FRIDAY, 8 MARCH 2002 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 09:30.

The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Mr N P NHLEKO: Madam Speaker, I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that the people of Zimbabwe will be going to the polls on 9 and 10 March to elect a president for their country;

(2) calls on -

   (a)  all eligible voters in Zimbabwe to exercise their right to vote;


   (b)  all stakeholders to work tirelessly towards an environment which
       is conducive to free and fair elections; and


   (c)  all parties and stakeholders to accept the outcome of the
       democratic elections and to work together as a people to
       strengthen democracy, economic prosperity and development, and
       to build a stable Zimbabwe.

[Applause.]

Mnr G A J GROBLER: Mev die Speaker, hiermee gee ek kennis dat ek sal voorstel: Dat die Huis -

(1) die DA gelukwens met sy oorwinning in die tussenverkiesing in Bothaville in die Vrystaat;

(2) kennis neem dat -

   (a)  die DA gewen het met 60 persent van die stemme, en beide die ANC
       en Vryheidsfront geklop het;


   (b)  die Nuwe NP so min steun in die provinsie het dat hulle nie eens
       'n kandidaat benoem het nie;


   (c)  indien die Vryheidsfront nie eens steun in die Vrystaat geniet
       nie, hulle geen bedreiging vir die DA inhou in die res van Suid-
       Afrika nie; en


   (d)  die ANC se gebrek aan dienslewering gelei het tot 'n weerstand
       onder hulle tradisionele ondersteuners en dat hulle deel van die
       stemtotaal gedaal het van 11,5 persent tot 2,4 persent. (Translation of Afrikaans motion follows.)

[Mr G A J GROBLER: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that I shall move:

That the House -

(1) congratulates the DA on its victory in the by-election in Bothaville in the Free State;

(2) takes note that -

   (a)  the DA won with 60 percent of the votes, and beat both  the  ANC
       and the Freedom Front;


   (b)  that the New NP has so little support in the province that  they
       did not even nominate a candidate;


   (c)  if the Freedom Front does not even  have  support  in  the  Free
       State, they should be no threat to the DA in the rest  of  South
       Africa; and


   (d)  the ANC's lack of service  delivery  has  led  to  a  resistance
       amongst their traditional supporters and that their share of the
       total votes has dropped from 11,5 percent to 2,4 percent.]

Mr J H SLABBERT: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) learns with disgust that an SAA flight attendant was arrested in Lagos after a handful of dagga joints were found in his possession;

(2) still questions the safety of passengers when security checks by x- ray and body searches were done and cleared by this attendant;

(3) is also concerned about other unbecoming behaviour by attendants who drink heavily on flights and irritate passengers by, inter alia, opening aircraft doors and trying to kiss female passengers;

(4) appeals to the sense of duty of and respect for passengers’ rights by the flight crew; and

(5) calls upon the SAA to take disciplinary measures against employees who do not uphold the work ethic.

Mr Z KOTWAL: Madam Speaker, I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that the Agricultural Business Chamber business confidence index shows a rise of confidence in the farming sector of 20%;

(2) recognises that research findings also show a 12% rise in competitiveness of the farming sector from 1999 to 2000 as a result of sharper business skills, high quality products and improved productivity; and

(3) congratulates the agricultural sector for adapting successfully to participation in the global economy.

[Applause.]

Mr S SIMMONS: Mev die Speaker, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek gaan voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

(1) kennis neem dat -

   (a)  170 DP-DA lede te Everton en Sebokeng,  Gauteng,  en  180  DP-DA
       lede te Mitchells Plain, Wes-Kaap, na die Nuwe NP oorgeloop het;


   (b)  dit die begin van die DP-DA se ondergang is;


   (c)  die DP-DA nie 'n party vir alle mense is nie, maar slegs vir wit
       liberale en regses, en daarom al hoe minder steun onder bruin en
       swart gemeenskappe geniet;


   (d)  die DP-DA 'n party is -


       (i)   met 'n diktatoriale leierskap; en


       (ii)  wat diskrimineer teen bruin Suid-Afrikaners soos bewys  is
              in hulle optrede teenoor mnr Cedric McNiel  van  Worcester
              en teenoor Peter Marais; en

(2) ‘n beroep doen op die DP-DA leierskap om op te hou om raadslede te terroriseer en lastig te val met dokumente wat hulle moet teken as bewys van hulle lojaliteit.

(Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Mr S SIMMONS: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that I shall move:

That the House –

(1) notes that -

   (a)  170 DP-DA members in Everton and Sebokeng, Gauteng, and 180  DP-
       DA members in Mitchells Plain, Western Cape, crossed over to the
       New NP;


   (b)  this is the beginning of the downfall of the DP-DA;


   (c)  the DP-DA is not a party for all, but only  for  white  liberals
       and right-wingers  and  is  therefore  enjoying  less  and  less
       support among coloured and black communities; and


   (d)  the DP-DA is a party -


       (i)   with a dictatorial leadership; and


       (ii)  which discriminates against coloured  South  Africans,  as
             proved by their behaviour towards Messrs Cedric  McNiel  of
             Worcester and Peter Marais; and

(2) appeals to the DP-DA leadership to stop terrorising councillors and harassing them with documents they must sign as proof of their loyalty.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Yes, hon Van der Merwe?

Mr J H VAN DER MERWE: [Inaudible.]

An HON MEMBER: Crossfire between these two parties! [Laughter.]

Mr S ABRAM: Madam Speaker, I give notice that I shall move: That the House -

(1) congratulates Pioneer Foods for their pioneering efforts in black economic empowerment by selling one of the largest egg-laying and egg- packaging stations at Winterton, KwaZulu-Natal, to their employees in a contract amounting to R24 million, which has an annual turnover of R40 million from the production of 8,8 million dozen eggs;

(2) welcomes the new ownership of Ukhahlamba Poultry Management whose major shareholders and directors come from a pool of former workers as well as a trust representing current workers, noting that this is the 19th such project being transferred by Pioneer Foods;

(3) congratulates Pioneer Foods on underwriting the loan for 20 years, continuing to support training and technical management, as well as purchasing the entire production on a continuous basis; and (4) calls on the corporate sector as well as national Government to follow suit, thereby empowering workers, creating jobs, alleviating poverty and producing food for export and domestic consumption.

Ms B P SONJICA: Madam Speaker, I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that Durban will host the inaugural summit of the African Union later this year;

(2) further notes that an estimated 6 000 delegates, including heads of states and governments from more than 50 African states, are expected to attend the event;

(3) believes that journalists from around the world will afford Durban invaluable exposure to raise the city’s profile as a convention and tourism destination; and

(4) welcomes this announcement.

[Applause.]

Mr S N SWART: Madam Speaker, I will move on the next sitting day of the House:

That the House, on this International Women’s Day -

(1) notes that one of the central pieces of legislation assisting women and children is the Maintenance Act;

(2) consequently commends the Department of Justice on the appointment of an additional 80 maintenance prosecutors, to assist in reducing the workload in the maintenance courts;

(3) notes with concern that, notwithstanding that the Maintenance Act was passed in 1998, certain problems are still being experienced with its implementation, particularly regarding the appointment of maintenance investigators to assist women in tracing husbands or fathers who evade maintenance payments;

(4) consequently calls upon the Department of Justice to urgently appoint investigators, such as sheriffs of the court, on an interim basis to assist such women; and

(5) calls upon the department to take more stringent steps in enforcing garnishee orders for the payment of maintenance, by prosecuting employees who fail to deduct such maintenance payments from salaries.

Dr M S MOGOBA: Madam Speaker, on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes with regret the disturbances in the schools in the Tsakane- Balfour areas;

(2) deplores the manner in which a situation requiring investigation and discussion was badly handled and even referred to the police;

(3) strongly condemns the manner in which young students in their tender years were brutalised, handcuffed and tied with leg-irons, refused bail initially and later in some cases granted bail of R200.00 per student for the alleged “crime” of organising an illegal gathering;

(4) further condemns the way a large contingent of police harassed the family of the deceased student for days when they should have been deployed in areas of crime;

(5) applauds the courage, determination and patience of these young students who, instead of being intimidated and harassed or even spiritually crushed, have maintained their democratic right to freedom of speech;

(6) calls on the Department of Education to probe and investigate the allegations made by the students;

(7) further calls on the police to stop their provocative harassment of students and their families; and

(8) appeals to all role-players to co-operate in defusing the situation and allowing normal schooling to take place.

Mr J H NASH: Madam Speaker, on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  the President of the World Conference on Petroleum, Eivald
       Roren, announced that South Africa will host the 18th World
       Conference on Petroleum in 2005; and


   (b)  this event will attract up to 5 000 delegates representing over
       90 countries in the oil, gas and related industries;

(2) believes that this conference will benefit South Africa, especially in tourism and job creation; and

(3) welcomes the announcement made by president Eivald Roren, as this will contribute positively to the Government’s programme to fight poverty by means of encouraging investments, job creation and boosting tourism.

Mrs S V KALYAN: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes with shock the death of a five-year-old girl in KwaMashu and the wounding of her grandmother by a man who was being sued for child maintenance by the mother of the girl;

(2) expresses its concern at the vulnerability of women seeking maintenance payments from ``deadbeat dads’’ who renege on their responsibilities;

(3) calls on the Government to provide greater assistance and protection to women claiming child maintenance from fathers; and

(4) extends its condolences to the family on their loss.

Prof H NGUBANE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) notes -

   (a)  the current practice of discrimination against women by some
       insurance companies and pension funds that on the assumption
       that they have a longer life expectancy than men, their premiums
       are either loaded or the sums of money available to them at the
       time of maturity are less than those of their male counterparts;


   (b)  that such practices are unconstitutional; and


   (c)  that with the Aids pandemic, younger women are in fact more
       prone to infection and death, and this argues against the
       assumption of longer life expectancy; and

(2) resolves to take all necessary steps to ensure that all such unconstitutional, discriminatory practices be ceased forthwith.

Mr S M RASMENI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House - (1) notes the decision of the United States government not to impose tariffs on the importation of South African steel products;

(2) recognises that the exemption of tariffs was to a large measure due to the efforts of the Minister of Trade and Industry, Alec Erwin; and

(3) welcomes the reprieve for the South African steel industry and commends the Government and Minister Erwin for their efforts to ensure that the US honours its commitment to our region.

Mrs ANNA VAN WYK: Mev die Speaker, hiermee gee ek kennis ek stel voor:

Dat die Huis -

(1) met trots en vreugde kennis neem dat -

   (a)  Marilyn Martin, direkteur van die kunsversamelings van die
       Kaapstadse nasionale museums, die Legion d'Honneur van Frankryk
       ontvang het ter erkenning van haar bevordering van die kultuur;


   (b)  professor Michael Bruton van die MTN-wetenskapsentrums die
       Palmes Académiques van Frankryk ontvang het vir sy bevordering
       van die wetenskap; en


   (c)  die Polar Music Prize aan Miriam Makeba toegeken is, wat sy
       later dié jaar van koning Carl Gustav XVI van Swede sal ontvang;

(2) sy hartlike gelukwense aan hierdie uitstaande Suid-Afrikaners oordra vir hul volgehoue prestasie oor baie jare heen en hulle bedank vir die werk wat hulle bo en behalwe plig stééds aan die mense van ons land lewer; en

 3) sy dank uitspreek teenoor die regerings van Frankryk en Swede vir
    hul edelmoedige erkenning van die internasionale prestasies van
    hierdie drie Suid-Afrikaanse burgers. (Translation of Afrikaans motion follows.)

[Mrs ANNA VAN WYK: Madam Speaker, I give notice that I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes with pride and joy that -

   (a)  Marilyn Martin, director  of  the  art  collections  of  the  SA
       national museums in Cape Town, received the Legion d' Honneur of
       France in recognition of her promotion of culture;


   (b)  Professor Michael Bruton of the MTN Science Centres received the
       Palmes Académiques of France for his promotion of science; and


   (c)  the Polar Music Prize has been awarded to Miriam Makeba, which
       she will receive from King Carl Gustav XVI of Sweden later this
       year;   (2) extends  its  sincere  congratulations  to  these  outstanding  South
   Africans on their great achievements sustained over  many  years  and
   thanks them for their continuing service beyond the call of  duty  to
   our country; and

(3) expresses its appreciation towards the government of France and the government of Sweden for their generous recognition of the international achievements of these South African citizens.]

            EARTHQUAKE IN SAMANGAN PROVINCE, AFGHANISTAN

                         (Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes that -

   (a)  108 people have died because of earthquake Dahani Zoa in the
       Khuram Sarbagh region of the Samangan province in Afghanistan;
       and


   (b)  400 homes were flooded and another 1 000 homes reduced to
       rubble;

(2) expresses its condolences to the families of the deceased; and

(3) joins the people of Afghanistan in mourning the deceased.

Agreed to.

        RELIGIOUS CLASHES BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND HINDUS IN INDIA

                         (Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move without notice:

That the House -

(1) notes reports that 500 people died as a result of religious clashes between Muslims and Hindus in India last weekend;

(2) believes that people have a right to practise the religion of their choice;

(3) condemns the killings;

(4) expresses its sympathy to the families of the deceased; and

(5) welcomes the initiative by 800 Muslim and Hindu leaders to march for peace in India.

Agreed to.

             PLACING LAPSED BUSINESS BACK ON ORDER PAPER

                         (Draft Resolution)

The DEPUTY CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I move the draft resolution printed in the name of the Chief Whip of the Majority Party on the Order Paper, as follows:

That the following business that appeared on the Order Paper on the last sitting day of 2001, and that lapsed in terms of Rule 316, be placed back on the Order Paper:

(1) Consideration of Eleventh Report of Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1391).

(2) Consideration of Twelfth Report of Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1395).

(3) Consideration of Thirteenth Report of Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1447). (4) Consideration of Fourteenth Report of Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1454).

(5) Consideration of Report of Standing Committee on Private Members’ Legislative Proposals and Special Petitions (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1445 - Petition of Mr O B van Schalkwyk).

(6) Consideration of Report of Standing Committee on Private Members’ Legislative Proposals and Special Petitions (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1445).

(7) Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1398 - Illegal Zimbabwean farm labour in Soutpansberg).

(8) Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Education (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1399 - Study Tour to Cuba).

(9) Consideration of Report of Standing Committee on Private Members’ Legislative Proposals and Special Petitions (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1375 - Petition of Mr G C Clarke).

(10) Consideration of Report of Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 1184 - Status of Employment Contract of Director-General: Home Affairs).

(11) Consideration of Second Report of Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 575).

(12) Consideration of Interim Report of Joint Committee on Ethics and Members’ Interests (Complaint against Mr T S Yengeni, MP) Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, 2001, p 705).

Agreed to.

           TELEPHONE INTERPRETING SERVICE FOR SOUTH AFRICA

                             (Statement)

The MINISTER OF ARTS, CULTURE, SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: Madam Speaker, hon members, it has been a long and hard road that we have traversed since I formally inaugurated the Language Plan Task Group, known as Langtag, in November 1995. Langtag’s task was to advise the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology on the issue of a national language plan for South Africa.

In terms of the constitutional principles on language contained in both the interim constitution and the 1996 Constitution adopted on 8 May 1996, the goals of language policy can be summarised as follows: to promote national unity; to entrench democracy, which includes the protection of language rights; to promote multilingualism; to promote respect for and tolerance of linguistic and cultural diversity; to further the elaboration and modernisation of the African languages, which includes South African sign language; and to promote national economic development.

The consensus arrived at by Langtag was that the National Language Plan should be an open-ended, enabling framework containing numerous examples and guidelines for the development of detailed microplans captured in legislation, where this is appropriate, with built-in flexibility.

As Minister I have accepted this approach to language policy development and implementation. As a result we have considered language equity; language development in South Africa; language as an economic resource; language in education; literacy; language in the Public Service; heritage languages; sign language; and augmentative and alternative communication.

Alternative and augmentative communication refers to all modes of communication used by people who have no means of expressing themselves through speech, even though they are not primarily hearing impaired or deaf. Heritage languages refer to the African, Asian, European, religious and sign languages of South Africa that are considered to be heritage languages.

This is important, especially at the moment, when the African continent is clearly in the process of undergoing a renaissance in language policy development, as evidenced by the outcome of the African Languages Conference in Erithrea in the year 2000. This will underpin further democratisation in many African states. I would like to assure the house that we are now on track in implementing policies that have grown out of the Langtag recommendations. The language policy in government has gone to Cabinet and has been costed. Very soon the South African Languages Bill will be before this Parliament.

The statement I am delivering before Parliament this morning creates an important building block for language institutions in our country. The Telephone Interpreting Service for South Africa, popularly known as Tissa, although in its pilot phase, will impact more on public service delivery. It has the potential to meet all the objectives of our language policy in commerce, adult education and literacy, the democratisation of our society through effective communication, and sign language, as well as many areas of public concern not listed here.

An example will be useful to clarify what we are announcing today. Take an old rural woman who is alone at home, and whose home is burgled. Being alone at home, as her sons and daughters are out at work, and her grandchildren are away at school, she has to catch a minibus taxi on her own to go to the nearest police station in the nearest town to report the incident. She finds police officers at the charge office who do not speak or use her vernacular. Even if they do, they are not trained interpreters, and so she battles to convey, in the right way, her message and complaint, and therefore, her case is not properly recorded. It could be the same woman going into the out-patients department of a district hospital or clinic, who again finds staff who are not trained to take a full and effective history in her vernacular.

In both cases, major inefficiencies in the delivery of that particular and specific public service arise. This is a daily experience and predicament faced by many of our citizens. These examples illustrate the predicament, as I have said, introduced by the communication gap, and this gap can only be bridged by utilising available human resources, and, of course, by putting modern technology to use.

It gives me great pleasure, therefore, to announce the launch of the Telephone Interpreting Service for South Africa. Telephone interpreting is a form of interpreting that uses the telephone as the medium through which communication is facilitated. We aim to provide a language solution for situations where there might be a communication barrier because of language. To illustrate how Tissa will work, let us go back to these examples. What would happen is that the police officer would use a telephone, and first press a dial pin to connect to the Tissa call centre that will be based in Bloemfontein for this pilot stage. He would then indicate to the operator what language is needed, whereupon the call centre operator will contact a trained vernacular-speaking interpreter, who could be anywhere in the country, and connect the interpreter to the police officer and the woman in the Free State, as in this example.

Discrepancies in interpreting do have adverse consequences for all concerned. The use of Tissa will also mean that the efficiency of all workers will be increased because they will not have to be interrupted at their jobs. The Tissa project will clearly offer numerous advantages through the facilitation of communication and improved customer service, which are of paramount importance in meeting this Government’s Batho Pele objective, that of putting people first.

Tissa is, in our view, a very cost-effective way of managing the language diversity of South Africa. Although telephone interpreting is a first for South Africa, it is not a new concept. It is being used successfully in Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America and several European countries, where it is particularly aimed at facilitating language barriers that immigrants to these countries experience. I wish to point out that our Tissa project will, however, focus on the 11 official languages, and not on foreign languages at this stage.

The Tissa project is just one of the steps that Government is taking to accelerate transformation and provision of equal access to public services in our country. This is in line with our principles of addressing discrimination, establishing democratic values and protecting our linguistic diversity by giving concrete effect to multilingualism.

I believe that good governance also means devising strategies to ensure that all the people in our multilingual country will benefit equitably from the resources that we, as Government, manage on their behalf. Language resources are arguably not the least important of these resources. Tissa is an easy system to use and offers an immediate solution for language problems. I believe that this project is a clear demonstration of how multilingualism can work in our country. As our Constitution recognises 11 languages, there has to be concrete expression of that commitment.

We shall be formally launching this project at the Katlehong Police Station next week, and I do hope that South Africans will appreciate this innovation. I would like to appeal that people who are conversant in English and Afrikaans should not use this service, because we have a limited budget of about R3 600 000 at present. This money is to pay for the phone calls. We have estimated about four phone calls per language on any particular day. Until we roll it out completely, we will have to be economical in using this service. I know that there are people who would want to affirm their self-dignity and their right to language of their choice by insisting on speaking their vernacular, but, in this case, I say: Wait a bit so that those who really and genuinely cannot speak other languages, such as English and Afrikaans, can be the users of this service. [Applause.]

Mr S E OPPERMAN: Madam Speaker and hon Minister, the very act of using or accommodating someone’s language preference shows recognition and affirms the people with whom one interacts.

The Telephone Interpreting Service for South Africa is an innovative way to promote multilingualism. We in the DA wish to commend the Minister, the National Language Service of the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, the Pan-South African Language Board and the Unit for Language Facilitation and Empowerment of the University of the Free State, which will manage this pilot project from March to December 2002.

The operators will be customer-friendly, professionally trained and will adhere to a strict code of conduct. All conversations will be kept strictly confidential.

We believe that a multilingual service is a shared responsibility and an expression of sensitivity to the linguistic needs of communities. All of us in our beautiful country need to become more receptive and conscious of the language preference of people. In doing so, it will help to break down barriers and build bridges across the racial divide in order to foster nation-building.

The Telephone Interpreting Service for South Africa is a very exciting initiative, and we wish all those involved well and hope that the pilot project that will target 60 sites across the country in partnership with the Departments of Health, Labour, Agriculture and Land Affairs and the SA Police Service will expand to many more sites that will eventually lead to practical benefits for all South Africans. [Applause.]

Mr M F CASSIM: Madam Speaker, on behalf of the IFP, I wish to congratulate the Minister on the announcement of Tissa. As we see it, this is one small step in a very important journey, namely, the use of all 11 languages in our country.

I try to remember that the number eleven'' has the letterL’’ when written out, and so does the word ``languages’’. So, that is the number of languages we have, and for any country that has 11 official languages there is, indeed, the very complex question of how to ensure that all language users get a fair opportunity to use the language of their choice. Tissa, though still in its trial stage, is but one short step in that direction, where we transform the environment of multilingualism in our country.

To the great credit of the people of South Africa, many South Africans are multilingual and are endeavouring, in fact, to become even more multilingual. But the fact remains that in many rural areas, where opportunities for exposure to other languages is limited, people find it difficult to communicate with the people who are generally professionals and who, though highly educated, cannot speak to them in their mother tongue when they come to seek assistance.

This is where Tissa becomes important, so that no one who is stranded, desperate and seeking genuine assistance will be denied this because someone on the other side of the telephone cannot understand what he or she is saying. Here, for the first time, without any cost to the caller - and this is something to be stressed - such a person will be able to obtain assistance and someone else will interpret for him or her. Therefore, at the moment when there is some sort of a crisis, the message will be conveyed.

The fact that the department at the moment is ensuring that Health, Labour, Land Affairs and the SAPS will be the first to have such a service indicates that these are the major areas where people would require assistance in being understood. If someone who, for example, has a labour dispute, or someone, in respect of Land Affairs, has a dispute that needs speedy resolution, lack of communication can exacerbate the problem. This is where Tissa, by ensuring that the gap is bridged, will enable people to communicate. And the better the levels of communication and understanding, the greater the chance that South Africa’s democracy will grow from strength to strength, because we will not falter on that most important point, which is communication.

So, though we have 11 languages, and though many people in the world believe that having 11 languages is an ideal that cannot be met, the fact that we are employing technology slowly to create these bridges and to allow for mother tongues to continue to be used, is an excellent start and something for which this House and this country need to congratulate the Government and the Ministry. I say well done to Minister Ben Ngubane. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, may I take this opportunity, before I call upon the next speaker to address the House, to recognise two members of parliament from the Islamic Republic of Iran, who are in the gallery. You are welcome, hon members. [Applause.]

Mev A VAN WYK: Mevrou die Speaker, gister by die Gender Advocacy konferensie wat tans in Seepunt gehou word, om saam te val met Internasionale Vrouedag, was daar vroue uit alle sfere van die samelewing. Baie sake is aangeroer, maar een wat my veral getref het, is die geweldige rol wat taal speel om mense in staat te stel om ‘n taak uit te voer, om hulle te handhaaf in die samelewing en om hul behoeftes te vervul, ook hoe mense voel oor taal.

Verskillende sprekers het hulle daaroor uitgespreek, maar die onuitgesproke wanhoop by een oor die besluit in die nasleep van 1976, naamlik om miljoene mense van Afrikaans af te sny, bly my by. Soos sy vandag swaarkry omdat ons eie moderne Afrikataal vir haar ‘n geslote boek bly, kry seker nege uit tien Afrikaanssprekers vandag swaar omdat ons nie al jare gelede die naaste swart taal aangeleer het nie. Dit maak jou stom. Dit maak jou doof.

Daarom wil ek vir Minister Ngubane vandag gelukwens met die instel van Tissa, en hom baie sukses toewens met die inwerkingstelling daarvan. Dit is ‘n broodnodige praktiese maatreël waarop die land al lank wag. Dit is dié soort optrede wat gevolg gee aan beleid. As die daad by die woord gevoeg word, word diens gelewer. Tissa sal hopelik in die nabye toekoms, so gou die tandekrystadiumverby is, landwyd suksesvol en volhoubaar ingestel word.

Op daardie dag sal die Nuwe NP hoera sê, en daarmee saam ‘n baie groot deel van hierdie land se bevolking, want dit is ‘n fiksie dat genoeg mense Engels kan begryp, en dat as die Regering en die sakesektor net lank genoeg daarmee aanhou, almal dit naderhand sal aanvaar. Ek het nuus vir hulle: miskenning van die tale van die Bavenda, die Basotho, die Batswana, die Bapedi, die amaZulu en al die ander word toenemend verwerp namate bewustheid van eie identiteit en kultuurtrots toeneem. Ten regte ook. Met bemagtiging deur taal kan die Minister ook nie suinig wees nie, dus behoort daar genoeg geld hiervoor beskikbaar te wees. ‘n Mens hoor dikwels die argument dat tolk- en vertaaldienste, die ontwikkeling van vaktaal, die samestelling van woordeboeke, die lewering van moedertaalteksboeke, gevorderde onderrig en dies meer, te duur is, maar die belange van die mense kan nie weens ander voorkeure van die owerhede en die sakesektor die onderspit delf nie.

Dus wens ek die Minister baie sukses toe, en ek hoop dat sy bekendstelling die weg aandui. Ek hoop sy voorbeeld trek vêr. Alle sukses aan Tissa. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)

[Mrs A VAN WYK: Madam Speaker, last night at the Gender Advocacy Conference, which is currently being held in Sea Point to coincide with International Women’s Day, there were women from all spheres of society. Many matters were touched upon, but one which hit me particularly was the huge role which language played in enabling people to carry out a task, to hold their own in society and to fulfill their needs, as well as how people feel about language.

Different speakers expressed themselves about that, but the unexpressed despair of one about the decision in the aftermath of 1976, namely to cut off millions of people from Afrikaans, remains with me. As she is struggling today because our own modern African language remains a closed book to her, approximately nine out of ten Afrikaans speakers are struggling today because we did not learn the closest black language all those years ago. It makes one mute. It makes one deaf. It is for this reason I wish to congratulate Minister Ngubane today on the establishment of Tissa, and to wish him success with the putting into operation thereof. It is an essential practical measure on which this country has been waiting a long time. It is this kind of action which gives effect to policy. If words are put to action, services are delivered. Hopefully, in the nearby future, as soon as the teething stage is past, Tissa will be implemented successfully and sustainably across the country.

On that day the New NP would say hurrah, and together with them a great many of this country’s population, because it is fiction that enough people can understand English and that if the Government and the business sector continue to use it long enough everyone will accept it eventually. I have news for them: disregard for the languages of the Bavenda, the Basotho, the Batswana, the Bapedi, the amaZulu and all the others are being rejected increasingly as awareness of own identity and cultural pride increases. And rightly so.

With empowerment through language the Minister also cannot be stingy, therefore enough money should be available for this. One often hears the argument that interpreting and translation services, the development of subject language, the compilation of dictionaries, the production of mother- tongue textbooks, specialised education, and so on are too expensive, but the interest of the people cannot be defeated as a result of other preferences of the authorities and the business sector.

I therefore wish the Minister every success and I hope that his introduction will show the way. I hope his example reaches far. Every success to Tissa. [Applause.]]

Ms A VAN WYK: Madam Speaker, participating in this debate is a pleasure. The UDM would like to congratulate the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology and the National Language Service on having a solid, practical and implementable programme that will change the lives of many.

Tissa is an example of a practical action that embodies language rights and contributes greatly to the extension and implementation of human rights. It brings to life a right that would otherwise just remain words on paper.

The importance of and need for Tissa might escape many members of the House since they experience communicating in their own language as a given and never give it a second thought, but one just needs to imagine how difficult it is to explain one’s symptoms to one’s doctor in one’s own language. Now, imagine how this scenario becomes worse when one has to do it in a language that is not one’s home language to a doctor who is communicating with one in a language which is not his home language, but one that both of you hope the other will understand.

Victims of crime, who are already traumatised, often find themselves in situations where they have to make a statement in a language other than her or his home language. Vital information gets lost in the process, and this can negatively influence the investigation. The establishment of Tissa will eliminate the loss of information.

While not detracting from the merits of Tissa, the UDM would like to enquire from the Minister whether research was done to determine the legal position of Tissa should one of the parties using Tissa argue that the translation was not accurate. Mechanisms need to be put in place to ensure that the substance of a message does not get lost, even if this means recording the calls.

The UDM again congratulates the Minister and the department on a process which acts out a basic principle of our human rights.

Ms C DUDLEY: Madam Speaker, hon Minister, the concept of a telephone interpreting service for South Africa - operating countrywide and providing a 24-hour, seven-day week service, which is the stated goal - sounds like a tall order considering that parliamentarians cannot even get one or two interpretations two or three times a week in Parliament, where interpreters could access written speeches beforehand if they wanted to.

It would, however, be awesome if this were to be a reality, and the ACDP commends Government on taking the initiative in this project, which offers hope to many frustrated citizens, tourists and immigrants of all language groups who battle to receive the service they require. It also has the potential to facilitate more equitable service delivery.

Would not this sort of venture, however, be more feasible in terms of quality, sustainability and job creation, if it were a privately owned, profit-driven company through which Government could access and even subsidise services in certain areas?

Dr M S MOGOBA: Madam Speaker, the PAC supports this progressive move, which we believe will help the people of South Africa to be more united.

Apartheid divided our nation. We are hardly a nation, but disjointed fragments. The only time we are a semblance of a nation is when we watch Bafana Bafana or when the rugby team is winning.

Many people do not know what they are missing by not knowing other South African languages. We need to promote knowledge of at least four South African languages per person. Many black South Africans already qualify. We must encourage others to get down to learning. We need to promote knowledge of at least Portuguese, French and English in South Africa.

Our languages are rich, not superior or inferior. The only person who is inferior is one who knows only one language, his language. Tissa is a step in the right direction.

Molo mhlobo wethu! Dumelang bagesu! [We greet you, friend! Hello, my countrymen!] [Applause.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, being a rainbow nation and a great magnet for tourism, we are often faced with the predicament of language differences and boundaries that hinder or rather cause a breakdown in communication.

The MF realises the seriousness of this problem, and thereby welcomes the Tissa project. Having their target on police stations, hospitals and clinics, the service will certainly ensure the wellbeing of and proper communication between persons of different languages. The reasons for employing the Telephone Interpretation Service for South Africa are numerable and the MF is in favour of this project, which will assist in the development of language and human rights. Doctors will be able to attend to patients with a better understanding, and the same will apply at clinics and police stations.

The MF recognises Tissa as a necessity and supports the programme, and congratulates the Minister on his initiative. Siyabonga! [Thank you!] [Applause.]

Prof I J MOHAMED: Madam Speaker, on behalf of the ANC I welcome the statement by Minister Dr Ngubane on the trial programme of the Telephone Interpretation Service for South Africa, Tissa.

The National Language Service of the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology has researched the idea of telephone interpreting between parties who do not understand, or do not adequately understand, one other’s languages. The parties are linked up in a setting similar to a telephone conference network via a skilled interpreter who can communicate with either party using sophisticated equipment. The parties could, on the one hand, be a set of court officials and, on the other, a witness in a trial or a doctor interviewing a patient who describes his or her problem, as the Minister has already indicated. Equally, it could be a citizen asking information from a state official who speaks another language. This will be our setting to begin with.

There are problems, of course, as was found abroad. For example, the interpreter may prompt, edit or give information in a different order, use indirect language like ``he says’’ or be unable to convey what is peculiar to a particular culture in which the language is set. Interviews may take two to three minutes longer than normal.

There are three points I would like to stress. Firstly, the system embodies language liberalisation and minimises the marginalisation by language, and is therefore welcomed. I think this point has been made by many people. But to be really effective, this would have to be extended on a broad basis and the technology needs to be greatly improved.

Secondly, with the centralisation of interpreting services, highly skilled interpreters would be required. Indeed, they would have to acquire specialised knowledge of various fields. This is likely to lead to job losses of the less highly trained interpreters, particularly in the remote areas. This would make the work of interpreters more stressful than it already is.

Thirdly, with more and more skilled interpretation services becoming available, the need for becoming multilingual becomes less pressing, while it must be our goal in South Africa, for very obvious reasons.

In my youth I tried to learn three or four languages in order to read research papers in my particular area, but when skilled services were set up and all the journals were translated, the need from my side fell away. None of the above, of course, weighs heavily against the present initiative, which is, therefore, very welcome. I believe - although many linguists do not - that we are at the beginning of a major technological advance in the not too very distant future. For example, the aim is ultimately to have machine translations. The problems, of course, are formidable.

Today attempts are made to communicate with possibly intelligent inhabitants of remote planets with unknown systems of communicating amongst themselves. Clearer methods used are mathematical, which deal with infinitely complex systems. Language is something like that also. It is a domain with fairly complex things like grammar, vocabulary, idiomatic expressions and so on, and another language will have its own. Interpretation, of course, is a mapping from one domain to another one and this is precisely the area that mathematics deals with.

Clearly the methods used are based on mathematics with infinitely complex systems. But I believe that problem will be solved, although, as I said, the logicians or linguists do not think that will happen for a very long time to come. But, as I say, work is already being done. So we congratulate the Minister, because I believe this is the beginning of going in that direction. What I am suggesting may take quite some time. [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

         WOMEN'S RIGHTS: AN IMPORTANT PILLAR OF HUMAN RIGHTS

                      (Subject for Discussion)

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Madam Speaker, members of this House, as we come together in celebration either on 8 March, International Women’s Day, or on 9 August, I think to many of us the rallying song Malibongwe comes to mind. And it is a bit sad today that I do not hear the song resonating through this House, where no one is trying to sing this particular song.

Unfortunately, unlike the Deputy Speaker, when there was a queue for talents and the singing talent was handed out, I was informed reliably that I broke both my legs. [Laughter.] So I cannot even try to lead in song at this point, but I do want to say that for us all, the whole rallying message comes to the fore.

I think also that as we gather here today to celebrate 8 March, as this august House, we also see this as a day of international and national solidarity, because this day is indeed internationally celebrated precisely because women engage in a common struggle against inequalities of all sorts. Women are united in the struggle to ensure that women’s rights are human rights and that, I think, is still a matter that unites women globally as we are joined in international solidarity.

I believe that, even if we need to do so fleetingly, we need to think about women of the world elsewhere on the globe who are in situations of conflict. We should take this moment also to extend our solidarity and camaraderie to women who are in difficult situations. Today, it would not be misplaced to think of the women of the Middle East. It would also not be misplaced to think of the women of Palestine, in particular. I think that, as South African people, particularly women, we should at this particular moment also join the women of the world who will be gathering in New York on 4 to 15 March for the 46th session of the Commission on the Status of Women.

They are going to focus, essentially, on two major thematic issues. They are going to focus on two themes from the Beijing Declaration Platform for Action, re-endorsed in Beijing +5, that will look at eradicating poverty, including the empowering of women throughout their life cycle in a globalising world. They will also look at environmental management and the mitigation of natural disasters, from an agenda perspective.

However, as part of this focus, which very clearly underpins human rights of women, they have been given the responsibility, by the Economic and Social Council of the UN, to focus on the situation of the Palestinian women. They have to continue to monitor and take action with regard to the Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies, particularly paragraph 260, which looks at the situation of Palestinian women and children.

I raise this here today, because some of our colleagues will remember and others would wish not to remember that Nairobi took place in 1985. There are some women in this House who were part of the 1985 UN Women’s Conference, and the situation of the Palestinian women and children have not gotten better, but worse. Hence we need to think of that today.

We are also looking, in New York, at those clauses in the Beijing Declaration Platform for Action and the 23rd Special Session of the General Assembly. Let the South African people also look at this particular matter because we, after all, hosted a very important World Conference Against Racism and other forms of Racial Discrimination, and in that there was a special focus on the Middle East. In terms of this particular issue, it is about women’s rights being human rights.

We cannot deal with any of these matters without looking at it more broadly. I think, at this point, in order to make a bridge between South African women and women of the world who are in situations of conflict, I would like to take us back to the words of a Women’s Day song. The words go thus:

Remember all our women in the jails, remember all our women in campaigns, remember all our women over many fighting years, remember all our women for their triumphs and their tears.

I think these words can almost be used universally, because we should remember the women in other parts of the globe in these situations.

The meeting at the UN is also going to note a report of the Secretary- General of the UN that looks at discrimination against women and girls in Afghanistan. They will study this report, reflecting on the recent past of women, as well as the socioeconomic and the human rights of women and girls. They will look at developments after 11 September 2001 in that specific situation, relief and reconstruction as well as the role of women at this point in time, ensuring that they claim their rights.

I think we should again remember that this is a day of international solidarity for women the world over. Let us look at some of the specific issues broadly, because we want to link them nationally where we would look a bit more closely at the aspect of women and poverty. At the conference of an expert group that met in New Delhi in November 2001, Ms Angela King, the Assistant Secretary-General and special adviser to the secretary-general on gender issues and advancement of women said:

Although the 20th century had raised and seen notable progress in advancing human development in some areas as it relates to women, there are still difficulties in terms of the scope and depths of human deprivation, and this remains significant.

She said that eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable development could not be separated from achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women. In her view, globalisation offered many opportunities for transforming the values of society towards the promotion of gender equality. We need to take this into account as we deal with it, and that particular report that has been presented now also talks about the role of women and their representation in various structures.

Let us look at this august House today. Let us say: did we facilitate, as a country, the representation of women that reflects our women from rural and poor communities? Are their voices heard here? I want to say today that if we go back to those women who were engaged in the struggle over the years, if we look around us, we find that those women are today representing the women of our country.

We have MaNjobe sitting across me in this room, we have MaGcina over there, MaNdzanga on the far side there, Ma Maureen Madumisa, Ma Fatima Hajaig here, Ela Ghandi and Bertha Gxowa. We also have Judy Chalmers and various others. This House does ensure the voice and representation of women, women who were never represented in the past. If one looks at the march and the discussion at the UN, South Africa can say with pride that the voices are heard, because the women here are still in the trenches. They are not out of the trenches. [Applause.]

We will still extend our voices to extend the solidarity of women and all of us younger ones will march under the leadership of those voices. [Applause.]

Ms L M T XINGWANA: Madam Speaker, International Women’s Day is a special day when women celebrate the struggles and victories of women the world over. Historically, this day can be traced back to the late 1800s to the struggle of socialist women in America who were fighting for the right to vote. At the same time, round about 1859, women workers at a factory in America were locked in at night so that they could not go home and had to work through the night. These women were burned to death in that factory.

Twenty years later, women were continuing to work under those horrible conditions in New York and other cities in America. Women then mobilised themselves around 1879 to protest against these horrible working conditions. Since then, women in America and Europe have begun to mobilise and fight for their rights and to fight for the vote, and have recognised this day, 8 March, as International Women’s Day in memory of those women workers who died in the factory in New York.

Around 1910 women in Denmark decided to celebrate International Women’s Day for the first time in Europe, and also mobilised other countries on that continent to do the same. Subsequently, 8 March has been celebrated in many countries in Europe and North America to commemorate the struggles of women. Historically, this day is of great significance to us in South Africa. It was around this time that women suffragettes were fighting for the vote in Europe and North America, and that African women were beginning to organise and mobilise themselves to fight against the passes that were being introduced to African women in this country. They were also organising to fight against the local conditions under which they were living in their own areas. For instance, they were organising marches to the mayor and the prime minister, and they fought against the discriminatory laws that were subjugating Africans in their motherland.

At this time African women were organising - around 1908 and 1913. They mobilised themselves into an organisation called the Bantu Women’s League from around 1902 until 1913. The Bantu Women’s League was the predecessor of the ANC Women’s League.

It is significant that as early as 1902 Charlotte Maxeke was one of three delegates sent from the Transvaal to participate in the South African Native National Convention Conference which was held in the Cape. Despite the fact that she performed very well, women were still not accepted as full members in the ANC and no vote in the congress.

The Bantu Women’s League played a leading role under Charlotte Maxeke’s leadership in mobilising women to protest and reject the introduction of passes to African women, as well as to coloured women in the Free State. They also protested against the working conditions of women farmworkers, especially in the Transvaal.

The league also mobilised women to join political organisations and the trade union movement. In 1942 the ANC acknowledged the important role that women played in the struggle and resolved to recognise women as full members with the right to vote.

In 1943 the ANC Women’s League was officially launched as a full branch or sector of the ANC, and women were mobilised under the league in great numbers to join the political campaigns, the trade union movements in the 1940s and the 1950s, and the defiance campaigns in the 1950s. It is significant that African women throughout the continent were involved in the struggle for liberation, and challenged the political and social conditions they were subjected to by the colonial rulers of the time.

Through unity in action women formed a strong women’s movement, which resulted in the Federation of South African Women that was launched in

1. I wish to take this opportunity to salute these women pioneers who paved the way for the formation of the women’s movement in South Africa and internationally, through their dedication, commitment and sacrifices. I pay special tribute to Charlotte Maxeke, Ida Mtwana, Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Dorothy Nyembe, Florence Matomela, Dorothy Zihlangu, Ray Alexander, Rahima Moosa, Mrs Madinoge, Frances Baard and many others who paved the way for our liberation. [Applause.]

We also pay tribute to women internationally who have been part of this great movement and the struggle for women’s rights. In particular, we would like to remember Jammila Boupachas of Algeria, Angela Davies of the US, Ruth Neto of Angola, Mrs Olaf Palmer, and Graça Machel for the outstanding work she has done with regard to African children.

The theme of our debate today is ``Women’s rights - an important pillar for women’s rights’’. I believe that by human rights we are referring to the rights of every person to justice and freedom. I believe that women comprise more than 50% of the population of our country and of many other countries the world over.

We know that women, particularly in our country, have suffered multiple forms of oppression, including oppression and discrimination as workers; at home as wives, mothers, sisters, daughters; discrimination in society as blacks; and political and social discrimination. We also suffer religious- based discrimination and oppression. Addressing these forms of oppression against women, I believe, will go a long way towards attaining human rights for all in our country. I believe that the South African Government has gone a long way towards addressing women’s rights. In this country we have one of the most progressive constitutions in the world today and a Bill of Rights that has the equality clause that guarantees the rights of women. And I believe this is so because women fought for these rights. Women were there during the talks and during the constitution-making process of this country, to make their demands.

Furthermore, since 1994, our Government has passed progressive laws that have incorporated gender and women’s concerns. We also have special laws whose objective was to accelerate transformation and gender equality, such as the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act; the Maintenance Act; the Domestic Violence Act, the Customary Marriages Act and many others. These laws have further entrenched women’s rights in our country and moved us further towards the total emancipation of women.

In ensuring women’s participation in politics and decision-making, the ANC- led Government leads. We now have 30% women representation in this Parliament, and that is because of the ANC quota and their policy of affirmative action in respect of women. [Applause.] We also have 3313 representation of women in the Cabinet, and we are number one in Africa and number seven in the world. We are only surpassed by the Norwegian and Scandinavian countries. I want to warn them that we are fast catching up, and perhaps in the next election we will catch up with them.

We have a number of challenges facing us. HIV/Aids, poverty, violence and the abuse of women and children are still the major challenges facing us. We have to ensure - and urge our Government to accelerate - the implementation of the policies that have been passed, that we believe will address these concerns.

I also want to urge our Government to continue with the education programme on HIV/Aids mother-to-child transmission, and also to prioritise assistance to victims of rape, especially in relation to HIV/Aids infection. Before I sit down, I want us to remember those women who continue to live in violent and conflict situations. Let us remember women in Zimbabwe, Angola, the DRC, Sudan, Palestine, Afghanistan and Israel. We know that the majority of women in these countries, despite the hatred and the wars that continue to rage in their countries, are committed to peace, justice and development. We urge our Government to support those countries in fighting and working towards peace. [Applause.]

The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! As the hon Sono comes to the podium, I would like to recognise the honourable women from Palestine who are in the gallery. [Applause.]

Mrs B N SONO: Madam Speaker and hon members, the theme of this debate could not have come at a better time. I believe this debate sets the tone for the adoption of the draft protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and the Rights of Women in Africa by the member states at the 2002 African Union Summit in South Africa.

Freedom of expression, political association, pluralism and the dignity of women are not well understood or respected by many African leaders, both black and white. I believe that black Africa will progress and move towards full democracy when our leaders begin to favour openness and eschew everything that operates as a constraint on the free exercise of our civil liberties.

As a black South African woman who has experienced the evil system of apartheid, I believe that oppression must be exposed wherever it occurs, even in our own backyard. Freedom is not defined only in terms of colour. If it is wrong for whites to oppress blacks, then it is even more immoral and shameful for black African leaders to oppress their own people.

I am concerned that despite the ratification of the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights and other international human rights instruments by the majority of member states, and their solemn commitment to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women, women in Africa still continue to be victims of war, land rights and displacements, all because of defective political systems. Problems persist in black Africa, not so much because of intellectual inferiority, but because of the application of the wrong remedies or policies by black African leaders. But of far more immediate consequence is the question: How can the African people lift themselves out of poverty, and through what institutions?

South Africa has one of the most progressive constitutions in the world. Our Constitution includes socioeconomic and political rights. It also provides for the judicial enforcement of those rights, but women remain disempowered and for many access to justice remains out of reach.

Regrettably, this Government is failing the women of this country on the biggest challenges of our times, which are providing security; the rape of babies and women, which has escalated to horrific levels despite the Rolls Royce legislation in place; combating of HIV/Aids, creating opportunities and building prosperity. According to Statistics South Africa, women and children constitute approximately 55% of the population, but the irony is that this fact has failed to inform domestic policy. Many women are still denied access to land in order to produce household food security for their families in rural areas, owing to antiquated customary thinking. For instance, the national Budget, which outlines the Government’s financial and economic objectives through the Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement, or MTBPS, shows that the share of health, education and welfare is decreasing as a proportion of the total Budget. In a nutshell, there is no spending on social services. Where will the money for higher amounts of child support grants come from? Where is the money for the new basic income grant? Government says it will give R1,5 billion for poverty alleviation in 2002. The target groups will be women and children. The money will be used for housing, social activities for people who have lost their jobs and local economic development plans. These issues were agreed to at the 1998 Job Summit, but research shows that there has been underspending on poverty. The laxity in implementing Budget estimates and corruption is endemic throughout all national departments. Who suffers? Women, of course. The President calls for fiscal austerity and in the same breath makes an appeal to the nation’s emotions to rise up in the spirit of Vukuzenzele. With a GDP growth prediction of 2%, exactly who is failing who?

The gender machinery is underfunded. Gender analyses since the Budget Reviews of 1998 through 2000 and the national expenditure review of 1999 through 2000, have all but disappeared. A question that we as women members of Parliament need to ask the Minister of Finance is: Is he taking money back from women and children and spending it on submarines and weapons?

Needless to say, life is a quest for good and noble things. We strive to improve our lives in various ways. But importantly, we want jobs, decent homes, access to land, food for our families, education for our children, security from criminals and the freedom to pursue happiness and prosperity without interference from the state.

I had an opportunity to attend a press conference called by Women for Peace before the Inter-Congolese Dialogue. Three million people have been displaced in the Great Lakes region. Ninety percent of the 3 million are dead and these are women and children. Yet, we sit here and do not even question domestic systems that are being introduced in Parliament. [Interjections.][Applause.]

Dr U ROOPNARAIN: Madam Speaker and hon members of this House, I must take this opportunity to thank members for this opportunity to contribute towards the discussion on gender equality and human rights. It is quite a liberating experience.

The IFP believes that human rights are a non-negotiable or an absolute on any government’s agenda. Good governance fundamentally underpins poverty reduction and this, of course, has a direct relationship with human rights. Good governance creates the environment in which civil and political rights are respected and promoted. We believe that the protection of human rights is too important for symbolic gestures alone. It is through the pursuit of effective efforts that we begin to promote human rights and show our real commitment. This is what the South African Government has to deliver to the women of this country.

One of the world’s first organised movements on behalf of women was inaugurated in 1848, in a small chapel in the sleepy village of Seneca Falls, New York. There, 32-year-old Elizabeth Cody Stanton delivered what she described as her first public address, driven by the conviction that ``for women’s wrongs to be laid before the public, the woman herself must do this work’’, for woman alone can understand the height, the depth, the length, the breadth of her degradation.

Stanton’s statement was no exaggeration at the time. Women in the United States at that time were barred from attending all but a few institutions of higher education. They were barred from voting in elections, barred from participating in legislative bodies, barred from serving as jurors and so on. They lived under a double standard that flexed a high degree of sexual freedom for men and none for women. The ensuing campaign for women’s rights, waged by Elizabeth Stanton, met with belligerence, hostility and ridicule from politicians and journalists.

Now, with regard to the South African scenario, women have played a pivotal role in the liberation of this country and the hon the Minister did a good job in documenting that. So the question I pose to this honourable House and myself is: Since those days in 1848 in that sleepy village, has gender justice permeated through to every woman in South Africa, right down to grass-roots level?

There is no doubt - and many of the speakers have said this - that we have one of the most advanced or progressive constitutions in the world. This is acknowledged throughout the world, mainly through the Bill of Rights. It affords protection against unfair discrimination on the basis of sex, gender, pregnancy and marital status, to mention but a few. Other sections of the Constitution further serve to protect the rights of women. For instance, we have the right to dignity and privacy. Can these rights be reconciled with rape and violence against women? A resounding no!

Of course, the best of constitutions, the fairest of electoral systems by themselves assure nothing if people do not have the capability to use them effectively. Democracy does not begin and end with an election. Therefore, no matter how significant the institutions, legal instruments or policy documents are, we need paper rights to become living rights; rights that begin to have meaning, not quasi-academic or legal jargon; rights that begin to empower, educate and encourage women; and rights that begin to instil inclusion and engagement. Right must be able to make practicable the notion that women are not inferior beings or second class citizens.

Multiple male chauvinism still abounds in this country. The male version rears its head in all communities and societies through rape, incest, genital mutilation and sexual harassment. These human rights violations are a tragic indictment on any government. We have to understand that the person who is the supporter of human rights is not only supporting his or her own human rights, but those of others. They need to become human rights activists.

We are striving for a situation where men and women are equal partners, where we need to reach a stage where we no longer need to cater for a specific gender. We need to reach a stage where there are no vestiges of inequality or violations of human rights. Moreover, the male-ordered hierarchical system places men up and women down, minds up or bodies down. For example, when a man commits a crime the norm is to fault his mind, whereas with the woman her body is to blame.

So rights are not simply unfettered freedoms, but include responsibilities and obligations. Rights have to be translated into indigenous languages, making it almost obligatory that every department, every office where the public interface, spells out these rights. However, we have to go further than rhetoric; we have to go further than public statements and conference resolutions. We need to affirm human dignity. When a man begins to fight for the dignity of a woman and the woman begins to fight for the dignity of man, then we have reached an era of nonsexism.

The question is: What role can we play in the promotion of human rights? To answer this, we need to look at three factors: Firstly, governments need to be accountable for their actions and performance. Without such accountability, governments face no pressure to meet reasonable standards of governance and to ensure that an acceptable level of human rights is maintained.

Secondly, there needs to be an effective functioning of civil society with genuine participation in democratic processes, including the involvement of women. Thirdly, governments need the institutional capacity to provide effective services and maintain a sound enabling environment for the protection of human rights.

Before concluding, I want to pay tribute to the role that many NGOs, women’s organisations and women, the makers of our future, have played in supporting and promoting human rights.

My final message is that it is all too easy to pay lip service or to just simply support human rights. We need a common sense approach that uses elements of persuasion, support and, where necessary, pressure. I salute all the women. Please, let me take the liberty to refer to an anonymous quotation: ``The notion of male superiority is sheer fallacy.’’ [Applause.]

The DEPUTY MINISTER FOR JUSTICE AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT: Madam Speaker and hon members, taking into account the not-so-distant past, the fact that we can gather here today to celebrate International Women’s Day is a triumph of democracy over iniquity. And while we are celebrating the advances we have made, days like this allow us to take stock and regroup for the way forward. Because of our particular history and in response to our President’s vision of an African Renaissance, I believe that as South Africans we have an extremely important role to play in finding ways of mainstreaming women’s political, economic, social and developmental rights into the regional and global agendas.

Our point of departure when addressing women’s emancipation is that women’s rights are fundamental human rights. At the very heart of this debate, of course, lies section 9 of our Constitution, which describes the right to equality, the right I like to call our ``mother right’’. This right gives powerful impetus to women’s empowerment across the board.

Realising the rights that are enshrined in our Constitution is now a national preoccupation. We are therefore mindful of the severe impact of poverty on human rights and especially on the rights of women. We know that the majority of women continue to face marginalisation in their homes, workplaces and communities. We will only succeed in our task if we manage to close the gap between ambitious legislative measures and tangible implementation and delivery on the ground. This year Government has committed itself to intensifying its efforts to achieve economic and social equity. In this regard, advancing the right to development is critical to advancing women’s human rights overall.

The implementation of a national policy and its implications for women in the face of demands for equal pay and the prevalence of widespread unpaid labour have recently revealed a strong tendency and trend towards the feminisation of poverty in South Africa. There can be little doubt that the face of poverty in this country is overwhelmingly the face of women and particularly black African women. Given the fact that 35% of South African households are headed by women and that 60% of these households now live below the poverty line, the challenges for us as a nation are more than considerable.

We know that the number of people living in poverty has increased globally over the past decade. The distressing fact is that poverty has increased disproportionately for women, and particularly for women in developing countries. The growing feminisation of poverty demands that all development programmes are characterised by a strong emphasis on realising the rights of women. And, in determining the mechanisms that free women from the stranglehold of poverty, we need further to explore the relationship between poverty and increasing women’s capacity to enjoy the rights guaranteed to them by our Constitution and the relevant international instruments such as Cedaw.

Our national socioeconomic and political discourse is underpinned by a theme that emphasises the fight against poverty and underdevelopment. Perhaps the single biggest direct contribution that the Department of Justice can make to poverty alleviation is to ensure that the maintenance system is accessible, reliable and free of corrupt practices. We have prioritised this area of our work and are currently developing a multifaceted model for improved service delivery in the many courts dotted around our country. The maintenance innovation process will develop a footprint for improved service delivery, and progress in this regard will be reported to Parliament when the portfolio committee holds its hearings in May later this year.

We take pride in the success of our specialised sexual offences courts that make a difference to women and children who are subjected to sexual violence. In respect of this programme, the department achieved its projected target of 20 courts by the end of 2001. This year we plan to roll out 10 more such courts to other parts of the country where a high incidence of sexual violence has been identified.

Preliminary research at our Thuthuzela project has shown that when women are provided with a supportive, survivor-centred court environment, they are more willing to stay the distance and see matters through to conviction. We will continue to refine our protocols, upgrade the skills of the specialist teams working with rape victims, and expand the customised infrastructure required for such programmes.

The SA Law Commission’s recent discussion paper on sexual offences is an important development and the department is looking at ways to fast-track the introduction of draft legislation to Cabinet and ultimately Parliament this year. Our Government has shown, and continues to show, its determination to incorporate gender into all its policies, plans and programmes.

The right of access to justice is a priority focus area for the Department of Justice. Here, progress by the Legal Aid Board has been nothing short of miraculous. To date 32 justice centres have been established, and a further 14 centres are planned for delivery during this year. The public defender pilot project in the Cape High Court has been a remarkable success, and this model will be rolled out to other courts incrementally.

The Legal Aid Board is also concentrating assistance to especially poor women in civil matters such as divorce and maintenance, an area of their work that they consider a constitutional imperative. In expanding access to justice, the department has been tasked with effecting significant service delivery improvements in our small claims courts. Proposals in this regard will be finalised by the end of May.

At this juncture it would be remiss of me not to thank the many commissioners that dedicate their time and energy to this work. This is the spirit of Letsema in action.

Recognising the stark contribution that divorce makes to increased poverty levels of women, the SA Law Commission has proposed that legislation be drafted to regulate the sharing of retirement fund benefits between spouses upon divorce. Accordingly the Sharing of Pension Benefits Bill will be submitted to Cabinet during 2002.

The SA Law Commission reform process of the customary law of succession is approaching completion. Many black women in customary marriages are severely marginalised when their spouses die without a will. The practice regulating the customary law of succession still has elements of gender discrimination that have no place in our society.

This discriminatory practice still recognises the male offspring and the male siblings before the widow when determining the devolution of an intestate estate. We will submit the draft legislation to Cabinet before the end of this year. We remain convinced that this legislation is another significant step in countering the insidious effect of gender-perpetuated poverty.

Judge Albie Sacks said on this matter:

The foundational value of creating a nonsexist society is to be respected. Proper consideration has to be given to the way the measures concerned impact in practice, both on the dignity of widows and their ability to enjoy a rightful share of the family’s wordly goods.

There are many more items in our women’s rights programme that deserve mention, but time constraints make this impossible. It is, however, important to take cognisance of the strides that have been made, but it is equally important to recognise that a long journey still lies before us.

Despite the daunting challenges we face in making women’s human rights real, the vision is clear, and the political will to succeed is unequivocal. [Applause.]

Mr J DURAND: Madam Speaker, I want to quote from a small notice that appeared in the Sowetan recently, as follows:

Miriam Makeba underpinned her musical status by receiving the Polar Music prize for 2002 from King Karl Gustav XV of Sweden. Recognising her emphatic contribution to the upliftment of her people and giving hope to other people of the world, this award on her 70th birthday bears testimony to the fact that she is a woman of the people and the world.

The citation reads:

Makeba embodied the concept of world music long before the term existed. It is by conveying the inherent strength and positive uplifting message found in a true love of music that Makeba has played an active role in the struggle against injustice and oppression. In the spirit of an old African idiom: Makeba now reaps what she sowed.

Today we as a nation can reap the sweet fruits of freedom that were sowed with the blood, sweat and tears of many African women.

In 1972 a friend of mine went to London and visited the home of the late Oliver Tambo. He remarked on how Mrs Tambo was a mother to all the exiles in London while her husband was leading the struggle for liberation.

The tapestry of African history is covered by the role played by women throughout the ages. Cleopatra was an African queen with rights and status. The daughter of a pharaoh had the right to adopt the slave baby Moses. Her status in the royal household saved the boy’s life and allowed him to be raised as a prince.

Afro-pessimists want us to believe that women have never enjoyed any status in Africa. One must read the history of King Shaka’s mother and of Modjadji, the Rain Queen, a woman revered by men throughout the ages. The abuse and violation of African women has always had a special place in the history of colonial tyranny. The mass rape of Herero women by Germans invading Namibia, the reservation of sex workers for colonists only, the oppression of African women in Zambia and Uganda, and the exclusion of women from colonial cities and formal-sector employment illustrate the imperial perspective amplified through the trope of race.

Gedurende die Anglo-Boereoorlog het wit Afrikaner- en swart vroue ook gely onder die mense met die twee paspoorte, een koloniaal en die ander Brits. Ons lees uit dagboeke en geskrifte oor die oorlog van Johanna Brandt, ‘n spioen in die Kappiekommando:

Die onreg ons aangedoen, die misdade deur die vyand gepleeg, die lyding in die konsentrasiekampe, die bitter haat en magtelose woede van die onderdruktes. Hierdie dinge het ek verswyg. Hulle is verby. Wie sal die verantwoordelikheid op onsself neem om die erfporsie van so ‘n vreeslike geskiedenis aan die nageslag na te laat. Hoe swaar hulle ook gely, ons onvergeetlike heldinne - hoe tragies ook hul lot - hulle is bekroon en leef in die harte van diegene wat hul ideale trou bewaar het. Deur hul voorbeeld word ons innerlike krag versterk en opgebou.

Hendrina Rabie van der Merwe, ‘n ander heldin, skryf:

Van ons word verwag om te vergeet en maar alles toe te smeer. Bloed wil nie toegesmeer wees nie. Die vlek slaan altyd weer uit en die bodem van Afrika is deurweek met die bloed van ons burgers en die lyding van vroue en kinders. Hulle het die bitterste beker gelig en die droesem ook ingesuig. Hoe durf ons vergeet. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)

[During the Anglo-Boer War white Afrikaner women and black women also suffered at the hand of the people with two passports, one colonial and the other British. We read in diaries and in writings concerning the war of Johanna Brandt, a spy in the Kappiekommando:

Die onreg ons aangedoen, die misdade deur die vyand gepleeg, die lyding in die konsentrasiekampe, die bitter haat en magtelose woede van die onderdruktes. Hierdie dinge het ek verswyg. Hulle is verby. Wie sal die verantwoordelikheid op onsself neem om die erfporsie van so ‘n vreeslike geskiedenis aan die nageslag na te laat. Hoe swaar hulle ook gely, ons onvergeetlike heldinne - hoe tragies ook hul lot - hulle is bekroon en leef in die harte van diegene wat hul ideale trou bewaar het. Deur hul voorbeeld word ons innerlike krag versterk en opgebou.

Hendrina Rabie van der Merwe, another heroine, wrote:

Van ons word verwag om te vergeet en maar alles toe te smeer. Bloed wil nie toegesmeer wees nie. Die vlek slaan altyd weer uit en die bodem van Afrika is deurweek met die bloed van ons burgers en die lyding van vroue en kinders. Hulle het die bitterste beker gelig en die droesem ook ingesuig. Hoe durf ons vergeet.]]

Part of the answer lies in post-colonial gender politics. Firstly, Africa’s new leaders were men raised in the context of colonisation, which Fanon described as ``emptying the native’s brain of all form and content’’. Perhaps we should not be surprised when such men, no matter what their ideological persuasion, did not aim to transform oppressive gender politics. No doubt these fathers of the nation sought to utilise women in the national liberation struggle and later to advance the national development agenda, assuming that this would be sufficient.

After those dark ages of oppression, there is some hope. The new South Africa has distinguished itself in the annals of the continent’s history in more ways than one. As a late entrant to the theatre of African democracy, brandishing a democratic Constitution that some of Europe’s older democracies could do well to emulate, the new South Africa is particularly acclaimed for its efforts towards the advancement of women.

First on the list is the ANC’s commendable attainment of the Beijing target of at least 30% representation of women in Parliament, an achievement in gender equality that places South Africa in the top 10 of the world’s democracies. We have pledged in our Constitution to ensure that women have a full and equal role in every aspect of the economy and the society. Yet, South African woman continue to face extraordinarily high levels of violence, which prevent them from enjoying the rights that are guaranteed under the new dispensation.

Gender equity is enshrined in our Constitution. It is defined as the power relationship that allows men and women to have equal access to the scarce and valued resources of society. These include wages, employment, leisure, health care, education, personal autonomy and decision-making.

Women’s contribution to the economy has been overlooked. Furthermore, their contribution to the wealth and welfare of their families and the community continues to be underremunerated. Over the past few decades many people, women and men, have worked to develop and implement gender-equitable policies for sustainable development and social transformation.

Sites of these struggle include a variety of organisational settings such as public administrations, political parties, multilateral and bilateral agencies, many private organisations and local decision-making bodies both within Government and in the communities.

Putting gender equality on the political agenda has been part of an ongoing struggle in relatively newly independent countries or countries moving from totalitarian regimes to more democratic ones. In the transition from liberation struggles to governance and reconstruction for equitable and sustainable development, the transformation of institutions is central to the goal of translating this vision into concrete policies, programmes and practices. South Africa is a good example of the latter experience.

How shall we as South Africans respond to the evidence presented to us on the violent abuse of women? We can criticise the Government; we can criticise the Minister of Safety and Security; we can criticise the police, as the DP has been doing - the new carriers of two passports; we as South Africans can take hands in memory of all the great women of Africa. No more will women be abused. No more will women be denied the rights and status that we as men enjoy.

I want to end with the words of an African heroine from an Afrikaans poem I learned as a child:

Woedend tier die wilde bende: Sterf of gee die wit kind hier!'' Oor my lewelose liggaam,’’ antwoord Amakeia fier.

This black woman was willing to die to defend the right of a young white boy. Let us defend women’s rights with our lives. [Applause.]

Ms P GOVENDER: Madam Speaker, on this International Women’s Day I wish to start with a poem.

We live and speak, no longer conscious of our wholeness, our connectedness. We have begun to believe we are fragments that our stories are disconnected from each other’s. So often we have sat silently with our grief, our pain, our horror our anger, our hopelessness, our despair at how successfully we have been disembodied. We no longer hear our own voices. We no longer see our own faces.

I know that in our hearts we cannot have forgotten who we are. In our hearts we cannot rubbish our collective dream and vision and the love that inspired courage across our land against the hate and fear of apartheid’s patriarch who attempted to destroy, not just our communities but our very sense of self.

Today is another battle we face both men and women With the patriarch within our minds who holds captive our hearts our souls his power of fear and hate his hierarchies of exclusion and silence, his memory of forgetting it is time to reclaim ourselves so collectively we can reclaim our power of love and courage. It is time for all of us, women and girls and the men and boys who love us and whom we love to subvert the patriarch in our minds, in our homes in our churches, in our temples, our mosques our schools, our workplaces, in all our institutions in our country, in our world.

Apartheid-institutionalised violence, including misogyny - the hatred of women, entrenched patriarchal religion and tradition which equate women and sex with sin, lust and temptation; which sees menstruation as dirty and leaves little or no space for women and men to discuss sex and sexuality in ways which celebrate and honour the human body.

Apartheid’s migrant labour system contributed to widespread poverty and gender inequality. We knew who we were when we fought apartheid, when we voted for a new democracy, when we created a constitution of substantive equality, socioeconomic rights, the right to bodily integrity for all women - black and white, poor, rural, urban, disabled, lesbian or women with HIV/Aids. We knew who we were when we passed laws such as the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act, the Domestic Violence Act, the Maintenance Act, the Labour Relations Act, the Employment Equity Act, the Equality Act and so many other laws which advanced women’s rights in relation to land, water, health, housing and education.

We knew who we were when we began to work towards a gender-responsive Budget in the 1998-99 national Budget Review. We knew who we were when we started to change our institutions so that rural women could begin to control the water boards. We knew who we were when we established a parliamentary Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of the Quality of Life and Status of Women, whose mandate it is to monitor Government’s implementation of Cedaw and the Beijing Platform of Action in relation to improving the quality of life and status of women, especially the poorest, and whose priorities are poverty, HIV/Aids and gender-based violence.

In a study released last year entitled ``Being female in South Africa’’, the authors conclude, and I quote:

The girls of South Africa are generally confident, happy people who enjoy schooling. They know what they want to do after completing their schooling, and most want to study further. They know where to study.

As a society, the challenge we face individually and collectively is to ensure that their hopes are not dashed by poverty, rape and HIV/Aids in a context where 32% of young men surveyed believe forced sex with someone you know is not sexual violence. A Love Life study revealed that one in four young South Africans believe the lie that sex with a virgin cures Aids.

Last year, the Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women held hearings with the following title: How best can South Africa address the horrific impact of HIV/Aids on women and girls. The committee unanimously adopted its report on 14 November 2001 and tabled it in Parliament in February this year. We have asked for a debate on the committee’s report and that has been agreed to. So that will be scheduled shortly in Parliament’s programme.

Some of the issues that I wanted to deal with have been covered by Lulu Xingwana and Cheryl Gillwald, so I am not going to deal with those. Suffice to say that some of the challenges that remain is for us to ensure that we give effect, as Government and Parliament, to addressing poverty, employment, the social security system, and laws in relation to decriminalising sex workers and trafficking in women and children.

This month, the committee will be launching the ``Male MPs Mobilising Men’’ programme to reduce HIV/Aids and to end violence. Male MPs are being asked to develop and present an ongoing programme to educate men and boys on the roles that they can play to respect women’s and girls’ sexual rights - the silence that we do not want to break, to speak [Applause.] I want to conclude by sharing something. Last night the Gender Advocacy Programme, GAP presented an award to me. Today I share that award with all the women I have worked with in this Parliament, especially those who are no longer here, such as Ruth Mompati, Gertrude Shope, Albertina Sisulu and Ellen Khuzwayo. [Applause.] It belongs to all of us. [Applause.] Let it inspire in us the courage to always be true to the women who put us here. [Applause.]

Ms A VAN WYK: Madam Speaker, a view exists that by differentiating between women’s rights in particular and human rights in general, the position of women is further degraded. This would, indeed, have been the case under ideal circumstances and in a perfect world.

However, we do not live in a perfect world and our circumstances are far from ideal. Every year throughout the world - and South Africa is not an exception - a vast number of women and young girls are mutilated, battered, raped and murdered. Amnesty International reminds us that more women and girls die each day because of various forms of gender-based discrimination than as a result of any other type of human rights abuse. It is for this reason that we still need a day on our international calendar to highlight to the world the plight of billions of women and remind ourselves about the work that still needs to be done before we can talk about equality between men and women.

The majority of the 1,5 billion people, living on a dollar or less a day, are women. Women, on average, still earn slightly more than 50% of what their male counterparts earn. In the world, 110 million school-aged children, of whom two thirds are girls, still do not have access to education. Over 800 million adults, of whom 60% are women, are illiterate. Yet, we recognise that education empowers the poor, safeguards the vulnerable and promotes social justice. With these statistics in mind, it is obvious that we cannot address human rights before we address women’s rights.

I would like to argue that women’s rights are not only an important pillar of human rights, but are, in fact, the foundation of human rights. Women are the primary caretakers of families. They are also the educators during children’s most formative years. It is during this time that the basis is laid for the approach that a boy child would have towards his girl counterparts. The way he will deal with, respect and interact with women is established at this early age.

In South Africa the rights of women are guaranteed under our Constitution. Special programmes have been embarked upon to ensure that the upliftment of women takes place and that women are not only aware of their rights, but actually take them up. We must acknowledge that a lot of progress has been made, but we cannot deny that a lot of effort still needs to be put in.

It is especially the plight of the rural women and that of the illiterate that concern me most. To many of these women, life has not changed since

1. They are not aware of their rights and we need to ensure that these rights, as they are enshrined in our Constitution, become a living reality for them. We need to ensure that the lives of those women who need it most are touched and changed by the knowledge of those rights.

Human rights will benefit if women are informed and educated about their rights. The world would be a better place once women can take their rightful place within all sectors of society. Women are the victims of conflict and violence, yet they remain absent from conflict resolution. In a country that is characterised by crime, discrimination and many other injustices, women can bring particular perspectives, skills and unique solutions. Women are by nature caretakers and adopt a much more constructive and less adversarial approach towards finding solutions. The World Bank concluded in a study that women contribute to good governance; and that where the influence of women in public life is higher, the level of corruption is lower.

The aforementioned are but a few examples of how women can influence the overall culture of human rights. I believe that it demonstrates clearly that the need for equal women rights is driven by an all-encompassing need to establish a world culture of human rights. That is why I argue that women’s rights are not only an important pillar for human rights, but, in fact, the foundation thereof.

Allow me to end with a short poem written, ironically, by a man called Hennie Aucamp.

Eva aan Adam: Jy het jou aanvanklik geëien in my lyf, my beetgeneem en toe-geëien; jou wyf; nou eis ek, na eeue van lyfeienskap my eie, my self, my hele lyf.

[Initially you defined yourself in my body, You took hold of me and claimed me; your concubine; Now I claim, after centuries of bodily servitude My being, myself, my whole body.]

[Applause.]

Mr M A MAPHALALA: Madam Speaker, I stand here today with mixed feelings in participating in this debate; feelings of pride and, at the same time, feelings of shame. I feel ashamed that in this day and age we are still debating the human rights of a certain section of our society.

We have fought for the liberation of our people throughout the world. We have liberated our people in South Africa. Yet we are still talking human rights and we are still talking about people who are not treated fully as human beings. That cannot be right.

It cannot be right when we have an economic system in a society that does not recognise the rights of other people as full human beings. When we have people in the system who lock certain people in factories to work until they die, that cannot be right. I cannot be proud of that kind of a society. I cannot be proud of myself for being part thereof. Particularly, I cannot not be proud of being a man when, in the majority, it is men that are operating those factories that exploit women in that kind of a situation. [Applause.]

We have heard reports from Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal and elsewhere. Recently, a woman gave birth to twins in Newcastle. She was locked in the factory and both of those babies died. Can we be proud of those situations? We definitely cannot. We cannot be proud of this situation when there are certain people, particularly men, who regard women as sex objects. We cannot be proud of that.

I am certainly proud that I am standing here today, congratulating women who are leading in this struggle, congratulating women who have been part, not only of the struggle to liberate women so that they are treated as human beings, but to liberate humankind. I am speaking here of great women … [Applause] … who participated proudly in this struggle, in this movement for the betterment of humankind. I am speaking here about women like Lilian Ngoyi. I am speaking about women who sacrificed their lives, who made the supreme sacrifice, like Ruth First. I am speaking here about women whom the barbaric leaders, led by men, saw fit to bomb - women like Jabu Mtalane in Swaziland, who died in the struggle for the liberation of people.

Today we are commemorating this kind of involvement by women. I am speaking here about women like MaCharlotte Maxeke. I am speaking about women like Victoria Mxenge who fought for everybody’s right. I am speaking here about women like Phyllis Naidoo. I am proud to stand here and associate myself with this Parliament that is leading in this positive struggle for the right of every human being and every individual.

For the first time in the history of this country, everybody is standing here and enumerating the legislation that has gone through this very Parliament, that has gone through this very House, to better the lives, particularly, of women. I am proud to be associated with that kind of Parliament. I am proud to be associated with an organisation like the African National Congress and its alliance. Had it not been for this organisation, we would not be speaking as we are speaking today.

What we should do is to ensure the implementation of policies that we have passed here. We must ensure that the voices of public servants, such as the ones in the Department of Labour, are heard. These people who are continuing with these barbaric acts must be exposed and punished.

It is the duty of every member of this House to ensure the implementation of all these laws. It is the duty of this Parliament and each member of this House, as well as members of the public, to ensure that the resolutions like the ones taken at the recent National Land Tenure Conference in Durban, are implemented so that women, as human beings, can also enjoy those rights. We must not treat women in a shameful way, something which these instruments ought to deal with. They are human beings like everybody else. [Applause.] They are equal partners in the bringing about of our society, and therefore they have the right to land and everything else. We must ensure that those resolutions and pieces of legislation are passed and implemented effectively.

I am proud to be associated with the women Ministers of this Parliament. They have proved that when we speak of women, we speak of human beings. Minister Thoko Didiza spoke about a woman farmer towards the end of last year, and she also spoke about programmes to promote the participation of women in agriculture everywhere. I am proud to be associated with people of that sort.

I am proud to be associated with people like Minister Mlambo-Ngcuka, who is energising the entire country, so that women should not have to fetch water and wood in order to energise their homes and improve the lives of our families. [Applause.] And I am saying that, as men, we must stand up and show that we are civilised. We live in this day and age, when we cannot continue to stifle the lives of other people. [Applause.]

Ms C DUDLEY: Madam Speaker, hon Ministers and colleagues, the preamble of a document compiled by the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women entitled A Proposed UN Convention Against Sexual Exploitation goes as follows:

Prostitution, sex tourism, trafficking in women and other practices that reduce women to sexual commodities have had a particularly devastating impact on women in developing countries and oppressed groups of women in so-called developed countries. The sexual exploitation of any woman is cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment that establishes the standard of treatment for all women and is incompatible with the inherent dignity and worth of the human person. No existing international human rights instruments adequately address the problem of sexual exploitation.

The Constitutional Court is presently hearing argument relating to the decriminalisation of prostitution in South Africa, which is promoted as a women’s right and sold as the solution to the very problems it in fact creates. Where exactly is the human dignity in selling one’s body for sex and what recourse exists for the protection of women and children who are sexually exploited for the sake of profit? Prostitution or commercial sex work is a hazardous occupation, harmful to both the prostitute and her client, as well as their families and society as a whole. Prostitution exploits women for the gratification of the buyer’s sexual urges. Too many women in various parts of the world are expected, or even sold, to become prostitutes serving Western or Japanese businessmen as a means of supporting families. How much more would this be the case once prostitution is accepted as legal?

Prostitution always plays a disproportionate role in promoting the spread of the HIV pandemic. Absurdly, the fact that this segment of society is largely poor and overwhelmingly women, who are vulnerable to various forms of exploitation, is stated as an argument for decriminalising prostitution, when in fact this sort of judgment would further entrench the perception that the dignity of the poor is not worth protecting.

Prostitution does not liberate, but condemns and enslaves women. The ACDP will not abandon women in this critical hour, as others do for the sake of being politically correct. The ACDP supports the position by the recent commission on prostitution of the Swedish government, that the sex trade remains criminalised because a penal provision would serve a normative purpose that makes it clear that prostitution is not socially acceptable. For many clients the risk of discovery, police investigation and legal proceedings would be a powerful deterrent.

We believe that prostitution should be clearly rejected, discouraged and criminalised. In the event of criminalisation, penal liability should be incurred by both the buyer and the seller, including pimps and madams. There should be harsher sentences for clients, as in the USA. Structures should be put in place for the rehabilitation of prostitutes. For this purpose psychological and social welfare services, psychotherapists, etc, should be involved in therapy work.

We commend the work done by organisations, like The House in Hillbrow, which are trying to rehabilitate prostitutes and suggest that they be supported wherever possible. Many clients making regular use of prostitutes are probably also in need ÿ.ÿ.ÿ. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! I now call the hon Mrs Seeco. Congratulations, Mrs Seeco, this is your maiden speech. [Applause.]

Mrs M A SEECO: Madam Speaker, over the years International Women’s Day has taken women to the streets and sparked off a revolution. The history of International Women’s Day dates back to 1910 internationally. The day has been variously seen as a time for asserting women’s political and social rights, to review the progress that women have made on this day of celebration.

Born at a time of great social turbulence and crisis, International Women’s Day inherited protest and political activism. In the years before 1910, from the turn of the 20th century, women in industrially developing countries were entering paid work in some numbers.

In 1908, on the last Sunday of February, socialist women in the United States initiated the first Women’s Day when a large demonstration took place, calling for the vote and the political economic rights of women. The following year 2 000 people attended a Women’s Day rally in Manhattan.

In 1909 women garment workers staged a general strike for better pay and working conditions. In 1910 Women’s Day was taken up by socialists and feminists throughout the country. Later that year delegates went to the second international conference of social women in Copenhagen, with the intention of proposing that Women’s Day becomes an international event. Inspired by the action of US women workers and their socialist sisters, Clara Zetkin had already framed a proposal to put to the conference of socialists women throughout the world should focus on a particular day each year to press for their demands.

Yet many women continue to see International Women’s Day as an important occasion for reviewing, stating and occasionally acting on the political, economic and social rights of women. Nonetheless, International Women’s Day and the women who had organised it helped to keep alive a tradition of political involvement, often in hostile circumstances. The next decade of feminist development was to change radically political priorities and agendas.

I saw it as an educational aid to make women aware of their power and also to carry on the proud tradition where women had stood up for themselves. Today younger women have taken International Women’s Day to heart. We see International Women’s Day as a campaign needing work almost all year round, with 8 March as the highlight rather than a one-day function.

Go na le dinaledi tse di jaaka moswi Alina Lekgetha, morwadia Ditheko, yo o tsaletsweng kwa motlatla kwa Thaba-Nchu. Barutabana ba ba nyetsweng ba ne ba sa bona tshono ya go ruta ka ba lwetswe ke digatlhamelamasisi ka bo1978, go supa fa mosadi a na le tshwanelo ya go ruta le fa a nyetswe. Ke mopalamente wa ntlha wa mme. Go bua UCDP. [Legofi.] (Translation of Tswana paragraph follows.)

There are legends like the late Alina Lekgetha, the daughter of Ditheko, who was born at Motlatla in Thaba Nchu. Married teachers had the opportunity to teach because these legends fought for them in 1978, ensuring their right to teach even if they were married. She is the first woman member of Parliament. So says the UCDP. [Applause.]]

Mdi S D MOTUBATSE: Modulasetulo le maloko ao a hlomphegago a Palamente, lehono re tsene ngwageng wa bobedi wa sekete se seswa. Re le mo ngwageng wo, re basadi ba kontinente ye botse ya Afrika. Eupša ditaba tša rena, ge go bolelwa ka kontinente ye, go bolelwa ka tlala, bodiidi, motlhako le malwetš i ka moka. Eupša tshepo yeo re nago le yona ke gore re tsena mo ngwagengkgolo wo re na le kholofelo ye kgolokgolo. Seo se tlišago kholofelo ye ke gore bofelong bja ngwagakgolo wa go feta re bone baetapele ba rena ba kopana, ba boledišana, ba laetšana diphošo.

Ge re gopola gore ngwagengkgolo wo o fetilego kontinente ye ya rena e rile ge e thoma, e leka go kopana, go bile le boNikodemus bao ba botšišitšego gore ge le re e tlo tswalwa-leswa a go tswalwa gona e ka tswalwa na?

Re le basadi ba Afrika-Borwa, bao ba šomišanago le basadi ba bangwe mo tikologong ya rena le kontinenteng ya rena ka botlalo, re na le kholofelo ye kgolo. Re lemogile gore ka 1960 go be go na le dinaga tse tharo fela mo kontinenteng ya Afrika tšeo di bego di hweditše tokologo. Eupša ge ngwagakgolo o fela, le rena Maafrikaborwa, re le ba mafelelo, re e hweditše ya rena tokologo. [Legofsi.] Se se ra goreng go rena, re le basadi ba Afrika-Borwa? Re manyami ka gore le mo dinageng tšeo di hweditšego tokologo pele ga rena, go sa na le karolo yeo e sego ya hwetša tokologo - e lego basadi.

Ka moka re ka lebelela morago moo re tswago; ra lebelela setšo sa gaborena ka gore gantši batho ba na le go širela ka sona. Eupša re a tseba gore ka setšo sa gaborena mosadi o a hlomphiwa. Mosadi o swarwa ka mabobo le bothakga. [Legofsi.] Basadi ba bantši mo kontinenteng ya Afrika, ba lebanwe ke motlhako wo mogolo - ga ba na meetse, ga ba na dikgong, ga ba na tsela yeo ba ruthufatšago malapa a bona. Eupša, re lebeletše nako yeo re lego mo go yona ka kholofelo ya gore tše ka moka di tlile go fetoga.

Lehono ge re re re makatšwa ke tšeo di bolelwago ka setšo sa gaborena, ke rata gore nke ke le boetše morago ganyane, re lekoleng gore pele ga ge re hwetša ditokologo tše ka bo-1960 go be go direga eng mo kontinenteng ya rena. Re bone go e tla batho bao ba ilego ba re botša gore tsela yeo re phelago ka yona ga se ya tshwanelo. A ge motho a dira segagabo-mongwe, a sa dire segagabo, a se fetša? A ka se ke a se fetša gobane o tseba segagabo, ga a tsebe segagabo motho e mongwe. Lehono tše ka moka ge di diragetše, basadi ba nyenyefatšwa ka kudu gobane ka nako yeo go fihlilego batho bao, basadi ba be ba se na maatla a go ka rwala ditshipi, ba dira mešomo yeo batho bao ba bego ba e nyaka. Ka baka leo re ile ra nyenyefatšwa gomme le magagaborena a no tšwela pele ka wona mokgwa woo. Se se re lebanego lehono ke gore re fetoleng megopolo ka moka.

Re bone gore go thomile go ya bofelong bja ngwagakgolo wo re sa tšwago go wona. Eupša re re ga se go lekane. A re kgatheng tema, re tšweleng pele, re kalokaneng, re lokišeng dilo tše ka moka mo nageng ya gaborena.

Go na le dilo tše dingwe tše šoro tšeo di diragalago mo kontinenteng ya rena. Tše dingwe tša tšona ke tšhaba le go ka di laodiša. Baetapele ba dinagaditho tsa Kgwerano ya Botee bja Afrika ba ile ba dumelana kua Kenya ka 1981 ka la gore go be le lenaneo leo le amogelegago, leo le swanetšego go šetša ditokelo tša batho le go hlokomela gore batho ba kontinente ye ba godiša ditšo tša gabobona. Eupša seo se sa bonagalego gabotse tabeng ye ke gore ge e le ditokelo tša basadi tšona ga di tšwelele. Ka gona go se bonale goo go direga dilo tše šoro mo basading ba gaborena.

Ke nyaka go fa mohlala ka taba yeo e legore le nna e ile ya ntshoša. Dinageng tše dingwe banna ba iš a basadi ba bona dingakeng gomme ba ba lokela dinotlelo ka dipaleng, ba re ba direla gore ba se ke ba ba bommalegogwana. Ga re tsebe gore bommalegogwana bo ka fedišwa ke seo na. Ge motho a lebelela tšeo ka moka, di ra gore mosadi ga a hlomphiwe le gore ga a ne ditokelo tša botho, gomme ke ka baka leo a dirišwago dilo t še ka moka.

Re bile le nako le Yunibesithi ya Pretoria, re le basadi le mekgatlo ya basadi, gore re sekaseke molao wo o bolelago ka ditokelo tša batho mo Afrika. Manyami ke gore molao wo, ge o e ya malemeng a mangwe, ruriruri o šiya dilo tše ntši morago. Go ya ka mokgwa wo o ngwadilwego ka gona ka leleme la Sefora, bjaleka ge Mohumagadi Van Wyk a hlalošitš e, o napa tšwile tseleng ka kudukudu. Molao wo o hlaloswa gore ke la charte africaine des droits de l’homme, seo se ra gore ke ditokelo tsa banna. Ga o re ditokelo tša batho, o re ditokelo tša banna. Ka tsela yeo batho ba bantši ba kgona go tšhaba, ba itšhireletše ka wona, ba sa lebelele tšeo dinaga tša bona di swanetsego go se dira.

Bothata bjo bongwe ke gore melawana ye e re go saenwa, ya se ke ya tsenywa melaong ya naga, gomme gwa hwetšagala gore ga e phethagatšwe. Seo se re fago kholofelo ke gore basadi ba bantši bjale ba tseba gore baetapele ba dinaga tša bona ba saenile ditokomane tše. Rena, re le basadi, re swanetše go fana maeele gore re thušaneng gore re kgone go lemoga gore mabaka a baetapele ba dinaga tšeo di šaletšego morago ka go se hlokomele dinyakwa tša basadi ke afe.

Taba ye nngwe ke gore re itše ge re lebelela karolwana ya bobedi, ya karolo ya bo18, ra lemoga gore e bolela ka kgethollo ya motho, go ya ka ditho tša mmele wa gagwe. Le gona fao re bona e le gore batho ga ba rate gore ba tobe taba; ba a e tšhabela ka gore ba bolela ka ditho tša mmele, ga ba bolele gore motho wa mosadi o swanetše go hlokomelwa ka tsela efe. Rena, re le basadi, re bona gore diphošo tše ka moka di phošollwe. Mahlatse ke gore Modulasetulo le Mothuši wa gagwe ba šomišana le batho ka moka. Gomme re na le tshepo gore ge ba le fao, dingwalwa tše ka moka di tlo phošollwa gomme ba dira gore dilo di boele maemong ka tshwanelo.

Nkile ka ipha nako, ka bala Puku-Kgethwa. Go e baleng ga ka, ke be ke nyaka go kwišiša gore gabotsebotse ge Modimo a e fa Adam mothuši o rileng. Se se mmakaditšego ga ke hwetše mo go thwego: Adam, lešaetšana se le, goba Adam, tšeya lekgobjana še le. Puku-Kgethwa ga e realo. Puku-Kgethwa e bolela ka mothuši. Bjale seo ke ratago go se tseba ke gore a motho a ka thuša e mongwe a se na tsebo na. [Legofsi.] Ke kgopela gore re ke re lebeledišišeng taba ye gabotse. Le go tloga tlhagong, mosadi o fela a hlalefa go fetiša monna. [Legofsi.] Ke ka baka leo monna a swanetšego gore a kwane le mosadi wa gagwe gore a tle a hlalefe. [Legofsi.]

Re holofela gore ge re lebelela tšeo di dirwago mehleng yeno, re le basadi, re tloge re nyaka gore lenaneo la Nepad le phethagatswe ka bonako. Re lemogile gore ka ge diphošo di šetše di diragetše, ge Afrika e ka agiwa leswa gomme ya kgokaganywa le Nepad, re le basadi, dinyakwa tša rena ka moka di tlo kgona go amogelwa gomme tša phethagatšwa.

Ke kgopela gore ge re e tšwa mo Palamenteng - re šetše re fela pelo ya gore re sepela neng gobane basadi ba re emetše ka kua ntle. Rena letšema re gotše ka lona, re le tlwaetše. Gona bjale re šetše re fela pelo ya gore re tsena neng fase, re šome. Basadi ba re emetše ka kua ntle, ba nyaka go kwa gore a e ka ba Nepad e ba swaretše eng. Ka tsela yeo, re nyaka go yo boledišana le batho ba rena, re šupetšane le bona tsela gore ge re tšwela pele le tša kontinente e be gobane re šet še re thomile ka mo gae. Ka mo gae mošomo o re emetše, gomme re a kgopela le go basadi ba gaborena mo magaeng gore re e tla, a re swaraneng, re lokišeng tšeo re bonago di sa sepele ka tshwanelo, re be re thuše le bana ba gaborena mo kontinenteng.

Bontši bo makala gore go reng re na le batho ba bantši bao ba falaletšego mo nageng ya gaborena. Eupša re a tseba gore re ka se ba bušetše morago, re ka se ba rake ntle le gore re dire gore Nepad ye e phethagatšwe gomme go be le tšwelopele mo dinageng tšeo ba tšwago go tšona.

Mafelelong, ke kgopela gore, re le Ntlo, tšeo di dirwago ka moka, a re swaraneng ka gore diboledi tše dingwe di šetše di boletše gore se se se ke sa phethagatšwa ke ANC fela. Makoko a mangwe a a dire gore basadi ba a atafala go wona gobane ge re šomišana le basadi bao re tlo aga naga ya rena le kontinente ya rena. [Legofsi.] (Translation of Sepedi speech follows.)

[Ms S D MOTUBATSE: Mr Chairperson and hon members of Parliament, we are now in the second year of the new millennium. We are here, at this point in time, as women of the beautiful continent of Africa. However, whenever people talk about our continent, they always associate it with hunger, poverty, suffering and all types of diseases. However, our hope is based on the fact that we are entering the new millennium with great expectations. The source of these expectations is the fact that we saw our leaders, at the end of the previous millennium, meeting, discussing and correcting one another’s mistakes.

We remember that, during the previous millennium, when our continent attempted to unite, there were Nicodemuses who wanted to know how a whole continent could be born again.

As women of South Africa, who are working together with other women in our region and throughout the continent, we have great expectations. We noted that, in 1960, there were only three countries in Africa that had attained independence. By the end of the millennium, however, we, the South Africans, though last, had also attained our freedom. [Applause.] What does this mean to us, as women of South Africa? We are sad that even in those countries that attained their freedom long before us, there is still a sector that has not attained its freedom - the women.

We can all look back at where we have come from, at our culture, because people often hide behind it. We know, however, that according to culture a woman is treated with respect. A woman is treated with kindness and tenderness. [Applause.] Many women on the African continent are facing great suffering; they lack the means to warm up their homes. However, they are looking to the current dispensation in the hope that everything will change.

Today, when we say that we are surprised by what is said about our culture, I would like to take you back a little, and examine what was happening before we attained our freedom in the 60s. We encountered people who came to tell us that our way of life was wrong. When a person practises other people’s cultures and abandons his or her own, can he or she do justice to it? They cannot do justice to it; what they know best is their own culture and not another person’s culture. Today, after all these things have happened, women are looked down upon, because at the time when those people came here, the women were not strong enough to carry objects of steel and do other jobs that were required by those people. For that reason, we were belittled and our people perpetuated this practice. The challenge that is facing us today is that of changing mind-sets.

We noted that this was beginning to happen towards the end of the previous millennium. However, we are saying that it is not enough. Let us make a meaningful difference; let us progress further; let us rectify all the wrongs that have happened in this country of ours.

There are other terrible things that are going on on our continent. I am reluctant to mention some of them. Leaders of member states of the African Union agreed in Kenya in 1981 that there should be an acceptable and appropriate programme to protect human rights and to ensure that the people of this continent develop their cultures. What is not recognised on this issue is the fact that women’s rights are neglected. Owing to that lack of recognition, terrible things are perpetrated on our women.

I would like to cite an example that also shocked me. In some countries men take their wives to medical practitioners and have them fitted with chastity belts, saying that they wanted to prevent them from being promiscuous. We are not sure that this is likely to stop promiscuity. When one looks at all these things, one concludes that a woman is not respected, that she has no human rights and that it is for that reason that she is made to do all these things.

We spent some time at the University of Pretoria, as women and women’s organisations, discussing the law that deals with human rights in Africa. It is most unfortunate that, when this law is translated into other languages, it leaves out a number of details. According to Ms Van Wyk the French version is completely off the mark. This law is described as charte Africaine des droits de l’homme, which means ``the rights of men’’. Therefore many people use this loophole to sidestep the issue and neglect what they should be doing about it in their countries.

Another difficulty is that these international agreements are signed, but not incorporated into the laws of individual countries and, consequently, they are not implemented. What gives us hope is the fact that women are now aware that their leaders have signed these agreements. As women, we must advise one another as to how we can help one another to find out from the leaders of the countries that are lagging behind why they have not signed.

Another issue is that, when we looked at clause 2 of section 18, we noted that it deals with discrimination on the basis of a person’s body parts. It was obvious that people were not calling a spade a spade. They avoid the issue because they only talk of parts of the body instead of spelling out how a woman should be taken care of. We, as the women, propose that all these mistakes should be rectified. Fortunately, the Chairperson and the Deputy Chairperson are people who work easily with everybody. We hope, therefore, that when they are over there, they will ensure that all these clauses are amended accordingly and that things will be made to work properly once gain.

I took some time to read the Good Book. I read it with the intention of understanding the exact words of God when He gave Adam a helper. I was surprised not to find any words that say: Adam, here is your lackey or: Adam, here is your slave. The Good Book does not say so. The Good Book speaks of a helper. Now, what I would like to know is: can a person help another when that person is ignorant? [Applause.] I would like us to look seriously into this matter. Naturally, a woman is wiser than a man. [Applause.] it is for that reason that a man must have a friendly relationship with his wife so that he too may be wise. [Applause.]

We believe that when we monitor closely what is happening today, as women, our intention is to ensure that the Nepad programme is implemented on time. We feel that, since mistakes have already been made, if Africa could be restructured to include Nepad, our needs, as women, will be recognised and implemented.

My appeal relates to when we leave Parliament - we are already becoming restless, saying: When are we leaving, because the women are waiting for us out there? We are used to the concept of working in teams, we grew up doing it. Even now, we are itching to get to work. Women are waiting for us out there, they want to know what Nepad has got for them. That way, we want to go and hold discussions with our people and agree on the way forward so that, when we embark on the development of the continent, we will have started with development at home. There is a lot of work that needs to be done here, at home, and we appeal to our women in the rural areas to come and work with us to correct what we deem to be wrong and to help the children of our continent.

Many people fail to understand why there are so many people who have immigrated to our country. We know, however, that we cannot send them back; we cannot expel them. All we can do is to ensure that Nepad is implemented and facilitate development in their countries of origin.

Finally, I request that whatever we do, as this House, we must do together, because, as some speakers have already pointed out, this cannot be achieved by the ANC alone. Other parties must also ensure that there are more women in their ranks, because when we interact with those women we will be able to build our country and our continent. [Applause.]]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Madam Speaker, on this important Women’s Day, it is important to affirm that the goal of gender equality is a responsibility which men and women must share equally in our country. It is time we all rose to the challenge.

The United Nations Millennium Summit agreed to halve poverty, reduce maternal mortality by three quarters and achieve equal access for girls to all levels of education.

What resources in the national Budget have we been allocated to ensure women’s survival, options and opportunities? It is more imperative than ever before that promises to the women of this country made in Beijing are turned into action. When public services, such as water, electricity, education and health care are privatised, it is women who suffer the consequences of the selling off of these assets. The PAC will continue to struggle with millions of women in this country in the campaigns against water cuts.

In order to curb the HIV infection rate, we must take measures to address the fact that women are biologically, economically and culturally more vulnerable to contracting the virus. We must give women the right and power to refuse unwanted and unprotected sex. The demand for women’s access to primary health care means that every HIV-positive pregnant mother should have the right to nevirapine without delay.

On this day, International women’s Day, the PAC and its component structure, the Pan Africanist Women’s Organisation, pledge solidarity … [Interjections] … with the struggles of the women of Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Palestine and Afghanistan. We support their demand for peace and reconstruction in their respective countries. I would normally react, but I respect the women. Izwe lethu! [Applause.]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, Malibongwe! [Praise!]

HON MEMBERS: Igama lamakhosikazi! [The name of women!]

Miss S RAJBALLY: Today, 13 women out of the 18 speakers who took the podium of the Parliament of South Africa have spoken about the rights of women - women, the mothers of our nation. In our diversity we are in unison, as we come from the womb of a woman.

Many socialists agree that the key character in the primary socialisation of an offspring is the mother. But in a patriarchal society the influence of the mother is great.

With all of us having originated from a patriarchal society, home and all that is domestic has always been stereotyped as for women or mothers. While this patriarchal society viewed women as a weaker sex and in need of protection and being sheltered from the world’s ruin, time took its toll. These attitudes are now labelled oppressive.

Women have been dominated by religion, tradition, culture and norms, but we have reached an era where the muted voice of women has pitched high as we strive to make our mark. The aim is not to take over the role of men or disregard religion, tradition and culture, but rather to take an equal stand and contribute our many talents and abilities for the betterment of all and our country.

Our Constitution, the supreme law of the country, contains a Bill of Rights, which does not represent only a portion of South African citizenry, but all South Africans, that means women as well. That means that these rights must be upheld and the contravention thereof would be a contravention of the Constitution, which is a punishable offence. Women should take the initiative to educate themselves about their rights and not choose to be victims. Educating women about their rights would ensure the primary socialisation of the future citizenry regarding its rights, human rights, and so forth.

The MF applauds all departments and NGOs that work hard to provide women with knowledge, as well as all women who choose to uphold their rights. Hon members should remember that: No woman, no country; no woman, no home; no woman, no mother; no woman, no society, and no woman, no Parliament. [Applause.] Women are an important pillar of human rights. [Applause.]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Speaker, in South Africa, where human rights form the basis of our Constitution, women are progressing in many spheres of our society. Some women are now in Parliament and some are in jobs that they were denied in the past. But in our society women’s status and dignity is diminished by the number of women who are homeless, jobless, dependent, some of whom are still treated like slaves.

Azapo believes that the dignity of any group in society is enhanced by the collective dignity and power which that group wields. For example, up until today, the dignity of individuals in our country is dependent on the collective dignity of the racial group that the person belongs to. By virtue of their social and economic status in society, women have the lowest collective dignity in South Africa and elsewhere in the world, both as individuals and as a collective.

Women’s rights can only be enhanced if they themselves realised what collective power they could wield if they united across the political, religious and cultural divide. It is therefore our duty and responsibility as a nation to enhance the individual and collective dignity of women, not only by way of appointing them to positions of power and responsibility, but by supporting their struggle and showing them solidarity.

It is not enough merely to appoint women to positions of responsibility. It is not enough merely to come here and ululate about the struggle of women. We need to do much more than just appoint them to positions of responsibility. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, I apologise. I was so struck by the presence of the same two male names next to each other on this list that I mixed them up. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Mr M T GONIWE: Madam Speaker and hon members, I participated in the observation or celebration of International Women’s Day as a state of emergency detainee at St Albans in 1985.

International Women’s Day became an important calender item for the duration of our tortuous detention. The inclusion of this in our yearly itinerary was influenced by ex-Robben Island inmates, two of whom are members of this august House, Comrade Henry Fazzie and Comrade Benson Fihla, as well as others like Edgar Ngoyi, Ernest Malgas and Silas Mntongana.

Being young activists then, we could not fail to recognise that these comrades had internalised the importance of this subject as a result of years of engagement with it. For us as young lions it was difficult to understand what informed their passion for this subject. Most importantly, we never thought that the vision they were elaborating would unfold and find practical expression in our lifetime at such an amazing breathtaking speed since the advent of democracy in 1994.

I highlight this personal experience to illustrate the point that the Congress Alliance, and the ANC in particular, were seized with the agenda of women’s emancipation from long ago, and that the ANC continues to do so to this very day. We need to acknowledge the pioneering role that the leadership of the ANC and the tripartite alliance has provided, not only to the South African nation, but to the African continent and the whole world on this subject.

We can, without fear of contradiction, make the assertion that the gains South Africa has made towards the creation of a society which recognises women as equals is the fruit largely of years of toil, sweat and tears by the ANC and the revolutionary alliance it leads.

The understanding of the ANC is that women’s emancipation is a crucial prerequisite for a fully democratic dispensation. Democracy and women’s emancipation are two sides of the same coin and the one cannot be divorced from the other.

As early as 1955, in that historic congress of the people, the seeds of the kind of society that we sought to build were planted. It was at this congress in Kliptown that the quest for the ideal of a nonracial, nonsexist south Africa was expressed. It was expressed in the following words and I quote:

… that only a democratic state, based on the will of the people, can secure for all their birthright without distinction of colour, race, sex or belief.

It went further and said that the people shall govern and that every man and woman shall have the right to vote for and to stand for all bodies which make laws. The rights of the people shall be the same regardless of race, colour or sex. This is what the Freedom Charter stated.

These pronouncements of the Freedom Charter became the foundation of the understanding of this subject by the ANC, and informs its gender policy. High on the agenda of the ANC is the task of ensuring equality among the racial, ethnic, language, cultural and religious communities. Central to this is ensuring equality between women and men.

We are from a past that was based on the systematic suppression of talents, creativity and capacity of women to play their rightful role in the ordering of the nation’s affairs. More than any other sector, colonial oppression and a patriarchal culture, including socially constructed gender roles, conspired to degrade women and treat them as subhuman. These gender roles permeate all spheres of life, beginning with the family, and are entrenched by stereotypes, dominant ideas, cultures and beliefs. The post-1994 period has ushered in a culture which desires to affirm gender equality, which is central to women’s emancipation. We have made significant strides in engendering this culture. It is not an accident of history that our Parliament and Government as institutions are amongst the most notable in gender representivity. The fundamental objective of the legal framework we have created since 1994 is to create an atmosphere compatible to gender equality.

Our programmes, both at Government level and as legislatures, have made a significant impact on engendering gender equality. Examples are the provision of running water to more than 7 million people and our intention to reach 7 million more. Our electrification programme translated into 2,3 million electricity grid connections. The housing programme delivered more than 1,2 million houses to our people. These are but a few of the examples of the programmes we roll out to alleviate poverty, whose main victims are the women, in particular the African women.

The eradication of poverty must be understood to be central to all we do to attain gender equality. The central question that we will have to answer at the end of the day is whether what we are doing as the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, as well as the fourth estate, helps to lift from the shoulders of our people the intolerable burden of poverty and underdevelopment.

We in the ANC are committed to advancing equality amongst women and men. In the context of Vukuzenzele, we urge everybody to continue the remaining work. We have made advances, yet a lot still needs to be done. As public representatives, it is our task to assist in educating society about the equality of men and women, the manner in which we should treat each other, not as subhumans, but as proud citizens, equals and people of equal abilities. [Applause.]

Ms J A SEMPLE: Madam Speaker, the DP condemns the South African Government for disregarding its international obligations with respect to the protection of the rights of women by, firstly, failing to provide appropriate health care, particularly the provision of antiretroviral drugs for rape survivors and, secondly, the prevention of gender-based violence.

We believe that women’s rights equals health rights, equals human rights. The Aids legal network states, I quote:

The virus attacks the fundamental human rights of women, leaving them powerless to protect themselves against infection.

The international and the South African response to the epidemic has compounded this abuse of rights by failing to recognise the disadvantaged status of women - this is a cause of their vulnerability to HIV - and by refusing to permit the rights and needs of women to play a part in shaping HIV strategies.

Amnesty International, in a recent letter to the Joint Monitoring Committee on the Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women, noted that they have reviewed the standard and medical treatment protocols as a means of conveying the widespread nature of the concern that exists regarding the great threats the rights and fundamental freedoms of women and girls which arise particularly from the conjuncture of gender-based violence and the spread of HIV/Aids in South Africa.

Amnesty International further maintains that the action of the Mpumalanga provincial MEC for health, Ms Sibongile Manana, with regard to the greater Nelspruit Rape Intervention Project Group, appears to be, and I quote:

… in conflict with these human rights and medical standards and contrary to South Africa’s obligations to ensure the best available standards of care for survivors of sexual violence.

In a letter to the MEC herself, Amnesty International points out that it campaigns for human rights on the basis of standards voluntarily agreed to by the international community. Its concern is solely with the impartial protection of human rights, independent of political ideology and other interests. Its core mission is focused on preventing and ending grave abuses of the rights to physical and mental integrity, freedom of conscience an expression of freedom of discrimination, principles that are supported and were fought for by most members of this House.

Certainly, the South African Government, as a party and signatory to international and regional human rights treaties such as the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, Cedaw, and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, is obliged to respect, protect and fulfil all women’s rights, and to take all necessary administrative or legislative measures to prevent human rights abuses and provide redress to the victims of abuses. Amnesty International further points out that the obligation is the same, whether the abuses are committed by the state or by private individuals, as is the case in the majority of incidents of rape in South Africa. From our side, I would like to remind this House that the DP was one of the first political parties in South Africa to repose the ratification of Cedaw in 1990. We contend that the South African Government is implicitly denying these rights and, indeed, itself abusing those rights by not supplying antiretroviral treatment to rape survivors, especially because of the high incidence of HIV/Aids in this country. This means that not only are women’s rights being violated, but also human rights, as is the case in a recent Treatment Action Campaign, TAC, court judgment.

The majority of rape survivors in this country cannot afford to pay for prophylactic treatment and the lack of Government policy or budget to enable state hospitals and clinics to provide the medicines disproportionately affects poor black rural South African women. They therefore cannot even exercise their right to choose in deciding what is good for them, as prescribed in the Constitution. The state makes that decision for them by not making the treatment available or affordable. The JMC on the Improvement of Quality of Life and Status of Women must be congratulated on their brave stand in calling for a holistic response to prevention and treatment that addresses HIV/Aids, poverty, and gender-based violence. It is only once such policies are implemented that South Africans, men and women, can hold their heads up high and truly say that they uphold women’s rights and consequently human rights in this regard. [Applause.]

Ms T R MODISE: Madam Speaker, hon members, when the Women’s National Commission in the US in 1908 recommended that a day be set aside each year to focus on the needs of women, nobody realised that a lot of history would be written every year by women almost everywhere on this particular day.

We celebrate this day today and declare that women’s rights are a pillar of human rights. We acknowledge that our Constitution, especially the Bill of Rights, makes provision for the equality of men and women. We acknowledge and congratulate this Parliament on passing laws that bring us nearer to gender equity. Women’s rights have been confined, unfortunately, to the traditional roles of women. And, when one starts defining human rights as the rights that everybody has by virtue of being human, one takes away the rights that women have as a group, because then these rights fall outside one’s definition of human rights. Therefore, we would call for a better understanding and the inclusion of women’s rights into the whole understanding of what human rights are all about.

Men, generally and traditionally, occupy the public spheres of society, which include the economy, politics, the law and the church, while we women are confined to our private spheres, the home and the family. This public- private division has largely determined the value a society places on its women. It would be difficult for us to look at poverty alleviation, especially in the rural areas, without making reference to these traditional roles as they strongly connect to the economic and political positions of women.

Until South Africa wakes up to the call to make women’s rights human rights, the violence in the home will continue to increase and more women will continue to die at the hands of their partners, despite the very improved Domestic Violence Act.

The realisation that a woman’s right to live without fear has not really been extended to the home came when the Commissioner of Police expressed his doubts about the justiciability of domestic assault. For as long as we women of this country allow magistrates like the black female magistrate in Pretoria to pass lenient and suspended sentences to child rapists and rapists, then we, too, contribute towards the not-so-equal status of women in this country.

We need to take hands in the proper Letsima fashion to take a stand against lenient and sometimes irresponsible judgments that are passed down by our courts. We are women, we shall be respected. We demand disciplinary action to be taken against the police officers who not only use foul language and humiliate detainees, but sometimes rape them. When found guilty these officers must be expelled. We demand the same from the Department of Education - teachers who rape schoolchildren must be expelled. There cannot be a situation in which we just talk about it; they must be expelled. [Applause.]

We challenge ourselves as a society to do away with the unhygienic practice of virginity testing. Not only are these tests demeaning to girls, depriving them of dignity and respect, but they are also potential spreaders of disease. In addition, they contribute towards the value which is attached to girl-children and not to boy-children, and towards identification of virgins within communities, which then leads to the targeting of these virgins by mad men, who think that they will cure themselves of Aids by sleeping with virgins. [Applause.]

We, the women of this country, need to hold hands with our men and reinforce the right of women to safety, to respect and to dignity. Our African cultures, diverse as they may be, have one thing in common, and that is the respect and protection of the weakest and the oldest. Therefore, the protection of children, women, and the aged must be integrated in our Letsima programmes. In his state of the nation address, the President referred to initiatives to roll back the frontiers of poverty.

Unless we address the skewed access to education for girl children and women, we cannot hold back the frontiers of poverty. Unless we start educating and making sure that there are specific programmes for adult learners, we cannot start hoping that women will comprehend and take advantage of what comes out of the system to be able to gain a foothold in the economic activities of this country. Therefore, the walls of poverty will remain intact.

The continued inability of South African women to negotiate relationships, especially their sexual relationships, needs to be reconsidered because this continued inability of women includes the inability to exercise fully their economic, social and political rights. We challenge, therefore, the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development to hurry up and bring that sexual offences Bill to Parliament. We are concerned at the length of time that it has taken this department to give protection to women who find themselves in customary unions in the rural areas, because succession and inheritance are very difficult to deal with, therefore the walls of poverty remain intact. [Applause.]

The question of the Umsobomvu Fund should also be looked at. How much has been allocated to girl children and young women from that fund? Why is it that South Africa has never considered having a women-specific development programme, when we know that women are the ones who are mostly illiterate and poor, especially in the rural areas? [Applause.]

We therefore want to urge that such a programme should benefit South African women. We have listened to each other lamenting and sometimes congratulating ourselves on our achievements. We have also heard about the desperation of women who are HIV-positive. I want to ask: Where is the female condom? Why is it that it is not as freely accessible as the male condom? When do we get this device? The provision of this device will not only help to protect women against HIV/Aids, it will also allow women to exercise their reproductive rights and therefore, by extension, their economic rights. [Applause.]

For women’s rights to be recognised, they need to be identified and mainstreamed. The private and public protection of women must be guaranteed. As South Africa enters into the founding leadership of the African Union, the women of Africa need to organise strongly against continued female genital mutilation and enforced dress codes. The freedom of movement and association needs to be literally and figuratively understood.

As we are looking at renewing the national skills, we as women in this House need to task ourselves with being very actively involved in the National Women’s Audit to audit the skills we have to identify whatever gaps we have and make a stand, so that Government is pushed to provide for the skills which we think are necessary for women to make any advancement. As part of Letsima, we need to enable women to put food on the table. Therefore, the Departments of Health, Education, Welfare, Water Affairs and Agriculture need to come up with a programme that will enable women to have gardens and to continue having gardens, in order to have access to better food.

I submit that Khula and Ntsika need to be reviewed. I do not know of any woman who can attest to having had success with any application that has been put in front of these bodies. We need to reclaim our streets. We need to take back the night. We need to reinforce and reward good behaviour within our society. We need to involve our children in the regeneration of morals within our society. We cannot leave them out.

We as South African society also drink too much, and most crimes that affect women and children are directly linked to the huge consumption of liquor in this country. The tot system, which was introduced years ago, is still continuing to adversely affect us in South Africa. As part of Letsima we must address the issue of drinking. [Applause.]

We must also address the problem of fake marriages which are taking place. I do not know why the Department of Safety and Security is failing to arrest the people who steal women’s identity documents. I do not understand why Home Affairs takes so long to annul those marriages. I do not understand the attitude of officials within the two departments towards the victims, because one would think that the woman is the one who has done wrong when she asks for the marriage to be done away with. Therefore, we need the victims to be protected.

As we stand here, I was expecting that, for once, we would speak with one voice. It is International Women’s Day. We, unfortunately, hear that Governments’s social spending has declined. This is not true, because had the hon member Mrs Sono looked at the Budget she would have noticed that most funds are going towards poverty alleviation. If we push funding into poverty alleviation, is it not social spending? [Interjections.]

Let us stand today in solidarity with women, irrespective of their political affiliations. We remember the women in Bosnia, in Pakistan, in India, in Israel, in the DRC, in Burundi and in East Timor. We express our hope for peace in Palestine, in the DRC, in Zimbabwe and in Afghanistan. I say: Happy International Women’s Day! [Applause.]

The MINISTER FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE AND ADMINISTRATION: Madam Speaker, our debate today indeed reflected varying and rich views on women’s rights being an important pillar of human rights. As we listened today I am sure there were many of us who remembered the words of Dora Tamana who, at the age of 82 in 1981, at the inaugural conference of the United Women’s Organisation, made a call on women to organise. She said:

You who have no work - speak! You who have no homes - speak! You who have no schools - speak! You who have to run like chickens from the vulture - speak! We must free ourselves! Women and men must share housework. Men and women must work together in the home and in the world … I opened the door for you - you must go forward!

Yes, Dora Tamana was one of the many women who opened the door - many came before her and those who followed too. She would indeed have heard with pride some of the inputs made here today - some of the inputs - because she would have heard the voices of women speaking out, both within the home and about the home, in more than just the family home, our national home and the world.

Let us look at the country again from a national perspective and remind ourselves that there are many women in this House, and elsewhere, who were involved and were among those who were the founding parents of the drafting of our Constitution. If we look at the founding provisions, we will see that, indeed, in our Constitution, in the founding provisions and in the Bill of Rights, we ensured that, crafted in this very critical document, women’s rights would be a central and an important pillar of human rights.

The challenge that we have today is translating that into the actual implementation where it is experienced and felt and where it makes a difference to every woman, child and everyone who is vulnerable in every corner of this country. But, what is more, today we have clearly stated that celebrating International Women’s Day is also about solidarity among women, nationally and internationally. I am not going to repeat what was stated in so many eloquent voices, different ways and different languages today, again reflecting that, in this House, we have women representing women from every corner of our country who never lose sight of the international solidarity that is required.

However, there were also dissenting voices. Earlier on, Mrs Semple, an hon member from the left, made an input that clearly reflected that sometimes in this House we listen but we do not hear. The hon Minister of Health made a statement before this House in which she reflected on the roll-out of the provision of nevirapine in the Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission Programme. I must say there was, at some point, noise and laughter. Maybe that drowned out the ability to listen. I want to quote her words, and I suggest that the member should get her speech. She said that, in terms of the coverage:

This means that we are already covering between 10% to 15% of the antenatal bookings in the country in less than one year. This translates to approximately 3 133 pregnant women per month that we are reaching through this programme.

She went on to say -

As you can see, some of these recommendations need serious planning and cannot be done overnight.

She went further and said:

It argues that we should use the lessons learned in implementing an MTCT programme as an engine and a catalyst for the improvement of the health care system and primary health care services in general.

In her conclusion, she said:

One of the unfortunate aspects of the debate on mother-to-child transmission of HIV has been a tendency to depict research as a stumbling block or an enemy of extended access to care.

Surely, we have a responsibility [Interjections.] …

In conclusion, I would like to say that we cannot, when we refer to health being part of women’s rights as human rights - which is correct - make synonymous our misinterpretation of the programme and its assessment. [Applause.]

The SPEAKER: Order! Hon members, it is well to remind ourselves that 90 years ago, that is, in 1912, African and Coloured women from the Free State came to an all-white and all-male Parliament to make representations against the laws that oppressed and excluded the African people, and, in particular, restricted women’s movement and economic freedom. Let us then reflect both on how far we have come, but also on the challenges that still remain.

I do not wish to inject a sour note into what has generally been a very happy occasion and an excellent debate. But I must register some concerns. Firstly, today, with some exceptions, once again, political parties have left it to women to participate in this very important debate.

Male members have failed to reach even a 33% quota, using only five of the 19 slots. I must congratulate, though, the male speakers who participated. [Applause.] But, men, you are in some need of empowerment. They are also invited to go through the door of opened by Dora Tamana.

I also regret the relative absence of members of the executive in the House today, and want to express appreciation for the presence of Minister Omar, and Minister Ngubane, who has until just now been with us during the debate. [Applause.] But where, I must ask, are the party leaders and Chief Whips? The two women Chief Whips are in Zimbabwe, we know that. But what business did the others prioritise for March 8? Perhaps, as women, we should ask that question. Where are those people today, what are they doing?

Finally, hon members, on behalf of all of us, I congratulate the hon Pregs Govender on her very well-deserved award. [Applause.] I hope that the committee she chairs will succeed in its endeavour to educate and mobilise men to work for the human rights of all members of society. On this day we salute and greet all those who continue to work to implement the Constitution we fought so hard to put in place.

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 12:37. ____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

                       THURSDAY, 7 MARCH 2002

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 (1)    The Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
     submitted the Molaotlhomo wa Pusetso ya Kwadiso ya Babueledi ba
     Semolao ba ba Rileng [M 6 - 2002] (National Assembly - sec 75) to
     the Speaker and the Chairperson on 7 March 2002. This is the
     official translation of the Reinstatement of Enrolment of Certain
     Legal Practitioners Bill [B 6 - 2002] (National Assembly - sec
     75), which was introduced in the National Assembly by the Minister
     on 20 February 2002.


 (2)    The Minister of Home Affairs submitted the umTsetfosivivinyo
     wetiFikinamtfwalo [umTstetfosivivinyo 79 - 2001] (National
     Assembly - sec 75) to the Speaker and the Chairperson on 7 March
     2002. This is the official translation of the Immigration Bill [B
     79 - 2001] (National Assembly - sec 75), which was introduced in
     the National Assembly by the Minister on 1 October 2001.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

Papers:

1. The Minister of Education:

 Report and Financial Statements of the National Student Financial Aid
 Scheme for 2000-2001. COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Defence on the Conventional Arms Control Bill [B 50 - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 5 March 2002:

 The Portfolio Committee on Defence, having considered  the  subject  of
 the Conventional Arms Control Bill  [B 50 - 2000] (National Assembly  -
 sec 75), referred to it and classified by the Joint  Tagging  Mechanism
 as a section 75 Bill, presents the Conventional Arms  Control  Bill  [B
 50B - 2000] (National Assembly - sec 75).


                        FRIDAY, 8 MARCH 2002

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker: (1) The following members have been appointed to serve on the Committee mentioned, viz:

   Ad Hoc Committee on Filling of Vacancies in Human Rights Commission:

   African National Congress

   Arendse, J D; Chalmers, J; Gumede, D M; Kekana, N N; Komphela, B M; Landers, L T; Lobe, M C; Mabe, L; Montsitsi, S D; Ngculu, L V; Ngwenya, M L; Nobunga, B J; Ntuli, B M; Oliphant, G G (Alt); Van der Merwe, S C.

   Democratic Party

   Smuts, M; Swart, P S.

   Inkatha Freedom Party

   Vos, S C.

   New National Party

   Durand, J.

   United Democratic Movement

   Makanda, W G.

   African Christian Democratic Party

   Swart, S N.

   Freedom Front

   Mulder, C P.

   United Christian Democratic Party

   Ditshetelo, P H K.

   Federal Alliance

   Blanché, J P I (Alt); Van Niekerk, A I.

   Minority Front

   Rajbally, S.

   Afrikaner Eenheidsbeweging

   Aucamp, C.

   Azanian People’s Organisation

   Nefolovhodwe, P J.

 (2)    The following changes have been made to the membership of
     Committees, viz:


     Agriculture and Land Affairs:


     Appointed: Mogoba, M S.


     Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:


     Appointed: Pheko, S E M.
     Communications:


     Appointed: De Lille, P.


     Correctional Services:


     Appointed: Mogoba, M S (Alt).


     Defence:


     Appointed: Mogoba, M S.


     Education:


     Appointed: Mogoba, M S.


     Environmental Affairs and Tourism:


     Appointed: Arendse, J D (Alt); Mogoba, M S (Alt).


     Finance:


     Appointed: Moloto, K A; Pheko, S E M (Alt).
     Foreign Affairs:


     Appointed: Pheko, S E M.


     Health:


     Appointed: De Lille, P.


     Home Affairs:


     Appointed: De Lille, P.


     Housing:


     Appointed: De Lille, P (Alt); Semple, J A.


     Justice and Constitutional Development:


     Appointed: Pheko, S E M (Alt).


     Minerals and Energy:


     Appointed: De Lille, P (Alt).


     Public Accounts:


     Appointed: De Lille, P (Alt).


     Public Enterprises:


     Appointed: Pheko, S E M (Alt).


     Provincial and Local Government:


     Appointed: Pheko, S E M (Alt).


     Safety and Security:


     Appointed: Pheko, S E M.


     Water Affairs and Forestry:


     Appointed: Mogoba, M S (Alt).

1. The Speaker:

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:


 (1)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Finance for consideration and report:


     (a)     The Budget Speech of the Minister of Finance [RP 27-2002].


     (b)     Estimate of National Revenue for 2002-2003 [RP 22-2002].


     (c)     Taxation Proposals: Income Tax.


     (d)      Taxation  proposals  in  respect  of  customs  and  excise
          duties.


     (e)     Division of Revenue Bill [B 5 - 2002] tabled  in  terms  of
          section 10(1) of the Intergovernmental Fiscal  Relations  Act,
          1997 (Act No 97 of 1997).


     (f)     Budget Review 2002 [RP 26-2002], including "Annexure E:
          Memorandum to accompany the Division of Revenue Bill", tabled
          in terms of section 10(5) of the Intergovernmental Fiscal
          Relations Act, 1997 (Act No 97 of 1997).


     (g)     Appropriation Bill [B 4 - 2002].


     (h)     Estimate of National Expenditure 2002 [RP 24-2002].


 (2)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Foreign Affairs:


     Memorandum on Vote No 3 - "Foreign Affairs", Main Estimates,  2002-
     2003.


 (3)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Home Affairs:


     Memorandum on Vote No 4 - "Home  Affairs",  Main  Estimates,  2002-
     2003.
 (4)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Provincial and Local Government:


     Memorandum on Vote No 5 - "Provincial and Local  Government",  Main
     Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (5)    The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
     Public Works:


     Memorandum on Vote No 6 - "Public  Works",  Main  Estimates,  2002-
     2003.


 (6)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Communications:


     (a)     Memorandum on Vote No 7 -  "Government  Communications  and
          Information System", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


     (b)      Memorandum  on  Vote  No  26  -   "Communications",   Main
          Estimates, 2002-2003.
 (7)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Finance:


     (a)     Memorandum  on  Vote  No  8  -  "National  Treasury",  Main
          Estimates, 2002-2003.


     (b)     Memorandum on Vote No 13 - "Statistics South Africa",  Main
          Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (8)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Enterprises:


     Memorandum on Vote No 9 - "Public Enterprises", Main Estimates,
     2002-2003.


 (9)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Public Service and Administration:


     (a)     Memorandum on Vote No 10 - "Public Service and
          Administration", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


     (b)     Memorandum on Vote No 11 - "Public Service Commission",
          Main Estimates, 2002-2003.
     (c)     Memorandum on Vote No 12 - "South African Management
          Development Institute", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


(10)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:


     Memorandum on Vote No 14 - "Arts, Culture, Science and
     Technology", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


(11)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
      Education:


      Memorandum on Vote No 15 - "Education", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


(12)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
      Health:


     Memorandum on Vote No 16 - "Health", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


(13)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio  Committee  on
      Housing:


      Memorandum on Vote No 17 - "Housing", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


(14)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio  Committee  on
      Social Development:


      Memorandum on Vote No 18 - "Social Development",  Main  Estimates,
      2002-2003.


(15)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio  Committee  on
      Sport and Recreation:


     Memorandum on Vote No 19 - "Sport  and  Recreation  South  Africa",
     Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (16)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
      Correctional Services:


      Memorandum  on  Vote  No  20  -  "Correctional   Services",   Main
      Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (17)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
      Defence:


      Memorandum on Vote No 21 - "Defence", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (18)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
      Safety and Security:


     (a)     Memorandum on Vote No 22 - "Independent Complaints
          Directorate", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


     (b)     Memorandum on Vote No 24 - "Safety and Security", Main
          Estimates, 2002-2003.


(19)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio  Committee  on
      Justice and Constitutional Development:


     Memorandum  on  Vote  No   23   -   "Justice   and   Constitutional
     Development", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (20)   The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
      Agriculture and Land Affairs:


     (a)     Memorandum on Vote No 25 - "Agriculture",  Main  Estimates,
          2002-2003.


     (b)     Memorandum on Vote No 29 - "Land Affairs", Main  Estimates,
          2002-2003.


(21)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee   on
      Environmental Affairs and Tourism:


     Memorandum on Vote No 27 -  "Environmental  Affairs  and  Tourism",
     Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (22)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
       Labour:


       Memorandum on Vote No 28 - "Labour", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (23)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
       Minerals and Energy:


       Memorandum  on  Vote  No  30  -  "Minerals  and  Energy",   Main
       Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (24)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
       Trade and Industry:


       Memorandum on Vote No 31 - "Trade and Industry", Main Estimates,
       2002-2003.


 (25)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
      Transport:


      Memorandum on Vote No 32 - "Transport", Main Estimates, 2002-2003.


(26)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio  Committee  on
      Water Affairs and Forestry:


     Memorandum on Vote No 33  -  "Water  Affairs  and  Forestry",  Main
     Estimates, 2002-2003.


 (27    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee  on
     Justice and Constitutional Development:


     (a)     Proclamation No R.1  published  in  Government  Gazette  No
          23035 dated 18 January 2002, Referral of  matters  to  Special
          Investigating Unit and Special  Tribunal,  made  in  terms  of
          section 2(2) of the Special Investigating  Units  and  Special
          Tribunals Act, 1996 (Act No 74 of 1996).


     (b)      Government  Notice  No  R.1087  published  in   Government
          Gazette No 22796 dated 26 October 2001,  Magistrates'  Courts:
          Amendment of the Rules of Court, made in terms of section 6 of
          the Rules of Courts of Law Act, 1985 (Act No 107 of 1985).


     (c)     Government Notice No R.1088 published in Government
          Gazette No 22796 dated 26 October 2001, Amendment of the Rules
          regulating the conduct of the proceedings of the several
          provincial and local divisions of the High Court of South
          Africa, made in terms of the Rules of Courts of Law Act, 1985
          (Act No 107 of 1985).


 (28)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
      Labour, Portfolio Committee on Environmental Affairs  and  Tourism
      and to the Portfolio Committee on Sport and Recreation. The Report
      of  the  Auditor-General  contained  in  the  following  paper  is
      referred  to  the  Standing  Committee  on  Public  Accounts   for
      consideration and report:


     Report and Financial Statements of  the  Tourism,  Hospitality  and
     Sport Education and Training Authority for 2000-2001.


(29)    The following paper is referred to the Standing Committee on
      Public Accounts:


      Resolutions of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for 2001
      and replies thereto obtained by the National Treasury: Fifth,
      Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, Eleventh, Twelfth and Thirteenth Reports,
      2001.


 (30)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
      Labour.  The  Report  of  the  Auditor-General  contained  in  the
      following paper is referred to the Standing  Committee  on  Public
      Accounts for consideration and report:


      Report and Financial Statements of the Department  of  Labour  for
      2000-2001, including the Report  of  the  Auditor-General  on  the
      Financial Statements of Vote 19 - Labour for  2000-2001  [RP  130-
      2001].


(31)    The Report of the Auditor-General contained  in  the  following
      paper is referred to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts for
      consideration and report:


     Annual Report: Parliament of the Republic of South Africa for 2000-
     2001, including Financial Statements and the Report of the Auditor-
     General.


(32)    The following paper is referred to the  Standing  Committee  on
      Public Accounts for consideration and report and to the  Portfolio
      Committee  on   Justice   and   Constitutional   Development   for
      information:


      Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial Statements of the
      Office of the Public Protector for 1999-2000 [RP 09-2002].


(33)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio  Committee  on
      Home Affairs and to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts:


      Written  Explanation  from  the  Chairperson  of  the  Independent
      Electoral Commision in terms of the Public Finance Management Act,
      1999 (Act No. 1 of 1999),  setting  out  reasons  why  the  Annual
      Report and the Financial Statements of the  Independent  Electoral
      Commission for 2000-2001 were not tabled in time.


(34)    The following paper is referred to the Portfolio Committee on
      Finance:


     The Financial and Fiscal Commission's Strategic Plan for 2002-
     2003.


 (35)   The following paper is referred to the  Portfolio  Committee  on
      Water Affairs and Forestry:


      Report and Financial Statements of the  Namaqua  Water  Board  for
      2000-2001.


(36)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
      Finance:


     (a)     Proclamation No 6 of 2002 published in  Government  Gazette
          No 23078 dated 31 January 2002,  Commencement  of  section  1,
          Chapter 1 sections 2 to 16, Chapter 2 sections 17  to  20  and
          Chapter 5 sections 72  to  82  exception  section  79  of  the
          Financial Intelligence Centre Act,  2001,  made  in  terms  of
          section 82 of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, 2001 (Act
          No 38 of 2001).


     (b)     Government Notice No R.100 published in Government  Gazette
          No 23080 dated 1 February 2002, Amendment of prescribed  fees,
          made in terms of section 36 of the  Pension  Funds  Act,  1956
          (Act No 24 of 1956).


     (c)     Government Notice No 23105 published in Government  Gazette
          No 23105 dated 15  February  2002,  Amendment  of  regulations
          under the Long-Term Insurance Act,  1998,  made  in  terms  of
          section 72 read with section 49  of  the  Long-Term  Insurance
          Act, 1998 (Act No 52 of 1998).


(37)    The following paper is referred to the  Standing  Committee  on
     Public Accounts for consideration and report and to  the  Portfolio
     Committee on Transport for information:


     Report of the Auditor-General on the Financial  Statements  of  the
     Cross-Border Road Transport Agency for 1999-2000 [RP 89-2001].

TABLINGS:

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

 (1)    Final Report of the Election Observation Mission to the 2001
     Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Government Elections in the
     Republic of Zambia:


       As stated in previous statements to the media and stakeholders,
       the SADC Parliamentary Forum Election Observer Mission for the
       2001 Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Government Elections
       were in the Republic of Zambia from 10th - 30th December 2001.


       The Election Observation Mission to Zambia comprised 26 Members
       of Parliament drawn from Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi,
       Mozambique, Namibia, Tanzania, South Africa, Swaziland and
       Zimbabwe. The coming to Zambia of this Mission was part of the
       SADC Parliamentary Forum's commitment to the struggle for and
       achievement of justice, democracy, gender equality and equity,
       the rule of law, sustainable development and good governance in
       the SADC region.


       The SADC Parliamentary Forum election observation mission's
       mandate was primarily to assess the integrity of the electoral
       process and support the expression of the will of all Zambians
       in the democratic process. As with five other national elections
       that the SADC Parliamentary Forum has observed since 1999, the
       Mission maintained the principle that ultimately, it is the
       constitutional prerogative of the people of Zambia to decide who
       or which party forms the next government of Zambia.


       The Forum's observation programme in Zambia was in five phases,
       namely:
       Voter registration
       Orientation workshop
       Pre-election phase
       Election phase
       Post election phase (declaration of results)


       Upon arrival in Zambia on 10 December 2001, both staff and
       Members of Parliament attended orientation workshop on the socio-
       political, economic situation and electoral systems and
       processes in Zambia. The workshop was aimed at adequately
       briefing Members of Parliament on the obtaining circumstances
       relative to the electoral process. At the end of the orientation
       workshop, the Mission was formally constituted under the
       leadership of the Speaker of the National Assembly of Lesotho,
       Hon. Ntlhoi Motsamai. Hon. Elia Kaiyamo of the National Assembly
       of Namibia was elected deputy mission leader.


       The Mission immediately commenced its work by consulting with
       and receiving briefings from political parties, the Electoral
       Commission of Zambia (ECZ), non-governmental organizations,
       religious leaders, academics and the media among other key
       stakeholders.


       In accordance with established practice, the Mission deployed
       teams in all the nine administrative provinces of Zambia. The
       teams were in the provinces from 14th - 28th December 2001.
       While in the provinces, the teams submitted daily reports of
       their activities and observations to the Mission headquarters in
       Lusaka.


       The team that remained in Lusaka Province comprised Speaker
       Ntlhoi Motsamai of Lesotho (Mission team Leader), Hon. Dr.
       Theresa Cohen of Angola, Hon. Dr. Hassy H.B. Kitine of Tanzania,
       Hon. Aniceto Hamukwaya of Angola and Hon. Lutero Simango of
       Mozambique.


       In addition to its normal observation agenda as it applied to
       other provincial teams, the team took the initiative of further
       consulting with political parties, the Electoral Commission of
       Zambia, non-governmental organizations, relevant government
       authorities and other international observer missions; notably
       the European Union and the Carter Centre.


       At the end of the official designated voting period (27 December
       2001) the provincial teams reconvened in Lusaka and issued an
       interim statement in which the following findings and
       recommendations were made:


          *   The Mission congratulated the people of Zambia for turning
              out in large numbers, for braving the rain and for voting
              in the most peaceful and exemplary manner. In spite of
              the long delays experienced at polling stations in a
              number of provinces, such as Lusaka and Northern
              Provinces among others, Zambians demonstrated remarkable
              patience, tolerance, political maturity and determination
              to cast their votes even late into the early hours of the
              next day.


          *   The Mission established that political parties other than
              the ruling party had either limited access or no access
              to the public media. The Mission noted with serious
              concern that the media in Zambia is regrettably, highly
              polarized and was generally partisan in its coverage of
              the electoral process. Ideally, the public media should
              accord all political parties fair and equal coverage.
          *   While acknowledging and appreciating that the fixing of
              the date of elections in Zambia is the prerogative of the
              President, a situation that obtains in most Westminster-
              style constitutions, the Mission regretted the timing of
              the tripartite elections in Zambia. The Mission noted
              that as the day fell during the festive and comparatively
              rainy season, some voters might have been
              disenfranchised. The Mission was of the view that
              elections should ideally be held during a period most
              convenient to the electorate. The Mission recognized
              however, that notwithstanding the above, the people of
              Zambia turned out in their large numbers and exercised
              their constitutional right.


          *   In recognition of the critical importance of elections as
              the midwife to participatory governance and
              representative democracy, the Mission was of the view
              that authorities consider creating a conducive
              environment for the electorate to exercise the right to
              vote. To this end, the Mission notes with concern that no
              official regard was accorded to 27 December as the day of
              voting - an activity that takes place once in five years.
              The Mission recommended that the date of voting should be
              declared a public holiday. This, it was hoped, would
              allow as many eligible voters as possible to cast their
              ballots. The congestion and long queues that were
              experienced during the just-ended tripartite elections
              could be partly attributed to the fact that some people
              could only find time to vote after working hours - or
              some thirty minutes before the closing of polling
              stations.


          *   Without prejudice to the good work of the Electoral
              Commission of Zambia, particularly in the pre-election
              period, the Mission strongly recommended that the
              Commission overhauls its election management system in
              order to ensure that the integrity of the process is not
              compromised. This was especially in view of the fact that
              in some polling stations, voting could not commence on
              time or only commenced the following day due to
              logistical and administrative problems. Some polling
              stations did not receive election material in time
              leading to delays in the voting process.


          *   In view of the confusion observed during the casting of
              ballots in the tripartite elections, it was recommended
              that where more than one election are held
              simultaneously, transparent ballot boxes be introduced
              together with ballot papers of different colours
              corresponding to the respective ballot boxes. This
              recommendation was based on lesson learned from the 2000
              Tanzania general elections. This would not only save time
              but also reduce the incidence of ballots being cast in
              the wrong ballot boxes.


          *   Without prejudice to the sterling efforts of various NGOs
              in educating voters about the electoral process, the
              Mission noted that, in some cases, voters in the rural
              areas were not fully aware of the voting procedures. The
              Mission strongly recommended that the Electoral
              Commission of Zambia (ECZ) seriously consider taking as
              one of its primary responsibilities, the education of
              voters. It was also recommended that as the primary
              beneficiaries of the electoral process, political parties
              must engage in voter education. The Mission was of the
              view that the efforts of NGOs should complement those
              efforts of the primary stakeholders.


          *   The Mission noted with concern the rather low number of
              registered voters. According to the 2000 Census results,
              there are 4,687,997 adults or about 46% of the population
              in Zambia. However, of that number, at the close of the
              extended voter registration exercise on 31 July 2001,
              only 2,604,761 or 56% of eligible citizens had registered
              to vote. Given the fact that for a variety of reasons not
              all registered voters normally cast their ballots, the
              Mission concluded that the voters' roll of 56% of
              eligible citizens as too low. The Mission also observed
              that on the eve of voting day and on voting day itself,
              many voters had still not collected their cards. The
              Mission noted with appreciation however that the ECZ made
              arrangements for voters to collect their cards on voting
              day. Against this background, the Mission recommended
              that authorities should strive to ensure that the process
              of applying for a National Registration Card is less
              cumbersome. In the same breadth, the Mission welcomed the
              announcement by the ECZ that voter registration would be
              carried out on a continuous basis, and not only in the
              period immediately preceding an election.
          *   In view of the rather slow rate at which election results
              are being released as compared to other elections in the
              past, the Mission urged the Electoral Commission to
              expedite the announcement of election results.


          *   At the relevant time, the Mission also congratulated the
              ECZ and stakeholders for working together in election-
              related Conflict Management Committees. The Mission was
              of the view that such Committees were an essential
              ingredient for a peaceful and participatory electoral
              process.


       The Mission lamented the slow return and declaration of results,
       particularly those relating to the Presidential poll, which made
       it difficult for the Mission and indeed other international
       observers, to pronounce its position on the integrity of the
       entire electoral process.


       It is against this background that it was agreed that a four-
       member team remains in the country to observe the final phase of
       the electoral process. The decision to leave only a four-member
       team was reached against a background of limited financial
       resources to sustain a large team, but also in view of the fact
       that the task at hand required the mission's presence in the
       capital, Lusaka.


       Thus agreed, the Mission team leader, Hon. Speaker Ntlhoi
       Motsamai of Lesotho, the deputy team leader, Hon. Elia Kaiyamo
       of Namibia, Hon. Lureto C. Simango of Mozambique and Hon. Dr.
       Hassy H.B. Kitine of the United Republic of Tanzania remained in
       the country to assess the final declaration and announcement of
       results.


       In spite of the repeated assurances by the Electoral Commission
       that based established practice since 1962, and in terms of the
       electoral laws, the President-elect and indeed all the new
       Parliamentarians would be known "twenty- four hours after
       voting", the unprecedented delays in the declaration of the
       results impacted negatively on the credibility of the Electoral
       Commission. Notwithstanding the fact that the tripartite
       elections were being conducted for the first time in the
       electoral history of Zambia, the delay in the declaration of the
       results was unacceptable. The delays raised questions about the
       integrity of the process itself and created fertile ground for
       unnecessary suspicions among stakeholders. This problem was
       further aggravated by allegations that some of the results
       announced at the Electoral Commission headquarters were
       different from those counted and verified at polling stations.
       The Commission did not produce proof to disprove of such
       allegations.


       The fact that incoming faxed results from the districts could
       not be monitored as there were data captured by the Electoral
       Commission headquarters by party agents; observers or monitors
       left much to be desired.


       While the counting and announcement of provisional results by
       returning officers could be monitored and verified by party
       agents and observers, there was no monitoring and verification
       at the Electoral Commission headquarters as the results were
       being received from the constituencies.


       There were clear cases of discrepancies between the results
       announced and verified at polling stations and those announced
       by the Commission. The Commission attributed these anomalies
       exclusively to the technical failures of fax machines leading to
       the omission of some figures. However, the mission did not find
       the explanation plausible. In fact, these anomalies raised
       questions as to the prevalence of the anomalies and their
       possible correction.


       As the results trickled in, there was perceived selective
       announcement of results from constituencies widely seen as
       strongholds of the ruling party. This created the impression
       that the results were being unfairly announced to the nation.


       As indicated in the mission's Preliminary Statement issued on 30
       December 2001, up to the level of the announcement of the
       provisional results at the polling station, the mission
       considered the process free and transparent in respect of the
       parliamentary poll.
       However, the painstakingly slow release of results, coupled with
       the apparent lack of effective supervision and transparency
       between the transmission and collation of those results to the
       Commission headquarters, the tabulation and final announcement
       of results, a crisis of confidence in the outcome was created.


       In view of the above, the SADC Parliamentary Forum mission to
       the 2001 Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Government
       elections is of the view that although the elections were
       generally free, the nature of the defects was such that the
       Mission was unable to confirm the accuracy of the results.


       As part of its contribution to strengthening democracy in the
       region, and based on lessons learned and experiences gained in
       observing elections in Mozambique, Namibia, Mauritius, Zimbabwe,
       and Tanzania, the SADC Parliamentary Forum adopted Norms and
       Standards for Elections in the SADC region on 25 March 2001.


       Based on these norms, the mission recommends:


              Strict adherence to the electoral laws and the provisions
              of the Constitution.


              There should be immediate release of official results on
              completion of counting, signed by returning officers and
              confirmed by party agents.


              Verification and reconciliation of ballots should be done
              before counting begins and this should be done in the
              presence of candidates and or their agents.


              The Electoral Commission should prepare and make
              available a timetable of the electoral process including
              the acquisition of electoral materials, the packaging and
              distribution to polling stations. The timetable,
              including all stages of electoral events should, by law,
              be made accessible to all stakeholders.


              Election laws should be reviewed to make it possible for
              election related disputes to be disposed of before the
              declaration of the results.


       As stated in the Norms and Standards for Elections in the SADC
       region, parliaments and governments in the region should
       seriously consider adopting and implementing the norms and
       standards in their electoral systems and practices. This "...
       would certainly go a long way in entrenching a democratic
       culture, in minimizing conflict and contributing to political
       stability and peaceful development in Southern Africa." [SADC
       Parliamentary Forum Norms and Standards for Elections in the
       SADC region, 2001.]


 (2)    SADC Parliamentary Forum Election Observation Report for Zambia,
     05 - 30 December 2001:

CREDA INSERT REPORT