rules and orders and to
          regulate its business derives from section 57 of the
          Constitution. This power includes the power to enforce its
          rules and punish infraction of them.


     10.     Since the enactment of the 1993 Constitution, Parliament
          has no powers other than those conferred upon it by the
          Constitution and law. The question arises as to how Parliament
          should enforce its rules?

     11.     Parliament has wide powers to ensure that it functions in
          a proper and orderly manner. In this regard the power of the
          Speaker to ensure orderly debate, enforce compliance with her
          rulings and orders, and to use force to remove the disorderly,
          are constitutionally wide. The Act, in addition, confers all
          the powers of a court of law on Parliament to punish those
          guilty of contempt, including the imposition of prison
          sentences (see Section 10). Parliaments' powers to punish, as
          opposed to enforcing orderly debate, are more circumscribed
          under the Constitution.

     12.     The first question arises as to whether Parliament, or the
          Speaker, should have the power to punish infractions of the
          rules by non-members (ie. members of the public). The
          Committee must consider what powers it needs to give the
          speaker or Parliament in this regard. In regard to penalising
          contempt or unruly behaviour, consideration could be given to
          drawing a distinction between members and non-members,
          specifying the criminal offences which need to be created and
          providing for the referral of breaches of these to the public
          prosecution service.

     13.     With regard to members of Parliament a number of issues
          require to be dealt with.


          13.1     The right of freedom of speech is subject to the
                   rules and orders of Parliament. Those rules and
                   orders might prescribe the manner, the time the
                   venue, the language, in which freedom of speech can
                   be exercised. Content based prescriptions on freedom
                   of speech will need to be carefully evaluated, having
                   regard to recent judicial pronouncements. (see
                   Speaker v Patricia De Lille 1999 (11) BCLR 1339 SCA)

          13.2     Parliament is required to establish the conditions
                   and circumstances in which absence from the assembly
                   can lead to loss of membership (see Section 47(3) of
                   the Constitution).

          13.3     Parliament may wish to consider the ways and means by
                   which its codes of conduct and its disclosure
                   requirements regarding benefits and gifts and similar
                   matters can be enforced. Note that the current Act
                   makes voting upon any matter in which a member has a
                   pecuniary interest as a criminal offence under the
                   Act (see Section 11 of the Act).

          13.4     Parliament may have to consider codifying behaviour
                   which is 'unparliamentary'. This may not require an
                   exhaustive list, but it may require at least
                   establishing guidelines. This may be necessary both
                   for the purposes of ensuring good order as well as
                   penalising infractions. (see the comments of Mahomed
                   CJ in Speaker v Patricia De Lille)

          13.5     Parliament may need to draw a clear distinction
                   between those Acts it will deal with under its own
                   disciplinary process and those that are to be
                   referred to criminal or civil courts - even in
                   respect of members. Regard should be had to the grey
                   areas such as filing incorrect expense claims or
                   removing property from Parliament. The current Act
                   allows parliament, by way of resolution to exercise a
                   choice. (see Section 33 of the Act)

          13.6     It is doubtful whether Parliament has the right to
                   permanently expel a member other than in the
                   circumstances set out in Section 47(3) of the
                   Constitution. It may be necessary however to consider
                   the appropriateness and necessity of other
                   punishments where a clear breach of rules, or a
                   repeated violation of the rules may justify it. Such
                   punishments may include censure, and fines. The power
                   to imprison in the Parliamentary dungeons, if it has
                   survived the 20th Century, is unlikely to meet the
                   test of Constitutional compliance. Suspension may be
                   Constitutional, but needs careful consideration, and
                   certainly there would be limitations. Both in respect
                   of the duration and in respect of the nature of the
                   conduct being punished.


     14.     The Committee must consider the establishment of an
          appropriate procedure and structure to adjudicate on
          misconduct or disciplinary matters. Such matters may range
          from very minor technical infringements to serious cases. In
          either event the requirements of a fair and impartial process
          must be met. An ad hoc approach may not be appropriate.

     15.     Finally, the Committee must consider what matters require
          to be dealt with, or are more appropriately contained in
          statute and what is required to be dealt with in the rules of
          Parliament. The matters referred to in 47(3) and 58(1) must be
          dealt with in the rules. Other privileges must be prescribed
          by national legislation.


 Referred to the Joint Subcommittee on Powers and Privileges.

1. The Minister for the Public Service and Administration:

 Report and Financial Statement of the South African Management
 Development Institute for 1998-99, including the Report of the Auditor-
 General on Vote 30 - South African Management Development Institute.

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 Report to Parliament of the Republic of South Africa on 30th Session of
 the African Caribbean Pacific-European Union (ACP-EU) Joint Assembly,
 20th - 23rd March 2000, Congress Hall, Nicon Hilton, Abuja - Nigeria.

 Introduction

 The 30th Session of the ACP-EU Joint Assembly took place in Abuja
 Nigeria between the 20th and the 23rd of March 2000. The 30th Session
 was historic in two distinct respects. Firstly, it took place in
 Nigeria after a recent history of EU sanctions against Nigeria and the
 new democratically elected President of the Federal Republic of
 Nigeria, His Excellency, Chief Olusegun Obassanjo, addressed delegates
 during the Opening Ceremony about the challenges facing Nigeria in
 consolidating democracy and on the challenges facing the ACP and EU
 countries as they forge a new trade agreement against the backdrop of
 the post-Seattle WTO trade debate. President Obassanjo drew specific
 attention to the fact that 70% of the development assistance to ACP
 countries is ultimately "recycled" back to Europe and that the ACP's
 exports have declined from 8% to a mere 2,8%.

 Secondly, the working group on future relations between the ACP and EU
 prepared a final report on the new trade agreement that will replace
 the Lomé Convention upon final formal adoption of this agreement by ACP-
 EU members in Fiji later this year.

 Composition of the Delegation

 The South African Delegation that attended the 30th Session of the ACP-
 EU Joint Assembly comprised:

 HE Mr E Links, Ambassador, Brussels.
 HE Mr B Sifingo, High Commissioner to the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

 Dr R H Davies, MP (ANC), Leader of the Delegation.
 Ms N M Tsheole, MP (ANC)
 Ms R Taljaard, MP (DP)

 Mr R Setlhapelo, SA Mission in Brussels.
 Ms N Potelwa, Department of Foreign Affairs.
 Mr I Johnson, First Secretary, SA Mission in the Federal Republic of
 Nigeria.

 The Joint Assembly Plenary, Working Groups and South Africa's
 Contributions

 The Plenary sitting of the Joint Assembly commenced on Monday, 20 March
 2000. Amongst others the following keynote speakers addressed delegates
 at the 30th Session:

 Mr Abednego Seisa Nqojane (Lesotho), general rapporteur of the Joint
 Assembly, on "Globalisation and the ways and means by which the ACP
 Group and the EU can jointly respond to its advantages and
 disadvantages".

 Mr Luis Amado (Portugal), Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and
 Cooperation and President in office of the EU Council, who fielded the
 questions for oral reply to the Council.

 Mr Poul Nielson, EU Commissioner responsible for Development and
 Humanitarian Aid, who fielded the questions for oral reply to the
 Commission.

 Mr John Horne (Minister of Trade & Industry, St Vincent and the
 Grenadines), President in office of the ACP Council, who fielded
 questions for oral reply to the ACP Council.

 In addition there were three specific working groups, which made final
 or interim reports to the Joint Assembly:


 * Working Group on the future of ACT-EU relations

 * Working Group on the impact of sanctions and, in particular, of
     embargoes on the people of the countries on which such measures
     are imposed

 * Working Group on the use of renewable sources of energy in ACP
     countries.
 Membership of Working Groups is determined by rotation. At the 29th
 Joint Assembly South Africa was nominated to serve on the Working Group
 on Sanctions and Embargoes.

 A.     South Africa's Comments and Contributions in the Working Group
 on the Efficacy of Sanctions

 Countries that will be studied vis-a-vis the impact and efficacy of
 sanctions include: Sudan, Fiji, Angola and Cuba. The Working Group will
 ask the Bureau to authorize study visits to Angola and Sudan. Despite a
 long discussion on Liberia it was not included on the list of countries
 to be visited at this stage. The Working Group on the efficacy of
 sanctions has a two-year life-span to complete its deliberations and
 present a report to the Joint Assembly. The Working Group heard
 representation from the Nigerian government and civil society in
 Nigeria on the impact of the EU sanctions on Nigeria over the past few
 years. The experience of South Africa and particularly the informal
 consensus between the international community and the ANC on the need
 for sanctions as a catalyst for political change was discussed. With
 reference to Nigeria and the absence of an oil embargo amongst a
 panoply of other sanctions Dr Rob Davies drew attention to the need to
 interrogate the underlying principle for imposing selective sanctions -
 particularly to dissect the interests of all involved in shaping
 sanctions decisions.

 Burning questions that the Working Group's discussions raised included:


 (a)    The question whether sanctions act as a reliable catalyst to
     political change or whether ordinary people bear the brunt of the
     measures.

 (b)    The question of a typology of sanctions that included
     comprehensive and selective sanctions and the different rationale
     for imposing different measures within such a typology and the
     scope for country-specific variation within such a typology to
     ensure the maximum efficacy of sanctions.

 (c)    The question of dissecting decisions to impose sanctions to
     dissagregate the interests of countries imposing sanctions in the
     country on which sanctions is being imposed. The Nigerian example
     was extensively discussed particularly as an instructive example
     of the "war of interests" as the measures imposed did not include
     an oil embargo due to the interests of specific EU states in the
     oil industry in Nigeria.


 The South African delegates particularly emphasised how vested
 interests in sanctioning countries frequently skews the decisions to
 impose either selective or comprehensive sanctions and censuring
 measures.

 In his report back to the Plenary Dr Cheltenham, the rapporteur of this
 working group, highlighted further burning questions which will be
 considered during the continued deliberations of the Working Group in
 which South Africa will continue to be involved.


 (a)    The questions about the circumstances and decision-making
     modalities that influence how and when sanctions, once imposed,
     are lifted.

 (b)    What can be called the "unintended consequences" of sanctions on
     the economies of countries linked to countries subjected to
     sanctions or embargoes. In a world where regionalisation will
     increase this question will increase in prominence and pose
     particular new challenges to the use of sanctions as a censuring
     measure.


 It was proposed that specific case studies be made of countries and
 that some empirical background research should inform the future and
 further deliberations of this committee. It is suggested that material
 about the South African case and our experience vis-a-vis the efficacy
 and impact of sanctions and embargoes on South Africa be made available
 to Dr Cheltenham, the rapporteur of the working group.

 Working Groups meet between Joint Assemblies, and the Working Group on
 Sanctions and Embargoes has set its next meeting for 22 to 23 May in
 Brussels. As part of this Group, South Africa will be expected to send
 a one person delegation. Normally the costs of participation are borne
 by the EU.

 B.     South Africa's Comments, Contributions and Amendment proposed to
 the motion for a resolution on the current state of negotiations
 between the EU and South Africa (ACP-EU 2910/AM.1)

 The South African delegates in the drafting committee proposed an
 amendment to the proposed resolution on the EU-SA TDCA trade
 negotiations.

 Amendment 1, paragraph 3, replace by a new paragraph to read as
 follows:

 "Urges the Government of South Africa to continue with its commitment
 to prioritise the fight against crime in order to improve tourism and
 investments which are so important for furthering the development of
 the country".

 The following is the text of the Joint Motion for Resolution on the
 current state of negotiations between the EU and South Africa (ACP-EU
 2910/00/COMP) adopted by the Joint Assembly with the proposed amendment
 substituting the words in brackets:

 The ACP-EU Joint Assembly,


 - meeting in Abuja (Nigeria) from 20 to 23 March 2000

 - having regard to previous resolutions on South Africa and on the
   state of bilateral negotiations on future relations between South
   Africa and the European Union,


 A.     recalling the negotiations pursued by the European Union and
     South Africa which is designed to lead to the creation of a free-
     trade area in the context of a bilateral trade cooperation and
     development agreement,

 B.     regretting the dispute over the protection of certain names in
     the framework of the agreement on wine and spirits had delayed
     provisional implementation of the global agreement on trade and
     development cooperation foreseen for January 2000,

 C.     whereas the EU and South Africa agreed to resume negotiation on
     wine and spirits in March with a view to conclude an agreement on
     1 June and entry into force on 1 September 2000,

 D.     welcoming the agreement between the EU and South Africa to
     pursue provisional implementation of the global trade cooperation
     and development agreement to guarantee correct application of its
     provisions,

 E.     mindful of the important implications the outcome of the
     negotiations will have for peace and stability, job creation and
     sustainable development in South Africa and the Southern African
     region,

 F.     recalling that agreements reached between South Africa and the
     EU will have important consequences for South Africa's neighbours
     in both the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and the Southern
     African Development Community (SADC),

 1.     Welcomes the agreement reached between the EU and South Africa
     to resume negotiations on wine and spirits in March with a view to
     conclude an agreement in 1 June and entry into force on 1
     September 2000;

 2.     Urges the negotiating parties to come to a rapid and equitable
     agreement on the issues of wine and spirits in order to meet the
     deadline of 1 June 2000 for the conclusion of the negotiations;

 3.     Calls on the government of South Africa to give a high priority
     to the fight against crime, to prevent a further drop in tourism
     and investments which are so important for the further development
     of the country;

 4.     Calls on the Government to ensure that South Africa's
     development needs are taken into account in line with its
     longstanding commitment to assist the new South Africa;

 5.     Instructs its Co-Presidents to forward this resolution to the
     ACP-EU Council, the Commission and the Government of South Africa.


 During the discussion on the above motion Dr Rob Davies made the
 following contribution:

 "As delegates know a bilateral TDCA between ourselves and the EU was
 scheduled to have begun to be implemented on a provisional basis at the
 beginning of this year. This agreement was supposed to mark the start
 of a strategic new relationship between us. It is worth recalling that
 the TDCA includes a reciprocal FTA in which we have given as well as
 received concessions. Indeed given the different sizes of our economies
 and the greater proportional significance of EU trade for us, the
 adjustment required of us is more substantial than that required of the
 EU. As delegates know this TDCA got off to a rocky start.

 About a week ago, the EU Ambassador to South Africa, Mr Michael
 Laidler, told a joint Foreign Affairs-Trade and Industry Portfolio
 committee meeting in our Parliament that there had been a serious
 possibility a few weeks earlier that the TDCA would have been
 suspended. The issue at stake was the use of the names of five
 alcoholic products - ouzo, grappa, jagarty, korn and one other too
 obscure for me to recall right now. The press found one South African
 farmer who produces a small quantity of grappa. No one in South Africa
 produces anything called ouzo, jagarty or the other names and I doubt
 after this dispute whether any South Africans in their right mind would
 want to drink anything bearing these names whether it is produced.
 This dispute had very little, indeed nothing to do with bilateral
 cooperation between us. Mention was made yesterday of the link between
 this dispute and intellectual property rights and the TRIPS. The TRIPS
 is essentially concerned with the protection of the rights of
 individuals or corporations that themselves produce intellectual
 property. "Traditional knowledge" of communities is not protected and
 traditions designs of our Ndebele community are widely copied and
 marketed in the developed world without royalty payments being made. No
 agreement was reached in the Uruguay Round on the treatment under the
 TRIPS of so-called "geographic expressions": product names deriving
 from geographic areas but which have often been used by producers in
 other areas for decades or even centuries. The treatment of geographic
 expressions for alcoholic products was identified as one of the terms
 to be resolved as part of the WTO's so-called built-in agenda.

 Our reading is that the dispute over ouzo and grappa was all about
 certain interests in the EU positioning themselves for future WTO
 negotiations. What was clear is that no great principle of development,
 equitable trade or any of the other things we've talked about in this
 Joint Assembly were at stake. Rather it was all about a demand from
 certain vested interests in the EU for what Adam Smith called "petty
 monopoly". The matter is fortunately now resolved and we have agreed to
 a compromise formulation on these five names together with earlier
 agreements on Port and Sherry. We have been told by EU delegates in
 South Africa that there are now no further obstacles to the conclusion
 of a wine and spirit agreement. Well we'll see. Mr Co-President I would
 comment that the fact that a dispute of this nature threatened to hold
 hostage a significant strategic relationship with a developing country
 should remain a cause for continuing concern.

 We saw during the course of the negotiations frequent instances of what
 the Financial Times of London called "commercial haggling by wealthy
 Europeans" swamping the developmental concerns an agreement was
 supposed to be about. One would be naive to imagine that the promotion
 of vested interests would be wholly absent from trade negotiations. But
 this episode raises a fundamental question: where do professed
 developmental concerns stand in the hierarchy of interests of the EU:
 higher or lower than ouzo and grappa? This is a matter I would contend
 has a much broader significance than our bilateral relationship and
 needs to be resolved ahead of the WTO negotiations envisaged under the
 ACP Partnership Agreement if anything we've talked about is to be
 realised".

 Dr Davies also raised the question that inadequate impact studies had
 been done on the impact of the EU-SA TDCA on the BLNS states in the
 Southern African Customs Union (SACU): "My view is based on meetings of
 the SACU Parliamentary Liaison Group formed to discuss these aspects is
 that the various studies may have underestimated the impact on
 industries in Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland. All agree,
 however, that there will be a serious impact on the budget of these
 countries as a result of declining customs revenue. The removal of
 duties on "substantially all" imports from their larger trading partner
 will signal a substantive drop in the customs revenue generated by such
 imports. Various verbal undertakings have stated that this aspect has
 been taken into account in decisions on budgetary support to BLNS
 countries. It is my earnest hope that this matter will receive urgent
 attention both in the EU and the Joint Cooperation Commission meeting
 in Pretoria on 31 March 2000".

 The motion on South Africa was adopted unanimously.


 C.     South Africa's Comments on the Draft Resolution on Zimbabwe
     tabled for Consideration by the Joint Assembly (ACP-EU
     2942/00/AM1)


 A draft resolution on Zimbabwe calling, inter alia, for the Commission
 to "seriously consider" suspending all non-humanitarian aid was tabled
 late in the proceedings, after the expiry of the normal deadline for
 tabling motions had expired. The South African delegation objected to
 both the procedure followed with the draft motion as well as the
 consideration of a withdrawal of EU non-humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe as
 a form of sanction while a special ACP-EU working group was still
 considering and investigating the efficacy of sanctions. The rationale
 that informed the delegation's view was essentially that any measures
 that could accelerate economic meltdown in Zimbabwe had to be opposed.

 Dr Rob Davies, MP made the following presentation in this regard:


 "I am sure it is common ground among all of us that Zimbabwe is passing
 through a period of acute social and economic hardship, if not crisis.
 It is also clear that there has emerged in Zimbabwe a rather fluid and
 highly contested political situation in which an increasing and
 organised opposition is pressing for political change. As democrats, I
 would have thought we should be able to agree whether in the end there
 is or is not political change is a matter for the Zimbabwean people to
 decide through a democratic electoral process.

 One can readily agree with many of the points made in the UN report
 quoted by Commissioner Nielson yesterday about elements necessary for a
 free and fair democratic election, but I believe it is seriously
 premature and unwarranted to conclude at this stage that the
 parliamentary elections due later this year will be flawed. In this
 regard I particularly want to take issue with the clause in the draft
 resolution calling for serious consideration to be given to suspending
 all non-humanitarian aid. I was in Zimbabwe recently and had the
 opportunity to talk to people with a variety of views. I have also had
 the opportunity to talk to representatives of the main opposition
 group, the MDC, when they were in South Africa. I do not believe there
 is any serious political force in Zimbabwe that thinks that its cause
 will be enhanced by provoking further economic collapse. I am not aware
 of any coherent call for sanctions from any credible Zimbabwe group and
 I am certainly not aware of any call for withdrawal of development
 assistance programmes.

 This Joint Assembly has appointed a working group to look at the issue
 of sanctions and embargoes which still has much work to do. We heard
 yesterday concerns that too frequently, even in cases where sanctions
 were seen as warranted, kinds of measures were adopted that have little
 real impact on political change but instead hurt the ordinary people.
 The withdrawal of aid programmes is all too often a soft option.

 More than that there is concern in the SADC region that any worsening
 of the economic situation in Zimbabwe could impact seriously on the
 region and efforts to promote regional integration. That is why our
 President led a delegation to Harare a little while ago to discuss ways
 to assist in ensuring the continued functioning of basic
 infrastructure. I must emphasise that the South African delegation is
 not taking sides in Zimbabwe but is acting on a recognition that
 progress in the region requires the continued functioning of the
 Zimbabwe economy.

 Many of us would have been quite willing to discuss the situation in
 Zimbabwe but what we have is a draft resolution with a number of
 serious problems for many of us. I regret that the South African
 delegation will not be able to support this motion".

 The ACP-EU states voted in separate houses on the motion dealing with
 Zimbabwe. The draft resolution on Zimbabwe was defeated.

 Other Resolutions which dealt specifically with SADC States included a
 motion on Mozambique (ACP-EU 2950/00/COMP) which dealt with the recent
 severe weather and floods in our neighbouring state and called on the
 EU Commission, EU Member States and ACP States to grant emergency aid
 and assistance to help in the reconstruction of the devastation caused
 by the natural disaster. The Green delegates in the EU Parliamentary
 delegation proposed an amendment calling on the Member States and the
 Commission to cancel Mozambique's bilateral and Community external debt
 in full. The resolution on Mozambique was carried with an overwhelming
 majority of ACP and EU states.

 All the speakers in the discussion on the proposed resolution on Angola
 (ACP-EU 2947/COM/00) condemned UNITA's violation of the 1994 Lusaka
 Peace Agreement and drew specific attention to the involvement of
 European interests in the conflict and the fact that the proceeds of
 arms and diamond trafficking in Europe were being used to finance the
 rebel war. The resolution also expressed concern over the spillover
 effects of the conflict for Namibia and Zambia and called on the
 Angolan government to set up a reliable and transparent certification
 system on diamonds. The resolution further reiterated the EU-ACP's call
 for upgrading the monitoring and the implementation of sanctions
 against diamond-smuggling operations operated by NITA and African and
 European traders. The resolution on Angola was carried.


 D.     South Africa's Amendments, Comments and Contributions to the
     Draft Resolution on the follow-up of the Fourth World Conference
     on Women (Beijing 1995) (ACP-EU 2916/00/AM1)


 The South African delegates in the drafting committee proposed an
 amendment to the proposed resolution on the Beijing Conference
 commitments:

 Amendment 1, replace fifth preamble with the following text:

 "pointing out the fact that worldwide, despite progress made by some
 countries, women continue to be under-represented in decision-making
 processed".

 During the discussion on this resolution Ms N M Tsheole drew specific
 attention to the rise in violence against women including the incidence
 of domestic violence and femicide. She drew attention to the legal and
 institutional reforms undertaken in many countries to deal with the
 ramifications of these crimes against women as they impact on the
 criminal justice policy cycle. The South African delegation highlighted
 that a change was needed in terms of the way in which society
 constructs its power relationships and the effects of these power
 relationships on the interaction between men and women.


 E.     South Africa's Comments and Contributions to the Draft
     Resolution on HIV/Aids (ACP-EU 2918/00/AM1-6)


 During the discussion on this resolution Ms N M Tsheole drew attention
 to the debate revolving around the TRIPS agreement and the availability
 of parallel imports and cheaper alternative generic medicines and their
 role in the fight against the scourge of HIV/Aids not only in South
 Africa but in the entire Southern African region:


 "Yesterday an oral question to the Commission mentioned South Africa's
 attempts to manufacture and produce generic medicines only to be
 subjected to pressure from the pharmaceutical industry on intellectual
 property grounds. At the time the presiding chair referred to the SA-EU
 negotiations and stated that SA relied on the TRIPS agreement in the
 wine and spirits disputes. The impression created was that SA believed
 that the TRIPS agreement should remain an integrated part of the WTO
 dispensation and not become a separate ring-fenced stand-alone
 institutional arrangement in global trade. Remarks made by my colleague
 Dr Rob Davies earlier today would have set the record straight on the
 broad matter of principle. As this debate specifically relates to the
 crucial fight against AIDS in my country and our subcontinent and the
 question of parallel imports I would like to reiterate that the TRIPS-
 generic medicines debate is far from resolved and that the role of
 import duties and taxes in increasing the prices of these products in
 the domestic market is but one element of a broader debate to be waged
 in the WTO's next round."


 F.     South Africa's Amendment, Comments and Contributions to the
     Draft Resolution on the Future of the ACP-EU relations (ACP-
     EU/2880/A/fin.)


 Amendment proposed by South Africa to Kinnock Resolution on ACP-EU
 Future Relations

 After paragraph 38 add new paragraph 38(a):
 "Calls for a new trading arrangement to enlarge access to the EU market
 for ACP countries, particularly for products where ACP countries have,
 or can acquire, competitive advantage."

 Dr Davies introduced the amendment from the floor during final
 discussions on the draft motion on ACP-EU future relations drawing
 attention to the fact that one of the outstanding issues throughout the
 talks on the new post Lomé dispensation has been the aspect of access
 to the EU markets and the inherent commitment to development which such
 an unambiguous signal to increase market access to the EU market would
 give a ACP states. South Africa's proposed amendment was accepted and
 was incorporated in the final draft of the motion on the future of ACP-
 EU relations which was adopted unanimously by the Joint Assembly
 Plenary on the final day of deliberations.

 The ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly established a new working group
 to iron out the institutional arrangements and the institutional
 reforms that will follow in the wake of the post Lomé agreement. This
 working group will comprise 12 members of each of the two groups (12
 ACP and 12 EU). During discussions in the ACP group ACP Co-President
 Clair drew attention to the importance of this new structure and the
 role ACP states will have to actively play in it to ensure that the new
 agreement will be backed up by a strong institutional dispensation that
 will reflect their interests and facilitate the process of working out
 the detail of the challenges bound to flow from the implementation of
 the new agreement.

 ACP states were requested to group regionally and ensure the best
 possible spread of ACP representation in the 12 representatives on the
 new working group. Post-Fiji and the eventual signing of the new
 agreement the institutional debate will become more important.


 G.     Possible hosting by South Africa of 32nd Joint Assembly


 The 31st Joint Assembly will take place in Brussels between 9 and 12
 October. During the Abuja meeting, the ACP Co-President, Mr Serge
 Clair, raised the question with our delegation of South Africa hosting
 the 32nd Joint Assembly, that will take place in March/April 2001. We
 indicated that we had no mandate from our Parliament to make any offer
 in Abunja, but undertook to ensure that the delegation attending the
 31st Joint Parliamentary Assembly meeting in Brussels has a mandate one
 way or the other. Parliament is requested to give this matter serious
 consideration.

 H.     Concluding Remarks

 The Parliamentary Delegation that attended the 30th ACP-EU Joint
 Assembly wishes to express its sincere gratitude to South Africa's
 diplomats in Nigeria, Ethiopia and Kenya for the support and assistance
 given and the hospitality shown particularly during our homeward
 journey.

 Rob Davies,  Ntshadi Tsheole and Raenette Taljaard.

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Communications on the South African Communications Regulatory Authority Bill [B 14 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 6 April 2000:

   The Portfolio Committee on Communications, having considered the subject of the South African Communications Regulatory Authority Bill [B 14 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), referred to it and classified by the JTM as a section 75 Bill, reports the Bill with amendments [B 14A - 2000].

   The Committee further reports that from 13 to 17 March 2000 the following stakeholders were given the opportunity to make oral presentations on the subject of the Bill: The Department of Communications, the South African Telecommunications Regulatory Authority, Orbicom, Sentech, the Independent Broadcasting Authority, National Association for Broadcasters, Primedia, WorldSpace, MTN, Telkom, MultiChoice, M-Net, Freedom of Expression and the National Community Radio Forum.

   Further submissions and correspondence were received from the South African Broadcasting Corporation, the Auditor-General’s Office and the Department of State Expenditure. Correspondence was also received from stakeholders in the communications sector who were not affected by the provisions in the Bill.

   The Committee spent a total of approximately 40 hours in dealing with the Bill, and endeavoured to look into all the possibilities and find the right solutions.

   Supplementary submissions, containing duly motivated proposed amendments, were also taken into consideration when the Committee dealt with the Bill.

   The Committee, noting the need to harmonise the statutes in order to create a coherent policy and regulatory framework in respect of broadcasting, telecommunications and convergence services, wants to thank the industry for its assistance and valuable contributions, which emanated in the finalisation of a process that was started at Kempton Park.